The History

MICHAEL ATTALEIATES

4
Translated by

ANTHONY KALDELLIS
and DIMITRIS KRALLIS

‘DUMBARTON OAKS
MEDIEVAL LIBRARY

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
LONDON, ENGLAND
2012

Made from an existing file at Internet Archive, here.

This material is presented solely for non-commercial educational/research purposes.

DUMBARTON OAKS MEDIEVAL LIBRARY

Jan M. Ziolkowski, General Editor

Alice-Mary Talbot, Byzantine Greek Editor

Byzantine Greek Editorial Board

Alexander Alexakis
Charles Barber
John Duffy
Niels Gaul
Richard Greenfield
Anthony Kaldellis
Derek Krueger
Eustratios Papaioannou
Claudia Rapp

Byzantine Greek Advisory Board

Wolfram Brandes Anthony Littlewood
Albrecht Berger Margaret Mullett
Elizabeth A. Fisher Jan Olof Rosenqvist
Clive Foss Jonathan Shepard
John Haldon Denis Sullivan
Robert Jordan John Wortley
Copyright © 2012 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Attaleiates, Michael, 11th cent.
[Corpus scriptorum historiae byzantinae. English & Greek]
The history / Michael Attaleiates ; translated by Anthony Kaldellis and
Dimitris Krallis.
p. cm. — (Dumbarton Oaks medieval library; DOML 16)
Greek with English translation on facing pages.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-674-05799-9 (alk. paper)
1. Byzantine Empire— History I. Kaldellis, Anthony. II. Krallis,
Dimitris. III. Title.
DF503.C813 2012
949.5 02— dc23 2012007932
 Contents

Introduction vit

THE History ı

Note on the Text 589

Notes to the Text 593
Notes to the Translation 595
Byzantine Emperors and Patriarchs 611
Glossary of Offices, Titles, and Technical Terms 613
Maps 619
Bibliography 624
Subject Index 626
Index of Terms and Offices 635
 Introduction

THe Lire or MICHAEL ATTALEIATES

Michael Attaleiates was born in or near Attaleia (on the

southern coast of Asia Minor) sometime around 1025. Upon
completion of his early education, which he credits to his
pious parents, he left his hometown and moved to the cap-
ital in order to pursue more advanced studies. As the empire
was lavishing social and economic advantages upon the
members of its civilian administration, Attaleiates sought to
join the expanding ranks of functionaries. He studied law in
Constantinople’s vibrant intellectual scene at a time when
the stimulating lectures of Michael Psellos were attracting
youths born into families of means.
Between his arrival in the city, in the late 1030s, and the
closing years of the 1060s, when he assumed a prominent
role in Constantinople’s public life, Attaleiates completed
his studies in law (probably before Konstantinos IX’s reor-
ganization of legal education in 1047), obtained a post in the
legal bureaucracy, and wed his first wife, Sophia, and then,
after her death, his second wife, Eirene, who gave him a son,
Theodoros. He rose steadily in the system of justice, but not
too fast and without much by way of provincial appoint-
ments.’ In 1063, when a great earthquake struck Thrace,

vii
 INTRODUCTION

causing serious damage to property he owned in Raidestos,

he was still on the threshold of his career?
Under Konstantinos X Doukas (r. 1059-1067), Attaleiates
entered the Senate as a ranking member of the Constanti-
nopolitan law courts. Soon after that emperor's death, he at-
tained a modicum of notoriety by sitting on the court that
tried the conspirator and future emperor Romanos IV Diog-
enes.? In the following months, Romanos moved from the
docket to the throne (r. 1067—1071) and Attaleiates entered
his close circle, promoted to the previously unattested posi-
tion of "judge of the army" This was the beginning of four
years of intense military activity that the judge personally
experienced by accompanying three long campaigns along
the eastern frontier. His presence in the field as well as his
involvement in the planning and execution of Romanos's
ambitious attempt to push back the Turks turned Attaleiates
into ἃ supporter of, and eventual apologist for, that em-
peror.
A new phase of his career began after the Byzantine de-
feat by the Seljuks at the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, when
Romanos's efforts came to a crushing end, possibly as a re-
sult of treason orchestrated by members of the Doukas fam-
ily. It is a testament to Attaleiates’ political acumen and his
connections that he was able to sail straight back to the cap-
ital and claim a position at the new imperial court. Α timely
dedication of a treatise on law, the Ponema Nomikon, to the
emperor Michael VII Doukas (r. 1071-1078) and loyal ser-
vice in the face of personal sacrifice ensured his continued
rise in the social and political scene.‘ In this period of impe-
rial retrenchment and political chaos, Attaleiates kept scour-
ing the empire's political horizons for the man who would
 INTRODUCTION

best engineer the Roman comeback. This agonizing search

is reflected in the History, a narrative of the imperial decline
of his times, which he eventually dedicated to Nikephoros
III Botaneiates (τ. 1078-1081), the elderly general who top-
pled Michael VII. At the end of that narrative, sometime in
the second year of Botaneiates' reign, we lose track of Atta-
leiates, who must not have long outlived the rise of Alexios I
Komnenos, given that he had no opportunity to rededicate
the History to the young aristocrat who figures in his work as
the only truly effective leader of men in the field.

THE PoNEMA NOMIKON AND THE DIATAXIS

Though mostly known for the History, Attaleiates offers his

readers a glimpse into his personal life, career, professional
expertise, social outlook, and financial interests in two very
different texts penned in the 1070s. The Ponema Nomikon is
a synopsis of Roman law and was dedicated to Michael VII
in 1072/3 while the Diataxis is a monastic foundation docu-
ment compiled in 1077 that offers information on the hold-
ings and organization of a monastery and poorhouse in the
author's possession. Both texts can be read in tandem with
the History to complement its patchy portrait of the author's
career and offer valuable insights into his outlook.
The Ponema appears to have become quite a popular text.
It was frequently recopied—it is found today in some
twenty-four manuscripts —and was used by Armenopoulos
in his monumental work on Roman law. Modern legal schol-
ars have treated it as the work of a sober legal mind and have
compared it favorably to Michael Psellos's verse Synopsis of
the Laws. The Ponema is basically a summary of the massive
 INTRODUCTION

Bastlika, the Greek translation and adaptation of Justinian's

Corpus and the empire's foundational body of law. Still, it
displays the author's personal understanding of law. Its re-
arrangement of the book order of the Basilika and its em-
phasis in the introduction on the Republican origins of
Roman law frame the ideological significance of law by fo-
cusing on personal rights and on republican historical prec-
edent in ways that complement the Republican digressions
in the History?
The Diataxis offers a counterpoint to Attaleiates’ more
secular writings while highlighting the author's financial
concerns. 'Two copies of this document survive: an original
one bearing his autograph signature, which is housed in the
National Library in Athens, and an eighteenth-century copy
in the patriarchal library in Istanbul. The Diataxis estab-
lishes a monastery in Constantinople conjoined to a poor-
house in the city of Raidestos. It provides for the support of
up to seven monks, preferably eunuchs.? It refers the reader
to a now lost typikon for a detailed discussion of the monas-
tery's spiritual life while delving extensively into the fiscal
nature of the founder's pious investments. The western gate
at Raidestos and Constantinople's southwestern neighbor-
hood of Psamathia emerge as the foci of these investments.?
In those areas the judge and his son, Theodoros, became no-
table figures, as the Diataxis allocated funds for the celebra-
tion of their memory during services conducted in a number
of local churches and monasteries. Analysis has assessed At-
taleiates’ net worth (both liquid assets and real estate) at
roughly 150 pounds of gold: hardly impressive by the stan-
dards of the Byzantine aristocracy.!? The Diataxis “insured”
this fortune by associating a notable portion of Attaleiates'
 INTRODUCTION

annual revenues with an ostensibly inviolable pious founda-

tion protected by two imperial decrees."
The Diataxis contains reflections on the founder's past,
his origins in the city of Attaleia, and the roots that he put
down in Constantinople, Raidestos, and the port city of Se-
lymbria. The self-made high judge deploys the language of
reciprocity and presents himself as a patron of other men,
local benefactor, and adept economic agent as well as a loyal
subject and himself a recipient of imperial benefaction. The
language of the chrysoboulla (imperial grants or decisions au-
thenticated by "gold seals") attached to che end of the docu-
ment bears witness to the personal nature of the interaction
between subject and emperor and attests Attaleiates' prox-
imity to two consecutive administrations (of Michael VII
and Nikephoros III) and his ability to maneuver him-
self successfully through palace revolutions. Notes on this
document made by members of the monastery after the
founder’s death provide a terminus post quem for Theodoros’s
death and for the extinction of Attaleiates’ line sometime
around 1085.

BYZANTIUM IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY

The period of Attaleiates’ life, which largely coincides with

that of his History, witnessed the turbulent transition be-
tween the long career of the Macedonian dynasty and the
rise of the Komnenoi. The sisters Zoe and Theodora, daugh-
ters of Konstantinos VIII, provided the long coda to the
Macedonian dynasty: they mostly legitimated emperors
from other families rather than ruling in their own right.
Zoe married Romanos III Argyros (r. 1028-1034) and then
 INTRODUCTION

her lover Michael IV (r. 1034-1041), adopted the latter's

nephew Michael V (r. 1041-1042), and finally married Kon-
stantinos IX Monomachos (r. 1042-1055). Her sister Theo-
dora then reigned in her own name for about a year (1055-
1057). After the brief and weak reign of a senior palace
official, Michael VI, who was called “the Old Man,” the first
emperor to bear the name Komnenos seized the throne fol-
lowing a major civil war: Isaakios I (r. 1057—1059). But before
he could establish his family, he was displaced by the Dou-
kas dynasty (Konstantinos X, r. 1059-1067, and Michael
VII, r. 1071-1078). The Doukai, in their own moment of
weakness, had to accept the martial rule of Romanos IV Di-
ogenes (1067-1071), which ended in catastrophe and be-
trayal. The incompetent Michael VII resumed the throne
but eventually lost it to an elderly general, Nikephoros III
Botaneiates (r. 1078-1081), under whom Alexios, soon to be
the real founder of the Komnenoi dynasty, rose to promi-
nence.
There was, then, considerable instability in the imperial
succession during this period. Michael V was destroyed by a
popular uprising; Michael VI had to step down after he lost
a civil war; Isaakios I was probably forced out by a coup; Ro-
manos IV Diogenes was a resented interloper in the Doukas
dynasty and was renounced and defeated in a civil war after
Mantzikert; and Michael VII was deposed by Nikephoros
III, who was himself to be deposed by his general, the fu-
ture Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081-1118). One of the main fea-
tures and structural problems of imperial history in this pe-
riod, therefore, and one to which Attaleiates devotes
considerable attention in the History, was rebellion and civil
war. The powerful armies by which the emperor-generals
 INTRODUCTION

Nikephoros II Phokas (r. 963-969), Ioannes Tzimiskes (r.

969—976), and Basileios II (r. 976-1025) had restored the
strength of the empire and expanded its boundaries on all
sides were now pitted against each other, as the ambitious
and capable generals produced by this militaristic regime
turned their eyes to the ultimate prize, the imperial throne.
In the first period of the History, when the empire was not
yet losing ground to its foreign enemies, Attaleiates re-
counts, among others, the revolts of Georgios Maniakes
(1043), Leon Tornikes (1047), and Isaakios Komnenos (1057).
The frequency of plots, conspiracies, and rebellions seems
to have increased after that point, and during the reign of
Michael VII there were often many in play at the same time
in different regions (or even in the same region). Alexios
Komnenos managed to restore stability eventually, but when
Attaleiates was writing, the political scene of the Byzantine
Empire was in chaos: Romans seemed to be more intent on
fighting other Romans than the barbarians who were now
attacking them from all sides.
That brings us to the third major feature of this period.
For a generation after the death of Basileios II in 1025, the
empire was mostly at peace and expanding its reach, espe-
cially in Sicily and the Caucasus region, by (re)conquering
territories or annexing principalities into the 1040s. But
when it began to experience the political and dynastic insta-
bility described above, it faced sustained attack on all sides
by new enemies, including some it had not known before or
had not faced along its borders. By 1071 it had lost its Italian
possessions to a new power, the Normans. The Danube be-
came unstable after the arrival of groups of Pechenegs,
whom the Byzantines had long known but never faced.

xiii
 INTRODUCTION

Major incursions began in the 1040s. More importantly,

most of Asia Minor was overrun by the Turks, including
groups that were affiliated with the Seljuk sultan and others
that seem to have been acting independently Major incur-
sions on that front began in the 1060s, culminated in the
catastrophic defeat in 1071 at Mantzikert, and led to the
permanent loss of most of central Anatolia and che Cauca-
sian territories. When Alexios became emperor, these
threats came to a head in the Norman and then Pecheneg-
Cuman invasions of the Balkans, and it was his achievement
to steer the empire safely through that danger. But the task
of Attaleiates was to record and, if possible, explain how it
had come to that point, starting in the 1030s, when the em-
pire could see no major threats to its interests arising from
any direction.
The Byzantine eleventh century witnessed many other
changes as well—intellectual (especially Michael Psellos),
spiritual (for example, Symeon the New Theologian), eco-
nomic and social (especially the consolidation of power by
the leading families), and administrative
—but except for
the last two, these changes do not feature prominently in
the History compared to the political and military disinte-
gration of what was by then the world's oldest state.

THE LITERARY GENRE OF THE HIsTorr

Byzantine historiography of this period—say, the tenth
through twelfth centuries—is difficult to classify by sub-
genre, as each author produced a unique type of narrative
that promoted his particular goals and literary objectives.
All were in some way structured around the sequence of

xiv
 INTRODUCTION

imperial reigns, yet here Attaleiates is most idiosyncratic in

relation to his peers. For starters, his narrative, which is 322
pages in the Bonn edition, is not subdivided by reign or any
other principle; it is a single continuous text. While Attalei-
ates does usually indicate the length of each emperor's reign
after recounting his or her death, thus providing breaks of a
sort, the intervening sections do not always focus on the
emperor’s activities, and there is much intermediate matter
that does not fall neatly under a reign. Some stretches are
basically accounts of a single reign—for example, the cover-
age of Romanos IV— while others focus more on the rebels
who tried to topple the emperor and sometimes did (for ex-
ample, in the cases of Michael VI and Michael VII).
The History covers reigns that encompass the years from
1034 to about 1079, but the coverage is uneven in many ways.
First— and this was typical —the coverage of recent history
is far more detailed than that of the earlier reigns. The
seven-year reign of Michael IV at the start of the work is
covered in only two pages, while the four years of Romanos
IV, including his downfall, receive over eighty. Second, the
geographical focus is uneven. Sicily and the west appear at
the very beginning and disappear thereafter. The Danube
frontier figures prominently in the account of the reign of
Konstantinos IX but then gradually fades from view. The
main focus of the work overall appears to be the east, espe-
cially the warfare against the Seljuks under Romanos IV.
This distribution was not just a result of following the ac-
tion, for Attaleiates omits events that were transpiring in
places outside his moving spotlight. The one theme that
runs throughout the work is the growing political instability
of the empire and the incompetence and disloyalty of its
 INTRODUCTION

political and military classes. Attaleiates includes some

strongly worded criticisms of his contemporaries, and his
effort to explain the decline during the eleventh century
centered less on tracking broad geostrategic changes or, for
that matter, social and economic developments and more
on the moral failures and lapses in leadership of the Roman
elite, which he castigates.
The narrative is dominated by war and political rivalry.
By contrast, there is little discussion of administrative re-
forms (e.g., 5.5, under Konstantinos IX), only one, extremely
garbled geographical digression (27.12), a few digressions on
strange natural phenomena, and almost no ethnography of
foreign nations. Speeches are few and usually short. The ma-
terial on Nikephoros Botaneiates is less historical and more
panegyrical, and its relationship to the rest of the text is
complex. Botaneiates was the dedicatee of the History and
someone from whom Attaleiates was probably seeking fa-
vors and offices. Thus, whereas the rest of the text is critical,
all discussions of Botaneiates are positive. His heroic ap-
pearances prior to the 1070s are obvious later additions to
the narrative (e.g., 7.13-16 and 11.6), suggesting that Attalei-
ates had been working on the History before Botaneiates’ ac-
cession, which required retroactive insertions. The account
of his reign in the History is in form a panegyric, which be-
gins by praising his ancestors, virtues, and so on, according
to the usual formula. But this begins in the middle of the
narration of the reign of Michael VII, when Botaneiates re-
belled, compromising the integrity of the reign both in real-
ity and textually: the usurper overshadows the emperor he
replaced. The grim and typically critical narrative of Mi-
chael’s reign is thus punctuated by praises of Botaneiates, an
 INTRODUCTION

odd contrast. After Botaneiates takes the throne, the pane-

gyric focuses on his legal initiatives (36.11-16), reflecting the
author's own interest and expertise in this area. The sincer-
ity of all this praise, however, is doubtful; a change in regime
would have relegated Botaneiates to the heap of imperial
failure where he belonged. There are signs in the text that
Attaleiates was critical of his excessive generosity, the alli-
ances that he made with the Türks against his domestic op-
ponents, and his failure to turn back the barbarian assaults.

NoTE ON THE TRANSLATION

Attaleiates’ style is not the most flowing. It is sometimes

slow- going or obscure, and while it can be startlingly direct
at times, it can also hide a specific sense behind abstract,
even vague terminology. This translation aims, in principle,
to be a literal rendition of the Greek while recovering the
specific sense behind the allusive text and remaining faith-
ful to the texture of the historian's prose. It is, inevitably, a
balancing act, though meant primarily for use by historians.
For example, Attaleiates normally specifies the names of his
protagonists, but in the final section of the History, which
becomes a panegyric on Botaneiates, he adopts the conceit
of that genre to avoid proper names and refers to "the one
man" and “the other man” or “the current emperor" and “the
previous emperor.” To signal this switch of genre, we follow
this convention when it is clear from the context who is
meant (though in some places we have supplied the specific
names).
This three-hundred-page narrative seems never to have
been divided formally into books or sections of any kind.

xvii
 INTRODUCTION

Conventionally scholars cite it by referring to the page

numbers of the Bonn edition, which we have included in
bold brackets throughout. We have also divided the text
into sections, ranging from two to fifteen pages long, based
on narrative coherence. These divisions, and their titles, are
our own. In accordance with the guidelines of the series, we
have restricted the notes to a minimum, covering mostly
prosopographical and chronological issues; for the location
of most places mentioned in the text, the reader should con-
sult the maps we have provided.
Attaleiates was sensitive to rank, as the court hierarchy
was the structure of his own life. Unlike many Byzantine au-
thors, he explicitly names the dignities and offices of his
protagonists, which we have transliterated directly, itali-
cized, and explained in the glossary. It would be misleading
to translate some of these (e.g., a doux was not a duke), and
many cannot be translated meaningfully (e.g., vestes). High-
lighting these terms in this way reveals how enmeshed this
history was in the institutions of the Byzantine state. As for
the spelling of Byzantine names, we believe that Anglicizing
and Latinizing them is a practice that ought to stop, as it is a
form of distortion and insensitivity that is currently inflicted
on virtually no other past or present foreign culture (except
ancient Greece, of course). Still, no system can be applied
with full consistency.

We wish to acknowledge our debt to the late George Den-

nis, who before his death made available to us his draft
translation of the section on the reign of Romanos IV. He
was possibly the first to attempt to translate that part of the

xviii
 INTRODUCTION

History into a modern language. We corrected his draft in

many places and standardized its prose to match our own,
but tried to preserve his wording where possible.
The only reason this translation exists is that Alice-Mary
Talbot asked us to do it, kept us on schedule after we agreed,
and played a leading role in creating the series in which it
appears. And not only that: she and Stratis Papaioannou
then carefully checked the first draft of the translation
against the original, saving us from many errors and improv-
ing the English style throughout. This is often a tricky text,
and a close review by such eminently qualified colleagues
proved to be invaluable. We are extremely grateful to both
and can take credit only for the remaining errors. Our deep-
est thanks go also to Inmaculada Pérez Martín, both for
preparing an excellent critical edition of the text, with help-
ful notes and a Spanish translation, and for graciously giving
us the electronic text of her edition to accompany our trans-
lation. Charis Messis and Stephanos Efthymiades offered
sound advice on some difficult passages, while Mark Bartu-
sis and John Haldon advised us on certain technical terms
(fiscal and military, respectively). The Open University of
Cyprus provided technical assistance by scanning the type-
script of George Dennis's translation of the reign of Roma-
nos IV. As always, we have Ian Mladjov to thank for the
wonderful maps.

. NOTES

1 Diataxis 27.150-53.
2 Diataxis 27.151-54.
3 History 16.10.
4 History 31.4 on supporting the Doukai during Bryennios’s rebellion;
 INTRODUCTION

History 31.8 on damage to his property in Raidestos as a consequence of his

loyalty to the sitting emperor.
5 The text is in I. and P. Zepos, Jus Graecoromanum (Athens, 1931), 7: 411--
97.
6 See the introduction by J. Thomas and translation by A.-M. Talbot,
"Rule of Michael Attaleiates for His Almshouse in Rhaidestos and for the
Monastery of Christ Panoiktirmon in Constantinople," in J. Thomas and A.
Constantinides Hero, eds., Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents: A
Complete Translation of tbe Surviving Founders’ Typika and Testaments (Wash-
ington, D.C., 2000), I: 326—76.
7 See Krallis, Michael Attaleiates, Introduction, for this analysis.
8 Diataxis 339—40, 346.
9 Attaleiates also possessed rental property at Thracian Selymbria (Di-
ataxis 341) and estates in the thema of Macedonia (361-64).
10 C. Morrisson and J.-C. Cheynet, “Prices and Wages in the Byzantine
World,” in A. Laiou, ed., Economic History of Byzantium (Washington, D.C.,
2002), 2: 869.
11 Lemerle, Cing études, 111, on Attaleiates’ rhetoric of piety.
 SS |
| THE HISTORY |
 Λόγος προσφωνητικὸς ἐκφωνηθεὶς
παρὰ Μιχαὴλ μαγίστρου βέστου
καὶ κριτοῦ τοῦ Ἀτταλειάτου
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τὸν Βοτανειάτην

Ds μέν, ὦ θειότατε βασιλεῦ, πᾶσαν παιδείαν Ev τε στρα-

τιωτικοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ μάχαις καὶ στρατηγίαις παντοδαπαῖς
καὶ ἀνδραγαθίαις καὶ πρὸ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξησκηκὼς καὶ
φιλάνθρωπος πᾶσι καὶ γαληνὸς καὶ παντὸς τύφου γενόμε-
νος ὑψηλότερος, ποθεινότατος ἐλογίζου καὶ τῆς πρώτης
καὶ βασιλικῆς ἀξίας ἐπάξιος. Βασιλεύσας δὲ ψήφῳ Θεοῦ
καὶ ἱκεσίᾳ πάντων ὁμοῦ καὶ συνθήκῃ τῶν τὰ σὰ γινωσκόν-
τῶν ὑπερφυῆ προτερήματα, τὸν πλοῦτον τῆς σῆς ἀγαθό-
τήτος ἔτι μᾶλλον τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐξέχεας ἀφθονώτατα, ὅσῳ καὶ
τὴν τιμὴν ὑπερτέραν | περιεζώσω καὶ πάντων ἐξοχωτέραν
τῇ τοῦ κράτους ὑπεροχῇ, ποικίλαις γὰρ καὶ παντοίαις τι-
μαῖς καὶ δώροις καὶ ἀφθόνοις χαρίσμασι καὶ ὅσοις οὐδὲ
πάντες οἱ πρὸ σοῦ βασιλεύσαντες τοὺς ἐν τοῖς χρόνοις
αὐτῶν ἀνθρώπους ἠμείψαντο, κατελάμπρυνας τὸ ὑπήκοον
 Chapter 1

Dedication

[3] Dedicatory address declaimed

by Michael Attaleiates,
magistros, vestes, and krites,
to the emperor Botaneiates
Vou, O most divine emperor, were considered the most
desirable and worthy man for the highest office, I mean the
imperial one, because even before you came to the throne
you had obtained a comprehensive training in military arms,
battles, stratagems of every type, and brave deeds, and also
because you were compassionate to everyone, gentle, and
above all vanity. Ascending to the throne by the will of God
and the unanimous pleading and consent of all who are
aware of your extraordinary advantages, you have poured
out to all people the wealth of your goodness even more
abundantly than before, insofar as you have girded yourself
with a higher office [4] that is preeminent above all the oth-
ers in the superiority of its power. You have made your sub-
jects shine with the luster of a wide variety of every type of
office, gift, and ample favor, so many of them in fact that all
the emperors together who ever reigned before you did not
reward the men of their time so richly. You have become
 THE HISTORY

καὶ γέγονας τῷ ὄντι τῶν πρὸ cob βασιλέων βασιλικώτερος

ὡς καὶ τοσούτους πολεμίους καὶ τυράννους καθυποτάξας
καὶ βίον ἐκ παίδων ἔχων τῶν ἀνδραγαθημάτων τὸ μέγε-
θος.
Ὅθεν καὶ ἀγώνων ὑπόθεσις μεγίστη γέγονας τοῖς περὶ
λόγους ἐσπουδακόσιν εἰς τὸ συγγράφειν τῶν σῶν κατορ-
θωμάτων τὸ περιούσιον. ‘Enel δέ, ὥσπερ τις ὀλυμπιονίκης,
σεαυτῷ τὰ πάντα καθυπέταξας ἀκριβῶς καὶ οὐδὲν ἀφῆκας
τῶν ἐπαινουμένων ἐν κόσμῳ ἀκατόρθωτόν τε καὶ ἀνυπό-
τακτον, εἶτα καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις καὶ πόνοις ὑψη-
λοτάτοις σπουδὴν ὅλον ἔτρεψας σεαυτόν, ἡμέρας μὲν τοῖς
ἄθλοις καὶ τοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων ὄχλοις πονῶν καὶ ταῖς φι-
λοτίμοις καὶ κοσμιωτάτοις δημηγορίαις καὶ τοῖς κοσμικοῖς
διατάγμασι καὶ διακοσμήμασι, νύκτωρ δὲ τοῖς λόγοις φι-
λοπονῶν καὶ κάλλος ἀμήχανον ἑαυτῷ ἐξυφαίνων εἰς ἑνὸς
κόσμου ἤ, τό γε ἀληθέστερον εἰπεῖν, ὑπερκοσμίου δόξης
συμπλήρωσιν.
Ἁλουργίδα τε καὶ στέφανον οὐκ ἀποχρῶντα τῆς βασι-
λείας ἡγήσω παράσημα, στέφανον δὲ χαρίτων καὶ ἁλουρ-
vida ξενοπρεπῆ δι’ εὐσεβείας καὶ φιλανθρωπίας καὶ ἀρετῆς
διαπαντὸς ἐπιδείκνυσαι καὶ τῷ στέψαντί σε Θεῷ κατὰ τὸ
δυνατὸν ἀνθρώπῳ γενέσθαι ὅμοιος περισπούδαστον ἔρ-
γον πεποίησαι, ὡς καὶ τῇ ἀναγνώσει καὶ ἀσκήσει τῶν λό-
yov δικάζειν ἀριπρεπῶς καὶ νομίμως καὶ πράττειν | ἃ χρὴ
καὶ πᾶσιν ὑποδεικνύειν ἀψευδὲς σύμβολον τὰ τῶν νυκτε-
ρινῶν σου λόγων σπουδάσματα. Καὶ ὡς τὰς βίβλους ἀλη-
θῶς περιέπεις καὶ τούτων ἐπιμελῶς ἀκροᾷ, μείζονα λοιπὸν
 CHAPTER I

truly more imperial than all previous emperors, given the

sheer number of enemies and usurpers that you have sub-
dued and also given that ever since childhood you have made
it your life's work to accomplish noble deeds.
For this reason, you have become a great cause for com-
petition among those who strive to compose accounts of
your noble achievements.! Like an Olympic victor? you have
become a consummate master of all things, for nothing that
is praised in this world have you left unaccomplished or be-
yond the reach of your power. Then you devoted yourself
entirely to zeal for both letters and labors of the most lofty
kind, so that your days are busy with feats, the multitude of
labors that come from public affairs, public speaking that
grants honor and brings order, and edicts and regulations
for this world, while at night you enjoy the labor of letters,
weaving in yourself an irresistible beauty that leads to the
completion of one ordered world? or, to put it more truth-
fully, a glory that transcends the world.
You did not think that a crown and imperial mantle were
adequate insignia of kingship, so you always reveal yourself
as crowned instead by grace and as wearing the unconven-
tional mantles of piety, compassion, and virtue. You have
made it your most zealous endeavor to be as similar to the
God who crowned you as is possible for a human being, so
that through your general reading and practice with letters
you may judge cases lawfully and with distinction, and do
[5] what is necessary, and thus manifest to everyone the irre-
futable proof of your nocturnal study of letters. And because
you treat books with the care they deserve and pay close at-
tention to what they say, you have made our task all the more
 THE HISTORY

ἡμῖν τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ ἀκμαιότερον τέθεικας, ὥστε προφέρειν

τι τῶν σῶν τουτωνὶ λογικῶν σπουδασμάτων ἐπάξιον.
Διὰ δὴ ταῦτα καί τινα δέλτον συντάξας ἐκ τῶν προσ-
εχῶς τοῖς ἡμετέροις χρόνοις γεγενημένων πράξεων ἔν τε
πολέμοις καὶ μάχαις καὶ νίκαις καὶ ἥτταις καὶ πολεμικοῖς
κατορθώμασιν ἢ ἀτυχήμασι, προσθεὶς δὲ καὶ τὰς αἰτίας
κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν τῶν οὕτω τετελεσμένων, εἶτα παρατείνας
τὸν λόγον, ἢ καὶ ἐξαρτύσας, ὡς ἐνηδύσμασί! τισι, τοῖς παρ-
ἐμπίπτουσιν ἀπροόπτως σημείοις, ἀρετάς τε καὶ κακίας
τῶν ἀρξάντων καὶ ἡγεμονικῶς ὑπαρξάντων ἀναταξάμενος,
συνεπιπλέξας δὲ καὶ φυσικάς τινας τεχνολογίας καὶ ζώων
ἰδέας ἀναφανείσας τοῖς τότε καιροῖς καὶ ἁπλῶς ποικίλην
τινὰ βίβλον, ὥσπερ λειμῶνα τοῖς ἄνθεσι βρύουσαν, ἀπο-
τερματίσας ἐπὶ ἐξηγήσει τούτων ἁπάντων. Καὶ γὰρ εἰ καὶ
περὶ τῶν ἡμῖν ἐγνωσμένων φθέγγεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν καινο-
πρεπῶν πραγμάτων χύσις οὐ βούλεται ταῦτα σιγῇ παρελ-
θεῖν καὶ εἰς λήθην τούτων τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλθεῖν. Ταύ-
τὴν, ὥσπερ τι καλλιέρημα καὶ δεξίωμα δουλικόν, τῇ σῇ
φιλανθρωπίᾳ καὶ φιλοχρίστῳ σπουδῇ ἀναφέρω καὶ ἀνα-
τίθημι, ὡς ἂν τῇ ταύτης κρίσει καὶ μεγαλοφυεῖ διαγνώσει
διατεθῶσι τὰ καλῶς | ἔχοντα καί, εἰ μή τι ἄλλο, τό γε πρό-
θυμον τῆς ἐμῆς δουλώσεώς τε καὶ πίστεως εὐπρόσδεκτον
λογισθῇ θυμίαμα τῇ σῇ βασιλικωτάτῃ καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ
μεγαλειότητι μετρεῖν εἰδυίᾳ μὴ τῇ ἀξίᾳ τοῦ διδομένου
ἀλλὰ τῇ διαθέσει καὶ πίστει τοῦ διδόντος τὸ ἀνταπό-
δομα.
 CHAPTER I

difficult and challenging, if we are to offer you something

worthy of these intellectuäl labors of yours.
For this reason I have written a book containing an ac-
count of the deeds that took place during our time in wars
and battles, both the victories and the defeats, the military
accomplishments and the reversals, and I have added the
causes why they happened the way they did, to the best of
my ability; then I extended my account, one might say I sea-
soned it as if with delicacies, with various signs that occurred
unexpectedly, and by setting out the virtues and vices of the
rulers and the other men in power, weaving in also certain
scientific matters concerning natural phenomena* and the
appearance of animals we saw in those times; in short, I
have completed a book with diverse contents, like a meadow
teeming with flowers, in order to describe all these matters.
And if I have spoken of events I witnessed myself, that is
because the abundance of paradoxical developments does
not want them to be passed by in silence and so forgotten
among men. Therefore, I deliver and dedicate this book to
the zeal with which you show compassion to men and devo-
tion to Christ, as a product and pledge of my service to you,
so that you may, by your judgment and noble power of dis-
crimination, discern what is good [6] in it; at the very least,
the eagerness of my service and devotion to you should
make for an acceptable offering to your most imperial and
compassionate majesty, which knows that such favors should
be rewarded not by the measure of the worth of the gift but
by the disposition and devotion of the donor.
 | Ἱστορία ἐκτεθεῖσα
παρὰ Μιχαὴλ προέδρου κριτοῦ
ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου
καὶ τοῦ βήλου
τοῦ Ἀτταλειάτου

T; τῆς ἱστορίας χρήμα πολλοῖς τῶν πάλαι σοφῶν σπου-

δασθὲν οὐ παρέργως χρήσιμον ἐς τὰ μάλιστα κατεφάνη
τῷ βίῳ, τοὺς τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ μὴ τοιούτων βίους ἀνακα-
λύπτον καὶ πράξεις ἐπιφανεῖς ἐξ ἀνεπιλήπτου βουλῆς καὶ
σπουδῆς διαγράφον καὶ ἀδοξίας αὖ πάλιν ἐκ δυσβουλίας
ἢ ὀλιγωρίας τῶν προεστώτων τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἐξαιρέτως
δὲ τῶν ἀρχικὴν μετιόντων ἀξίαν, ὅπως ἄλλοι μὲν ἐξ ἐπιμε-
λοῦς στρατηγίας προφανεῖς κινδύνους κατηγωνίσαντο
καὶ ὅπως ἕτεροι, τῆς νίκης ἤδη προσμειδιᾶν ἐπειγομένης
αὐτοῖς, διέφθειραν τὰς ἐπὶ τὸ κρεῖττον ἐλπίδας, μὴ συν-
ετῶς χρησάμενοι τοῖς ἐμπίπτουσι. Ταῦτα τοίνυν διὰ τῆς
ἱστορίας ἀπογυμνούμενα, πολλήν, ὡς | ἔφαμεν, εἰσενηνο-
χότα τὴν χρησιμότητα, διδασκαλία σαφὴς χρηματίζοντα
καὶ ῥυθμὸς τῶν μετέπειτα, πρὸς μίμησιν ἀτεχνῶς ἕλκοντα
τῶν εὖ διακεκριμένων καὶ ἀποτροπὴν τῶν ἀσυμβούλως
καὶ δυσκλεῶς πεπραγμένων ἐν πολέμοις καὶ μάχαις καὶ
λοιποῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ἐπιχειρήμασι καὶ προβλήμασι.
 Chapter 2

Preface

[7] History set forth

by the proedros Michael, krites
of the hippodrome
and the ve/on,
surnamed Attaleiates
Hs the primary preoccupation of many wise men of
the past, has proven to be exceedingly useful for life, as it
reveals the lives of those who were virtuous and those who
were not, describes illustrious deeds born of flawless plan-
ning and effort as well as inglorious actions caused by the
faulty planning or negligence of those governing public af-
fairs. Above all, it tells us about those who hold the highest
office, how some of them successfully overcame clear and
present dangers through their diligent military strategies,
while others, even when victory was about to smile upon
them, ruined everyone's hopes for a happy outcome by not
making prudent use of the opportunities given to them. All
these things are stripped bare by history and, as we said,
there is much [8] utility in them, for they convey clear in-
struction and set patterns for the future. They simply lead
us to imitate what was discerned well and to avoid ill-advised
and shameful deeds in wars, battles, and in all other most
necessary offensive ventures and challenges of defense.
 THE HISTORY

2 Διὸ δὴ ἔδοξε κἀμοί, καίτοι μυρίαις ἀσχολίαις ἀλύοντι

περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ δικαστικοῖς διαλόγοις ἀεὶ περι-
δονουμένῳ καὶ ὅσαι ὧραι τοῖς ἐξ αὐτῶν συγγράμμασι
κάμνοντι, προσθήκην ἐμποιῆσαι τοῖς πόνοις καὶ μικρὰ
ἅττα διαλαβεῖν βραχεῖ τινι ῥήματι καὶ ἁπλοικῷ, καθὰ
προσήκει τοῖς ἱστορίας συγγράφουσιν, ὅτι μὴ ἀγωνιστικὸς
ὁ λόγος καὶ διατοῦτο μεθόδου προσδεόμενος τεχνικῆς,
ἀλλ᾽ ἱστορικὸς καὶ διπλόης ἁπάσης καὶ ἀκαιρολογίας ἀνώ-
τερος, περὶ ὧν οὐκ ἀκοῇ καὶ μύθοις ἑτέρων παρέλαβον,
ἀλλ᾽ ὧν αὐτὸς αὐτόπτης καὶ θεατὴς ἐχρημάτισα, ἵνα μὴ
λήθης βυθοῖς διὰ τῆς τοῦ χρόνου παραρροῆς τὰ λόγου καὶ
ἄξια συγχωσθεῖεν ἀλλὰ τὴν μνήμην ἀθάνατον ἔχωσιν. ᾿

2}
Age: τὰ Ῥωμαίων σκῆπτρα διέποντος τοῦ τῆς evoe-
βοῦς λήξεως βασιλέως Μιχαήλ, ᾧ πατρὶς ἡ τῶν Παφλα-
γόνων ἐγνωρίζετο ἐπαρχία, κατεπολεμήθη τὸ τῶν Ἀγα-
ρηνῶν φῦλον πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐν Σικελίᾳ ναυτικαῖς τε καὶ
πεζικαῖς Ρωμαίων | δυνάμεσι. Καὶ εἰ μὴ διαβληθεὶς περὶ
τυραννίδος ὁ τὴν στρατηγίαν τῶν ὅλων ἐμπιστευθεὶς

IO
 CHAPTER 3

Hence I too decided, though I am busy with thousands of 2

responsibilities in the army, am continually whirled about by
legal disputes, and spend hours working away on the docu-
ments that result from them,’ to add to my labors and set
forth a few matters in simple and concise terms, as befits
those who compose histories, given that my narrative is not
part of a competition and so does not require a specialized
rhetorical technique. It is a history, superior to all disingen-
uousness and untimely rambling, about events that I wit-
nessed myself firsthand, not what I learned by hearsay and
the unreliable reports of others. My purpose is to prevent
noteworthy matters from slipping into the depths of obliv-
ion through the passage of time, and to grant them immor-
tal remembrance.?

Chapter 3

Military operations under Michael IV

Paphlagon (1034-1041)

V 1 hile the scepters of the Romans were still held by the

blessed emperor Michael, whose homeland was the prov-
ince of the Paphlagonians, the race of the Agarenes in the
west,? in Sicily, was pressed hard by Roman forces, both at
sea and on land. [9] And had Georgios Maniakes, who had
been entrusted with the overall military command, not been

II
 THE HISTORY

Γεώργιος ἐκεῖνος ὁ Maviáxr|c, ἐκ μέσου γέγονε καὶ ἄλλοις

ἀνετέθη τὰ τοῦ πολέμου, κἂν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐτέλει νυνὶ
νῆσος οὕτω μεγάλη καὶ περιβόητος καὶ πόλεσι περιεζω-
σμένη μεγίσταις καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρηστῶν οὐδενὸς ἀποδέ-
ουσα. Νῦν δὲ ὁ φθόνος καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὰς πράξεις καὶ
τοσοῦτον κατειργάσατο ἔργον, αἰσχρῶς γὰρ καὶ ἀγεννῶς
βουλευσαμένων τῶν ὕστερον στρατηγῶν, σὺν αὐτῇ καὶ τὸ
πλεῖστον τοῦ στρατεύματος ἀπολώλει Ῥωμαίοις. Οὐ μὴν
δὲ ἀλλὰ καὶ οἵ ποτε σύμμαχοι καὶ τῆς ἰσοπολιτείας ἡμῖν
συμμετέχοντες, ὡς καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς θρησκείας, Ἀλβανοὶ καὶ
Λατῖνοι ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν ἑσπερίαν Ῥώμην τοῖς ἰταλικοῖς
πλησιάζουσι μέρεσι, πολέμιοι παραλογώτατοι ἐχρημάτι-
σαν, ἐμπεπαρῳνηκότος εἰς τὸν ἄρχοντα τούτων τοῦ τότε
τὴν στρατηγίαν ἰθύνοντος Μιχαὴλ δουκὸς τοῦ Δοκεια-
νοῦ.
Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἅλις: Μυσοὶ δέ, οἷς ἰδικὴ προσ-
nyopla τὸ τῶν Βουλγάρων καθέστηκεν ὄνομα, τηνικαῦτα
τοὺς τῆς δουλώσεως ἀποπτύσαντες χαλινούς, εἰς ἀπο-
στασίαν προκεχωρήκεσαν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα περὶ τὰ ἐν Θεσ-
σαλονίκῃ διατρίβοντα ὅρια καὶ μόνους τοὺς ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ
σωματοφύλακας ἔχοντα ὡς διὰ φιλίας παροδεύοντα γῆς
ἰταμῶς συνεδίωξαν. Ἔξαρτύσας δ᾽ οὗτος ἅμα τῷ εἰς τὴν
βασιλεύουσαν εἰσιέναι | τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον εὐθαρσῶς καὶ
τῆς ἐνοχλούσης ἀσθενείας ἐπιλαθόμενος, καὶ γὰρ ἦν τοῖς
ἐπιληπτικοῖς, ὡς δέ τινες μελαγχολικοῖς κάτοχος, θᾶττον
ἐξ ἁπάσων τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν συνεστήσατο στρατιὰν καὶ μετὰ
τῶν δυνάμεων τῇ Σαρδικῇ, τῇ νῦν λεγομένῃ Τριαδίτζῃ,
καὶ 80 αὐτῆς τῷ Ἰλλυρικῷ προσβαλών, κατακράτος τοὺς

I2
 CHAPTER 3

slandered that he was seeking to usurp the throne and re-

moved from his position, and had the war not been assigned
to others,’ that island would now be under Roman rule, a
place so large, famous, endowed with the greatest cities
along its coasts, and lacking in no resource. As it was, how-
ever, envious resentment brought down the man, his accom-
plishments, and that great enterprise. For his successors in
command made wretched and base decisions, causing the
Romans to lose that island along with most of their army.
Not only that, but the Albans! and Latins who abut upon
the Italian regions" by the Elder Rome and were previously
allies and formed part of our commonwealth, even practic-
ing the same religion, most unexpectedly now became our
enemies because the man who held the command, the doux
Michael Dokeianos, offended their ruler.
But enough about that. As for the Mysians, whose proper
conventional appellation is Bulgarians, they threw off the
bonds of servitude at that time and embarked upon rebel-
lion.” They recklessly attacked the emperor, who was in the
region of Thessalonike accompanied solely by the court
bodyguard, believing that he was traveling in friendly terri-
tory. As soon as he returned to the Reigning City he readied
himself (10] vigorously for war, paying no heed to the illness
that afflicted him—he was epileptic, though according to
others he was beset by melancholy. He quickly assembled an
army from all the provinces, and leading it he reached
Serdica, now called Triaditze, through which he attacked

13
 THE HISTORY

ἀποστατήσαντας ἐτροπώσατο καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν πολ-

λὴν καὶ μεγάλην καὶ στενόπορον οὖσαν καὶ χρόνοις πολ-
λοῖς ἀνταγωνιζομένην τοῖς πρὸ τοῦ βασιλεῦσι διὰ τὸ δυσ-
εξίτητον τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ αὐλώνων ἰσχυρῶς παρεστήσατο καὶ
ἀθιγὴς ἐκεῖθεν ἀνέζευξε, τὰ ἐν ταύτῃ καταστησάμενος
πράγματα. Καὶ τὸν ἐπιφανῆ λαμπρῶς κατηγάγετο θρίαμ-
βον καὶ ἀγῶνα ἱππικόν τε καὶ πεζικὸν ἑορτάσας, οὕτω δι᾿
ὀλίγου τὸν ἐνταῦθα βίον κατέστρεψε, πολλὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς
καταλιπὼν εἰκονίσματα, ζήσας ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ χρόνους
ἑπτὰ καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά.

ἽΝ δὲ συζύγου τούτου καὶ βασιλίδος Ζωῆς ἐν τοῖς

κατὰ νότον ἀνακτόροις ἐπανελθούσης ἀπὸ τῶν βορειοτέ-
pev μερῶν τῆς πόλεως, ἐκεῖσε γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς περὶ τὴν
τῶν Ἁγίων Ἀναργύρων μονὴν τὸν χοῦν ἐναπέθητο, σύλ- ᾿
λογος εἶχε τὴν μεγαλόπολιν, καθὰ φιλεῖ ταῖς μεταβολαῖς
τῶν πραγμάτων ἐγγίνεσθαι, οὐ πολὺ τὸ ἐν μέσῳ καὶ βασι-
λεὺς ἀνηγορεύθη Μιχαήλ, ὁ τοῦ προαπελθόντος βασιλέ-
ὡς ἀδελφιδοῦς, τὴν καίσαρος | τύχην ἐκ πολλῶν ἕλκων

14
 CHAPTER 4

Illyrikon. He crushed the rebels and utterly pacified their

territory, which is large, broad, accessed through narrow
passes, and had for many years resisted previous emperors
precisely because it is so difficult to exit from its defiles. Mi-
chael returned from there unharmed, having put all its af-
fairs in order. He celebrated a splendid triumph, including
both horse and foot races. After a short while he departed
from this life, 5 leaving behind many visible traces of his vir-
tue, after ruling for seven years and seven months.

Chapter 4

The reign and downfall of Michael V

Kalaphates (1041-1042)

The wife of this emperor, the empress Zoe, returned to

the palace that is situated south of the more northerly re-
gions of the City, for the emperor had been buried there,
by the monastery of the Holy Anargyroi." An assembly was
convened in the Great City, as happens whenever there is a
change in the regime, and not long afterward Michael, the
nephew of the recently departed emperor, was proclaimed
emperor, who [r1] for many years had held the rank of keésar.

15
 THE HISTORY

χρόνων, εἶτα τῇ ἀνακτορίσσῃ θέσει χρηματίσας υἱὸς καὶ

ὅρκοις φρικωδεστάτοις οὐ μέλανι ἀλλ᾽ αἵματι ἀχράντῳ
τοῦ θεανθρώπου λόγου καὶ χειρὶ τοῦ μείζονος ἐν γεννητοῖς
γυναικῶν Βαπτιστοῦ ἐνσεσημασμένοις ἀνόθευτον τὴν πρὸς
αὐτὴν τάχα βεβαιωσάμενος πίστιν.
Καὶ ἦν ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ μὲν τῆς προτέρας διαγωγῆς κακιζό-
μενος καὶ τοῖς ἐπαινετῶς πολιτευομένοις μὴ συναπτόμε-
νος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἀναβάσεως καὶ λίαν ἐγκωμιαζό-
μενός τε καὶ σεμνυνόμενος, οἷα φιλοτίμως ἄρτι πρῶτον
ὑπὲρ τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ βεβασιλευκότας τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ
τοῖς ἄλλοις προσφερόμενος ὑπηκόοις, καὶ τιμαῖς περιβλέ-
πτοις καὶ ἀξιώμασι πλείστους ὅσους καταγεραίρων καὶ
τὴν εὐνομίαν εἴπερ τις ἄλλος σπουδάζων ἀνεγερθῆναι καὶ
τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἐκδικητὴς ἀναφαινόμενος ἀπαραίτητος
καὶ δικαιοσύνην τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ὑπεραίρων καὶ προ-
τιμώμενος.
᾿ξήγαγε γὰρ καὶ τῆς χρονίας φρουρᾶς τόν te Κων-
σταντῖνον ἐκεῖνον τὸν Δαλασσηνόν, ὡς ὕποπτον περὶ τῆς
βασιλείας ἐν πύργῳ ἀποκλεισθέντα παρὰ τοῦ θείου αὐτοῦ,
καὶ τὸν πατρίκιον ἐκεῖνον Γεώργιον τὸν Μανιάκην, ὃν καὶ
τῷ τῶν μαγίστρων τετιμηκὼς ἀξιώματι, κατεπάνω Ἰταλίας
προεχειρίσατο. Τοὺς δὲ συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ πολλοὺς μὲν καὶ
πλουσίους, φορτικοὺς δὲ δοκοῦντας τῷ βάρει τῶν πρά-
ξεων, ἄρδην ἐκ μέσου πεποίηκε τὸν μὲν ἐξάρχοντα τού-
twv Ἰωάννην μοναχὸν καὶ ὀρφανοτρόφον, ὃς τὴν τῶν
πραγμάτων εἶχεν | ὡς μεσοβασιλεὺς διοίκησιν, ἀϊδίῳ ἐλά-
σας φυγῇ, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἀκμῆτας καὶ τὸν ἴουλον ἐπαν-
θοῦντας, ods δὲ καὶ προσήβους, ἐκτομίας ἀπεργασάμενος:

τό
 CHAPTER 4

He was then adopted by the empress and swore fearsome

oaths affirming that he would never break faith with her, or
so he claimed, and these were confirmed not with ink but
with the undefiled blood of the theanthropic Word and us-
ing the hand of the greatest man born of women, the Baptist."
In the past, he was maligned for his previous conduct and
for not associating with men who had conducted themselves
in a praiseworthy way. But when he was elevated to the im-
perial position he was praised greatly and solemnly exalted,
since he now began to grant more honor to the Senate and
his other subjects than any previous emperor, rewarding a
vast number of them with illustrious ranks and honors.
More than anyone he also made an effort to restore lawful
government, and he presented himself as the inexorable
avenger of the victims of injustice and as honoring and pre-
ferring justice above all else.
He freed that famous man, Konstantinos Dalassenos,
from his imprisonment of many years—he had been con-
fined to a tower by the emperor's uncle on the suspicion of
plotting to seize the throne? —as well as that well-known
patrikios Georgios Maniakes, whom he honored with the
rank of magistros and appointed katepano of Italy. But his own
relatives, who were many and rich but also seemed burden-
some because of their overbearing deeds, he wholly removed
from the scene. Their leader, the monk and orpbanotropbos
Ioannes, who had governed the state [12] as deputy em-
peror, he condemned to everlasting exile, while the rest,
whether they were grown men with a blooming beard or just

17
 THE HISTORY

καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον katiactpéyac,

ἄφρονα ζῆλον προσφέρειν τοῖς συνετοῖς ἔδοξεν, ἐψιλωμέ-
νον ἑαυτὸν τοσαύτης συγγενικῆς βοηθείας ἀπεργασάμε-
γος.
Ἀμέλει τοι καὶ κατὰ τὴν θείαν καὶ πάνδημον ἑορτὴν τῆς
ὑπερφυοῦς Ἀναστάσεως Χριστοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν, ἥτις
Πάσχα Σωτήριον τοῖς ὀρθοδόξως δοξάζουσι διωνόμασται,
τῆς βασιλικῆς εὐτρεπιζομένης προόδου, οἱ τῆς ἀγορᾶς
προεξάρχοντες πέπλα σηρικὰ πολυτελῶς ἐξυφασμένα τῇ
γῇ καταστρώσαντες an’ αὐτῶν τῶν ἀνακτόρων μέχρι τῶν
τοῦ σεβασμίου καὶ μεγίστου ναοῦ τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγου
Ἁγίας Σοφίας πυλῶν, ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ τῆς
δορυφορούσης αὐτὸν εὐταξίας διελθεῖν φιλοτίμως παρ-
εἐσκευάκασι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ κατὰ τὴν Néav Κυριακὴν
ἐφίππου τῆς προόδου γεγενημένης, ὑπερεπετάννυντο ὧδε
κἀκεῖσε τὰ πολυτελῆ τῶν ὑφασμάτων καὶ τίμια καὶ κόσμος
ἄλλος χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ καταστράπτων συνεχῶς ὑπερ-
ήρτητο καὶ πᾶν τὸ τῆς ἀγορᾶς στεφανηφοροῦν καὶ οἷον
ἑορτάζον χαρμόσυνά τινα καὶ σωτηριώδη κατελαμπρύ-
νετο, ἡ δὲ προπομπὴ θαυμαστὴ τῷ ὄντι καὶ βασιλικὴ
πανταχόθεν εὐφημίαις συγκροτουμένη καὶ χάρισι καὶ παι-
ανισμοῖς ἐξαιρομένη τῆς πόλεως, πλὴν ὅσον ὅτι, τοῦ συν-
ἤθους | πρωϊαίτερον γενομένης τῆς προελεύσεως, ἔκπλη-
ξις κατεῖχε τοὺς συνετωτέρους τῶν θεατῶν, συμβαλόντας
ὅπως πρὸ τοῦ κατασκευασθῆναι τὸ θέατρον καὶ πλησθῆ-
ναι τὰς ἀγυιὰς κατεσπουδασμένην ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν πρό-
οδον ἐναπέδειξε: καὶ οἰωνὸς οὐκ ἀγαθὸς ἐδόκει τὸ ἔξωρον.
Τέως δὲ τὸν μὲν βασιλέα αὖθις ὑποστρέψαντα ἐκ τοῦ

18
 CHAPTER 4

adolescents, he had castrated. In this way he destroyed his

family, which intelligent men saw as mindless zeal, for it de-
prived him of the crucial support of his relatives.
On the day of the divine festival of the supernatural Res-
urrection of Christ our God, which is celebrated by the en-
tire populace and known to the Orthodox as the salvific
Easter,?° the superintendents of the marketplace? made
ready for the imperial procession by covering the road with
luxuriously woven silk cloths all the way from the palace it-
self to the gates of the revered and great church of the Holy
Wisdom of the Word of God.? They made these prepara-
tions diligently so that the emperor, surrounded by his
stately retinue, could walk across in this way. After this, the
procession takes place on horseback from the point where
it reaches the New Church,? and here they spread out the
most luxurious and expensive fabrics while other glittering
gold and silver ornaments were affixed along the full length
of the route. The entire forum was garlanded and, as if it too
were celebrating, shone with joyful thanksgiving for salva-
tion. The procession was truly wondrous and befitting an
emperor, and the City resounded everywhere and was ex-
alted with acclamations, thanksgiving, and songs of praise—
with one exception, [x3] namely that the procession took
place earlier than was customary, which caused concern
among more intelligent onlookers. They noticed that the
emperor gave the signal to start before the scene was fully
set and the streets were full, and this untimeliness was not
regarded as a good omen. In the meantime, the emperor

I9
 THE HISTORY

μεγίστου ναοῦ τῶν Κορυφαίων Ἀποστόλων εἶχε τὸ παλά-

τιον, μέγα φρονοῦντα τῷ τυχεῖν τοιαύτης ἀποδοχῆς τε καὶ
προπομπῆς, τὴν δὲ δέσποιναν πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν ἡ Πρίγκη-
πος, νῆσος δὲ αὕτη τῆς βασιλευούσης οὐ πόρρω, μελαμ-
φοροῦσαν καὶ κεκαρμένην τὰς τρίχας εἰσδέχεται.
Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπαύριον ἔτι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀγνώστου καθεστῶτος
τοῦ δράματος, φιλοτιμία περὶ τῶν διηγημάτων τῆς παρελ-
θούσης ἡμέρας ἐγίνετο- τοῦ μὲν τάδε, τοῦ δὲ τάδε θαυμα-
στικῶς ἐπιλέγοντος καὶ ἄλλου προφθάνειν ἐπειγομένου
τὸ παρεθὲν καὶ πάντων ἀποσεμνύνειν βουλομένων τὰ κρά-
τιστα. Ὡς δὲ κατέπτη τὰ τοῦ πάθους τῷ δήμῳ καὶ περι-
ἔδραμεν ἡ φήμη τοὺς περικύκλῳ, εὐθὺς ἦν ἰδεῖν ἀθρόον
τὴν ἐναντίαν μεταβολὴν κατασχοῦσαν τοὺς σύμπαντας
καὶ ἀντεσηκώθη τοῖς χαρμοσύνοις τὰ σκυθρωπὰ καὶ ἀντὶ
τιμῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἣν πρὸς τὸν κρατοῦντα ἐδείκνυον,
μῖσος ἄσπονδον ἐξηγείρετο καὶ ἄλλος ἄλλου θερμότερος
ἔσπευδε γενέσθαι καὶ τῆς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ προκατάρξασθαι δυ-
σμενείας καὶ ἀναιδείας.
Ταῦτα μεμαθηκὼς | ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ βουλόμενος κατα-
στεῖλαι τὸ φλεγμαῖνον τοῦ πάθους τῶν Βυζαντίων, ἔγγρα-
φόν τι ποιεῖται τούτοις κατὰ τὸν ἐπισημότερον τόπον τοῦ
φόρου ἐπαναγνωσθησόμενον, μεταφέρον τὰς αἰτίας ἐπὶ
τὴν πεπονθυῖαν, ὡς αὐτῆς τῆς βουλῆς προκαταρξαμένης,
ἀνδρικώτερον οὗτος τὸ προβούλευμα κατειργάσατο,
σκῆψιν πάντως ἐπὶ κακῷ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κεφαλῆς προμηθού-
μενος ψευδεπίπλαστον, ἵνα περιτρέψῃ τὰς τῶν πεπονθό-
των ψυχὰς καὶ ὃν ὑπώπτευε διαδράσειε κίνδυνον, ἔλαθε δὲ
τὸν καπνὸν ὑπεκκλίνων, εἰσβαλὼν εἰς τὸ πῦρ. Τοῦ γὰρ

20
 CHAPTER 4

returned to the palace from the great church of the Holy

Apostles, proud of the approbation and attendance that he
had received, while the empress was made to dress in black,
shorn of her hair,** and transported toward evening to Prin-
kipos, an island not far from the Reigning City.
On the next day? when most people were still unaware
of that dramatic turn of events, there was much excited dis-
cussion about the previous day. One man said that he had
been most impressed with this, another with that, and a
third jumped in to praise something that the others left out;
in short, everyone wanted to exalt greatly what they had
scen. But when the evil fate of the empress became known
to the populace and the news spread everywhere, you could
see everyone's mood instantly change to its opposite: sullen-
ness rose up against joyful thanksgiving and an outbreak of
implacable hatred took the place of the honor and praise
that they had bestowed upon the emperor. People strove to
surpass each other in their anger and express their displea-
sure and lack of respect for him.
When the emperor learned [14] about this he wanted to
quell the outrage of the Byzantines.?° He wrote up some
document to be read aloud to them from the most conspicu-
ous part of the forum; laying all the blame on the victim: it
was she who had started the trouble and it was he who had
valorously suppressed the plan. He proffered a fabricated
account of a plot against his own life in order to distract the
aggrieved people and evade the danger that he suspected
was upon him, but he did not realize that by dodging the
smoke he would fall into the fire. As the imperial missive

2I
 THE HISTORY

πιττακίου ἀναπτυχθέντος, πλεῖστος ὄχλος ἐπέρρευσεν εἰς

τὴν ἀκρόασιν καὶ οὐδὲ δευτέραν φωνὴν τοῦ ἀναγινώσκον-
τος προεμένου, ἤρξατο τὸ πλῆθος δίκην ἀγριαινομένης
θαλάσσης ἐξοιδοῦσθαί τε καὶ οἷον κυμαίνεσθαι καί τις
πρῶτος τῶν ἄλλων ὑβριστικὴν φωνὴν ἀφιείς, καὶ λίθου
βολὴν ἐπαφῆκε σὺν τῇ φωνῇ. Αὐτίκα οὖν τὸ περικεχυμέ-
νον πλῆθος ἐκεῖσε, ὥσπερ ὑφ᾽ ἡγεμόνι τῷδε τῷ δημοτικῷ
στρατηγούμενον, τὴν ὁμοίαν γνώμην καὶ γλῶτταν ἐξέρ-
ρηξε. Καὶ κατὰ τοῦ ἐπάρχου μετὰ βοῆς καὶ ἀλαλαγμῶν
ἐξορμήσαντες οἱ παρόντες, ὡς εἶχον θυμοῦ καὶ ὀργῆς, καὶ
τὰς τῶν ἐμπόρων καταστρέψαντες κραββατίνας, ὅπλοις
ἀγχεμάχοις τούτοις κατὰ τῶν τῆς βασιλικῆς μοίρας καὶ
τῶν ἐπαρχικῶν κατεχρήσαντο. Καὶ τούτους ἄρδην κατα-
βαλόντες καὶ φυγεῖν αἰσχρῶς ἀναγκάσαντες οὐ διεσκεδά-
σθησαν, οἷα τὰ τοῦ συμμιγοῦς πλήθους καὶ χηρεύοντος
ἀρχηγοῦ, | ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἄνωθεν στρατηγούμενοι, γενναιο-
τέροις βουλεύμασι πρὸς τὸ καρτερώτερον ἀνελάμβανον
ἑαυτοὺς καὶ προσθήκην ἑκάστης ὥρας ἐκ τῶν συρρεόντων
ἐλάμβανον.
Τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιον τῆς βουλῆς μὴ ἐνδοῦναι μηδὲ μαλα-
κισθῆναί τι καὶ ἀναβεβλημένον παθεῖν ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀχάρι-
στον καὶ ἀγνώμονα περὶ τὴν εὐεργέτιν καὶ ἀδικίαν κατὰ
τῶν φρικωδεστάτων ὅρκων πεποιηκότα τῆς ἀρχῆς καθ-
ελεῖν, ὡς ἀλιτήριον καὶ ταύτης ἀνάξιον. Bor δὲ τούτοις
οὐκ ἄσημος τὸ ποιητέον ἐπέτρεπε. Καὶ οἱ μὲν τὰς φρουρὰς
καθελόντες, τοὺς φυλακίτας τῶν δεσμῶν ἠλευθέρουν καὶ
κοινωνοὺς ἐποιοῦντο τῆς διεγέρσεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιτετραμ-
μένης αὐτοῖς ἐνδιαθέτοις ὁρμαῖς ἐκδικήσεως, οἱ δὲ τὰ

22
 CHAPTER 4

was unrolled, a great crowd poured into the area of the proc-
lamation. Yet the herald had not made it to the second word
before the multitude began to heave and swell like a stormy
sea. First one man, before the rest, yelled out an insult and,
along with it, threw a rock. And then the multitude that was
crowding that place took up this citizen's lead, as though
he were their general, and shouted the same abusive term.
Those present rushed against the eparchos roaring and yell-
ing, full of anger and wrath. After smashing up the mer-
chants' stands, they used the pieces as weapons to fight
hand-to-hand against the imperial guardsmen and the men
of the eparcbos.?? Routing them utterly and forcing them to
shameful flight, they did not disperse, as usually happens to
a mixed crowd that lacks a leader, {15} but as though they
were led from on high they became ever stronger and bolder
in their resolution, especially as their numbers were swelling
by the hour from those who poured in to join them.
Their leading objective was neither to yield nor to show
weakness nor to suffer any delay, but to depose from power
that ungrateful and unfeeling man who had turned against
his own benefactress and violated the most fearsome oaths,
on the grounds that he was guilty and unworthy of his of-
fice. À voice was then heard distinctly inciting them to
do just that. Some of them broke open the prisons and
freed the prisoners from their bonds, making them partici-
pants in the uprising and the vengeance to which their

23
 THE HISTORY

ἀνάκτορα κατελάμβανον kal πόλεμον πολιτικὸν ἀνερρίπι-

ζον. Ἄλλοι τὰς οἰκίας τῶν κατὰ γένος προσηκόντων τῷ
βασιλεῖ καὶ μεγάλα δυναμένων τῷ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ
περιστοιχίσαντες, ἐξεφόδου κατήρειπον καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον
πολλοῖς ἀδικήμασι καὶ στεναγμοῖς πενήτων ἀποτεθησαυ-
ρισμένον ἐξήντλουν. Οὐδὲ ναοὶ καὶ σεμνεῖα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν
πολυτελῶς καὶ πλουσίως ἀνεγερθέντα φειδοῦς ἠξίωντο,
ἐλαφυραγωγοῦντο δὲ καὶ αὐτὰ καὶ ὡς ἐναγῆ ἐβεβήλωντό
τε καὶ διηρπάζοντο. Ἕτεροι κατὰ τὸ τέμενος τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ
λόγου Ἁγίας Σοφίας εἰσρεύσαντες, τὸν πατριάρχην αὐτὸν
τὴν ἱεραρχικὴν στολὴν ἀμπεχόμενον κατεβίβασαν, ἐκβια-
ζόμενοι τὴν κληρονόμον καὶ δέσποιναν μὴ περιιδεῖν τὰ
ἔσχατα πάσχουσαν ἀδίκως παρὰ τοῦ ἐπεισάκτου καὶ ἀντὶ
τῆς μεγίστης εὐεργεσίας | ὕβριν παθοῦσαν ἀνήκεστον.
Ἔσχον οὖν τοῦ δικαίου τούτου συλλήπτορα ζήλου καὶ τὸν
ἁγιώτατον τοῦτον ἄνδρα, Ἀλέξιος ἦν ὁ πρὸ τοῦ τὴν μονα-
χικὴν πολιτείαν ἀκριβωσάμενος, καὶ ἀνάγουσι γνώμῃ καί
τινων τῶν ἐν τέλει τὴν ὁμαίμονα τῆς παθούσης δεσποίνης,
Θεοδώρα ταύτῃ τὸ ὄνομα, ἐξ ἑνὸς τῶν Πετρίων ἐν ᾧ χρό-
νοις πολλοῖς ἰδιωτικῶς μονονουχὶ ἐβιότευσε. Πείθουσι
γὰρ αὐτὴν γυναικείας αἰδοῦς καὶ ἀσθενείας ἐπιλαθέσθαι
καὶ τούτοις ἀκολουθῆσαι παρασκευῆς οὕτω καὶ γνώμης
ἔχουσι πάντα ῥᾳδίως οἴσειν καὶ ταύτης προκινδυνεῦσαι
καὶ τῆς αὐταδέλφης αὐτῆς καὶ φόβου παντὸς ἀπαλλάξαι
καὶ κινδύνου τοῦ πολεμήτορος.
᾿ποχηθεῖσα τοίνυν ἐφ᾽ ἵππον, πρόεισι δορυφορουμένη
λαμπρῶς μυριάνδροις ὅπλοις καὶ φυλακαῖς ἀκαθαιρέτοις
περιειλημμένη καὶ προκατειλημμένη τὰς διεξόδους, ὁμοίως

24
 CHAPTER 4

spontaneous urges incited them, while others moved on the

palace, thereby kindling a civil war. Others surrounded the
houses of the emperor's relatives who held great power at
that moment, stormed them, destroyed them, and emptied
out the riches stored inside, the fruits of much injustice and
the groans of the poor. Nor did they respect either churches
or monasteries that his relatives had built luxuriously and at
great expense, but they likewise plundered, defiled, and
stripped them bare as if they were polluted. A third group
poured into the sanctuary of che Holy Wisdom of the Word
of God,” brought down the patriarch himself in his sacer-
dotal stole, and compelled him not to remain indifferent to
the empress, the heir to the throne who was suffering the
worst injustice at the hands of that interloper and whose re-
ward for her greatest benefaction [16] was a foul outrage.
They thus obtained the support of this most holy man for
their just cause. He was Alexios, who had formerly practiced
the monastic life to perfection.?? On the advice of certain
officeholders, they also brought back the suffering empress's
sister, whose name was Theodora, from one of the monas-
teries in the Petrion region?! where she had lived an essen-
tially sequestered life for many years.? They persuaded her
to set aside her feminine modesty and weakness and follow
them, for they were prepared and determined to suffer any-
thing readily and risk their lives for her and her sister in or-
der to rid them once and for all from the fear and danger
posed by their enemy.
So Theodora mounted a horse and was surrounded by a
splendid and heavily armed escort of formidable guards; se-
curing the roads in advance, she proceeded directly through

25
 THE HISTORY

διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως παρὰ πάντων εὐφημουμένη xai

προτρεπομένη μὴ ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς τὸ ἀγώνισμα καὶ τὴν τοῦ
ἀναιρέτου καθαίρεσιν. Διασωθεῖσα οὖν πρὸς τὸν περιβόη-
τον καὶ θεῖον ναόν, ἑσπέρας οὔσης βαθείας, ἄνεισιν εἰς τὰς
τοῦ πατριάρχου διαγωγὰς καὶ τῷ πλήθει τὰς ὄψεις αὐτῆς
εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἐπαφίησι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἔτι παρεγγυηθεῖσα
θαρρεῖν, οὕτω διανυκτερεύει, συγκαλεσαμένη πάντας τοὺς
ἐν τέλει ταχέως καὶ παντὸς ψιλώσασα τὸν ἀντικείμενον
βασιλέα δυνάμεως, ἀρχάς τε εὐθὺς λαμπρὰς καὶ ἀγορα-
νομικὰς ἀποδείξασα καὶ τὸ κράτος τῆς βασιλείας δεξιῶς
περιεζωσμένη.
| Ὀρθριώτερον δὲ προσβαλόντων τοῖς ἀνακτόροις
στρατιωτικῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ γενναίων μετὰ ῥοΐζου πολλοῦ
καὶ βοῆς καὶ ἠχῆς σαλπίγγων τε καὶ βυκίνων, ὥσπερ
τυφῶνι βληθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ ἐξαισίῳ τῆς ταραχῆς τῶν
ἀνακτόρων ἐκδύς, φυγὰς ᾧχετο διαπόντιος εἰς τὴν τοῦ
Στουδίου μονὴν καὶ περιεχόμενος τῶν ἀδύτων ἀπαθὴς
ἐφιλονείκει συντηρηθῆναι καὶ μὴ δίκας δοῦναι τοῦ ἀνοσι-
ουργήματος. Ἀλλ᾽ ἡ δίκη τὴν καταδίκην αὐτῷ οὐκ εἰς
μακρὰν ἀνεβάλετο, ἅπαντες γὰρ βρύχοντες κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ
εἰσήλασαν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν: καὶ βίᾳ τοῦτον ἐκτὸς ἑλκύσαντες,
ἡμιόνῳ τῶν εὐτελεστέρων καὶ ταπεινῶν φόρτον τοῦτον
τιθέασι καταγέλαστον. καὶ ἄχρι τοῦ Σίγματος φθάσαντος,
δόγμα κατεφοίτησε τῆς αὐγούστης τὴν πήρωσιν τῶν
ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ πατραδέλφου αὐτοῦ τοῦ νωβελλι-
σίμου αὐτίκα ἐγκελευόμενον, συνῆν γὰρ καὶ οὗτος αὐτῷ
σύμβουλος ἅμα καὶ συλλήπτωρ καὶ τῆς οἰκτρᾶς ταύτης
τύχης κοινωνὸς καθιστάμενος. Κατενεχθέντες οὖν τῶν

26
 CHAPTER 4

the City, acclaimed by the entire population and encouraged

not to abandon the struggle and to topple the usurper. Late
at night she safely reached the famous holy church and went
up to the patriarch's chambers. She turned her eyes to the
crowd assembled in the church and they again exhorted her
to stand firm. Thus she passed the night. Swiftly summon-
ing all the magistrates and stripping her imperial opponent
of all authority, she appointed men to the highest offices and
to the supervision of the market. She thus capably cook on
the governance of the empire.
[17] At dawn courageous military men assaulted the palace
with a rain of arrows, and their shouts were accompanied by
the blaring of trumpets and bugles. The force of the uproar
struck the emperor like a typhoon and he fled the palace by
sea as a fugitive to the monastery of Stoudios, where he
sought refuge in the sanctuary, hoping that he would suffer
no harm and pay no penalty for his unholy deed. But Justice
did not long postpone his punishment. His pursuers entered
the sanctuary, all of them bellowing, and dragged him out by
force. They loaded him onto a pitiful and wretched mule, an
object of ridicule. When he reached the Sigma, an order
arrived from the Augusta that he be blinded immediately, as
well as his father's brother, the nobellisimos.*4 For he was with
him as both his adviser and accomplice, and now would
share in his miserable fate. So they were pulled down from
their mules in a disgraceful way, and with everyone looking

27
 THE HISTORY

ἡμιόνων ἀτίμως, πάντων ὁρώντων τὰς κόρας τῶν ὀφθαλ-

μῶν ἐκεντήθησαν. Καὶ συναποβάλλουσι τὰς ὄψεις τῇ βα-
σιλείᾳ καὶ μοναχικῇ παραδίδονται βιοτῇ, διήγημα γενόμε-
νοι σκυθρωπὸν τοῖς μετέπειτα καὶ πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον
ἐπανόρθωσις τῶν ἀγνωμονεῖν ἐθελόντων πρὸς τοὺς εὐερ-
γετήσαντας. Ἔβασίλευσε δὲ ὁ Μιχαὴλ οὗτος μῆνας μό-
νους πέντε.

ἽΝ δὲ δεσποίνης ἐκ τῆς ὑπερορίας ἐπανελθούσης καὶ

τὴν βασιλείαν αὖθις ἀναλαβούσης, συνέρχεται ταύτῃ καὶ
ἡ | ὁμαίμων ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ. Καὶ γίνεται συμφυΐα καὶ ἀλλη-
λουχία, ὥσπερ τοῦ αἵματος, οὕτω δὴ καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν βα-
σιλείαν κοινωνικῆς διαθέσεως, καὶ αὐτοκράτορες ἄμφω
θαυμασίως ἀναγορεύονται. Καὶ χρόνον τινὰ 8v ἑαυτῶν
ἰθύνασαι τὴν ἀρχήν, τῆς ὑπερορίας ἀνακαλοῦνται Κων-
σταντῖνον τὸν Μονομάχον, ἀριστοκρατικὸν ἄνδρα καὶ
θρέμμα τῆς Πόλεως, ὕποπτον δὲ ὄντα διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ

28
 CHAPTER 5

on, the pupils of their eyes were punctured with needles. In

this way they lost their sight along with the imperial power,
and were delivered over to become monks. Let their dismal
tale be remembered by posterity and may it set upon a bet-
ter path anyone who intends to be ungrateful to his benefac-
tors. This Michael, then, reigned for only five months.

Chapter 5

'The ascent to the throne of Konstantinos

IX Monomachos (1042), the revolt of
Georgios Maniakes (1043), and the Rus'
attack on Constantinople (1043)

The empress Zoe returned from exile and again took up

her imperial position. She was joined by her [18} sister who
came out from the church and they proceeded to form a
partnership of mutual support: just as they were related by
blood, so too would they share in the same imperial author-
ity. Therefore they were proclaimed joint empresses, a note-
worthy occurrence.* After reigning for some time on their
own, they recalled from exile Konstantinos Monomachos, a
man of the aristocracy who had been raised in the City and
suspected of desiring the throne, for which reason he had

29
 THE HISTORY

διατοῦτο παρὰ τῶν πρώην κρατούντων φυγαδευόμενον.

Καὶ παραχωρεῖ πάλιν τῆς συζυγίας ἡ Θεοδώρα τῇ αὐτα-
δέλφῃ Ζωῇ καὶ τὸν ἄζυγα βίον αἱρεῖται ὃν ἐκ παίδων καὶ
μέχρι γήρως καὶ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἡμέρας ἐξήσκησεν. Εὐεργε-
τικώτερος δὲ τῶν προβεβασιλευκότων ὁ Μονομάχος ἀπο-
δειχθεὶς καὶ πάντας σχεδὸν βασιλικοῖς ἀξιώμασι καὶ δω-
ρήμασι φιλοτίμοις ἀποσεμνύνας, ἠγάθυνε τὸ ὑπήκοον.
Ἐξαίφνης δὲ νέφος ἐκ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἐγείρεται τετριγὸς καὶ
ὀλέθριον καὶ πανωλεθρίαν αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπέλα-
σιν ἀπειλοῦν: ἀνὴρ αἱμοχαρὴς καὶ γενναῖος, ὁ προμνημο-
γευθεὶς Γεώργιος, ᾧ Μανιάκης ἐπώνυμον, ἐκ τῆς ἰταλικῆς
ἀρχῆς ἐπαναστὰς μετὰ τῶν ἐκεῖσε συνόντων στρατιωτῶν
Ῥωμαίων καὶ Ἀλβανῶν, διὰ παρόρασιν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνι-
αθεὶς καὶ προηγησαμένας ἔχθρας μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ δεδιώς, καὶ
τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ τῶν συναντησάντων στρατεύματα συνετάρα-
ξε καὶ κατέβαλε, πρὸ δύο δὲ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης ἡμερῶν
στρατοπεδευσάμενος, περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν προσβάλλει τῷ
μεγίστῳ βασιλικῷ στρατοπέδῳ, | καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἐξεστρατευ-
μένος ὁ παρὰ βασιλέως ἀποσταλεὶς μετὰ τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν
δυνάμεων εἰς ἀντιπαράταξιν. Καὶ πολλὰ δράσας τοῖς βα-
σιλικοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ καταπλήξας τῇ ἀνυποίστῳ τού-
του φορᾷ καὶ ταῖς οἰκειοχείροις πληγαῖς, καὶ γὰρ οὗτος
τοῦ πλήθους προεπολέμει τε καὶ προεκινδύνευε καὶ οὐκ ἦν
ὃς τῷ φασγάνῳ τούτου τραυματισθεὶς οὐ τῷ ἡμίσει καὶ
πλείονι περιερρήγνυτο σώματι: τοιοῦτος ἀκαταγώνιστος
καὶ σταθηρὸς ἐγινώσκετο, μέγας ὁμοῦ καὶ εὐρύνωτος καὶ
τὴν ὄψιν φοβερὸς καθιστάμενος κἀν ταῖς βουλαῖς διαφέ-
ρων, καὶ κατορθῶσαι τὴν νίκην ἤδη τότε καταληφθεὶς καὶ

20
 CHAPTER 5

been banished by the previous rulers.) Theodora permitted

her sister Zoe to marry again," choosing for herself the un-
wedded life, which in fact she practiced from childhood un-
til old age, even to her last day. Monomachos proved himself
to be more generous than the previous emperors and hon-
ored virtually everyone with imperial ranks and grandiose
gifts, thereby benefiting his subjects. But suddenly dark
clouds appeared in the west crackling with doom, and they
threatened both to ruin him and drive him from the throne.
A bloodthirsty and brave man, the aforementioned Geor-
gios, whose surname was Maniakes, rebelled from his base
in Italy along with the soldiers he commanded there, both
Romans and Albans. His grievance was that he had been
overlooked by the emperor and was fearful on account of
a prior hostility that had existed between them. He over-
whelmed and subjugated all che armies that were sent against
him and made camp two days distance from Thessalonike.
Late in the evening he attacked the great imperial army,
[19] for the general whom the emperor had sent out with the
Roman army was arrayed against him.?? He inflicted much
damage on the imperial soldiers, and his irresistible charge
terrified them no less than the blows that he struck with
his own hands—for he fought in person ahead-of his own
ranks, in the most dangerous position, and one could not be
wounded by his sword without being cut in half, or losing
even more of one’s body. He was known to be invincible and
steady in battle; tall and broad-shouldered, he was terrifying
to behold and also exceptionally clever. He was, in fact,
on the verge of winning a victory there and even being

31
 THE HISTORY

παρὰ τῶν πλείστων ἐναντίων ἐπευφημούμενος, ἐπὶ τέλει

τῶν ἀγώνων τοῦ ἵππου αὐτομάτως κατέρρευσεν, οἷα τὰ
τοῦ Θεοῦ κρίματα, καὶ ἀθιγὴς ἔκειτο, σκαιωρίαν εἶναι τὸ
πρᾶγμα τῶν ἀντιθέτων οἰομένων καὶ σόφισμα. Ὡς δὲ παρ-
εγυμνοῦτο τὸ ἀληθές, ἐκδραμόντες πολλοὶ κείμενον αὐτὸν
ἐπ᾿ ἐδάφους κατέλαβον αἵματι διάβροχον καὶ καιρίαν
ἔχοντα κατὰ τῆς πλευρᾶς. Τῇ πτώσει τοίνυν αὐτοῦ τῶν
aug’ αὐτὸν διασκεδασθέντων καὶ παλιντρόπου γενομένης
τῆς νίκης, ἐπανῆλθον οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως χαρᾷ καὶ φόβῳ δι-
ηγηματικῶς συνεχόμενοι, τῷ προτερήματι γὰρ μὴ ἐπαιρό-
μενοι, τὸ πᾶν τῇ θείᾳ δεξιᾷ ἐπεγράφοντο.
Θριαμβεύσας δὲ ὁ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐσχηκὼς τοῦ πολέμου
| σεβαστοφόρος Στέφανος διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, τὰ πρῶτα παρὰ
τῷ βασιλεῖ μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς λαμπρότητος ἔσχηκε καὶ ζη-
λωτὸς πᾶσι καὶ περισπούδαστος ἐγνωρίζετο. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τὰ
τῆς δεσποτικῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἀβέβαια διαβληθείς, καὶ οὗτος
ὡς εἴη μελετῶν ἐπιβουλήν, ὑπερορίαν αὐτίκα καὶ δήμευσιν
καὶ ἀπόκαρσιν κατεκρίθη. Καὶ ὁ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων αὐτῷ
εἷς, ᾧ καὶ τὸ κράτος μέλλειν περιθεῖναι κατηγορεῖτο, τῶν
ὀφθαλμῶν pet’ ὀλίγον ἐστέρηται.
Ἀπαλλαγεὶς οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς τοσαύτης φροντίδος,
εἰς ἑτέραν αὖθις ἀνάγκην ἐνέπεσεν, πόλεμος γὰρ ἀλλόφυ-
λος ναυτικὸς ἄχρι τῆς Προποντίδος τὴν βασιλίδα κατ-
ἔλαβε, πλοίων ῥωσικῶν τῶν τετρακοσίων οὐκ ἀποδεόν-
τῶν, ἐπιρραξάντων αὐτῇ καταφράκτων ὅπλοις τε καὶ
πολεμικῇ ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ πλήθει τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς εἰσπλεόντων.
Καὶ κατεῖχε φόβος τὴν Βύζαντος οὐκ ἐλάχιστος, διὰ τὸ
ἀπαράσκευον ἐκ τῆς ἀπροόπτου τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπιδημίας.

22
 CHAPTER 5

acclaimed as emperor by most of the enemy soldiers, when

he inexplicably collapsed from atop his horse toward the
end of the battle — such is the will of God—and lay on the
ground unmolested, for his opponents thought that this was
some kind of trick or stratagem. But when the truth became
known, many ran over and found him lying upon the ground
drenched in blood, a mortal wound in his side. With his col-
lapse his army scattered and victory inclined now to the
other side; the imperial soldiers surged back in a mixture of
joy and fear, as in stories. They did not boast in victory, but
ascribed everything to the hand of God.
The general in charge of the war, [20] the sebastophoros
Stephanos, celebrated a triumph along the public thorough-
fares, and was illustriously elevated to the highest position
beside the emperor. He was envied by all and became quite
the man of the moment. But good fortune that comes from
imperial favor is highly unreliable. He too was slandered for
plotting against the emperor and was exiled, his property
was confiscated, and he was forced to take the tonsure.
One of his closest associates, accused of being the one upon
whom Stephanos would bestow the imperial power, was not
long afterward deprived of his sight.”
Relieved of this burdensome business, the emperor then
immediately had to face another necessary task, a naval war
against a foreign fleet.* Rus’ ships, no fewer than four hun-
dred, penetrated to the Propontis and reached the Reigning
City, which they attacked. Their crews were heavily armed,
experienced in war, and numerous. The City of Byzas pan-
icked in fear, as no preparations had been made to meet this
unexpected foreign invasion. But the emperor assembled as

33
 THE HISTORY

Ὅμως τὰ παρατυχόντα μακρὰ πλοῖα καὶ λοιπὰς ἑτέρας

ναῦς πολεμικὰς ὁ βασιλεὺς συστησάμενος καὶ πεζικῇ δυ-
νάμει τοὺς παρακειμένους αἰγιαλοὺς συμπεριλαβὼν καὶ
προσθήκην ἑκάστοτε τῆς πεζικῆς καὶ ναυτικῆς ἰσχύος
λαμβανούσης διὰ γραμμάτων φοιτώντων εἰς τὰς κατὰ χώ-
ρᾶν ἡγεμονίας, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ πρώτῃ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἣν Κυ-
ριακὴν ὁ χριστιανικώτατος οἷδε λαὸς ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Κυρίου
ἡμῶν Ἀναστάσεως, ἐκτάξας ἄμφω τὰς δυνάμεις, ἀνῆλθε
γὰρ καὶ l| αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς βασιλικῆς νεώς, καὶ τὸ ἐνυάλιον
ἀλαλάξαι προστάξας, ἐπῆλθε τοῖς ἐναντίοις, τὰς πρῴρας
λελαμπρυσμένας ἔχων τῶν οἰκείων νεῶν τῷ μηδικῷ πυρί:
καὶ συρραγεὶς τούτοις φυγεῖν κατηνάγκασε, πολλὰς μὲν
τῶν νεῶν κατακαύσας πυρί, ἄλλας αὐτάνδρους καταβαλὼν
τῷ βυθῷ, τινὰς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πλωτῆρσι κεκρατηκώς.
"Hpiotevoe δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ἁπάντων στρατιωτῶν μεῖζον
ὁ μάγιστρος ἐκεῖνος Βασίλειος ὁ Θεοδωροκάνος, ἀνὴρ
ἐπίδοξος τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ τὰς πράξεις ἐπιφανὴς κατά γε
τὴν ἤπειρον. Τότε δὲ θυμῷ ζέσας, εἰς μίαν τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν
νεῶν ἀναβὰς καὶ προσραγεὶς ῥωσικῇ, ἔνοπλος εἰς αὐτὴν
ἐπεπήδησε καὶ μόνος πρὸς ἅπαντας τοὺς πλωτῆρας συστη-
σάμενος πόλεμον, καταπληξάμενος τῇ δυνάμει ὅσους μα-
χαίρας ἔργον οὐκ ἐναπέδειξε, τῇ θαλάσσῃ βαλεῖν ἑαυτοὺς
ἐβιάσατο.
Οὕτω καὶ ταύτην τὴν μάχην κατορθώσας ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἡσυχίαν ἦγε καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων ἡδέως ἀντ-
είχετο, μουσεῖον τῆς νομοθετικῆς ἀναγείρας καὶ νομο-
φύλακα προστησάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ τῆς φιλοσοφίας
οὐρανοβάμονος ἐπεμελήθη μαθήματος, πρόεδρον τῶν

34
 CHAPTER 5

many long ships as happened to be present, along with other

assorted naval vessels, and he arrayed infantry forces along
the adjacent shores. Both the naval and the infantry forces
were strengthened by provincial units, following orders that
were dispatched to them. On the first day of the week,
which the most Christian people call the Lord's Day after
the Resurrection of our Lord,*! the emperor deployed both
types of forces and he himself sailed up (21] in the imperial
barge. He gave the signal for the battle to begin and attacked
the enemy. The prows of his ships glowed with Median fire.”
Engaging with the enemy, he forced them to retreat after
burning many of their ships, sending others to the depths
with all hands, and taking some captive along with their
crews.
More than any of the other fighters, the greatest renown
was won by that famous magistros Basileios Theodorokanos,
aman glorious in war and celebrated for his feats in land bat-
tles. On that occasion, inflamed with wrath he embarked on
one of the Roman ships and rammed one of the Rus' vessels,
boarded it in arms, and single-handedly fought against its
entire crew, terrifying them with his vigor. Whomever he
did not kill with his sword he forced to jump into the sea.
Prevailing in this battle too, the emperor relaxed and
took pleasure now in dealing with political affairs. He estab-
lished a school for the study of the law and appointed the
Guardian of the Laws as its head.“ He also provided for
the study of philosophy, that celestial science, appointing

35
 THE HISTORY

φιλοσόφων προχειρισάμενος ἄνδρα τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς διαφέ-

povta γνώσει, καὶ τοὺς νέους πρὸς ἄσκησιν τῶν σοφῶν
λόγων καὶ μαθημάτων προὐτρέψατο σὺν τῷ εὐμαρεῖ τῶν
διδασκάλων καὶ γερῶν τούτους ἐν τῷ δημηγορεῖν βασι-
λικῶν ἀξιῶν. Exatvice δὲ xai σέκρετον δικῶν ἰδιωτικῶν,
ἐπὶ τῶν κρίσεων καλέσας τὸν τούτου προέχοντα ἐν τούτῳ
οἱ τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν δικασταὶ καὶ συντάττουσι τὰ ποιητέα
ἐγγράφως καὶ τὰ τῶν σχεδαρίων ἐναποτιθέασιν ἴσα δι’
ὑποψίας ἀπαλλαγήν.

?
An ὁ βασκαίνων ἀεὶ τοῖς καλοῖς ἕτερον αὖθις aveyel-
ρει πόλεμον ἐπιχώριον ἐκ τοιᾶσδε προφάσεως: συγγενέα
κεκτημένος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἀδριανουπόλεως, Λέοντα
κατονομαζόμενον τοῦτον, εἰς λαμπρὰν ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἀνα-
τίθησι τύχην καὶ τῷ τῶν πατρικίων εἶτα καὶ τῶν βεστῶν
ἀξιώματι περίβλεπτον ἀποδείκνυσι, στρατηγίας συχνὰς
καὶ δημαγωγίας ἐμπιστεύων αὐτῷ. Ἐν μιᾷ δὲ ἔαρος ὥρᾳ
τῇ Μελιτηνῇ στρατηγοῦντος αὐτοῦ, τὰ μακεδονικὰ συν-
ἐταράχθη στρατεύματα, μακρὰν ἀποστασίαν ὠδίνοντα,
καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἠπίως καταστείλας τούτων τὸ φρόνημα

26
 CHAPTER 6

as Chief of the Philosophers a man who surpassed all our

contemporaries in knowledge.** He exhorted young men to
train in wise speeches and studies under the skillful guid-
ance of their teachers, and rewarded them with imperial ti-
tles when they declaimed in his presence. He also founded a
bureau for private legal cases, calling its overseer epi ton
kriseon. [22] Provincial judges were to set their verdicts down
in writing and deposit copies of them with this bureau, in
order to be free of all suspicion.

Chapter ó

The revolt of Leon Tornikios (1047)

b ut he who envies all good things“ incited yet another

civil war using the following pretext. The emperor had a rel-
ative from Adrianople named Leon. As was only reasonable,
he appointed him to illustrious ranks, first as a patrikios, then
he promoted him to the dignity of a vestes, and he often en-
trusted military commands and various public functions to
him. On one occasion, in the spring, when he was the gen-
eral in Melitene, the Macedonian armies were in a tumult
and a serious rebellion was brewing. The emperor gently
repressed their plan and foiled the revolt, deferring its

37
 THE HISTORY

διέλυσε τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, πρὸς καιρὸν μὲν ὡς ὕστερον τὸ.

ἀποτέλεσμα παραδέδωκεν, ὅμως δ᾽ οὐκ κατεστείλατο.
Κατηγορηθεὶς οὖν ὁ προεκφωνηθεὶς αὐτοῦ συγγενής, ὡς
τῆς στάσεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀρχηγὸς καὶ ὡς εἰς αὐτὸν
ἀναφερομένης τῆς τυραννίδος, παραλύεται τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ
μοναδικῷ παραδίδοται σχήματι καὶ τῇ μεγαλοπόλει ἄνε-
τος καὶ χωρίς τινος παραφυλακῆς ἀπολύεται.
Teräprnv δὲ πρὸς τῇ δεκάτῃ ἄγοντος τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου
μηνός, Kad’ ἣν τὸ ζωοποιὸν σημεῖον ὑψούμενον αἴρεται
σὺν ἐξιλεώσει πολλῇ, πρώτη δὲ ἰνδικτίων ἦν, ὁπότε καὶ ὁ
Κρόνος συνώδευσε τῷ Διί, λάθρᾳ τῆς βασιλευούσης ἀπο-
φοιτᾷ καὶ 8v ἵτπων κατὰ | διαδοχὴν ἱσταμένων ὑπόπτερος
ὡσανεὶ τῇ Ἀδριανοῦ παραδίδοται πόλει. Καὶ συνήθροιστο
πᾶν αὐτίκα μάλα τὸ τὴν στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν ἔχον ἑσπέ-
ριον καὶ διὰ δύο καὶ τριῶν ἡμερῶν εἰς πλῆθος μέγα καὶ
στρατιὰν ἀξιόλογον παραδόξως ἐπαίρεται ἡ συνάθροισις.
Καὶ τοῖς παρασήμοις κοσμηθεὶς μετὰ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐσθῆ-
τος, ὁ φυγαδίας στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ παρὰ τῶν συν-
όντων ἀνηγορεύθη καὶ διττὴν ἑτέραν ἡμέραν διαλιπὼν
ὥρμησε σὺν πολλῇ πεποιθήσει πρὸς τὴν εὐδαίμονα μεγα-
λόπολιν.
Οἱ δὲ προαχθέντες παρὰ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐξ αὐτῆς
στρατιῶται καί τινες τῶν ἐπισήμων τοῦ παλατίου προσμέ-
νοντες ἐς ἄστυ τῆς Σηλυμβρίας, ὡς ἔμαθον τὴν τούτου
ἔφοδον πολλὴν καὶ ἀνύποιστον, ὡς βαρεῖ στρατῷ καὶ
μαχιμωτάτῳ συγκροτουμένην, f, ποδῶν εἶχον γεγόνασιν
ὀπισθόρμητοι. Καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπαίθρων ἐφοδιάσαντες
ἑαυτούς, ὡς ἑκάστῳ παρεῖχε τὸ ἐπικείμενον τοῦ καιροῦ,

38
 CHAPTER 6

effectuation to a later time; at any rate, he did not fully sup-

press it.* His aforementioned relative was accused of being
the leader of the revolt and plot and of scheming to seize the
throne for himself. He was deposed from his command and
forced to take the monastic habit, though he was allowed to
live in the Great City comfortably without any restrictions.
On the fourteenth of the month of September, the day 2
on which the life-giving Sign? is raised in profound atone-
ment— this was in the first indiction, at a time when Kronos
was also in alignment with Zeus —Leon sneaked out of the
capital and, by riding a relay [23] of horses, reached Adriano-
ple as if on winged feet. Everyone who was of military age in
the western provinces mustered there and in two or three
days the assemblage had unexpectedly grown in numbers
and had become a sizable army. Invested with the imperial
insignia and garb, this fugitive was acclaimed commander in
chief by those present. ‘Iwo days later he set out with much
confidence for the prosperous Great City.
The emperor had sent soldiers forth from the City and 3
certain officials of the palace were waiting in the city of Se-
lymbria, but when they learned that he was advancing with a
Jarge and irresistible army, heavily armed and ready for com-
bat, they retreated as quickly as their feet could carry them.
People who lived in the countryside gathered for themselves
as many supplies as they could find under the circumstances

39
 THE HISTORY

ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ὠθοῦντο τῆς Πόλεως, ἄλλος ἄλλον προφθά-

νειν κατεπειγόμενοι. Μικρὸν δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡ τοῦ ἀποστάτου
ἐπιδημία φοβερά τις καὶ καταπληκτικὴ κατηγγέλλετο
ἵππῳ στρατιωτικῷ καὶ πεζικῇ δυνάμει μὴ ἀποδέουσα πρὸς
μάχην βασιλικήν, ἐδῃοῦντο δὲ καὶ τὰ προστυχόντα καὶ
διηρπάζοντο καὶ οὐδενὸς ἡττᾶτο τῶν ἐθνικῶν ὁ ἐμφύλιος
πόλεμος.
Τειχήρεις οὖν γεγονότες οἱ περὶ τὴν βασιλεύουσαν
σχεδὸν ἅπαντες τῶν ἐντὸς εἶχον τὴν φυλακὴν ἰσχυρῶς καὶ
ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τῆς £v Βλαχέρναις | καθήμενος ἀκροπό-
λεως ἤλγει τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπικράτειαν οὕτω λυττῶσαν καὶ
μαινομένην, ἔστι δ᾽ οἷς καὶ τὰ ἔσχατα πάσχουσαν καθορῶν.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ τοῖς τείχεσι προσεγγίσας ὁ τύραννος τῷ πλήθει
καὶ ταῖς δυνάμεσιν ἐνηβρύνετο, βασιλικῶς καὶ ἀγέρωχος
ἐμπεριπατῶν καὶ πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν εὐφημούμενος, τινὲς -
προπετεῖς καὶ ἀτάσθαλοι τοῖς ἀνακτόροις ἐγγίσαντες,
ὕβρεις ἀπρεπεῖς τοῦ ἀληθοῦς βασιλέως κατέχεον καὶ oó-
τως ἀπηλλάγησαν αὐχήματος ὁμοῦ καὶ φρονήματος γέ-
μοντες. Ἄλλος δέ τις τόξον ἀφεὶς διὰ τῶν κιγκλίδων, μι-
κροῦ ἐδέησε τὸν βασιλέα βαλεῖν, ἥρπασε δὲ τὴν πληγὴν
τῶν θαλαμηπόλων αὐτοῦ ὁ ἐγγύτερος.
Εἰς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν, Κυριακὴ δὲ ἦν, περιαλγήσαντές
τινες τῶν εὐνουστάτων τῷ βασιλεῖ γνώμην διδοῦσιν ἵν᾽
ἐν τῷ προεκκειμένῳ γηλόφῳ κόψωσι τάφρον καὶ ἀνδρά-
σιν αὐτὸν πολεμικοῖς ὅσοι τηνικαῦτα τῇ βασιλικῇ δορυ-
φορίᾳ παρέτυχον, περιλάβωσι καὶ τῷ μήκει τοῦ διαστήμα-
τος τὰς ὑβριστικὰς φωνὰς ἀποκρούσωνται καὶ μὴ τῷ
βασιλεῖ κατήκοοι γίνωνται. Δόξαν οὖν οὕτως ὅ τε τόπος

40
 CHAPTER 6

and crowded the gates of the City, shoving to get in ahead of

the others. À short while later the arrival of the rebel was an-
nounced, a frightening and awesome sight: in both cavalry
and infantry his forces were not inferior to an imperial bat-
tle army. They ravaged all that they encountered, looted at
will, and made civil war no less ruinous than war with for-
eign enemies.
Almost everyone in the Reigning City manned the walls
and sought their protection there, while the emperor sat
upon the acropolis [24] at Blachernai, deploring the rabid
madness that had seized his own domain and watching as it
plunged into ultimate destruction. The usurper approached
the walls and boasted about the size and strength of his
forces. He walked about in an imperial and lordly way and
had himself acclaimed before the walls, while certain of his
rash and even presumptuous followers came close to the
palace and poured out a stream of unseemly abuse against
the true emperor, after which they departed full of arro-
gance and boasting. Another of them loosed an arrow
through the lattice railing which almost hit the emperor; in-
stead it struck the nearest of his attendants.
On the following day, which was the Lord's Day,* some
of the emperor’s supporters became greatly upset at this
situation and expressed their opinion that a moat should be
cut around the hill overlooking that area and that soldiers,
who happened to belong to the imperial bodyguard at that
time, should be stationed along its length, thereby deflect-
ing the abusive shouts away from the ears of the emperor.
No sooner was it said than done: the area was surrounded by

41
 THE HISTORY

περιτεταφρευμένος ἐδείκνυτο καὶ τῇ ἐπαύριον στρατιῶται

τῆς παρεμβολῆς περιείχοντο. Ἀγαρηνῶν δέ τις ξυμμορία.
τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς φρουρᾶς ἐκβληθεῖσα καὶ δεξιώσεων τυχοῦσα
βασιλικῶν, ἐγκάρσιος ἔστη τῇ τάφρῳ περὶ τὰς ὄχθας τῆς
περιζωννυούσης ἑτέρας τάφρου τὴν βασιλίδα τῶν πόλεων.
Ὡς δὲ ἠγγέλλετο παρὰ τῶν σκοπῶν μεγάλῃ παρατάξει
καταλαμβάνειν τὸν | τύραννον, πυκνώσαντες τὰς ἀσπίδας
οἱ περὶ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὰς αἰχμὰς ἀντιστήσαντες, οὕτω
τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξεδέχοντο, βραχεῖς μὲν ὄντες καὶ μηδὲ πρὸς
τὸ πολλοστὸν τῆς ἐκείνου στρατιᾶς ἀποσώζοντες, οἱ πλεί-
ovg δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπειροπόλεμοί τε καὶ ξύγκλυδες, πίσυνοι δὲ
τῇ ἀποτειχιζούσῃ τάφρῳ καθεστῶτες τοὺς ἐναντίους.
Ἀρθέντων οὖν τῶν σημείων αἱ φάλαγγες ἀνεφάνησαν
στοιχηδόν, αἱ μὲν προπορευόμεναι τῆς ἀποστατικῆς παρ-
ουσίας, αἱ δὲ τῶν κεράτων ἐξηρτημέναι καὶ ἄλλαι τῆς.
οὐραγίας ἐχόμεναι, ἕως ἀπέναντι τῆς τάφρου συντεταγ-
μένας τὰς δυνάμεις ἐστήσαντο. Εἶτα σιγῆς γενομένης
ἀκροβολισμοὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐγίνοντο καὶ πελτασταὶ σπορά-
δες ἐξ ἑκατέρου μέρους ἀλλήλοις συνέπιπτον καὶ οὕτω
τῆς μάχης κατὰ μικρὸν ἀναπτομένης, ἱππόται τοῖς τοῦ βα-
σιλέως πεζοῖς τοῖς ἐκτὸς τοῦ χάρακος προσπηδήσασι τὰς
σαρίσσας ἐπέφερον. Εἶτα μοῖρά τις ἀποτμηθεῖσα καὶ τοῖς
Ἀγαρηνοῖς ἐπὶ μέτωπον προαχθεῖσα καὶ δόξαν παρα-
σχομένη φυγῆς, τῆς οἰκείας στάσεως ὡς διώκοντας αὐτοὺς
μετεστήσατο καὶ ταχέως μεταστρέψασα τοὺς ῥυτῆρας, εἰς
μέσον τούτους συνέκλεισε καὶ φόνον τούτων οὐκ εὐαρίθμη-
τον κατειργάσατο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ δὶς τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιφορὰν
ἐποίησατο, σύνθημα γέγονε τοῖς ἑστῶσι συντεταγμένοις

42
 CHAPTER Ó

a moat and on the following day soldiers manned it. A com-

pany of Agarenes from the guard were sent out, after receiv-
ing imperial gifts, and were positioned athwart the moat by
the banks of the other moat, the one that encircles the
Queen of Cities. When it was reported by the lookouts that
the usurper was approaching with a large battle line, [25] che
imperial soldiers locked their shields together and set their
spears against the enemy, in this way awaiting the attack. As
they formed a short line and could hardly fight off even a
small fraction of his army, most of them being inexperienced
in war anyway and little more than a mob, they placed their
hopes in the moat that walled them off from the enemy.
When the standards were raised, the phalanxes could be
seen arrayed in rows; some marched ahead of the rebel him-
self, others were attached to the wings, and the rest followed
in the rear. Their forces finally took their position across
from the moat. In the ensuing silence they first began to fire
from a distance, and the skirmishers from the two sides en-
gaged with each other here and there, and so the battle
slowly gathered intensity. The enemy cavalry brought their
lances to bear on those of the emperor's infantry who had
jumped outside the moat. Then a cavalry squadron broke
off and attacked the Agarenes head-on but executed a
feigned retreat, enticing them to abandon their formation
in pursuit. But then they quickly reversed direction, sur-
rounded them, and killed a good number of them. When
they had executed this maneuver twice, a signal was given to
the arrayed formation to shout its battle cry. With trumpets

43
 THE HISTORY

ἀλαλάξαι πολεμικῶς. Kai σαλπισάντων τῶν σαλπιστῶν,

αὐτοβοεί τε τῷ χάρακι ἐπιφέρονται καὶ τοῦτον αἱροῦσιν
ἐξεφόδου περιστοιχίσαντες δίκην μελισσῶν | τὸ θριγγίον᾽
καὶ εἰσπεσόντες ἔνδον πολλοὺς ἀνήρουν καὶ συνεπάτουν
τῶν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος, ἑτέρους δὲ ζωγρείᾳ εἷλον πολλούς, οἱ
δὲ περισωθέντες ἐντὸς πυλῶν ὑπότρομοι εἰσεδέχθησαν.
Οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν τειχῶν τῷ φόβῳ κατασεισθέντες τῆς συν-
δρομῆς καὶ τῶν πυλῶν κυριεῦσαι τοὺς πολεμίους νομίσαν-
τες, ταῦτα καταλιπόντες δρομαίως ἐπὶ τὰ πρόσω τῆς πό-
λεως ἔθεον καὶ ἦν ἐψιλωμένα πάντα φυλάκων. Καὶ δρόμος
ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ δίαυλος ἄτακτος, τῶν μὲν πρὸς τοὺς
ναοὺς καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ προσφευγόντων καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄνω συμ-
μαχίαν ἐκκαλουμένων, τῶν δὲ σὺν ὀδυρμοῖς προσιόντων
οἴκοις συγγενικοῖς, τῶν δὲ πρὸς ἀλκὴν παρεγγυωμένων
τραπέσθαι, τὰ τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐνθυμουμένων δεινά. Οὐδὲ
γυναῖκες ταύτης τῆς συνδρομῆς ὑπῆρχον ἀμέτοχοι.
Καὶ εἰ μή τις λογισμὸς ὑπερήφανος τοῦ νενικηκότος
περιεγένετο ἢ φιλάνθρωπος ἔννοια, ὡς λόγος μᾶλλον
αἱρεῖ, ἵνα μὴ τῇ τῆς εἰσόδου συγχύσει κακῶς ἄγαν διατεθῇ
τὸ ὁμόφυλον, ἢ καὶ παλαιὸς λόγος, ὃν καὶ αὐτῷ ἐπειπεῖν
τινα λέγεται, τὸ «νίκα καὶ μὴ ὑπερνίκα», τῆς τῶν πυλῶν
ἐπικρατείας αὐτὸν διεκώλυσεν, εὐμαρῶς ἂν ἐπέτυχε τῆς
ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ μεῖζον ἢ κατὰ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀποστάτας
ἤρατο κλέος, πολέμῳ τὴν τῶν πόλεων μητρόπολιν ἑνὶ
καὶ συντόμῳ παραστησάμενος. Νῦν δὲ καταφρονήσας
τοῦ πρόσω, σὺν τῇ νίκῃ καὶ τῆς οἰκείας δυναστείας καὶ
σωτηρίας ἐξέπεσεν. Οὕτως ἐν πολλοῖς τῶν ἀνδραγαθη-
μάτων πολλάκις ἡ ἀνοχὴ τὸ | μεῖζον κατεστρέψατο κλέος,

44
 CHAPTER 6

blaring, they rushed the ditch and took it in a single charge,

swarming its crest [26] like bees. Spilling inside, they killed
many, trampled those who were by the ditch, and took many
others prisoner. Those who survived fled in terror and were
allowed to enter the gates. But those atop the walls were
gripped with panic at the sudden onrush, thinking that the
enemy would surely seize the gates, and so they abandoned
their posts, running back inside the city at full speed, with
the result that there were no guards left anywhere. The pop-
ulation of the city was in flight, rushing to and fro in disor-
der, some seeking refuge in the churches and sanctuaries,
calling upon divine assistance, while others hurried in tears
to the houses of their relatives. Others were exhorting ev-
eryone to return to the fight, reminding them what terrible
things would happen if the city were taken. Nor did women
stay out of this confusing rush.
And had the victor not been overcome by arrogance or, as
reason rather suggests, by compassion, thinking that it was
bis own people who would suffer badly in the chaos of his
entry; or even, had the old saying “win, but don't press your
luck,”*? of which, it is said, someone reminded him at that
moment, not prevented him from seizing the gates, he
would have easily succeeded in his goal and would have be-
come more famous than any previous rebel for capturing the
Metropolis of all cities in but a single brief war. As it was,
however, he refused to press the attack, and thereby lost his
shot at victory and destroyed his power and even himself.
So it is that in many manly enterprises forbearance often

45
 THE HISTORY

ἀδυνατούσης πάντως τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως τὸ μέλλον

ὡς δέον συμβαλεῖν καὶ στοχάσασθαι.
Καὶ ὁ μὲν τῷ τοιούτῳ προτερήματι κορεσθείς, λαμπρῶς
εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν παρεμβολὴν ἐπανέζευξε, φιλανθρώποις.
συναντήσεσι καὶ προσηγορίαις εὐφημοτάταις καὶ παιανι-
σμοῖς παρὰ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπαντώμενος, ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς,
ἐπείπερ ἀδείας ἐδράξατο καὶ ὅπερ ἐδεδίει τὴν ἐξεφόδου
δηλονότι τῆς πόλεως ἅλωσιν ἡ θεία ἀντίληψις διεσκέδα-
σεν, οὐκ ἠμέλησε δι᾿ ὅλης ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς
νυκτὸς τῆς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ ἐπισυναθροίζων τοὺς συμφυγόντας
τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τειχήρεις ἐς αὖθις ποιούμενος, τάς τε πύ-
λας κατοχυρῶν καὶ παντοίοις ὅπλοις καὶ μηχαναῖς καὶ
πετροβόλοις ὀργάνοις τὰς ἐπάλξεις περιζωννύων.
Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀνειληφὼς ὁ τῶν ἑσπερίων
ὑπαίθρων κρατῶν, ἐπιφαίνεται τοῖς τῆς πόλεως εὔελπις ὧν
ὡς τῇ προτεραίᾳ καταπλήξας τοὺς ἐναντίους σὺν εὐλαβείᾳ
καὶ φόβῳ παρὰ τούτων ὑποδεχθήσεται, τὰς πύλας αὐτῷ.
ἀναπεταννύντων καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια φερούσης βα-
σιλικῆς προηγουμένων. Ὡς δὲ τοὐναντίον ἢ κατὰ λο-
γισμὸν εἶχε συνηνέχθη τούτῳ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὸ μὲν
τεῖχος μείζονι παρασκευῇ περιειλημμένον εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν
κατεῖδε, τούς τε ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ καθημένους πολεμησείοντας καὶ
τὴν ἄνοιξιν τῶν πυλῶν προτρεπόμενον διαπαίζοντας τοῦ-
τον καὶ καθυβρίζοντας. Πολλὰ τῆς δυσβουλίας ἑαυτῷ |
κατεμέμψατο, ὅτι τοῦ καιροῦ διδόντος τὸ πρότερον, μαλα-
κώτερον αὐτὸς τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐδέξατο. Καὶ τότε λοιπὸν
εἰς ἔργον ὁ λόγος ἐκβέβηκεν ὅτι «τῷ Ἔπιμηθεῖ τὸ μὲν
μέλειν οὐκ ἦν, τὸ δὲ μεταμέλειν ἐνῆν». Πολλοὺς δ᾽

46
 CHAPTER 6

undermines [27] the glory of success, as human nature is al-

together incapable of foreseeing the future and preparing
for it accordingly.
He was content with the advantage he had won and re-
turned in glory to his encampment, where he was received
warmly by his followers with cheers, acclamations, and songs
of victory. Ás for the emperor, having been granted a brief
respite, and since the divine succor had prevented that
which he had feared, namely that the city would be taken by
storm, he did not cease throughout that entire day and the
following night from reassembling those citizens who had
fled, stationing them back on the walls, securing the gates,
and arming the battlements with every kind of weapon,
siege engine, and catapult.
On the following day, he who now held the countryside
to the west took his forces and presented himself to the
people of the City in the good hope that his opponents
would have been so frightened by what had happened on the
previous day that they would now receive him with rever-
ence and fear, throw open the gates for him, and escort him
along the imperial boulevard that leads to the palace. But
matters turned out for him in the opposite way than he ex-
pected. He found the walls even better prepared to resist an
attack, the men atop them ready for war, and, when he bid
them open the gates, they mocked and insulted him. He
then cursed his own bad judgment: [28] opportunity had
presented itself, but he had been too soft in pressing his ad-
vantage. This, then, confirmed the truth of the saying that
"Epimetbeus does not plan in advance, but rather he regrets

47
 THE HISTORY

ἐμπεριπατήσας διαύλους πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν, εἶτα τοὺς ἑαλω-

κότας προαγαγὼν καὶ διαχειρίσασθαι τούτους ἐπαπειλού-
μενος, εἰ μὴ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτῷ οἱ ἐντὸς ἐπιτρέψαιεν, ὡς
ἔγνω «μάτην» τὸ τοῦ λόγου «θυροκοπῶν» καὶ «πρὸς Κρῆ-
τας κρητίζων», ὀπισθόρμητος γέγονε.
IO Καί τινας ἡμέρας ἐν Θερμοπόλει ἐπιστρατευσάμεγος
ἑτέρας, ἀρξαμένου τοῦ πλήθους αὐτοῦ ὑπορρεῖν καὶ τῷ
βασιλεῖ προσιέναι, ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν νυκτὸς πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐβά-
διζε καὶ κατὰ τῆς Ῥαιδεστοῦ, πόλις δὲ αὕτη παράλιος τῆς
Προικοννήσου ἀπέναντι, πανστρατιᾷ ἐξωρμήσατο, μόνη
γὰρ αὕτη τῶν μακεδονικῶν οὐ συναπήχθη τούτῳ, καὶ
συνεφρόνησε σπεύδων κατακράτος ἑλεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ δι᾽
αὐτῆς καταπλῆξαι τοὺς ἀντιβαίνοντας. Προσραγεὶς δὲ
τοῖς τείχεσι καὶ μηχανὰς ἐπιστήσας αὐτοῖς, τῶν ἔνδον
εὐρώστως ἀνταγωνιζομένων, ἄπρακτος ἀπηλλάγη, μηδὲν
κατωρθωκὼς ὦνπερ διενοήσατο.
11 "EE éxeivov τοίνυν τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἐν τοῖς μεσογείοις.
προθέμενος, ἐκαραδόκει τὸ μέλλον. Ἤρξαντο δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ
τῶν τῆς ἑῴας πολλοὶ πρὸς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν ἐπιρρεῖν,
πανταχῇ γραμμάτων ἐπιφοιτησάντων βασιλικῶν, καὶ προ-
ἰόντες τινὲς ἀποσπάδες ἐξήπτοντο τῶν πεμπομένων πρὸ
τῆς παρεμβολῆς | καὶ τὰς ἀγορὰς περιέκοπτον καὶ ὡς ἐν
ἀκροβολισμῷ τὰ τῆς μάχης ἐγίνετο. Μικρὸν δὲ ὕστερον
τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας στρατευμάτων ἁπάντων ἐπανελθόντων
καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἁδρᾶς ἤδη γενομένης τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὰ
πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξηρτύοντο. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐκ τῆς βασιλίδος
κατὰ τῶν ἀντιπάλων ἐσκευασμένοι ἐξήεσαν, βουλγαρικὴ
δέτις δύναμις ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας μεταπεμφθεῖσα κατὰ νώτου

48
 CHAPTER 6

later." After pacing the circuit of the walls several times, he

brought forth the prisoners and threatened to kill them if
those inside did not allow him to enter. But when he real-
ized, as the proverb says, that he was knocking on the doors
in vain, or playing the Cretan to the Cretans,?! he withdrew
his army.
After encamping for some more days at Thermopolis,” IO

his army began to drift away and go over to the emperor. He

departed from there at night and marched with all his forces
to the west against Raidestos, which is a coastal city across:
from Prokonnesos. This was the only city of Macedonia that
had not joined his side, and his intention was to take it sud-
denly by storm and in so doing terrify his opponents. He at-
tacked the walls and brought siege engines against it, but
the inhabitants resisted him valiantly so he left empty-
handed, without having accomplished any of his goals.
Thereupon he encamped in the interior, waiting on II

events. Meanwhile, reinforcements began to reach the

Reigning City from the east in great number, as imperial or-
ders had been dispatched everywhere. Units were detached
and sent ahead to engage with those who were sent out from
the camp, [29] to cut off their supplies, and so the struggle
had turned to skirmishing. Shortly thereafter, when all the
eastern armies had assembled and the emperor now had a
powerful force, preparations were made for war. The one
side marched out fully prepared from the Queen of Cities
against the enemy and a Bulgarian force was dispatched
from the west to take a position behind the rebel. As a result,

49
 THE HISTORY

τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἀποστάτην ἐγίνετο, ὅθεν xal μοῖραν οὗτος

οὐκ ἐλαχίστην ἀποτεμόμενος, ἐπιτρέπει τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
αὐτῆς τῷ συγγενεῖ αὐτοῦ στρατηγῷ τῷ Βατάτζη, ἀνδρὶ
γενναίῳ καὶ συνετῷ καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν πολεμικὴν ἐμπειρίαν
ἀκαθαιρέτῳ. Καὶ συμβαλὼν οὗτος τοῖς ἐπερχομένοις
Βουλγάροις περὶ τὴν τῶν Κυψέλων περίχωρον, ἀγῶνι με-
γάλῳ τούτων κρατεῖ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνελών, ἐπανῆλθε τῷ
προτερήματι σεμνυνόμενος, εὗρε δὲ τὸν ἀποστείλαντα
τοῦτον πάσης ἐψιλωμένον ἰσχύος, οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται
καταλιπόντες αὐτόν, ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ διεσπάρησαν. Ἰδόν-
τες δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Βατάτζην τὸ γεγονός, ἀθρόον καὶ
αὐτοὶ φυγαδείᾳ ἐχρήσαντο.
12 Συνιέντες οὖν οὗτοι ὅπῃ τύχης εἰσὶ καὶ πᾶσαν ἀπο-
γνόντες σωτηρίας ὁδόν, τῷ ἐν Βουλγαροφύγῳ σηκῷ κατα-
φεύγουσιν, ἐπικαταλαβόντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ στρατοπέ-
δου, τῆς ἱερᾶς τραπέζης περιεχόμενοι, ἀποσπῶνται βιαίως.
καὶ δεσμῶται γενόμενοι, τῷ βασιλεῖ παραπέμπονται περὶ
τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν In-
σοῦ Χριστοῦ γενεθλιακῆς | ἑορτῆς. Καὶ μηδὲ λόγου τυχόν-
τες, χερσὶ δημίων τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἀποβάλλουσιν, ἑτέρους
δὲ τῆς ἀποστασίας συμμύστας ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς σῶμα κολά-
σαι οὐκ φκονόμησε, φυγῇ δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ δημεύσει προσ-
εζημίωσε.

50
 CHAPTER 6

Leon detached a large part of his force and gave its com-
mand to a relative of his, the general Batatzes,? a man who
was brave, prudent, and unrivaled in military experience. He
engaged with the advancing Bulgarians in the region of
Kypsela?* and, in a great battle, defeated them, killing many.
He returned, proud of his achievement, but found the one
who had sent him stripped of all power, as his soldiers had
abandoned him, scattering in different directions. When
Batatzes' men saw this, they too fled en masse.
Understanding their predicament and despairing of find- 12

ing any path to their own salvation, they sought refuge in

the church at Boulgarophygon.” When the imperial army
arrived, they were dragged by force from the holy altar to
which they were clinging, and then they were bound and led
before the emperor on the day when the birth of the Great
God and our Savior Jesus Christ is [30] celebrated.56 Without
being given a chance to speak, they were blinded at the
hands of the executioners.*’ The emperor refused to impose
corporal punishments on the other leaders of the rebellion,
but they were exiled and their properties confiscated.

51
kK αἱ ta μὲν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος: Σκύ-
θαι δέ, otc Πατζινάκους oldev ὁ δημώδης λόγος καλεῖν,
τὸν Ἴστρον παγγενεὶ διαβάντες pet’ οὐ πολὺ τοῖς Pwpai-
κοῖς ἐγκατεσκήνωσαν τόποις, γένος ἀντὶ πάσης ἄλλης
ἐπιστήμης καὶ τέχνης τὴν μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐπιδρομὴν ἠσκηκὸς
καὶ βίον ἔχον τὸ ἐν ῥομφαίᾳ καὶ τόξῳ καὶ βέλει συνεχῶς
διαζῆν, μυσαρὸν δὲ τὰ πρὸς τροφὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην δια-
γωγὴν καὶ μιαροφαγεῖν οὐδαμῶς ἀπεχόμενον. Τοῦτο πο-
νηρᾷ τινι τύχῃ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπεισκωμάσαν ὁρίοις, πολλὰ
δεινὰ καὶ λόγῳ ῥηθῆναι καθεξῆς μὴ δυνάμενα ἐς ὕστερον
διαπέπραχε.
Τέως δ᾽ οὖν τῆς περὶ τούτων φήμης ἐπιδραμούσης, τὰς
πρὸς ἥλιον λήγοντα δυνάμεις ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτοῖς ἐπεστή-
σατο, οἱ δὲ τῆς τε ἀλλοτρίας ἔτι καθεστῶτες ἀπείρατοι καὶ
νόσῳ λοιμώδει κατατρυχόμενοι, ἀσυνήθως δὲ καὶ πρὸς
τὰς ῥωμαϊκὰς φάλαγγας ἀντιστρατεύεσθαι ἔχοντες, χεῖρας
μὲν ἀντᾶραι τούτοις οὐκ ἐδοκίμασαν, τοὺς δὲ ἀρχηγοὺς
αὐτῶν καὶ συνταγματάρχας δόντες ἐνέχυρον καὶ δούλω-
σιν οὕτως ὑποκρινάμενοι, φιλανθρωπίας ἐντεῦθεν τυγχά-
νουσι. Καὶ λύσις τότε τῆς στρατιᾶς διαγίνεται, τῶν
Ῥωμαίων ἀρκεσθέντων τούτοις καὶ χειροήθεις οἰηθέντων
ποιῆσαι τοὺς μηδέποτε γενομένους μηδ᾽ ἕξιν ἔχοντας

52
 Chapter 7

The Pecheneg war (ca. 1047-1053)

l his, then, was how the rebellion ended. But the Skythi-
ans, who are popularly called Pechenegs, crossed the Dan-
ube with all their people and soon established themselves
on Roman territory?? This race practices armed raids more
than any other skill or art and makes its living by continuous
use of the sword, bow, and arrow. They are loathsome in
their diet and the other aspects of their life, and do not
abstain from eating foul foods. By some evil chance, they
poured over the Roman borders and later on caused many
hardships that it would not be possible to enumerate in de-
tail here.
When reports about these events arrived, the emperor
sent his western armies against them. The enemy were not
yet used to these lands that were foreign to them and were
afflicted by a pestilent disease; they were, moreover, not
used to fighting against the Roman phalanxes. So they did
not even attempt to raise up arms against them, but gave up
as hostages their own rulers and commanders and thus pre-
tended to have been subdued, obtaining a reprieve in this
way. Thus the campaign was terminated, [31] as the Romans
were content with this outcome and believed that they had
subdued those who had never been subdued before, people
in fact who simply did not have the capacity for it in their

53
 THE HISTORY

γίνεσθαι. Kai oi μὲν ἀρχηγοὶ τούτων τῷ βασιλεῖ παραπέμ-

πονται, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις χάραξι συνετηρήθησαν
ἀπαθεῖς.
Λωφησάσης δὲ τῆς νόσου καὶ ὥσπερ ὄφεων ὑπὸ θέρμης
εὐρώστως συγκινουμένων αὐτῶν καὶ δόξαν παρεσχηκότων
ἰσχύος δυσκατεργάστου, σκοπὸν ἔσχεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς
ἀρχηγοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποστεῖλαι συνετίσοντας τυχὸν τὸ ὁμό-
φυλον, ἔτυχε γὰρ αὐτοὺς τῆς τοῦ θείου λουτροῦ παλιγγε-
νεσίας καταξιῶσαι καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἀξιῶσαι μεγίστης, καὶ
δὴ ποιεῖται τούτους τῆς μάχης τάχα καταλλακτῆρας καὶ
ταῖς οἰκείαις φατρίαις αὖθις ἀνασώζει καὶ παραδίδωσιν.
Ἔγνω δὲ τότε πρῶτον ὅτι «μάτην Αἰθίοπα λευκᾶναί τις
ἐπιβάλλεται» καὶ ὅτι «ὄφιν τρέφειν καὶ πονηρὸν εὐεργετεῖν
ὅμοιον», καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἑκάστου τούτων ἡ χάρις ἀποτίκτειν εἴω-
θεν εὔνοιαν. Κατὰ γὰρ τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔθνος γενόμενοι, πάντα.
πράττειν ὅσα τὸ ἔθος αὐτοῖς παρήνει καὶ διηρέθιζεν οὐκ
ἀπείχοντο, συνεχεῖς ἐκδρομὰς ἐργαζόμενοι καὶ λαφυραγω-
γοῦντες τὰ κύκλῳ καὶ πᾶν τὸ προστυχὸν ληϊζόμενοι καὶ
τὴν ῥωμαϊκὴν γῆν τοῖς αἵμασι τῶν Αὐσόνων πιαίνοντες.
Διὸ καὶ συνηναγκάσθη πάλιν ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων ἐλάσαι στρατιὰν ἀξιόμαχον: καὶ συνελθούσης ad-
τῆς καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἀντιπαραταξαμένης, μάχαι | συν-
εἐχεῖς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐγίνοντο, ποτὲ μὲν τούτων, ποτὲ δ᾽
ἐκείνων προαρπαζόντων τὴν νίκην. ’Enei δ᾽ ἰσοπαλὴς ἐδό-
κει, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἡ τῶν Σκυθῶν ἐπιφορὰ προτεροῦσα, χωρὶς
ἥττης θατέρου τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων an’ ἀλλήλων εὐθύς,
ὥσπερ ἀπὸ συνθήματος ἄνευ διωγμοῦ καὶ φυγῆς ἀπηλλά-
γήσαν.

54
 CHAPTER 7

nature. Their leaders were sent to the emperor while the

rest remained in their encampments, unharmed.
When the pestilence abated, like snakes warmed up by 3
the heat they began to move again with vigor and gave the
appearance of possessing a strength that could not easily
be subdued. The emperor's plan was to send their leaders
back in the hope that they might bring their people to their
senses. He had honored them with the rebirth of holy bap-
tism and the greatest gifts, and hoping to use them to avert
war, or so he thought, he spared their lives and restored
them to their own clans. But he realized then that it is ut-
terly pointless to "try to paint the Ethiopian white”? and
that "to benefit a bad man is like feeding a snake.” Grace
is unlikely to engender goodwill from either one. For once
they returned to their own people, they behaved again in ac-
cordance with its customs, and would not cease their provo-
cations. They made continual raids and ravaged the lands all
around, plundering everything in their path and drenching
Roman land with the blood of the Ausones.? So the em-
peror was yet again forced to send a formidable army against
the barbarians. When it was mustered and arrayed against
the enemy, battles [32] began to take place on a daily basis,
and victory would go alternately to one side and then to the
other. As they seemed to be evenly matched, or rather the
Skythians seemed to have the advantage, both sides with-
drew as if by some arrangement, though neither had been
defeated, nor was there a rout and pursuit.

55
 THE HISTORY

Ἔγνω τοίνυν ὁ βασιλεὺς προσθήκην ἐμποιῆσαι τῇ

στρατιᾷ διὰ τῶν ἑῴων ταγμάτων καὶ οὕτω τὴν σκυθικὴν
κατεργάσασθαι παντευχίαν. Διαβιβάζει τοίνυν εἰς Εὐρώ-
πὴν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τοὺς στρατευομένους πασσυδίᾳ καὶ πολ-
λαπλασιάσας τὸ πλῆθος τοῖς Σκύθαις ἐπαφῆκεν, ὁμοῦ
ἀρχηγὸν αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας εὐνοῦχόν τινα τῶν ἱερωμένων,
τῷ τοῦ ῥαίκτωρος τιμήσας αὐτὸν ἀξιώματι, ὃς τὰς δυνά-
μεις ἀναλαβὼν κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων ὁμόσε χωρεῖ. Καὶ πρὸ
τοῦ χάρακα βαλεῖν καὶ στρατοπεδεύσασθαι καὶ βουλὰς
στρατηγικὰς προσλαβεῖν καὶ συμβαλεῖν τὰ προσήκοντα,
κατὰ μέτωπον τοῖς ἐναντίοις ὡς εἶχε φόρτου καὶ συσκευῆς
ἀγοραστικῆς ἐπιφαίνεται, σπεύδων αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ σὺν
αὐτῷ καταλαβεῖν τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους πρὸ τοῦ φυγεῖν
καὶ πανωλεθρίαν τούτων ἐργάσασθαι. Ὡς δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι περι-
τετειχισμένοι ταῖς ἁμάξαις τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ἐξεδέχοντο,
δρόμῳ καὶ βοῇ πολλῇ τῇ παρεμβολῇ τούτων τῶν ῥωμα-
ikQv φαλάγγων τινὲς προσέβαλον, οἱ δὲ βέλεσιν ἑκηβό-
λοις χρησάμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἵππους αὐτῶν πληγαῖς θο-
ρυβήσαντες, | αἰσχρῶς τούτους φυγεῖν συνηνάγκασαν,
εὐλαβουμένου τούτων ἑκάστου ἵνα μὴ τὸν βίον ἀποβάλῃ
πληγῇ ἀπροόπτῳ καὶ συμπατηθῇ τοῖς συντρέχουσι. Δευ-
τέρας δὲ συμβολῆς γενομένης ὡς τὴν ὁμοίαν ἐκτροπὴν οἱ
Ῥωμαῖοι πεπόνθασιν, εὐθὺς φευγόντων οἱ Σκύθαι τούτων
ἐξήρτηντο: καὶ τῇ ἀταξίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν στρατιωτῶν
συμμιγέντων, τῶν τε τῆς ἑσπέρας στρατιωτῶν μήδ᾽ εἰς
χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν καὶ τὴν ἧτταν τῶν συμμάχων ἀνασχομένων
ἀνακαλέσασθαι διὰ τὸ παρευδοκιμηθῆναι περὶ αὐτὴν
τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς προκατάρξεως, παντελὴς τροπὴ τῶν

56
 CHAPTER 7

The emperor then decided to reinforce the army from 4

the eastern units and in this way to suppress the Skythian
army. He quickly transported soldiers from Asia to Europe
to augment his host and sent it against the Skythians. As its
commander he appointed a eunuch priest,®! honoring him
with the rank of raiktor. The latter gathered his forces and
marched against the enemy. Yet before establishing a perim-
eter trench and a proper camp, or forming a war strategy and
arranging what was necessary, he simply charged che enemy
head-on, his soldiers burdened still with their gear and sup-
plies. He and his advisers were in a hurry to overtake the en-
emy before they had the chance to flee and thereby wreak
havoc upon them. As the Skythians received the attack be-
hind a wall of their wagons, some of the Roman phalanxes
charged their camp at a run and with a great roar. But the
enemy took aim with their bows and wounded the Roman
horses, [33] which caused them to panic and flee shamefully,
as each man was taking care not to lose his life to an attack
that came out of the blue or be trampled by those fleeing
beside him. À second clash ensued and the Romans suffered
the same reversal as before, with the Skythians pursuing
them as soon as they fled. In all the chaos of so many sol-
diers jostling together, the soldiers of the west dared not to
close with the enemy and prevent the defeat of their com-
rades because they had been slighted on the day when the
battle had begun. And so the Roman army was utterly routed

57
 THE HISTORY

ῥωμαϊκῶν δυνάμεων γίνεται καὶ φόνος τούτων ὅσος ἀμύ-

θητος. Οἱ δὲ περισωθέντες τὰς πανοπλίας ἐκδύντες καὶ
καταβάντες τῶν ἵππων, εἰς ὕλας τε βαθείας καὶ κρημνοὺς
ἑαυτοὺς συνωθήσαντες, μόλις εἰς τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἀνεσώθησαν.
Τοιαύτης δὲ τετυχηκότες οἱ Σκύθαι τῆς εὐτυχίας καὶ
πολλῶν σωμάτων καὶ χρημάτων γενόμενοι κύριοι καὶ αὖ-
χήματος μεγάλου πληρώσαντες ἑαυτούς, οὕτως ἐμβάλλου-
σιν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονικὴν καὶ κατατρέχουσι πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ
καὶ πλειόνων κυριεύσαντες λαφύρων, εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν σκη-
vag περιφανῶς ἀνασώζονται. Τοῦτο δὲ δὶς καὶ τρισάκις
πεποιηκότες, ἄμαχον ἔχειν τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ ἀκαταγώνιστον
ἔδοξαν.
Αὖθις δὲ περὶ Ἀδριανούπολιν συντάγματα μεγάλα
παραλαβὼν ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμὼν Κωνσταντῖνος πραι-
πόσιτος ὁ εὐνοῦχος, εἰς | τόπον ἱκανὸν καὶ τάφροις αὐτὸν
ὀχυρώσας ὑποθημοσύναις Μιχαὴλ βεστάρχου τοῦ Δοκει-
ανοῦ, ἦν ἐπιτηρῶν τὴν τῶν Σκυθῶν ἔφοδον. Av ὀλίγου δὲ
ἐπελθόντες ἐκεῖνοι, ἅπαν τὸ κατὰ πρόσωπον πεδίον ἐπλή-
pwoav καὶ εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων παρεμβολὴν ἐπορεύοντο,
πλῆθος ὄντες ὡς ἀληθῶς δυσαρίθμητον. Εἴπερ οὖν προσ-
éoxov τότε τῇ τοῦ μαγίστρου τοῦ Ἀρριανίτου βουλῇ καὶ
περιεφύλαξαν ἔνδον ἑαυτοὺς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι Kar’ ἐκείνην τὴν
ὥραν, εἶτ᾽ ἐπανιοῦσι τοῖς Σκύθαις ἐκ ποδὸς συνεδίωκον,
ἤδη καμοῦσι καὶ κεκμηκόσι τῇ στάσει καὶ τοῖς περιδρό-
μοις τοῦ χάρακος, κἂν εἰργάσαντό τι ἀξιόλογον ἔργον.
Nov δὲ ἀπαυθαδιασθέντες καὶ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐμβαλόν-
τες αὐτοῖς ἐν τόποις ἠροτριασμένοις καὶ ἀμπελῶσι καὶ
φραγμοῖς κατεσπιλωμένοις, ὀλίγον ἐδέησαν ἀποβαλεῖν

58
 CHAPTER 7

and its soldiers massacred in numbers beyond counting. The

survivors shed their armor, dismounted, and forced their
way into deep forests and steep gullies, and barely managed
to reach safety. Such was the victory of the Skythians, who
thereby acquired many prisoners, booty, and a great source
of pride. They thus invaded Macedonia and raided the whole
of it at once, acquiring much plunder with which they re-
turned gloriously to their tents. This they repeated a second
and then a third time, giving the impression that their
strength was invincible and irrepressible.
The leader of the Romans, the eunuch Konstantinos the
préipositos, again took command of large musters of the units
near Adrianople, assembling them in [34] a suitable location
which he fortified with trenches, following the recommen-
dation of the vestarches Michael Dokeianos, and there he
watched for the next raid of the Skythians.4 Not long after-
ward they arrived, filling up the entire field that faced the
Romans and moving toward their camp in numbers that
were truly beyond counting. And if the Romans had then
paid heed to the advice of the magistros Arrianites® and
guarded themselves inside their camp at that moment and
pursued the Skythians closely from behind when they were
on their return journey and already tired and weary from
standing at their position and circumventing the trench,
then they might have accomplished something noteworthy.
As it was, however, they recklessly attacked them before the
city in cultivated fields broken up by vineyards and fences.
They came close to losing their very encampment, for they

59
 THE HISTORY

καὶ τὸν χάρακα, ἡττηθέντες ἄρδην τῇ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπι-

φορᾷ. Ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐπιφανέστατοι,
αὐτός τε ὁ Ἀρριανίτης καὶ ὁ Δοκειανός, ὁ μὲν ὑσσῷ βλη-
θείς, ὁ δὲ ζωγρείᾳ ληφθείς. Ἀχθεὶς δὲ πρὸς τὸν τῶν Σκυθῶν
ἀρχηγόν, μηδὲν ὑποπτήξας ἁρπάζει ξίφος ἀγχοῦ που
κείμενον καὶ παίει τοῦτον κατὰ τοῦ τραχήλου καὶ συναφαι-
ρεῖται τὴν χεῖρα, λέξας: «Ἑνὸς καὶ αὐτὸς δυσμενοῦς φο-
νεὺς γενέσθαι οὐ δέδοικα». Οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι θυμῷ ζέσαντες,
διασπαράττουσι τοῦτον’ καὶ τὴν γαστέρα τεμόντες τὰ
ἔγκατα τούτου ἐξαιροῦσι καὶ κατατεμόντες αὐτοῦ χεῖρας
καὶ πόδας ἀντεισάγουσιν ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ θνήσκει λοιπὸν τὸν
εὐγενῆ θάνατον. Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπαύριον συμβαλόντες | ἀλλήλοις
κατά τινα μέρη διδοῦσι νῶτα οἱ Σκύθαι καί, πεσόντων
τινῶν, οἱ λοιποὶ περὶ τὰ σφέτερα διασώζονται.
"HoxaAde τοίνυν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ μηχανὴν ἐζήτει 9v ἧς
ἂν ἀποκρούσασθαι δυνήσαιτο τὸ ἀντίπαλον, αὐτὸς μὲν
γὰρ 9r ἑαυτοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀναδέξασθαι τοῦ πολέμου
καὶ βουλόμενος οὐκ ἠδύνατο, νόσῳ ποδαγρικῇ περὶ τὰ
ἄκρα κακῶς διακείμενος καὶ παντελῶς ἀπρόϊτος ὧν καὶ
ἀντὶ ποδὸς κεχρημένος τῷ δίφρῳ, τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν
ἀνανδρίαν καταγινώσκων καὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν δεόντων διάτα-
ξιν ἄνοιαν.
Μίαν οὖν εὕρισκεν ἀναστολὴν τῆς συνεχοῦς τῶν βαρ-
βάρων ἐπιδρομῆς, τὴν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις διανομὴν τῶν
στρατιωτῶν. Καὶ οὕτω καστροφυλακοῦντας ἀποδείξας ad-
τοὺς καί τινα Λατῖνον ἄνδρα, γενναῖον ἐς τὰ μάλιστα κατὰ
χεῖρα καὶ νοῆσαι τὸ δέον οὐδενὸς ἥττονα, τούτοις ἀρ-
χηγὸν ἐπιστήσας, ταῖς τῶν ἐναντίων ἐφόδοις ἐφεδρεύειν

60
 CHAPTER 7

were roundly defeated by the enemy charge. The most

prominent men among the leaders were killed, including Ar-
rianites himself and Dokeianos, the first struck by a javelin
while the second was captured. When he was led before the
leader of the Skythians, without the slightest hesitation he
grabbed a sword that was lying nearby and struck the Skythi-
an's neck, severing his hand as well, saying, ^I too am not
afraid to kill one of the enemy myself.” The Skythians then
wete inflamed with wrath and cut him to pieces. Slitting
open his belly they pulled out his guts and replaced them
with his hands and feet, which they cut off for the purpose.
He, then, died a noble death. On the following day they
joined battle [353] against each other and the Skythians
retreated at certain points in the line; a few of them were
killed and the rest returned for safety to their camp.
The emperor was distressed and sought a way to repel
this enemy. He could not personally take charge of the war,
even had he wanted to, for he was grievously afflicted with
gout in his extremities and thus entirely unable to walk; he
used a carriage instead of his feet. He did, however, blame
the generals for cowardice and their inability to find a proper
remedy for the situation.
He could find only one way to counter the barbarians'
continual raiding and this was to distribute the soldiers to
the various forts. He thus turned them into fortress guards
and appointed as their commander a certain Latin, who was
extremely brave in battle and second to none in understand-
ing what had to be done.“ He ordered them to watch

61
 THE HISTORY

πεποίηκεν. Ἐπιτηροῦντες τοίνυν αὐτοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἐκδρομαῖς

καὶ ταῖς διαρπαγαῖς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, κατὰ μοῖραν ἐξιόντες
ἀθρόον τῶν πόλεων καὶ τούτους σποράδας καταλαμ-
βάνοντες, τήν τε λείαν ἀφήρουν καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνήρουν καὶ
ζωγρείᾳ ἐλάμβανον. Τούτου δὲ γενομένου καὶ φόβου κα-
τασχόντος τοὺς ἐναντίους, ἀναστολὴν ἔλαβε τὸ δεινὸν τῆς
ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ οἱ ἐντὸς τῆς Σιδηρᾶς λεγομένης ἄνεσιν τῆς
συνεχοῦς καταδρομῆς εἰσεδέχοντο. Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ τοῦ
θύραθεν λωφήσαντος μαχησμοῦ, | ἀνεθάρρησε τὸ Ῥωμαΐ-
κόν. Καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐλῆς ἕνα στρατηγὸν
ἀναδεδειχώς, τούτῳ τὰς ἑσπερίους δυνάμεις εὐθὺς ἐνε-
χείρισε καὶ ὃς κατὰ τὸ φρούριον τῆς Χαριουπόλεως γεγο-
vas, ἐκτὸς ταύτης τὸν χάρακα τίθεται. Μαθὼν οὖν ὡς
πλῆθος οὐκ εὐαρίθμητον Σκυθῶν ἄρτι προσβαλὸν τὰ περὶ
τὴν Χαλκίδα καὶ Ἀρκαδιούπολιν καὶ ὅσα δυσμικώτερα
τούτων ληΐζεται, ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν πανστρατιᾷ τοῖς βαρβάροις
καταπληκτικῶς ἐπιφαίνεται: καὶ τὰς φάλαγγας ἐκτάξας
πολεμικῶς καὶ θαρρεῖν παρεγγυησάμενος ἅπασι, ἀπὸ ῥυ-
τῆρος ἤλαυνε κατ᾽ αὐτῶν. Οἱ δὲ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀντισχόντες
καὶ τὴν μάχην ἐπισυνάψαντες καὶ ἐἰς ἀλκὴν διερεθίσαντες
ἑαυτούς, τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπικειμένων καὶ πολλοὺς ἀναιρούν-
των, εἰς φυγὴν καὶ ἄκοντες Evevoav- καὶ τῆς διώξεως ἐπὶ
πολὺ γενομένης, συχνοὶ τῶν Σκυθῶν ἔπεσον. Εἶτα καὶ λό-
χοι τούτων ἀθρόον τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας ἐπιχυθέντες, καὶ
αὐτοὶ τῇ φορᾷ τῶν ἐλαυνόντων ἡττήθησαν καὶ πάντες
ὁμοῦ συνεδιώχθησαν ἄχρι τοῦ ‘Pevtaxiov βουνοῦ καὶ εἰ
μὴ τοῖς δρυμοῖς καὶ ταῖς νάπαις κατέφυγον, κἂν ἔκειντο
πάντες τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς μαχαίρας γενόμενοι παρανάλωμα.

62
 CHAPTER 7

vigilantly against the enemy's raids. So they monitored the

Skythians' raids and plundering expeditions against tbe vari-
ous localities and, when they saw them dispersed in small
groups, they would suddenly rush out of the cities in forma-
tion, retrieve the loot, kill many of them, and take others
prisoner. This tactic caused the enemy to be filled with fear
and so tbe terrible raiding was suspended and the people liv-
ing inside the so-called Iron Gates received some relief from
the continual attacks. The foreign war subsided to such a
degree [36] that the Roman world regained its spirit. The
emperor appointed a general from among his courtiers, en-
trusting the western armies to him.$6 This man went to the
fort of Charioupolis and made his camp outside of it. Learn-
ing that a prodigiously large host of Skythians had just
invaded the region of Chalkis and Arkadioupolis and was
plundering it along with the districts to its west, he departed
from there with his entire army and suddenly fell upon the
barbarians. He arrayed his phalanxes for battle, exhorting
bis men to be brave, and charged the enemy at full gallop.
For a while they held their ground and joined battle, work-
ing up a fierce resistance. But che Romans pressed hard and
killed many of them, and so the Skythians turned to flight,
much against their will. The pursuit stretched out and the
Skythians fell in droves. Moreover, some of their bands that
suddenly fell upon the Roman rear guard were also defeated
by the momentum of that Roman offensive, and on all sides
they were driven together to Mount Rentakios.° Had they
not fled into the forests and vales, they. might all have been
butchered by the Roman swords.

63
 THE HISTORY

8 Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον προτερησάντων τῶν Ῥωμαίων,

μετὰ χρόνον τινὰ φήμη τις ἐπιτρέχει τοὺς Σκύθας λέγουσα
μετὰ δυνάμεως ἱκανῆς παρεμβαλεῖν εἰς τὸν Τοπλιτζόν, τό-
πος δὲ οὗτος οὐ μικρὸν ἄποθεν τῆς Ἀδριανουπόλεως͵
κείμενος. Συναγαγὼν οὖν ἅπαν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ὁ δηλω-
θεὶς στρατηγός, τῶν σημείων ἀρθέντων, χωρεῖ πρὸς τὴν
ἄμυναν: καὶ περιτυχὼν κατεστρατοπεδευμένοις αὐτοῖς
μάχῃ καὶ τούτων ἐκράτησε καὶ τὸν ὅμοιον τρόπον αὐτοὺς
διαθείς, τούς τε πεσόντας ἐσκύλευσε καὶ μετ᾽ ἐπινικίων εἰς
τὴν σφετέραν ἐγκατεσκήνωσε. Πολλοῖς δὲ τοιούτοις ἀγω-
vícuactv ἐντὸς τῆς Σιδηρᾶς ὑπέρτερος τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπο-
δειχθείς, πᾶσαν τὴν ἐκεῖσε γῆν τῆς βαρβαρικῆς ἐφόδου
βεβαίως ἐκάθηρεν.
᾿Ἐπαρθεὶς οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἐντεῦθεν ἀγωνίσμασί τε
καὶ προτερήμασι, δόγμα ἵει πανστρατιᾷ τοῦτον εἰς τὴν
τῶν ἐναντίων γενέσθαι παρεμβολήν, ἑτέρᾳ δυνάμει ἑῴᾳ
τὴν στρατιὰν ἐξογκώσας. Ἐπιτρέπει δὲ καὶ τὸν τῶν Βουλ-
γάρων σατράπην, ἦν δὲ οὗτος τοῖς μοναχοῖς μὲν ἐγκατει-
λεγμένος ἐκτομίας, δόξῃ δὲ διεπτοημένος καὶ διατοῦτο
προσηλωμένος τοῖς μὴ προσήκουσιν, συνάρασθαι τούτῳ
τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους πολέμου. Συναγηοχὼς οὖν οὗτος
τοὺς ὅλους, ἁδρᾷ δυνάμει διαβαίνει τὸν ὑπερανεστηκότα
βουνὸν καὶ οἷον μεθόριον κείμενον τῆς τε Μακεδονικῆς
καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἴστρον χωρῶν, ὃς καὶ Ζυγὸς διατοῦτο
τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις κατονομάζεται, καὶ στενωποὺς ἔχει πολ-
λούς, οὗς ὁ δημώδης λόγος κλεισούρας καλεῖν παρέλαβε,
καὶ περὶ τὴν Μεγάλην Πραισθλάβαν διημερεύσας, τὰ

64
 CHAPTER 7

Some time after the Romans had prevailed in this way ἃ 8

report arrived that the Skythians had encamped with a large
force at Toplitzos, a place not far from Adrianople.® [37] The
aforementioned general assembled the entire army, raised
the standards, and set out to confront them. He found them
jn their camp, defeated them too in battle, and treated them
in the same way. He despoiled the dead and returned to his
own camp, his men singing victory songs. During the course
of many similar operations within the Iron Gates, he man-
aged to prevail over the enemy, ridding that entire area of
barbarian raids and making it secure.”
The emperor grew confident from all these battles and 9
victories and sent the man orders to attack the enemy's
camp with the entire army, after augmenting it with addi-
tional forces from the east. He also instructed the governor
of Bulgaria —who was a eunuch enrolled among the monks
but was governed by vainglory and for this reason insisted
on always making the wrong decision? —to assist him in the
war against the enemy. So he gathered all his men and, with
a powerful force, crossed the mountain range that rises
up on the border between Macedonia and the Danubian
lands and is therefore called Zygos by the locals;" it has
many passes, which the popular tongue calls &/eisouraz. He

65
 THE HISTORY

πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ηὐτρεπίζετο, βουλευτήριον καθίσας καὶ

περὶ τῶν εἰκότων δημηγορῶν.
IO Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τὴν | τοῦ μέλλοντος εὐλαβούμενος ἔκβα-
σιν, εἴτε καὶ συμβουλαῖς ἑτέρων πεισθείς, διὰ γραμμάτων
παρήνει τῷ ἀνδρὶ μὴ συμβαλεῖν πόλεμον, εἰ οἷόν τε ἐστί,
πρᾶγμα δυσμήχανον αὐτῷ ὑποθείς, ἀγχιθύρου γὰρ τῆς
μάχης καθεστώσης, ἀδύνατον ἦν ἀμογητὶ καὶ χωρὶς κιν-
δύνου ἀπαλλαγῆναι ἐκεῖθεν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν τὸ ἧττον κακὸν
αἱρούμενος, ἢ μᾶλλον εἰπεῖν ἀμφίβολον πρὸς μάχην ἑώρα
καὶ δῆλος ἦν πᾶσι τοῦτο σκοπῶν καὶ διανοούμενος’ ὁ δὲ
τῶν Βουλγάρων σατράπης φθόνῳ κατεστρατηγημένος
καὶ δόλῳ, καὶ γὰρ λέγεται μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τοῦτο τὸ
πάθος τοὺς πλείονας τῶν ἐκτομιῶν ὡς ἐπίπαν παρενο-
χλεῖν, προφάσεως ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ δραξάμενος ὁρισμοῦ,
οὐκ ἀνίει τὴν φυγὴν ἀσύντακτον προτρεπόμενος καὶ τὸ
συνοῖσον τοῖς πᾶσι τὸ ἑαυτοῦ προτιθέμενος βούλημα, ἵνα
μή, φησιν, ἐπεψιθύριζε γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας λαθραίως,
τοῖς ὅπλοις τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἡγεμονίας μέγας ὁ παρὰ βασιλέως
δόξῃ πεμφθεὶς καὶ τοσοῦτον ἔργον κατωρθωκὼς ἐπιφη-
μισθῇ καὶ καταγάγοι τὸν θρίαμβον. Ἔλαθε δὲ τὸ «ξίφος
ὠθῶν» ὡς ὁ λόγος «καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ» καὶ τήνδε τὴν γνώμην
ἀληθιζομένην δεικνὺς ὅτι «φθόνος οὐκ οἷδε προτιμᾶν τὸ
συμφέρον», σκοπῶν γὰρ ὅπως ἑτέρον τὴν νίκην ἀφαρ-
πάσῃ, περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίας ἀπροόπτως οὐ διεσκόπη-
σεν.
II Ὡς γὰρ ἐκράτησεν ἡ γνώμη τούτου τὸν πόλεμον ἀπα-
ναινομένου, περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς αἵ τε σκηναὶ περιῃροῦντο
καὶ συσκευασάμενος ἕκαστος τῆς οἴκοι φερούσης ἥπτετο.

66
 CHAPTER 7

stationed for a day at Great Preslav to prepare for war and

convened a council to debate what needed to be done.
But the emperor now [38] began to fear the outcome, or IO

was persuaded by the advice of others, and sent letters ex-

horting the man not to engage in battle, if that were at all
possible. But this injunction was difficult for him to imple-
ment, for battle was imminent and it would have been im-
possible to extricate himself from there without effort and
danger. He chose the lesser evil, or rather accepted the un-
certainty, and looked to the battle, making it clear to every-
one that this was his plan and intention. But the governor of
the Bulgarians, who was already conquered by envious re-
sentment and deceit—for it is said that most eunuchs are
especially afflicted by this vice, along with the others —using
the imperial missive as a pretext, he did not relent in his ad-
vocacy of a precipitous retreat, arguing that his plan was in
the common interest. He secretly whispered to those who
were present that the emperor's delegate should not acquire.
a reputation for greatness in a battle won by his own author-
ity and, having accomplished such a feat, be acclaimed and
triumph. It did not occur to him that he was, as the saying
has it, "turning a sword against himself," proving that the
proverb is true which says that “envious resentment doesn't
even know its own good." For in trying to deprive another
man of victory, with lack of foresight he took no thought for
his own safety.
Ás the opinion of the one who wanted to avoid the battle II

prevailed, the tents were taken down at dusk, each man

packed his gear, and they took the road [39] that would lead

67
 THE HISTORY

Oi δὲ Σκύθαι προεγνωκότες τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων προαίρε-

σιν παρὰ τῶν ἑαλωκότων αὐτοῖς, προκαταλαμβάνουσι τὰς
ἐξόδους καὶ τούτους ἀσυντάκτους εὑρόντες, πολὺν φόνόν
αὐτῶν εἰργάσαντο. Kai κατακράτος αὐτοὺς καταγωνισά-
μενοι καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ συνδιώξαντες καὶ τοὺς τούτων
νεκροὺς σκυλεύσαντες, οὖς δὲ καὶ ζῶντας ἑλόντες, τὴν
προτέραν ἧτταν ἀνεκαλέσαντο καὶ πρὸς εὐετηρίαν ἑαυ-
τοὺς ἀνεκτήσαντο.
I2 Ὁ δὲ τῶν Βουλγάρων ἀρχηγός, ὁ τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ μὴ
κροτηθῆναι τὸν πόλεμον συνεισενεγκὼν καὶ φθόνῳ τὸ
πᾶν σκαιωρήσας τῆς χαλεπότητος, ἀγερώχῳ τινὶ καὶ θρα-
σεῖ κατεποχούμενος ἵππῳ καὶ τοῖς τούτου ποσὶν ἀνάλωτος
εἶναι θαρρῶν, περιτυγχάνει διώρυγι καὶ τοῦ ἵππου ταύτῃ
ἀεροβατῆσαι οἱονεὶ βουληθέντος, ἐκτρέπεται τῆς ἕδρας
αὐτὸς καὶ πτῶμα τῇ γῇ καταφέρεται δύστηνον. Καί τινες
τῶν Σκυθῶν ἐπικαταλαβόντες αὐτόν, λόγχῃ τοῦτον δια-
χειρίζονται, πύματον ἄρτι μαθόντα ὡς ὁ φθόνος ἐξάπαν-
τος συγκοπὴν ὑφίσταιξ περὶ τὴν γραφὴν καὶ φόνου γεν-
νητικὸς εἴτε τοῦ γεννήτορος εἴθ᾽ ἑτέρων συνενηνεγμένων
αὐτῷ καθέστηκε.
13 Τότε δὴ τότε κατὰ τὴν νύκτα τῆς ἀσυντάκτου φυγῆς ἐκ
τῆς κατασκοπῆς ὁ Βοτανειάτης τὸ πραττόμενον ἀτύχημα
καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῇ Ῥωμαίων δυσβουλίᾳ συμβεβηκότα
θεώμενος, ἀνίας τε πολλῆς ἐπλήσθη καὶ τῆς κακονοίας
τοὺς οὕτω συμβουλεύσαντας ἐταλάνισεν. Elta τοῖς ἀμφ᾽
αὐτὸν | παρεκελεύσατο μὴ δίκην προβάτων ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων
διασκεδασθῆναι, καθὼς οἱ λοιποὶ στρατιῶται ποιοῦντες
ὀπτάνονται, καὶ νῶτα δοῦναι τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ σκοποὺς

68
 CHAPTER 7

them home. The Skythians knew of the Romans' intentions

from their prisoners and had already seized the passes. Find-
ing them marching in disorder, they wreaked a great slaugh-
ter upon them. They defeated them utterly, pursued them
for a long distance, and stripped their dead, though some
they captured alive. In this way they redeemed their previ-
ous defeat and revived their spirits.
The leader of the Bulgarians, who bore the blame for the I2

fact that battle had not been joined and whose envious re-
sentment had maliciously devised every part of the disaster,
rode away on a spirited and bold horse, believing that its
speed would keep him safe. He came to a ditch and when his
horse decided to fly across it he himself lost his seat and the
wretch hit the ground hard. Some of the Skythians caught
up with him and killed him with a lance. Thus, at the very
end he learned that envious resentment is always cut short,
as the proverb has it, and it engenders the destruction either
of the one who has engendered it or of those who accompa-
nied him.
It was then, O then!— during the night of that precipi- 13
tous flight, that Botaneiates,” observing the unfolding ca-
tastrophe from his vantage point and seeing what was un-
expectedly befalling the Romans because of their bad
judgment, was filled with sorrow and cursed those who had
recommended this bad plan. He then [40] instructed his
men not to scatter like sheep, as he saw the restof the sol-
diery doing, nor to turn their back to the enemy which

69
 THE HISTORY

ἑαυτοὺς θέσθαι τῶν σκυθικῶν τοξευμάτων, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽

αὐτῷ μένειν καὶ σχολαίως ἕπεσθαι μετὰ καρτεροῦ τοῦ
συντάγματος, ὡς δυναμένου τούτου τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἰσχυρῶς
ἀνταμύνασθαι. Ot δὴ καὶ συμφρονήσαντες ἅμα καὶ τῇ
ἀνδρίᾳ τούτου θαρρήσαντες, τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν τούτῳ
καὶ τὴν εὐθυωρίαν ἀνέθεντο.
14 ᾿Ἐπορεύετο μὲν οὖν μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ Βοτανειάτης, οἱ δὲ
Σκύθαι πληθύν τινα ἰδόντες μικρὰν συντάξει καὶ κόσμῳ
προβαίνουσαν, én’ αὐτὴν ἀκρατῶς ἤλασαν: καὶ πολλὰ
περιιππεύσαντες τούτους καὶ νιφάδας τόξων αὐτοῖς ἐπι-
πέμψαντες, ὡς ἀμήχανον ἔγνων τὴν τούτων παράλυσιν,
ἑαυτοὺς ἀνέλαβον ὄπισθεν. Ὁ δὲ Βοτανειάτης τὸν παραρ-
ρέοντα ποταμὸν ἐπιτείχισμα ποιησάμενος καί τινας σκο-
πιὰς ἀπὸ μέρους ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ προβαλόμενος, ὡς ἂν μὴ
κυκλῷτο παρὰ τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ παντελῶς ἀπείργοιτο τῆς
ὁδοῦ καὶ μέσον χορείας ἀπειροπληθῶν πολεμίων ἁλίσκοιτο,
προέβαινε μὲν περὶ τὰς ὄχθας τοῦ ποταμοῦ. Οἱ δὲ Iact-
vákot πάλιν ἐπεισπεσόντες αὐτῷ, δι᾽ ὅλης ἐπολέμουν ἡμέ-
ρας, ἐν νυκτὶ δὲ πάλιν κατὰ διαδοχὰς ἕτεροι, κατατροπώ-
σασθαι δὲ τοῦτον καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ πεῖσαι καταθεῖναι
τὰ ὅπλα οὐδαμῶς ἠδυνήθησαν. Σκοπὸν δὲ μελετήσαντες
τούτους ἀνίππους ποιῆσαι, διὰ πολλῶν βελῶν μακρόθεν I
ἐκπεμπομένων τοὺς ἵππους αὐτῶν κατηκόντισαν, εἰς χεῖ-
ρᾶς αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν μὴ δυνάμενοι, δοκιμάσαντες γὰρ πρότε-
pov τοῦτο πολλάκις πολλοὺς τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλον παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ τοῦ Βοτανειάτου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ διαχειρισθέντας.
Ὡς δὲ τῶν ἵππων αὐτοὺς οἱ βάρβαροι ἀπεστέρησαν ταῖς ἐκ
τῶν τόξων πληγαῖς, ἔμειναν μὲν πεζοὶ μετὰ τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν

70
 CHAPTER 7

would make them easy targets for the Skythian arrows, but
to stay by his side and follow him slowly as a group, keeping
their regiment in order and formation so as to defend them-
selves vigorously against the enemy. They unanimously
agreed with this, taking heart from his very manliness, and
entrusted their salvation to him and their bopes for the
most direct extrication from that predicament.
So Botaneiates marched with them, but the Skythians 14
noticed this small unit advancing in an orderly formation
and attacked it violently They rode circles around the group
on their horses and fired swarms of arrows into it, but when
they realized that they could not break it up they turned
back. Botaneiates used the river flowing through that area
as a defensive bulwark and advanced along its banks, placing
scouts above on the opposite side so that he would not be
encircled by the enemy, have his path entirely blocked off,
and be caught in a swirling maelstrom of the enemy's sheer
numbers. The Pechenegs again fell upon him and they
fought throughout the entire day, and then at night more
came against him in succession, but they were utterly unable
to break him and the men with him or persuade them to lay
down their arms. The Pechenegs then devised a plan to un-
horse them by firing many arrows from a distance [41] at
their horses, as they were unable to fight them at close quar-
ters — for they had tried to do so earlier many times only to
lose many of their men at the hands of Botaneiates and his
men. As the barbarians now deprived them of their horses
by wounding them with arrows, they became infantrymen

71
 THE HISTORY

κρηπίδων, ταύτας δ᾽ ἀποτεμόντες ἐν ἐμβάδων τάξει τὰ

κάτω μέρη κατέλιπον. Οὐ μὴν τὰς ἀσπίδας καὶ τὰ ξίφη
ἀπέλιπον, ἀλλὰ τὴν στρατιωτικὴν ὅπλισιν ἔχοντες, οὕτω
τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἤνυον, οὐ γὰρ κατέλιπον αὐτοῖς
ἀνακωχὴν οἱ πολέμιοι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ διαδοχὰς πολεμοῦντες
ἡμέρας τε καὶ νυκτὸς διὰ πάσης φιλοτιμίας ἐχώρουν, ὥστε
πᾶσι τρόποις ὑπὲρ ἅπαν τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοὺς παραστή-
σασθαι. Ἀλλ᾽ οἵ γε πρὸς τὸν ἀρχηγὸν αὐτῶν ἀφορῶντες
καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρσαλέον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡγεμονικὸν ἐκπληττό-
μενοι, μένους ἐπληροῦντο καὶ τοῦ ἀπλέτου μόχθου καὶ
τοῦ συνεχοῦς πολέμον παρηγορίαν οὐ μικρὰν ἐκομί-
ζοντο.
15 Tpitny οὖν ἡμέραν οὑτωσὶ διανύσαντες ἐν πεζοπορίᾳ
καὶ τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθόντας πολλοὺς ἀνα-
λώσαντες, ἵππων τριῶν ἐκυρίευσαν καὶ τούτους αὐτῷ
προσήνεγκαν δυσωποῦντες ἐποχηθῆναι μόνον μετὰ δύο
ὑπασπιστῶν καὶ τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτῶν πιστεῦσαι τὴν σωτηρίαν
ἑαυτοῦ. Ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τοιοῦτον καταδεξάμενος, μηδὲ ῥίψα-
σπιν ἑαυτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι μέχρις ἀκοῆς ἀνασχόμενος, πληρο-
φορεῖ μὲν | αὐτοὺς ὡς αἱρετώτερον ἔχει θᾶττον ἁπάντων
ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ψεύσασθαι τὴν ὁμολογίαν τῆς μετ᾽ αὐτῶν
στερρᾶς διαμονῆς καὶ ἀθλήσεως. Οἰκείαις δὲ χερσὶ τοὺς
πόδας ἀποτέμνει τῶν ἵππων: καὶ μέχρι τέλους ἀγωνίσα-
σθαι τὸν περὶ ψυχῆς ἀγῶνα πᾶσι κατεπηγγείλατο καὶ τοῖς
πολεμιωτάτοις ἀμύνασθαι καὶ μὴ διαρραγῆναι τῆς συν-
οδίας αὐτοῦ. Οἱ δὲ τὸ θάρσος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ τῆς εὐγενοῦς
ἀνδρίας ὑπερφυὲς ἀγασθέντες καὶ τὴν τῆς γνώμης εὐθύ-
τῆτα καὶ τὴν ἄγαν εὐτολμίαν καὶ στερροτάτην πίστιν

72
 CHAPTER 7

in their Roman boots, which they now cut down for march-
ing, keeping only their lower portions. They did not discard
their shields and swords but kept all their military-issue
weapons, and continued on with the marching and the fight-
ing. For the enemy gave them no respite but came against
them in successive waves both day and night, trying ear-
nestly and in every way to defeat them more than the entire
rest of the army. But those men looked up to their com-
mander and were amazed at his valor and leadership, draw-
ing strength from it and no small relief in the midst of all
that immense toil and continuous fighting.
After marching for three days on foot under these condi- 15
tions, they killed many of the enemy who engaged in close
combat and captured three horses. These they led to him
and implored him to mount one himself, give the others to
two bodyguards, and entrust their salvation to their swift
hooves. But he absolutely rejected this and refused to even
listen to the notion that he might show himself to be craven
in battle; in fact, he informed [42] them that he would rather
die before any of his men than break his promise to firmly
stand by their side and fight. With his own hands he then
cut off the horses' feet, and exhorted all the men to fight to
the very end for the sake of their souls, to repel the enemy,
and not to break from the formation he was leading. They
admired his boldness and in awe praised the magnificence
of his noble valor, the frankness of his character, his great

73
 THE HISTORY

ἐκπληκτικῶς ἐπαινέσαντες, εὐέλπιδες ὄντως γεγόνασι τοῦ

μηδέν τι παθεῖν ἀνήκεστον, τοιοῦτον ἀρχηγὸν κεκτημένοι
καὶ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ προσεξάρχοντα.
τό Ἔκτοτε οὖν ἐπὶ ἐννέα ἡμέρας καὶ τοσαύτας νύκτας οὐ
διέλιπον οἱ πολέμιοι περιιππεύοντες αὐτοὺς καὶ καθυλα-
κτοῦντες καὶ τόξοις βάλλοντες, οἱ δὲ τὰς ἀσπίδας προ-
τείνοντες, ἐδέχοντο μὲν τούτων τὰ βέλη καὶ ἀπεκρούοντο,
ἐχόμενοι δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἴ τινας εὗρον ἔγγιστα τούτοις
παραπελάζοντας, στερροτέραις πάνυ κατεπόνουν πλη-
γαῖς. ΚΚαὶ περιέστη τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ μετὰ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ
τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ κάματος εἰς ὅλας ἡμέρας ἕνδεκα
καὶ νύκτας ἴσας, πρᾶγμα μήτε τοῖς παλαιοῖς ἐκείνοις καὶ
ἀδομένοις εἰς ἀνδρίας ἐπίτασιν μήτε νέοις ἔν τε Ῥωμαίοις
καὶ Πέρσαις καὶ λοιποῖς ἔθνεσι κατορθωθὲέν τε καὶ τολμη-
θέν. Ὁ γὰρ πόλεμος καὶ ἡμίτομον ἡμέραν τινὶ προσγενό-
μενος παραλύειν οἶδεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἀνάλκιδα τίθεσθαι, | καὶ
ταῦτα ἱππότην ὄντα καὶ τοῖς ποσὶ μὴ ὀκλάζοντα, τὸ δὲ διὰ
τοσούτων ἡμερῶν πεζῇ βαδίζειν καὶ πολεμεῖν καὶ μηδὲ
νυκτὸς ἠρεμίαν ἄγειν, οὐδείς πω τῶν ἁπάντων ἀκοαῖς ἔλα-
βεν, εἰ μὴ ἐπὶ τοῦδε τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπερφυῶς ἐθαυματουρ-
γήθη. Ὡς δ᾽ ἀπέκαμον οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ τῇ Ἀδριανουπόλει
πλησιάζειν ἐπέγνων, ὀπίσω ἑαυτοὺς ἀνελάμβανον, θαῦμα
καὶ οὗτοι τὴν καρτερίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνδρίαν ὡς ἀνεκδιήγη-
τον λογιζόμενοι, ὅθεν καὶ πολλοὺς συνέβη τῶν φευγόν-
των Ῥωμαίων ἐκ τῆς τοιαύτης τῶν βαρβάρων σχολῆς τὰς
τούτων χεῖρας διαφυγεῖν.
17 Ἔκτοτε τοίνυν οὐδεμίαν ἀξιόλογον δύναμιν ὁ βασι-
λεὺς ἔγνω κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐκπέμπειν, ἅμα μὲν τοῖς

74
 CHAPTER 7

daring, and his unshakeable faith, and began to believe that

they might just escape unscathed, having such a captain in
war and leader on the march.
From that point on and for nine days and as many nights 16

the enemy cavalry did not cease to ride in circles around

them, barking at them like dogs and shooting them with
bows. But they held up shields to defend against the arrows
and deflect them. Keeping to the road, when they found
some of the enemy drawing near, they struck them down
with devastating wounds. So the whole ordeal of marching
and fighting on the road for Botaneiates and his men lasted
the whole of eleven days and nights, something never before
accomplished or even attempted, neither among those an-
cients, so renowned in song for the intensity of their brav-
ery, nor among the moderns, whether Romans, Persians, or
any other nation. For battle, even when it lasts for only half
a day, exhausts the warrior and makes him weak, {43} and
that when he is mounted and does not have to rest his legs.
But to walk on foot for so many days while fighting and not
have any rest at night, well, no one would have ever heard
of such a feat if it had not been accomplished in the case of
this man through supernatural assistance. When the enemy
grew tired and realized that they were nearing Adrianople,
they turned back, and they too came to the conclusion that
that man's endurance and manliness were an indescribable
miracle; and because the barbarians eased up in this way,
many fleeing Romans escaped falling into their hands.
After this the emperor decided to send no more substan- 17
tial forces against the enemy, as his soul was pierced by these

75
 THE HISTORY

παραδείγμασι βαλλόμενος τὴν ψυχήν, ἅμα δὲ xal λόγον

θρυλλούμενον προσιέμενος ὡς τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἐπινεύει τὸ
ἔθνος ἡβηδὸν κατακεντηθῆναι καὶ γλῶσσαν μίαν τῶν
ἀπηριθμημένων σχολάσαι. Προελομένων δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην
αὐτῶν, προσίεται τούτους ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ σπονδαῖς τὸν
πόλεμον καταθέμενος, συλαγωγεῖν ἤρξατο τὰς εὐνοίας
αὐτῶν καὶ τοῖς ῥωμαϊκοῖς δώροις καὶ ἀξιώμασι καταμά-
λάττειν τὸ βαρβαρικὸν αὐτῶν καὶ ἀτάσθαλον ἦθος.

Io δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους Οὖννοι Νεφθαλῖται,

Περσῶν ὅμοροι, οὗς τῆς Περσίδος ὁ Γάγγης ἀποτειχίζει
ποταμός, | τέσσαρσι πρὸς τῷ ἡμίσει μιλίοις τὸ εὖρος ἀπο-
τεινόμενος, ἐν τοῖς στενωτέροις αὐτοῦ διαβήμασι διαπεραι-
ὠθέντες τὸν ποταμόν, ἡγεμόνος αὐτοῖς ἀνεῴξαντος τὴν
ὁδόν, ὃς προειλημμένος καὶ ταπεινῇ τύχῃ συμπεπορισμέ-
γος καὶ δουλικῇ, μετὰ τελευτὴν τοῦ κρατοῦντος δεσπότου
τῆς Περσικῆς γέγονεν ἐγκρατής. Καὶ ἀκαταμάχητον σθέ-
νος οἷον τοῖς ἐκεῖσε πᾶσιν ἐναποδείξαντες πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα
ἥλιον, τοῖς ἰβηρικοῖς ὁρίοις προσήγγισαν καὶ καταδρα-
μόντες πλείστην ὅσην ἠδύναντο, ἀρχηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων

76
 CHAPTER 8

precedents and at the same time he took to heart the saying

that is bandied about, that God would not allow this nation
to be cut to pieces from its youth up, nor any of the lan-
guages of this world to become extinct. And when they
chose to make peace, the emperor agreed and ended the
war with treaties. He began to try to win their favor and to
soften their barbaric and insolent character by bestowing
Roman gifts and titles upon them.

Chapter 8

The rise of the Seljuks (after 1045)

i asse those same years, the Nephthalite Huns, neigh-

bors of the Persians, who are separated from the land of Per-
sia by the Ganges River,” [44] which is four and half miles
wide, crossed the river at its narrowest crossing point, when
their leader showed them the way. This man, though he had
previously been a captive and came from a humble and ser-
vile origin, became the lord of Persia after the death of its
ruling despot.” Making a display of their unconquerable
strength to all the people in that part of the east, they ap-
proached the borders of Iberia.” They raided as much of the
territory there as they could and captured the local Roman
 THE HISTORY

ζωγρείᾳ εἷλον, τὴν ἀρχὴν περιεζωσμένον τῶν τῆς Συρίας,

Λειχούδην ἐπικαλούμενον, καὶ συνεχεῖς ἐκδρομὰς ἐπε-
τείους τὸ ἔθνος ποιούμενον: οὐκ ὀλίγα τὴν ῥωμαϊκὴν κατ-
ἔβλαπτε γῆν. Ἀντιπαραταττόμενοι δὲ τούτοις οἱ τῶν
ἄκρων ἐπιστατοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, τὴν ἥττω πως ἀπεφέρον-
το, τόξων εὖ εἰδότων τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ κατὰ σκοπὸν βαλ-
λόντων ody’ ἥκιστα καὶ τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους ἐκδειμὰ:
τούντων ταῖς ἑκηβόλοις πληγαῖς, διὸ καὶ ἀνενδότως
κατέτρεχον πᾶσαν τὴν Ἰβηρικήν, πολίχνια καὶ κώμας:
ἁρπάζοντες καὶ μεγίστας ἀνατρέποντες πολιτείας καὶ χώ-
pac ἀναστάτους ποιούμενοι. Συνηνέχθη δὲ ταῦτα διὰ τὴν
τοῦ βασιλέως ὕστερον πλεονεξίαν, στρατεύματος γὰρ ἀξι-
ομάχου τὴν Ἰβηρικὴν περιέποντος καὶ ὀψώνιον ἔχοντός
τινας τῶν παρακειμένων δημοσίων χωρῶν, ἀφείλετο ταύ-
τας ὁ βασιλεύς. Καὶ παρελὼν τοσαύτην ἰσχύν, οὐ μόνον
τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπέβαλε συμμάχους ἀλλὰ καὶ πολεμίους
αὐτοὺς ἰσχυροὺς ἐργασάμενος προσθήκην διὰ τούτων
ἀκαταμάχητον προεξένησε τοῖς ἐναντίοις.
Ἔν μιᾷ γὰρ πλήθους κατὰ βασιλικὴν γνώμην στρατιω-
τικοῦ συναθροισθέντος ἐπὶ τῶν Kat’ Ἰβηρίαν ὁρίων συν-
ταγματάρχην ἐπίσημον ἔχοντος ὃς Λιπαρίτης ἐπωνομά-
ἵετο, συμβολὴ μεταξὺ τούτων καὶ τῶν Οὔννων καρτερὰ
γίνεται καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ τῆς μάχης καθισταμένης ἰσοπα-
λοῦς, τέλος οἱ ἀντιτεταγμένοι τὸ κράτος ἠνέγκαντο καὶ
τοὺς Ῥωμαίους νικήσαντες, ζῶντα τὸν Λιπαρίτην κατ-
ἐσχον καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἐθνάρχην αὐτῶν ὡς θήραμά τι τῶν
μεγίστων ἀπήγαγον, καλεῖται δ᾽ οὗτος σουλτάνος τῇ περ-
σικῇ διαλέκτῳ. Ἀλλ’ ὅ γε τοῦτον ἰδὼν καὶ τὸ γένος τούτου

78
 CHAPTER 8

commander, who was entrusted with the governorship of

Syria, a man named Leichoudes.’” That nation then made
continual raids on an annual basis, doing no small damage to
Roman territory. The Romans in charge of the borders tried
to resist them but were defeated because the enemy knew
well how to use the bow and hit targets accurately, which
made their opponents fear the wounds inflicted by bows.
And so without any restraint the Huns raided throughout
Iberia, capturing towns and villages, overturning large
states, and spreading turmoil throughout the land. These
things took place because of the emperor's later avarice. For
a formidable army used to be stationed in Iberia and drew
its support and supplies from the neighboring public lands.
But the emperor deprived them of this means of support,
and by taking away such a great power, not only did he lose
his own allies but he turned them into powerful [45] ene-
mies, granting them to the enemy as an invincible addition."
At one point, a large army was assembled by imperial or-
der on the border of Iberia, having as its joint commander a
famous man named Liparites.” A fierce battle was joined
between it and the Huns and for a while the outcome hung
in the balance, but in the end the opposing side prevailed
and defeated the Romans, capturing Liparites alive and tak-
ing him, like some kind of splendid prey, to their ethnarch.
He is called sultan in the Persian language.? But when he
saw him and learned of his family— for the fame of the man's

79
 THE HISTORY

μεμαθηκώς, προκατέλαβε yàp αὐτὸν ἡ φήμη τῆς τοῦ

ἀνδρὸς γενναιότητος, ἤρετο τοῦτον ὅπως δὴ χρηστέον
αὐτῷ, ὁ δὲ βασιλικῶς ἔφη. Καὶ αὐτίκα τῆς δυστήνου τύχης
τοῦτον ὁ σουλτάνος ἐλευθεροῖ καὶ πάντων ὧν κατὰ τὸν
πόλεμον ἀποβεβλήκει πολλαπλασίονα τὴν ἀντέκτισιν
δούς, τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους οὕτω συνεχώρησεν ἔξοδον, θαυ-
μάσας τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐψυχίαν καὶ τὸ τοῦ φρονήματος
εὐσταθὲς καὶ θελήσας μὴ δεύτερος αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι περὶ τὸ
τῆς πράξεως εὐγενὲς καὶ ἀφιλοχρήματον. Τοῦτον τοίνυν
ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων δεξάμενος βασιλεὺς τιμαῖς τε δημοσίαις
αὐτὸν κατελάμπρυνε καὶ δώροις καὶ λόγοις πανταχόθεν
ἔχουσι τὸ λαμπρὸν κατεκόσμησεν, ὡς ὑπὲρ τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς
βασιλείας τὴν ψυχὴν ἀδιστάκτως προέμενον. | EE ἐκείνου
τοίνυν ἀρχὴν ὁ τοῦ σουλτάνου μετὰ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων βασι-
λέως παρέλαβε σύλλογος καὶ παρ᾽ ἑκατέρων πρέσβεις
πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐπέμποντο καὶ δεξιώσεις ὡσαύτως τὴν
φιλίαν ἀνανεούμεναι. Τὸ δὲ λῃστρικὸν τῶν Οὔννων οὐκ
ἔληγε τῆς ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ ἡ σκῆψις τοῦ σουλτάνου ὅτι τινὲς
τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς λῃστείας οὐδ᾽ αὐτῷ γινωσκόμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον
δίκην ἀγρίων λύκων πεποίηνται.
Πρὸ δὲ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως τελευτῆς αὐτὸς ὁ σουλτάνος
μετὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς ἁπάσης τῆς πολεμικῆς ἐξιών, ἔγνω
τὴν πόλιν τὴν Μαντζικίερτ πολέμῳ καθελεῖν τε καὶ παρα:
στήσασθαι:' καὶ προσβολὰς ἐνεργεῖς κατὰ τῶν τειχῶν ποι-
ησάμενος, οὐδὲν ὧν ἤλπισεν ἔδρασεν, ὁ γὰρ τῶν Ῥωμαίων
ἡγεμὼν Βασίλειος οὗτος ὁ ἐπικεκλημένος Ἀποκάπης
ἐρρωμένως ἀντιταξάμενος τὰς μηχανὰς ἀπεκρούσατο.
Μιᾷ δέ τινι τούτων πολλοῖς ἀνδράσι δυναμένῃ λίθον

80
 CHAPTER 8

bravery bad preceded him—he asked him how he thought

he should be treated. And he said, "Royally" Whereupon
the sultan freed him from his wretched condition, compen-
sated him many times over for all that he had lost in the war,
and allowed him to take the path of return back to the Ro-
mans, for he admired the man's valor and the firmness of his
character, and did not want to appear to be second to him in
the nobility of his deeds and his indifference to money. The
emperor of the Romans received Liparites and adorned him
with public honors, gifts, and words of praise splendid in ev-
ery way, as he had unhesitatingly risked his life on behalf of
the Roman Empire. [46] It was from that moment on that
formal relations began between the sultan and the emperor
of the Romans: they exchanged embassies and gifts and so
renewed their friendship. But the raiding did not stop be-
cause of the Huns' rapacious nature, though the sultan ex-
cused himself by saying that not even he knew the identity
of these plunderers who, like wild wolves, were making the
raids.
Before the death of the emperor, the sultan set out with a
fully equipped army as he had decided to attack and seize
the city of Mantzikert by force. He made vigorous assaults
against the walls, but accomplished nothing of what he had
hoped, for the commander of the Romans, Basileios, who
was surnamed Apokapes, resisted him energetically and re-
pelled the siege engines. But one of those engines was capa-
ble of launching a huge rock at a group of many men and

81
 THE HISTORY

μεταρριπίζειν ὑπερμεγέθη xai πᾶσι τοῖς δεχομένοις αὐτὸν

ἀπροσμάχητον, δυσχερῶς ἔσχεν ἀντιστῆναι καί τι δραστι-
κώτερον πάλιν ἀντιτεχνάσασθαι, οὔτε γὰρ ἀσπὶς οὔτε
πέλτη οὔτ᾽ ἔπαλξις οὔτε στερρότης τειχῶν τῇ ῥύμῃ τοῦ
πεμπομένου λίθου παρὰ τοῦ μηχανήματος ἀντιταχθῆναι
ἠδύνατο. Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ πάντα δυνάμενος καὶ μετασκευάζων πρὸς
τὸ συμφέρον Θεός, ὁ τὸ χριστιανικὸν φῦλον περιέπων del,
τινὶ τῶν Λατίνων ἰσχὺν καὶ βουλὴν ὑπερτέραν ἐννοίας
ἐνέπνευσε. Καὶ λαβὼν οὗτος ἄγγος τι φέρον ἔνδον τοῦ
μηδικοῦ πυρὸς συσκευήν, τῆς τοῦ | ἄστεως πύλης δρο-
μαῖος ἐξήλασε καὶ καθιεὶς ἑαυτὸν εἰς μέσους τοὺς ἐναν-
τίους, πῦρ τε τῷ στόματι τοῦ ἄγγους ἐναπερείσας, τοῦτο
συντρίβει πρὸς τὸ μηχάνημα. Καὶ αὐτίκα πῦρ ἀναφθὲν
ἅπαν ἐξέλειξε καὶ κατενεμήσατο, συνήρτηντο γὰρ αὐτῷ
καί τινα πέπλα τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀποτειχίζοντα προσβο-
λάς. Καὶ παλίνορσος ὁ Λατῖνος πρὸς τὸ ἄστυ γενόμενος,
ἀθιγὴς ἐρρύσθη τῆς τῶν ἐναντίων χειρὸς καὶ καταδιώ-
ἕεως. Ἔκ τούτου δυσχεράνας ὁ πολεμήτωρ καὶ πολλὴν
εὐήθειαν τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν κατεγνωκὼς ὅτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων
ἀνανδρίαν καταψηφίζονται τοσούτων ὄντων τὴν ἀρετήν,
εὐθὺς ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἰδίαν μετεστρατοπεδεύσατο
γῆν.

82
 CHAPTER 8

none of its targets could do anything to defend against it. It

was difficult for him to devise a stratagem by which to cope
with this problem, for no shield, screen, or battlement could
withstand the impact of the rock hurled by that engine, not
even the mass of the walls chemselves. But God, who holds
the power to do all things and turns everything to our bene-
fit, he who always protects the Christian race, inspired in
one of the Latins a powerful plan of superior conception.
He took a jar containing the concoction of Median fire?!
[47] ran out of the gates of the city into the very midst of the
enemy, affixed a flame to the mouth of the jar, and smashed
it upon the engine. Α fire immediately was kindled, ignited,
and engulfed the entire engine, burning it up, for certain
fabrics had also been hung from it to deflect che missiles of
the defenders on the walls. The Latin returned to the city,
escaping unharmed from the hands of the enemies who pur-
sued him. Their leader was now furious and accused his sub-
ordinates of much foolishness for having. thought that the
Romans were cowards, when plainly they were exception-
ally brave. He immediately departed from there and
marched back to his own land.

83
7
Ek, τούτῳ TH ἔτει TOV βίον ὁ Ῥωμαίων κατέστρεψε βα-
σιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος οὗτος ὁ Μονομάχος, ἐν ἰδιοκτήτοις
οἴκοις καὶ μὴ τοῖς ἀνακτόροις διαζευχθεὶς τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ
τῷ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀνεγερθέντι ναῷ τὸν νεκρὸν καταθέμενος,
ἀνὴρ πολιτικὸς καὶ γένους ἐπισήμου γενόμενος, δωρηματι-
κός τε καὶ βασιλικῶς εὐεργετεῖν ἐπιστάμενος, φροντίζων
μὲν καὶ τῶν ἐν πολέμοις προτερημάτων καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις
ὡς ἐνὸν ἀντικαθιστάμενος, πλείονι δὲ ῥοπῇ τῆς τρυφῆς
ἀντεχόμενος καὶ τῶν ἀφροδισίων μὴ ἀπεχόμενος. Ἔμελλε
δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ἀστεϊσμῶν καὶ τῶν ἐν μίμοις γελοιασμῶν καὶ
τῆς ἐπικαίρου ῥαστώνης καὶ οἷς ἡ ζωτικὴ ψυχὴ συνέζευ-
κταί τε καὶ συνερρίζωται.
Od | μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καινῶν οἰκημάτων ἐν διαφόροις τό-
ποις κατάκτισιν ἐπεποίητο καὶ ἀνοικοδομὰς συνεχεῖς ἔχων
ἐν ταύταις φροντίδας κατεκένου συχνάς. Τὸ δὲ τῶν ὅλων
ἁπάντων ὑπερέχον καὶ προτιμώμενον αὐτῷ τὸ φρον-
τιστήριον ἦν εἰς ὃ καὶ τὸ περικαλλὲς ἱερὸν ἀνηγέρθη ἐπ᾽
ὀνόματι τοῦ ἐν μάρτυσι περιωνύμου ἁγίου Γεωργίου,
οἰκοδομαῖς ἑτέραις βασιλικαῖς ἐκλελαμπρυσμένον καὶ
πολλὴν ἔχον τὴν τερπωλὴν τοῖς περιέχουσι ταῦτα λειμῶσι
καὶ ταῖς ἐαριναῖς πόαις, ὡς ἀνθαμιλλᾶσθαι τὰς οἰκοδομὰς

84
 Chapter 9

Evaluating Konstantinos IX
Monomachos

L was in this year that the emperor of the Romans Kon-

stantinos Monomachos died,#? his soul departing while he
was in his private house and not in the palace. His body was
buried in the church that he himself had built.9 He came
from a famous family and his background was in the civilian
administration. He knew how to bestow gifts and benefit
others in ways befitting an emperor. While he was con-
cerned to secure victories in war and resist the enemy as
much as possible, he much preferred the life of luxury and
did not abstain from sexual gratification. He liked jokes, the
slapstick of the mimes, and the indulgences of the moment,
in other words things that are inseparable from, in fact
rooted in, the lower, corporeal part of the soul.
Moreover, [48] he erected new buildings in various places,
was continuously involved in restoration activities, and con-
sumed himself with such preoccupations. His favorite proj-
ect that surpassed all the rest was the monastery in which an
exquisite church was erected and dedicated to the famous
martyr saint Georgios. The brilliance of this monastery was
enhanced by other imperial constructions and provided
much delight also with the gardens that enclosed it and its
spring flowers. It was as if the buildings and the landscape

85
 THE HISTORY

τοῖς ὑπαίθροις καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀμφοτέρων ἁρμονίαν ἡδονῆς

τοῖς θεαταῖς περιγίνεσθαι. Συνῆψε δὲ τούτοις καὶ νοσοκο-
μεῖον ἐπιμελείας ἀνάμεστον.
Φύσει δὲ μεγαλουργὸς ὧν καὶ βασιλικῶν χαρίτων ava-
πλεως, καὶ ζῴων ἀσυνήθεις ἰδέας τοῖς ὑπηκόοις ἐξ GAAO-
δαπῆς παρεστήσατο γῆς, μεθ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὸν μέγιστον ἐν
τετραπόδοις ἐλέφαντα, ὃς θαῦμα τοῖς Βυζαντίοις καὶ τοῖς
ἄλλοις Ῥωμαίοις, ὧν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλήλυθε διερχόμενος ἐχρή-
μάτισεν. Ἔστι γὰρ μεγέθει μέγιστος, τοὺς πόδας ἔχων
ἐμφερεῖς ἀτλαντικοῖς κίοσιν, ὦτα μηδὲν ἀσπίδος πελτα-
στικῆς ἀποδέοντα, κίνησιν ἄστατον διαπαντὸς προβαλλό-
μένα, οὐκ ἀναιτίως μέντοι, ἀλλὰ φόβῳ τοῦ κώνωπος,
πάντων γὰρ τῶν μεγίστων θηρίων κρατῶν ἐν ἰσχύϊ καὶ
ἀλκιμότητι, παρὰ μόνου τοῦ κώνωπος ἡττᾶσθαι ὁμολογεῖ
καὶ ὡς θώρακα τὴν τῶν ὦτων κίνησιν ἀντεπάγει αὐτῷ, τὴν
προσβολὴν τούτου μακρόθεν ἀποσοβῶν, εἰ γὰρ λαθὼν
κώνωψ ἐντὸς | εἰσέλθοι τῆς ἀκοῆς αὐτοῦ, τιμωρίαν αὐτῷ
μεγίστην καὶ θάνατον ἐπιτίθησιν, Κέχρηται δὲ τῇ ῥινὶ ὅσα
καὶ χειρί, ἔστι γὰρ τὸ μῆκος αὐτῇ κατὰ σάλπιγγα καὶ
bv αὐτῆς ἅπαν ἐνεργεῖ τὸ διδόμενον: καὶ τοῖς κατὰ
vata καθημένοις ἡνιοχοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἀναδίδωσι καὶ τὴν
τροφὴν παραπέμπει τῷ στόματι καὶ ὅπλον κατ᾽ ἐχθρῶν
ἔχει καὶ ἀμυντήριον δύσμαχον. Λώροις δὲ παντοίοις ἢ
χαλινοῖς ody’ ὑπείκει ἀλλ᾽ ἡ αἴσθησις αὐτῷ τοῦ ποιεῖν ὅσα
τοῖς ἡνιοχοῦσι βεβούλευται, πέλεκύς ἐστι κατὰ κρανίου
φερόμενος. Χρόνοις δὲ πολλοῖς κυοφορούμενος, δέκα
γὰρ ἐνιαυτοῖς τῇ μητρῴᾳ νηδύϊ καλύπτεται, τὴν τῶν
ὀστῶν ἁρμονίαν σκληρὰν καὶ ἄτεγκτον πρὸς σύμπτυξιν

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were rivals in beauty, and the harmony of the two elements

created much pleasure in those who beheld them. To these
he added a hospital on which he lavished his attention.
By nature he liked grand gestures and overflowed with
imperial grace. For the benefit of his subjects he brought
strange animals from foreign lands,^* among them an ele-
phant, greatest of all four-legged creatures and an amazing
sight to the Byzantines® and all other Romans who hap-
pened to see him as he paraded by For he is the greatest in
size, his legs are like the pillars of Atlas, his ears are not
smaller than a light infantry shield and they are always in
constant motion, and not without reason, but out of fear of
the mosquito. For the elephant may be the most powerful
and strongest among the largest beasts, but against the mos-
quito alone he will admit defeat and uses the motion of his
ears as protection against it, repelling its attack from afar.
But if it should happen that a mosquito manages to sneak
inside his ear, (49] he exacts the greatest revenge by killing
him. He uses his nose as a hand. Its length is that of a trum-
pet and through it he accomplishes all of his tasks: he ex-
tends it to the men riding upon his back, uses it to move
food to his mouth, and fight his enemies, for it provides a
formidable defense. He will not tolerate any sort of straps or
a bit, but his natural awareness of what his riders want him
to do is like an ax brought down on his skull.?° The years of
an elephant's pregnancy are many—for ten years he is en-
closed in the maternal womb — and so his bones are fitted
together in a firm union and inflexible when it comes to

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 THE HISTORY

ἀποδείκνυσι, διατοῦτο καὶ eig γῆν κατακλιθῆναι ἀδυνατεῖ,

μὴ οἷός τε ὧν τὰ ἄρθρα τῶν ποδῶν ταῖς ἁρμονίαις συνάξαι
καὶ περιαγαγεῖν, ἀντὶ δὲ κατακλίσεως τὴν εἰς δένδρονἢ,
χειροποίητον ξύλον ἢ τοῖχον κατὰ μίαν πλευρὰν ποιεῖται
ἐπίκλισιν, ὄρθιος τούτοις ἐπερειδόμενος μόνον.
Ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ ζώῳ καὶ τὴν λεγομένην καμηλοπάρδαλιν
ἐξ Αἰγύπτου πεμφθεῖσαν αὐτῷ, τοῖς πολίταις ὁ βασιλεὺς
καθυπέδειξεν. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ αὕτη κατὰ τὸ ὄνομα σύνθετος,
φολίδας μὲν παρδάλεως ἔχουσα, καμήλου δὲ μέγεθος σὺν
τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ τῷ ἀποτεταμένῳ καὶ λεπτῷ τοῦ τραχήλου,
πλὴν ὅσον ὅτι ὁ τράχηλος αὐτῇ ὄρθιος ὦν, οὐχ ὡς τῇ
καμήλῳ πεποίηται καμπυλώτατος, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε περὶ τὸ | μέ-
σον τῆς ῥάχεως κύρτωμά τι ἀνίστησιν, ἴσην δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ
τῶν νώτων ἄχρι τοῦ οὐραίου εὐθείαν ἐνίστησιν, οὐκ ἐν ἴσῳ
δὲ τῷ ὑψώματι, τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρὸς νῶτον τοῦδε εἰς ὕψος
ἐπαίρεται, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ὀσφὺν ταπεινοτέραν ἔχει καὶ χθαμα-
λωτέραν τὴν σύνθεσιν ὡς ἐοικέναι ταύτην ἀνωφερεῖ τινι
σκοπιᾷ ἐκ χθαμαλοῦ ἀρχομένῃ. Τὸ δὲ βάδισμα διάφορον
τοῖς ἄλλοις ζώοις καὶ ξένον ἔχει παντάπασιν, οὐ γὰρ ὥσπερ
ἐκεῖνα τοὺς ὀπισθίους πόδας ἐγείρει πρότερον elta τοὺς
ἐμπροσθίους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναλλὰξ τοὺς τῆς μιᾶς πλευρᾶς δύο πό-
δας αἴρει τε καὶ κινεῖ καὶ αὖθις ὁμοῦ τοὺς τῆς ἑτέρας
πλευρᾶς δύο πόδας ἐν ἰσοταλάντῳ καὶ κινήσει καὶ ἄρσει.
Τοιοῦτος δὲ κατὰ τοὺς προτέρους χρόνους τυγχάνων ὁ
Μονομάχος ἐπὶ πολυειδέσιν ἁβρότησί τε καὶ θρύψγεσι, πρὸ
δύο τῆς τοῦ βίου καταστροφῆς ἐνιαυτῶν μεταβολὴν τῶν
ἔργων ἀνυπονόητον ἐπεδείξατο, προστεθεὶς γὰρ τοῖς δει-
γοτέροις τῶν φορολόγων ἀνδρῶν, οὖς σεκρετικοὺς ὁ

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 CHAPTER 9

bending, for which reason he is unable to lie down on the

ound or combine motions and swivel the joints in his legs.
Instead of lying down, he leans one of his sides up against a
tree or a piece of wood carved for that very purpose or a
wall, and supports himself upright by this means alone.
In addition to this animal, the emperor displayed before
his people the so-called camel-leopard,*’ which he had sent
from Egypt. As its name indicates, it too is a composite ani-
mal, having the spots of a leopard but the size of a camel as
well as the latter's head and thin, elongated neck, only its
neck is upright and not curved like a camel's. Nor is [50] there
a hump in the middle of the back, which is straight all the
way to the tail. Nor is it all of the same height: its back comes
up to a certain height, but its loins are lower down and closer
to the ground. Its overall shape is like a hill that starts from
below and rises up. Its gait is different from that of other
animals and is altogether strange. For it does not lift the
hind legs first and then the front ones like the other animals
but lifts and moves both legs of one side and then both legs
of the other side together, in alternation, producing a bal-
anced swaying motion.
Such was Monomachos in his earlier years, enjoying mul-
tifarious delights and petty distractions, but two years be-
fore his death he displayed an unexpected change in behav-
ior. He employed the most oppressive tax collectors, whom
administrative jargon calls sekretikos, and devised ingenious

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 THE HISTORY

πολιτικὸς λόγος οἶδε καλεῖν, ἄρδην ἁπάντων ζημίας ἀπρο-

όπτους καὶ λοιπάδας μεμηχανημένας κατεσοφίσατο Kal
τοὺς βίους τῶν ὁπωσοῦν εὐπορούντων ἐκμυελίζων ἐν-
τεῦθεν ἦν, δίκας ἀδίκους ἐπάγων καὶ καινοφανῆ ζητήματα
καὶ προβλήματα. Καὶ ὁ στεναγμὸς ὅσος τῶν οὕτω ζημιου-
μένων καὶ καθελκομένων εἰς τὴν ἀπόδοσιν, αἵ τε φρουραὶ
πλήθουσαι τῶν ἐναγομένων καὶ καθημερινὸς ὀδυρμός:
τῶν δὲ πειραθέντων τοῦ ἄλγους οἱ μήπω | πειραθέντες ἐλε-
εινότεροι, πᾶσι τοῖς φισκοσυνηγόροις ὑποκατακλινόμενοι,
καὶ ψοφοδεεῖς ὄντες καὶ τὸ ξίφος ἠρτημένον μονονουχὶ
κατὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν κεφαλῆς ὑποπτεύοντες. 'Evéoxnye δὲ τὸ
δεινὸν καὶ ἄχρι τῶν ἀφωρισμένων τοῖς θείοις σηκοῖς καὶ
φροντιστηρίοις σιτηρεσίων, πανταχοῦ τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν δια-
ταγμάτων πεμφθέντων ἀνερευνᾶσθαι περὶ τούτων καὶ
ἀνακρίνεσθαι τοὺς θεραπευτὰς τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τῶν μὴ εὖ-
λόγως τάχα διδομένων τὴν δόσιν ἐκκόπτεσθαι.
Ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸ τῆς τοιαύτης ἐρεύνης ἔφθη τῷ χρεὼν ὁ
βασιλεὺς λειτουργήσας, ἐκράτησε λόγος ἐν ἅπασιν ὅτι
οὐρανία πληγὴ τοῦτον ἐκ μέσου πεποίηκε, πειρώμενον
ἀλλοιῶσαι τὰ καλῶς δεδογμένα πρὸς τὴν εὐσεβῆ διανέμη-
σιν. Ἐν δὲ τῷ τελευτᾶν ἠβουλήθη χειροτονῆσαι βασιλέα
δι’ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τούτῳ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐγχειρίσαι ἀρχὴν καὶ
διὰ γραμμάτων τινὰ Πρωτεύοντα κεκλημένον πολλῇ
σπουδῇ μετεπέμψατο, προέφθασε δὲ ἡ αὐτοῦ τελευτὴ τὴν
ἐκείνου σπουδήν. Ἔζησε δ᾽ 6 Μονομάχος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ
χρόνους δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά.

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 CHAPTER 9

methods for fining everyone unexpectedly and collecting

debts; he thus began to squeeze dry the rich, introducing
unfair legal challenges against them based on newfangled
clauses and headings. A lament rose up from all who were
fined in this way and forced to pay up. The prisons became
crowded with inmates and echoed with daily complaints.
But those who had not yet experienced this grief [531] were
even more pitiable than those who had, for they had to bend
the knee to all the agents of the fisc, jumped at every sound,
and all but feared that a sword had been suspended above
their heads. This horrible situation affected even properties
that had been set aside for the support of the holy churches
and monasteries, as imperial directives were sent out ev-
erywbere to the provinces that inquiries should be made
concerning these matters and that the administrators of the
sacred places should be interrogated, and this for the pur-
pose of canceling payments that were allegedly unjustified.
But when the emperor paid his mortal debt before this
inquiry could be concluded, a belief prevailed among all
people that a heavenly blow had removed him from the
scene because he had attempted to change arrangements
that had been made appropriately for the distribution of
wealth for religious purposes. As he lay dying, he wanted to
appoint his successor and entrust the Roman Empire to
him. In great haste he wrote letters summoning a certain
Proteuon,®* but he was not fast enough and death over-
took him. Monomachos reigned for twelve years and seven
months.

91
 IO

΄
kai αὐτίκα τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπελάβετο καὶ τῆς μο-
ναρχίας αὐτῆς ἡ προμνημονευθεῖσα Θεοδώρα αὐγοῦστα,
προαπεβίω γὰρ ἡ ταύτης αὐταδέλφη, καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν
ἀνδρῶν ἐθελήσασα συζευχθῆναι μήτ᾽ ἄλλως συμβασι-
λεύειν, αὐτὴ μόνη διὰ τῶν θαλαμηπόλων εὐνούχων τῶν
ὅλων ἀντεποιήσατο | πρὸς μικρόν: εἶτ᾽ ἀνενεγκοῦσα τῶν
ἐλλογίμων ἀνδρί τινι ἱερωμένῳ τε καὶ συνέσεως γέμοντι
καὶ πολυπειρίας οὐκ ἀποδέοντι, Λέων προσηγορία τῷ
ἀνδρί, τὴν διοίκησιν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπέτρεψεν. Ἐπιεικῶς
οὖν οὗτος ἐν ἅπασιν ἐνεργῶν καὶ κατὰ λόγον τοῖς πὰρ-
ἐμπίπτουσι χρώμενος καὶ τὸν νόμον ποιούμενος βούλημα,
πᾶσαν εὐταξίαν καὶ εὐνομίαν πεποίηκε πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ
ἀστασίαστον ἦν οὐ μόνον τὸ Ῥωμαίοις ὑπήκοον ἀλλὰ καὶ
αὐτὸ τὸ ἀλλόφυλον, τοῦ Θεοῦ πάντως εὐαρεστουμένου τῇ
ἀγαθοεργίᾳ τῶν πράξεων καὶ τὰ σκολιὰ εἰς εὐθεῖαν ἐξο-
μαλίζοντος.
Τῆς δὲ τοιαύτης βασιλίσσης πρὸς τὴν ἐκεῖθεν βασιλείαν
μελλούσης μεταναστῆναι, ἐμονάρχησε γὰρ χρόνον ἕνα
καὶ μῆνας ὀκτώ, περὶ βασιλέως φροντὶς κατεῖχε τοὺς ἐν
τοῖς βασιλείοις τὰ πρῶτα φέροντας καὶ ὡς τὸ ἀποτέλεσμα
παρεστήσατο, οὐχὶ τὸν γενναίως ἀνθεξόμενον τῆς ἀρχῆς
ἀναγορεῦσαι προείλοντο ἀλλ᾽ ὃς ἂν μᾶλλον ὕπτιος ἔσοιτο

92
 Chapter 10

The sole reign of Theodora (1055-1056)

/ A t that point the aforementioned Theodora Augusta

took over the governance of affairs and even the monarchy
itself, for her sister had predeceased her® and she did not
want to marry any man nor in any other way to share power.
She herself, acting alone through her eunuch chamberlains,
took charge of everything [52] for a brief time, but later she
delegated the administration of public affairs to a reputable
man, a priest who was wise and experienced, named Leon.??
He behaved with moderation in all things and dealt wisely
with all circumstances, making the law his will. He was re-
sponsible for creating an orderly and lawful environment for
political activity and there were no revolts, neither among
the Roman subjects nor even among the foreigners, as God
was altogether pleased with this virtuous governance and
made straight all that was crooked.”
When the empress was about to depart to that other
Kingdom, having ruled for one year and eight months, the
leading officials at the court were concerned to find a suc-
cessor to the throne. When the fateful event happened,”
they decided to elevate not a man who would govern nobly
but one who would bend over backward and easily be led

93
 THE HISTORY

καὶ αὐτοῖς ὑποκείμενος καὶ τῇ ἀφελείᾳ καὶ ἀμελείᾳ τὴν

διοίκησιν μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς ἀναθεῖναι μὴ ioxupicarro. —

II

A saropesover τοίνυν πρεσβύτην τινὰ ὀνομαζόμενον

μὲν Μιχαήλ, πολιτικοῖς δὲ συντεθραμμένον ἤθεσί τε καὶ
πράγμασι καὶ τὸ τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ τηνικαῦτα διαφέροντα
σέκρετον, ἁπλοῦν μὲν καὶ ἀφελῆ κατὰ τὸ δόξαν αὐτοῖς,
πλεῖον δὲ τῷ γήρει τρυχόμενον καὶ διατοῦτο κοινωνοῖς
αὐτοῖς τῆς. βασιλείας | καὶ συνασπισταῖς ἐξάπαντος χρώ-
μενον καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνων βουλεύμασι καὶ θελήμασι κατα-
χρώμενον. Τῆς οὖν ἐξουσίας εἰς πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους
διαιρεθείσης καὶ τῶν παραδυναστευόντων ἑκάστου βασι-
λειᾶν γαυρουμένου, πολὺς γογγυσμὸς τούς τε ἀριστοκρα-
τικοὺς καὶ τοὺς δημοτικοὺς διὰ τὴν δημοκρατίαν κατεῖχε
καὶ σύγχυσις, ἐκείνων γὰρ ἦν τὸ εὐπραγεῖν τῶν τῆς μερί-
δος τυγχανόντων αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ὁπωσοῦν προσηκόντων
τῷ βασιλεῖ, κἄν τε σπουδαῖον τῇ πολιτείᾳ εἰσήνεγκαν κἄν
τε δεινὸν ἢ καὶ ἄπρακτον, τῶν 8’ ἄλλων λόγος οὐδείς, ὅτι

94
 CHAPTER II

around by them, and who because of his naiveté and indif-

ference could only delegate to them the governing power.

Chapter 11

The reign of Michael VI the Old

(1056—1057) and the revolt of
Isaakios Komnenos

ἐ M ccordingly, they elevated an old man named Michael,

whose habits and experience were those of a civil bureaucrat
and who happened at that time to be the director” of the
military sekreton. He seemed to them to be simple and naive,
but more importantly he was worn down by old age and
therefore would have to share the imperial power with them,
[53] employ them as his aides in every matter, and generally
follow their wishes and plans. Power was accordingly di-
vided up among many different types of people and each
one of these men behind the throne put on imperial airs.
There was much grumbling in aristocratic circles and among
the people concerning this extension and coarsening of im-
perial power, and there was confusion too. For only those
who belonged to this faction and were close in some way to
the emperor were benefiting from this situation, regardless
of whether they had done something good for the common
interest, something bad, or nothing at all, and no attention

95
 THE HISTORY

μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀλαζονείας ἀλόγου xal κενοῦ φυσήματος

ἐγίνοντο πάρεργον.
Ἐξ οὗ καί τις τῶν εὖ γεγονότων καὶ περὶ τὴν ἑῴαν ὀνο-
μαστῶν καὶ γενναίων, Ἰσαάκιος ὄνομα, Κομνηνὸς αὐτῷ τὸ
ἐπώνυμον, ὑβρισθεὶς παροράσει καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ὧθι-
σμοῖς, μεστὸς ἀνίας ἐφάνη καὶ τὴν συμφορὰν κοινοποι-
εἴταί τισι τῶν στρατιωτῶν. Προεξοιδούμενοι δὲ καὶ οὗτοι
τῇ τῶν γινομένων ἀνωμαλίᾳ καὶ λύπῃ συγκατεχόμενοι,
παρορμῶσιν εἰς τὴν ἀποστασίαν αὐτόν: καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν
συμβούλους ἱκανοὺς προσλαμβάνοντες καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην
μελέτην πρὸς καιρὸν ὠδινήσαντες, μετὰ τὸ τῆς βασιλίδος
ἀπᾶραι, μικρὸν ὅσον διαλιπόντες ἐκρήσσουσι τὴν ὠδῖνα
καὶ τοῦ κρατοῦντος μυκτῆρα καταχεάμενοι, ἐπαίρουσιν
εἰς ὕψος καὶ προῦπτον τὸ μελετώμενον.
Πρὸ δὲ τούτων, τῶν ἀρχισυμβούλων εἷς Βρυέννιος τοῦ-
γομα Ἀδριανουπολίτης στρατηγὸς τῶν Καππαδοκῶν
καθιστάμενος, καταδυναστεύσας ἢ μᾶλλον εἰπεῖν ἀπατή σας
τὸν ἐκ βασιλέως ἀποσταλέντα πρὸς διανέμησιν τῶν στρα-
τιωτικῶν ὀψωνίων, ἐχειρώσατο τοῦτον καὶ δεσμοῖς καθ-.
vnéBaAe. Διαναστάντων δὲ εἰς ἐκδίκησιν ἑτέρων στρατι-
(x&v, τῶν τε δεσμῶν ἀνείθη οὗτος καὶ τὸν δεδεσμηκότα
κατεργασάμενος, τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπεστέρησε. Φόβος οὖν
κατασχὼν τοὺς τῆς αὐτῆς τῷ πηρωθέντι κεκοινωνηκότας
μελέτης, ἠνάγκασεν ἁρπάσαι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ προκινδυνεῦσαι
ταχέως καὶ μὴ σποράδας συλληφθῆναι καὶ παθεῖν τὰ
ἀνήκεστα.
Γενομένης τοίνυν τῆς συγκινήσεως περὶ τὰς ἐαρινὰς
τροπάς, προσέθεντο τούτοις πολλοί: καὶ καθημερινὴν

οό
 CHAPTER II

was paid to anyone else other than that chey were scorned
with pointless arrogance and vain conceit.
Hence one of the notables, well known and highly re- :
garded in the cast, Isaakios by name, whose surname was
Komnenos, offended at this slight and insulted when he
was shoved aside, was furious and shared his grievance with
some of the military men. They too were already inflamed
by the irregularity of the situation and full of indignation,
and they incited him to rebel. In stages they took on reliable
collaborators as their plan gestated for a while, and then
they left the Queen of Cities. They had not gone far before
they let their grievances burst forth: they heaped abuse upon
the emperor, and, with their spirits elated to the heights, set
their plan into motion.
Before that, however, one of the chief conspirators named 3
Bryennios, a man from Adrianople {54} who was serving as
general of the Kappadokians, used force—or rather more
accurately deceit—to capture and imprison the man sent
out by the emperor to distribute military pay?! But other
soldiers rose up to avenge this act,” the man was freed from
his shackles, and he overpowered Bryennios, whom he then
blinded. Fear now gripped the men who belonged to the
same plot as the blinded man, and it forced them to take
up weapons earlier and hastily risk everything so that they
would not be captured while they were still scattered and
suffer the worst.
The revolt, then, began on the spring equinox” and many 4
joined its ranks. Every day the rebellion grew, its army

97
 THE HISTORY

λαμβανούσης τῆς ἀποστασίας ἐπαύξησιν, εἰς μέγα πλῆθος

ἡ συνάθροισις γέγονε καὶ ἀναγορεύουσι στρατηγὸν αὐτο-
κράτορα τὸν ἀρχισύμβουλον Ἰσαάκιον τὸν Κομνηνόν,
Μετατίθενται δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἐν τῇ Βύζαντος βασιλέα συχνοὶ
τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἑῴας στρατιωτῶν: καὶ ὁ μὲν ὁ Κομνηνὸς τοὺς
ἐκ ταύτης εἶχε μόνους συντιθεμένους αὐτῷ, ὁ δὲ καὶ τοὺς
προσρυέντας ἐκεῖθεν καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ἑσπερίαν δύναμιν.
Εὐτρεπίσας δὲ διὰ πάντων στρατιὰν ἱκανὴν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώ-
ang εἰς Ἀσίαν τοὺς στρατιώτας διαπεραιωθῆναι πεποίηκε:
καὶ μέχρι τῆς Νικομηδείας γενόμενοι καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς
ἐκεῖσε πηξάμενοι, τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ὑπέμενον ἔφοδον. Ὡς
δ᾽ ἔμελλεν αὕτη, προστάγματι βασιλικῷ τοῖς τῆς Νικαίας
ὁρίοις προσεμπελάζουσι, προκαταλαβὼν δὲ ὁ | Ἰσαάκιος
τὴν Νίκαιαν πόλιν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐπεισάγει’ καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ
μερίδος ἀποδείξας τὸν ὄχλον, κατὰ νώτου ταύτην ἀφίησι
καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων προσωτέρω χωρεῖ. |
Συμβαλόντες δὲ μάχην οἱ ἀντιτεταγμένοι πρὸ δέκα
σταδίων τῆς πόλεως ἐν τόπῳ διττὴν ἔκπαλαι προσηγορίαν
φέροντι τήν τε τοῦ Πολέμωνος καὶ τοῦ Ἅιδου, ἀγῶνα καρ-
τερὸν συνεστήσαντο. Καὶ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας ἔκαμνε τοῖς
ἀμφὶ τὸν Κομνηνόν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ἀριστεροῦ πυκνώσας τὴν
φάλαγγα διὰ τῶν εὖ γεγονότων ἀνδρῶν, ὁμόσε τοῖς ἐναν-
τίοις χωρεῖ καὶ παλιντρόπου γενομένης τῆς νίκης, φεύ-
γουσιν οἱ ἐκ τῆς Βυζαντίδος πεμφθέντες. Καὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ
κέρατος αἰσθομένου τὴν ἧτταν τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ πάλιν
ἀναθαρρήσαντος, παντελὴς φυγὴ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ στρατεύ-
ματος γίνεται καὶ πίπτουσιν ἐξ ἑκατέρου μέρους συχνοί,
τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον οἱ τὴν φυγὴν ἑλόμενοι κατεκόπησαν. Τότε

98
 CHAPTER II

increased dramatically, and they chose as their commander

in chief the leader of the revolt, Isaakios Komnenos. But
many of the soldiers in the east changed over to the side of
the emperor in the City of Byzas, so that Komnenos had
only eastern soldiers on his side, while che emperor bad the
entire western force in addition to the easterners who had
come over to him. Making ready from among all these forces
a sizable army, the emperor had the soldiers cross from Eu-
rope to Asia. They reached Nikomedeia and pitched their
tents there, awaiting the enemy attack. As that did not
come, however, by imperial order they moved to the region
of Nikaia. But Isaakios had taken [55] the city first and placed
it under his authority; its people joined his side and, keeping
the city at his back, he advanced against the enemy.
The two sides joined battle about ten stades from the city
at a place that has long borne two names, Polemon and Ha-
des, and the fighting was fierce." Komnenos's right wing
gave ground, but he reinforced his left wing with his best
men and moved to engage the enemy at close quarters there.
The tide of victory now turned and the soldiers dispatched
from Byzantion fled. The right wing, perceiving the enemy's
defeat, revived its spirits and so the rout of the imperial
army was complete. Many men fell on both sides, but most
were cut down while they were in flight. And then father
and son, as if forgetting their natural bonds, showed no com-
punction in eagerly slaughtering each otber. Hands of sons

99
 THE HISTORY

τοίνυν πατὴρ μὲν καὶ υἱός, τῆς φύσεως ὥσπερ ἐπιλαθόμε-

vot, πρὸς σφαγὴν ὀργᾶν ἀλλήλων οὐκ εὐλαβοῦντο᾽ καὶ
δεξιὰν παῖς πατρικῷ χραίνει φόνῳ καὶ ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφῷ
καιρίαν ἐλαύνει καὶ συγγενείας ἢ συμφυΐας εἴτε τῶν ὁμο-
φύλων ἔλεος οὐδὲ διάκρισις ἦν, ἕως τοῦ θυμοῦ καὶ τῆς
βακχικῆς μανίας ληξάντων, τῆς συμφορᾶς ἤσθοντο καὶ
κωκυτὸν αἰθέριον ἤγειραν. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὥς νικητὴς ἀναδει-
χθεὶς οὗτος ὁ Κομνηνὸς τὴν ἐπινίκιον εὐφημίαν “κατ-
ἤνεγκε καὶ σεβαστὸς παρὰ πάντων ἀναγορευόμενος καὶ
περίβλεπτος πάντας ἐλπίσιν ἐπτέρου | ὡς τῶν κατὰ σκοπὸν
μὴ διαμαρτήσοντας.
Ἢρίστευσε δὲ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων καὶ κραταιὸς ἐν τούτῳ
τῷ πολέμῳ ἐδείχθη καὶ περιβόητος Νικηφόρος μάγιστρος
ὁ Βοτανειάτης, ἐκ γένους ἔχων ἐπιφανοῦς τὸ ἐν ταῖς στρα-
τηγίαις καὶ τοῖς ἀνδραγαθήμασιν ἐκδηλότατον καὶ ἐπίδο-
Eov.
Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀνειληφώς, τῆς πρὸς τὴν
βασιλίδα φερούσης ἥπτετο“ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ τοῖς προποντίοις
προσεγγίσαι τῆς Πόλεως, βουλὴ παρά τινων τῶν ἐν τέλει
κατὰ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει ἠρτύετο.
Εἴτε δὲ καὶ ὁ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἔξαρχος καὶ πατριάρχης
Μιχαὴλ ὁ Κηρουλάριος κεκοινώνηκε τούτοις τῆς σκέ-
yews, εἴτε καὶ μή, ἄδηλον καὶ προφανὲς οὐδέν: ὅμως δ᾽ ἐκ
προλήψεων καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα συνενεχθέντων τὰ τῆς
ὑπονοίας εἰς ἀληθείας ἀμυδρὰν προκεχωρήκασιν ἔμφασιν,
καὶ γὰρ τῷ Κομνηνῷ τὰ πάντα συνδιαφέρων ἦν καὶ συμ-
πράττων καὶ τῆς πρώτης βουλῆς γινωσκόμενος, ὡς καὶ
τῆς φιλίας καὶ τῆς ἀξίας καὶ τῆς ἀγχιστείας ἐγγύτατος, ὁ

IOO
 CHAPTER II

were stained with the blood of fathers; brother struck down

brother; and there was no pity or distinction made for close
relations or common blood. When this rage and manic
frenzy subsided, they understood the extent of the tragedy
and raised their laments to the heavens. Nevertheless, Kom-
nenos was shown to be the winner and was cheered as the
victor, acclaimed as emperor by everyone, and in this con-
spicuous way revived the hopes of all [56] that they would
not fail in their purpose.
A display of excellence in this battle, its might celebrated 6
and surpassing anyone else, was made by the magistros Nike-
phoros Botaneiates, who came from a family illustrious in
military operations and manifestly glorious in their noble
exploits.?®
On the following day he?” took his forces and headed for 7
the Queen of Cities. But before he reached the coast oppo-
site the City, a plot was hatched by certain officials against
the emperor in Constantinople. It is unclear and remains
obscure whether the supreme archpriest, the patriarch
Michael Keroularios,!® was part of the plot or not. Never-
theless, some prior signs and the way that events unfolded
cast a shadow of suspicion that it was in truth so. For Kom-
nenos's associate in all things, his partner and close adviser,
nearest to him by virtue of friendship, rank, and even

IOI
 THE HISTORY

βεστάρχης Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ Δούκας, ἀδελφιδῆς τοῦ πα-

τριάρχου σύνευνος καθιστάμενος καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν δι-
δοὺς καὶ λαμβάνων ἐκεῖθεν. ]
Elta τῆς tvpevouévng βουλῆς ἐκραγείσης, εἰσῆλθον
ἅπαντες οἱ ταύτης ἐξάρχοντες, ὡς δὲ καὶ οἱ συμμετέχον-
τες, εἰς τὸ θεῖον καὶ μέγιστον τέμενος τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ Με-
γάλης Σοφίας, σκηπτόμενοι τὸν βασιλέα τὰς συνθήκας
σφῶν προδιδόναι διομοσαμένων τὸν Κομνηνὸν | μὴ προσ-
ήσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸν σπονδὰς μετ᾽ ἐκείνου συντίθεσθαι καὶ
τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐξουσίας μεταδιδόναι. Καὶ αὐτίκα εὐφημίαις
τὸν Κομνηνὸν κατεγέραιρον, κατήγοροι ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ
συνήγοροι καὶ προασπισταὶ δεικνύμενοι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὃν
γὰρ ἐξομόσασθαι ἔλεγον καὶ οὗ τὴν φιλίαν μετὰ τοῦ βα-
σίλέως καθάπαξ ἀπαγορεύειν, τούτῳ παρεμβεβλημένως
βασιλικῆς ἀξίας περιετίθουν τιμήν, συνεκρότησε δὲ τού-
τοις καὶ ἣ πρὸς αὐτοὺς κάθοδος τῶν τοῦ πατριάρχου ἀνε-
ψιῶν, ἐκεῖνοι γάρ, ὡς πευσόμενοι τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς στάσεως
καταπτάντες ἐξ ἀποστολῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, συλληφθῆναι
παρὰ τῶν στασιαζόντων ἐῴκεσαν καὶ ἄρτι διαχειρισθῆναι
εἰ μὴ ὁ πατριάρχης κατελθὼν συμπνεύσειε τούτοις πρὸς
τὸ ζητούμενον. Νυγεὶς οὖν τοῖς σπλάγχνοις τῆς φύσεως,
ἐπεὶ καὶ πατράδελφος ἦν, πατρὸς μικρὸν ἀποδέων, καί τι
καὶ ἀναγκαῖον ὑπολογισάμενος ἵνα μὴ διχονοοῦντος τοῦ
πλήθους ἔτι τὰ τῆς ὀργῆς ἐκκαυθῇ καὶ πόλεμος ἐμφύλιος
εἰς τὴν καταστέλλουσαν πόλιν τὰς στάσεις ἐγγένηται,
πρόεισιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀδύτοις προσκαθίσας, οὕτω
κριτὴς τῶν λεγομένων καὶ διαιτητὴς ἐχρημάτισε. Καὶ τὴν
ῥοπὴν τοῖς καθαιρεθῆναι τὸν βασιλέα καὶ ἀντεισαχθῆναι

IO2
 CHAPTER II

marriage bonds, was the vestarches Konstantinos Doukas,

whose wife was the patriarch's niece, ?! and on account of
the connection he was able to both dispense and reap many
political boons.
When the plot, until now planned through intrigue,
erupted, all of its leaders, as well as its participants, entered
the divine and supreme sanctuary of the Great Wisdom of
God!” and alleged that the emperor was breaking his agree-
ment with them, since they had sworn to reject {57} Komne-
nos but now he himself was coming to terms with him to
surrender the throne over to him.!® Then they began to
cheer acclamations for Komnenos, revealing themselves to
be, at the same time, that man's accusers, advocates, and ad-
vance guard. For the man whom they claimed to have for-
sworn and whose reconciliation with the emperor they
would never accept they were now insidiously investing with
the imperial rank. They were reinforced when the nephews
of the patriarch came down to them.' They ran down on
the patriarch’s orders, ostensibly to discover the cause of the
rebellion, but then acted as if they had been arrested by the
rebels and would be killed by them swiftly if the patriarch
did not also come down and assist the rebels to get what
they wanted. Deeply affected by love for his kin, given that
he was their father's brother and nothing short of a father to
them, and considering the necessity of the situation, namely
that, with the people divided, their anger not be inflamed
further and a civil war not erupt in that City which usually
suppresses rebellions that erupt elsewhere, he came into the
church and took his seat in the sanctuary, adjudicating
and arbitrating among the rival claims. He inclined in favor
of those who wanted to depose the emperor and put

103
 THE HISTORY

τὸν Κομνηνὸν ἐθέλουσι δοὺς διὰ τὴν τῶν πλειόνων ἀρέ-

σκειαν, ἵνα μὴ τὰ τῆς ἐνστάσεως εἰς ἐμφύλιον, ὡς εἴπομεν,
ἐναποσκήψειε πόλεμον, οὕτω τὴν εὐφημίαν τοῦ Κομνηνοῦ
μεῖζον ἐξῆρε, τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν αὐτοῦ ταύτην καθολικῶς | ἐπι-
τρέψας. Ταῦτα τοίνυν τὸ ἀμφίβολον τοῦ πατριάρχου παρ-
εἰσάγει προβούλευμα πρὸς τὸ εἰκὸς ἑκατέρωθεν μελετώ-
μενον. ἪἬρξαντο οὖν πάντες μιᾶς μερίδος τῆς Κομνηνοῦ
γίνεσθαι καὶ κατηρείπωτο τὸ κράτος τοῦ Γέροντος, οὕτω
γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκάλεσεν ἡ τῶν συμπνευσάντων κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ
συμμορία καὶ ὁ λόγος οὗτος ἄχρι καὶ τήμερον ἐπεκρά-
Thot.
Kai μικρὸν ἄποθεν τῆς ἀντιπέραν κώμης τῆς Χρυσσπό-
λεως φήμη τὸν Κομνηνὸν περὶ τούτων κατέλαβε, θαρρεῖν
“παρεγγυωμένη ὅτι προηνέῳκται αὐτῷ τὰ ἀνάκτορα καὶ ὁ
δῆμος ἅπας τῆς Πόλεως αὐτὸν εὐφημεῖ, ἐπέσχε δὲ τὴν
ὁρμὴν ἕως ἐντελές τι καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ Γέροντος καθαιρέ-
σεως πύθοιτο. Καὶ δῆτα τοῦ πατριάρχου πάντας τοὺς ἐν
τέλει μετακαλεσαμένου πρὸς ἑαυτόν, οὖς μὲν ἑκουσίως,
obs δὲ ἀκουσίως ἐκβιασθέντας τυχὸν οἰκονομικῶς, στρα-
τιωτικὰ δὲ καὶ δημοτικὰ συντάγματα ἐκεῖσε τὴν βασίλειον
ἐξουσίαν ἀφυῶς μετεστήσατο καὶ ἀρχὰς τοῖς πράγμασιν
ὁπόσαι τούτῳ ἐδόθησαν τῷ καιρῷ πρόσφοροι προεστή-
σατο. Καὶ τῷ Γέροντι τὴν τρίχα καταθεῖναι αὐτίκα μάλα,
εἰ προαιροῖτο τὸ ζῆν, μήνυμα σφοδρὸν ἐξαπέστειλε, τοῦ
πλήθους τοῦτο κελεύοντος. Ὁ δέ, καίτοι τῶν τῆς αὐλῆς
ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ὅσοι τούτῳ προσήκοντες ἦσαν εἰς ἄμυναν
ἐξελθεῖν τῶν ἀντιπάλων διατεινομένων καὶ τούτους ἑτοί-
μως παραστήσασθαι καὶ τὸ κράτος αὐτῷ βεβαιῶσαι, οὐκ

104
 CHAPTER II

Komnenos in his place because that would please the most

people and also keep the uprising from turning into a civil
war, as I said. Thus he greatly strengthened the acclamation
of Komnenos, for he allowed all of his clergy to join their
voices to it. [58] Therefore, the ambiguity of the patriarch’s
stance creates the suspicion that it had been planned in ad-
vance with an eye to either contingency. So everyone now
began to join the one faction, that of Komnenos, and the re-
gime of the Old Man collapsed, for that is what he was
named by those who plotted against him, and the name has
stuck to this day.
News of these events reached Komnenos when he was
near Chrysopolis, on the opposite coast, and the report was
encouraging, for it stated that the palace was ready to re-
ceive him and that the entire people of the City was acclaim-
ing him. But he restrained any impulsive movement until he
made sure that the Old Man had been finally deposed. The
patriarch, meanwhile, summoned all state officials, some of
them willingly but the unwilling ones he forced, appealing
to the necessity of the times; he there effected an unnatural
regime change through the military units and the urban as-
sociations and appointed the magistracies that seemed best
to him in the present circumstances. And he sent a strongly
worded message to the Old Man, saying that if he wanted to
Jive he had best take the tonsure, as this was what the major-
ity was demanding. As for che emperor, even though the sol-
diers of the court and those who were on his side were all for
fighting back against the enemy and asserted that they could
defeat them and so secure his power, he could not accept

105
 THE HISTORY

ἠνέσχετο μισανθρωπίας xal φιλαυτίας ὁμοῦ πρᾶγμα λέ-

ywv εἶναι τὸ δι᾿ | αὐτὸν συγχωρῆσαι φόνοις καὶ σφαγαῖς
ἀνθρωπίναις μιανθῆναι τὴν μεγαλόπολιν. Καὶ πρὸς τὰ
ἐρυθρὰ πέδιλα κατιδών, «διὰ ταῦτα», εἶπεν ὁ Μιχαήλ, «οὐ
προδίδωσι τὴν εὐσέβειαν»: καὶ πόρρω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ποδῶν
ταῦτα σφενδονησάμενος, τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔκκλινε τοῖς ἀπο-
σταλεῖσιν εἰς τὴν κουρὰν καὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς λαμπρότητος
τὴν μοναχικὴν πολιτείαν εὐχαρίστως ἀνταλλαξάμενος καὶ
τρύχινον ῥάκος τῆς εὐδαίμονος ἀμπεχόνης καὶ πολυτίμου,
παραπέμπεται πρὸς τὸ ἱερὸν μελαμφορῶν καὶ τοῖς μονα-
χοῖς συνταττόμενος. Δέχεται τοῦτον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς συναν-
τήσει δῆθεν φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ μειδιώσῃ καὶ «Χαῖρε» πρὸς
αὐτὸν ἐπειπών, φίληματι τοῦτον ἀσπάζεται, ὁ δὲ «Θεός σε
ἀξίως, ἀρχιερεῦ, ἀντασπάσαιτο» φήσας, μιᾷ τῶν πατριαρ-
χικῶν οἰκιῶν τῇ ἀνωτάτῳ ἀναχωρητικῇ παραδίδοται, βα-
σιλεύσας ἕνα μόνον ἐνιαυτόν,

12

IE
m
ess τοίνυν ὁ Κομνηνὸς διαπόντιος μετὰ τοῦ στό-
[4 c > y x - f,

Àov παντὸς εὐφημίαις καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῖς καὶ σαλπίγγων καὶ

106
 CHAPTER I2

this course, saying that it would be a selfish and even misan-

thropic thing [59] to allow the Great City to be polluted with
murder and the slaughter of others just for his own sake.
Looking at his purple boots, Michael said, “I will not for-
sake my religion for the sake of these.” He hurled them off
his feet and bent his head to those who were sent to tonsure
it, gladly exchanging imperial splendor for a monastic way
of life and his worldly and precious garb for a tattered gar-
ment. He entered the sacred life dressed in black and was
enrolled among the monks.!® The archpriest met him os-
tensibly to send him off with compassion and a smile, told
him to “fare well,” and embraced him with a kiss. But the
other man said, "May God reward you in a fitting way for
this embrace, archbishop." He was handed over to one of
the patriarchal houses to live the superior life of the ancho-
rites, having reigned for only a single year.

Chapter 12

The reign of Isaakios Komnenos

(1057-1059)

K omnenos then crossed the straits with the entire fleet

and entered the City, exalted by acclamations, cheering

107
 THE HISTORY

λοιπῶν ὀργάνων ἠχῇ σεμνυνόμενος καὶ τοῦτον ὑποδέ-

χονται τὰ βασίλεια περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν, Σεπτεμβρίου μηνὸς
τῆς ἑνδεκάτου ἰνδικτιῶνος ἐνισταμένου. Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπαύριον
προόδῳ λαμπρᾷ τῇ τοῦ Θεοῦ Μεγάλῃ Ἐκκλησίᾳ μετὰ
πολλῆς προσελθὼν τῆς δορυφορίας, τὸ στέφος ἐπ᾽ ὀκρί-
βαντος διὰ χειρὸς τοῦ πατριάρχου κομίζεται καὶ πρόεισι
στεφανίτης ἐκεῖθεν, δόξαν παρεσχηκὼς ἀνδρίας καὶ ἀν-
δραγαθίας μεγίστης οὐ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις | μόνον ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ
τοῖς βαρβάροις, ὡς μάχῃ κεκρατηκὼς τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ
φασγάνῳ τοσαύτην ἀρχὴν δυνηθεὶς περιζώσασθαι, στηλο-
γραφεῖται δὲ καὶ ἐσπασμένον ἔχων τὸν ἀκινάκην τῷ κήνσῳ,
καὶ οὕτω τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τῶν ταύτης ἀπάρχεται πράξε-
ων.
Φιλοτίμοις οὖν τοὺς συναραμένους καὶ συναγωνισαμέ-
νους πρὸς τὸ κατόρθωμα κοσμήσας τιμαῖς καὶ φροντιστὰς
πολλοὺς τῶν δημοσίων ἀποδείξας συλλόγων, οὕτω καὶ τὸ
δημοτικὸν τῆς προσηκούσης τιμῆς ἀξιοῖ. Πρὸ δὲ τῶν
ἄλλων πολύ τι νέμων αἰδοῦς τῷ πατριάρχῃ, ἴσα καὶ πατέρα
ἐτίμα: καὶ τοὺς τούτου ἀνεψιοὺς ταῖς πρώταις ἀξίαις καὶ
πράξεσι περιβλέπτους ἀποδεδειχώς, καὶ τὰ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς
δικαίοις προσόντα παρὰ τῶν ἱερατικῶν δίκαια τῇ Μεγάλῃ
Ἐκκλησίᾳ νέον καθιεροῖ καὶ τούτων ἀλλοτριοῖ παντάπασι
τὸ παλάτιον, ὥστε μήτ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκονομίας μήτε τῆς τῶν
ἱερῶν κειμηλίων προνοίας καὶ προστασίας παρὰ βασιλέως
τινὰ προχειρίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τῆς τοῦ πατριάρχου ἐξουσίας
ἠρτῆσθαι καὶ τὴν προχείρισιν τῶν προσώπων καὶ τὴν τῶν
πραγμάτων διοίκησιν.
3 Καὶ καταστησάμενος τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀποβλέπει καὶ πρὸς τὸ

ro8
 CHAPTER IZ

crowds, and the din of trumpets and other musical instru-

ments. The palace received him late in the evening; this was
at the beginning of the month of September in the eleventh
indiction. On the following day, accompanied by a large
retinue he made his way in a magnificent procession to the
Great Church of God!” where, standing on a dais, he re-
ceived the crown from the hand of the patriarch. He
emerged from there a crowned monarch, having already ac-
quired a reputation for manliness and heroism of the high-
est order not only among his subjects [60] but already among
the barbarians too, as he had prevailed over the former ruler
in battle and managed to win for himself such a great au-
thority by the sword. He even had himself depicted on his
coins with a drawn sword, and this was the beginning of his
reign and its accomplishments.
He bestowed lavish honors upon those who had rebelled
with him and fought on his side to achieve his goal, appoint-
ing many of them to head different bodies of the state; he
likewise distributed fitting honors to the civilian class. First
above all others, however, he showed respect for the patri-
arch, honoring him almost like a father and rendering the
latter's nephews illustrious through the highest dignities
and functions of state. He also ceded to the Great Church
all the rights of imperial supervision over the clergy, alienat-
ing those rights altogether from the palace, so that hence-
forth no one would be appointed by the emperor to the ad-
ministration of the Church or to the care and protection of
its holy treasures; both the promotion of personnel and the
administration of affairs would lie within the power of the
patriarch.
Established now in authority, he looked into the matter

109
 THE HISTORY

τῶν ἀναλωμάτων τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τοῦ ὀψωνιασμοῦ τῶν

στρατιωτῶν μέγεθος καὶ ὡς πόλεμοι τούτῳ πρόκεινται
πολλὴν δαπάνην ἐφέλκοντες, διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐναντίους
κατισχῦσαι καὶ πανταχόθεν κατεπαίρεσθαι τῶν Ῥωμαίων,
καὶ χρημάτων δεῖσθαι σκοπήσας καὶ τὴν τούτων εὐπορίαν
πλείστην ὅσην | ἀπαραίτητον λογισάμενος, βαρὺς ἐχρημά-
τισε φορολόγος τοῖς χρεωστοῦσι δημόσια. Εἶτα καὶ τὰς
τῶν ὀφφικίων δόσεις αὐτὸς περιέτεμε πρῶτος καὶ παντα-
χόθεν, οἷά τις ἄπληστος θηρευτής, εἰσεποιεῖτο τὰ χρήματα.
᾿Ἐμέλησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ φειδωλίας καὶ τοῦ προσ-
θήκην ἀγρῶν τῇ βασιλείᾳ περιποιήσασθαι, διὸ καὶ πολλὰ
μὲν ἰδιωτικὰ πρόσωπα πολλῶν ἀπεστέρησε κτήσεων, παρ-
Sav τὰς χρυσοβούλλους τούτων γραφὰς dr ὧν αὐτοῖς τὰ
τῆς δεσποτείας ἡδραίωντο.
"Evéoknye δὲ καί τισι τῶν φροντιστηρίων μεγάλας καὶ
πλουσίας κτήσεις ἐχόντων καὶ τῶν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς θησαυ-
ροῖς ἀνακειμένων ἀποδεούσας οὐδόλως καὶ πολλὰς αὐτῶν
ἀφελόμενος καὶ διὰ λογοποιΐας τὸ ἀρκοῦν ἐγκαταλιπὼν
μοναῖς καὶ μονάζουσι, τοῖς βασιλικοῖς τὸ περισσὸν προσ-
αφώρισε, πρᾶγμα παρανομίας μὲν δόξαν ἢ ἀσεβείας εἰσ-
άγον καὶ πρὸς ἱεροσυλίαν τοῖς εὐλαβεστέροις ἐκ τοῦ
προχείρου ἀναφερόμενον, ἀποτέλεσμα δὲ μηδὲν ἄτοπον
ἀποφέρον πρός γε τοὺς ἐμβριθῶς τὰ πράγματα διακρί-
vovtas, ἑκατέρωθεν γὰρ ὀνήσιμον εἶναι διεγινώσκετο’
τούς τε μοναχοὺς φροντίδων ἀπαλλάττον ἀπροσφυῶν
τῇ Kat’ αὐτοὺς πολιτείᾳ καὶ χρηματισμοῦ τοὺς ἀκτημοσύ-
vyv πεπαιδευμένους ἀπανιστῶν καὶ οὐδὲν τῶν πρὸς τὴν
χρείαν ἐπιτηδείων ἀποστεροῦν καὶ τοὺς ἀγρογείτονας

IIO
 CHAPTER I2

of the magnitude of the imperial expenses and the provi-

sioning of the soldiers, given that there were wars ahead of
him that would incur great costs, as the enemies had pre-
vailed over the Romans and scorned them from every side.
Recognizing the need for money and considering it essential
to have access to as much [61] of it as possible, he turned into
a severe tax collector for all who owed anything to the pub-
lic treasury. Next, he was the first emperor to cut back on
the stipends paid to holders of the various officia and tried to
bring in money from all sources, like an insatiable hunter.
After that, he was concerned with thrift and with adding
lands to the imperial holdings, hence he deprived many
private individuals of many properties, disregarding the
chrysoboulla by which possession of these lands had been
conferred upon them.
He also assailed some of the monasteries which had large
and rich holdings that did not fall short of the imperial trea-
suries in any way. He detached many properties from them
and, by making a calculation, left the monasteries and the
monks with just enough to suffice for their needs; the rest
he appropriated to the imperial estates, a deed that led to a
reputation for illegality or impiety. While the more religious
people unthinkingly considered it even to be sacrilege, those
who understand matters more carefully realized that its re-
sults were in fact advantageous. It was recognized to bring a
benefit to both sides: on the one hand, it relieved the monks
from worldly cares that were not appropriate for their way
of life, lifting the pressure to make money from men who
were trained to live in poverty — without, however, depriv-
ing them of necessities. It also freed che farmers who worked

III
 THE HISTORY

ἐλευθεροῦν τῆς τούτων βαρύτητος, ὅτι τῷ πολυτελεῖ καὶ

πολυταλάντῳ τῶν κτήσεων τὰ σφέτερα καταλιπεῖν αὐτοὺς
οἱ μοναχοὶ κατηνἀγκαζον, ἀπληστίαν ἤδη νοσήσαντες καὶ
εἰς ἕξιν τοῦ πάθους γινόμενοι Kail περιγινόμενοι τῶν ἄντι-
θέτων, εἴ ποτε πρὸς δίκην αὐτοῖς συνεπλάκησαν, διὰ τῆς
τῶν κτημάτων καὶ χρημάτων ἐπιρροῆς καὶ τοῦ ἐπὶ τούτοις
ἀλογοθετήτους καθίστασθαι καὶ ἀποδοχῆς ἀξιοῦσθαι
νικῶντας τοὺς ἀντιβαίνοντας. Καὶ ὁ δημόσιος πολλαῖς
χερσὶν ἐπαφιέναι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ πολυμερῶς συνωθούμενος
προσθήκην ἐδέξατο καὶ παραψυχὴν οὐ μετρίαν, ἐν οἷς ἑτέ-
ρους ποσῶς οὐ διελωβήσατο.
Εἶχε μὲν οὖν οὕτω τὰ πρακτέα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ συνεῖχε
τοῦτον τῇ βασιλίδι τῶν πόλεων διὰ τὴν τῶν ἀγχιθύρων
κατάστασιν: κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἐπαρθεὶς ὁ πατρι-
άρχης οἷς πεπροτερηκέναι ὑπέλαβε καὶ μεῖζον f| κατὰ τὴν
αὐτοῦ ἀξίαν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅλων γενέσθαι οἰόμενος καὶ θαρ ρήσας
τῇ τοῦ κρατοῦντος εὐνοίᾳ, πολλάκις τοῦτον τινῶν ἐπιχει-
ρημάτων μὴ δοκούντων αὐτῷ, ἀνεχαίτιζε, ποτὲ μὲν πα-
τρικὴν εἰσάγων διάθεσιν καὶ παραίνεσιν, ποτὲ δ᾽ ἐπιτιμη-
τικὴν παραγγελίαν καὶ ἀπειλητικὴν ἀκοαῖς ἐκδεδιῃτημέναις
ἐπαίνοις καὶ προσηνέσι λόγοις καὶ ὑποπτώσεσιν, ὡς καὶ
τὸν βασιλέα κατὰ μικρὸν ἐκπεπολεμῶσθαι καὶ παροινίαν
ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν τέως παραίνεσιν. Οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον τούσδε
τοὺς λόγους ὑπενεγκών, ἔγνω τοῦτον ὡς κατεπαιρόμενον
τούτου καταβαλεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τῶν ἱερατικῶν ὡς ὑπερ-
οπτικὸν ἐκ μέσου καθάπαξ περιελεῖν καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρό-
πον διαδρᾶναι ᾿ τὸν ἔλεγχον.
 CHAPTER I2

the neighboring fields from the oppression of these monks,

because the latter, ill with greed and addicted to this passion
due to the extravagance and opulence of their holdings,
would force those farmers to surrender their lands to them.
[62] And if they ever had to face them in court, they pre-
vailed over their adversaries through the leverage of so much
land and money and also because they were exempt from
giving an accounting on such matters and even demanded
approbation when they defeated their opponents. Lastly,
the public estate, which was being pressed by many interests
on all sides to give away its properties, now received addi-
tional property and no small relief, albeit without causing
any injury to others.
Such, then, were the policies that the emperor was imple-
menting, and so he remained in the Queen of Cities on ac-
count of this pressing business. But at the same time, the
patriarch became puffed up by the advantages that he had
gained in what had transpired and he began to think that he
held greater authority over all things than was appropriate
for his actual rank. The emperor's favor made him audacious
and he would often attempt to block his projects when he
himself did not approve of them, sometimes by advising him
in a paternal tone but at other times criticizing him, giving
him orders, and even threatening him, and this behavior he
directed at a man who was used to being praised and ad-
dressed gently and with deference. In time, he gradually
even made the emperor into an enemy; what he formerly
took as advice was now viewed as insolence. The emperor
did not tolerate this type of speech for long and decided to
depose this arrogant man who lorded it over him and re-
move him once and for all from ecclesiastical affairs, and in
this way to escape his criticism.
113
 THE HISTORY

ό Διὸ καὶ τῆς ἀρχαγγελικῆς ἑορτῆς ἀμφὶ μῆνα Nosußpiov

ἐγγιζούσης, παρεγένετο πρὸς τὴν ἐκ βάθρων ἐγερθεῖσαν
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μονὴν ὁ πατριάρχης οὑτοσὶ Μιχαήλ: καὶ τῶν
περιβόλων τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ἀπορθήτου καὶ θεοτεύκτου
πολίσματος ἔξω γενόμενος, τῶν τῆς ἑορτῆς φιλοτίμως
ἐφρόντιζε κατὰ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη τῆς Πόλεως, ὁ δὲ βασι-
λεὺς ἠκόνα τὴν σκαιωρίαν καὶ τὴν ῥομφαίαν ἐστίλβου καὶ
τὸν ἐνδομυχοῦντα θυμὸν τοῖς ἐγγίζουσι παρεγύμνου. Καὶ
προπέμπει τῶν οἰκείων τινὰ ὡς ἱερατικὸν συνομιλήσοντα
τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ περί τινων τυχὸν ἀπορρήτων καὶ τὸν καιρὸν
τῆς καθ᾽ αὑτὸν σκέψεως καὶ τῆς φήμης τούτῳ ἀποτειχί-
σοντα’ καὶ τῆς διαλέξεως γινομένης, ἐπικατέλαβε πλῆθος
στρατιωτῶν ὅπλοις κατάφρακτον καὶ περιχυθέντες παν-
ταχόθεν αὐτῷ ἀνάρπαστον ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου τοῦτον ἀτίμως
ἐπαίρουσι καὶ ἡμιόνῳ καθίσαντες συνήλαυνον ἄχρι τῆς ἐν
Βλαχέρναις ἀκτῆς“ καὶ προστάγματος καταπτάντος βασι-
λικοῦ, ἑνὶ τῶν λέμβων σπουδαίως ἐντίθεται. Καὶ ὑπερ-
ὁριος τῶν ἀδικούντων τάχα ὑπερλαλῶν ὁ ποιμενάρχης
γίνεται, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ αὐτὰ τοῦ γένους τὰ φίλτατα τῆς
ὁμοίας ἀπογεύονται τύχης.
Φέρει δὲ τοσοῦτον τὸ πάθος ὁ ἀνὴρ μικροψύχως ἢ
ἀγενῶς καὶ κατέσεισε" τὴν πίστιν αὐτοῦ τὸ τῆς ἀπιστίας
πρὸς αὐτὸν τοῦ βασιλεύοντος τόλμημα; Οὐ μὲν οὖν, ἀλλ᾽
εὐψύχως μάλα καὶ εὐγενῶς καὶ τῇ καρτερίᾳ τὸν Ἰὼβ
πολλῷ τῷ | περιόντι νικῆσαι διαθρυλλούμενος, ὅτι καὶ τὸ
ἄλγος οὐδὲν ἧττον αὐτῷ κατά τε τὴν ἔκπτωσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς
καὶ τὴν τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τῆς παρρησίας καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς
μεγίστης προεδρίας ἀφαίρεσιν διεδείκνυτο καὶ τὸ ἕλκος

114
 CHAPTER 12

[63] In the month of November, when the feast of the ὁ

archangel was approaching, the patriarch Michael visited
the monastery that he himself had commissioned to be built
from its foundations,’ going outside the circuit of the large
and impregnable City that God had built, in order to dili-
gently prepare for the festival in the western parts of the
City. Meanwhile the emperor was weaving his plot, whetting
his long sword, and baring the smoldering anger within him
to his closest associates. He dispatched ahead one of his
own men who was a priest to engage with the archpriest in
discussion over some supposedly confidential matters, but
in reality to block any opportunity that he may have had to
consider the plot against him, and any rumors. While they
were thus conversing, a large number of heavily armed sol-
diers arrived and surrounded him on all sides,!? whereupon
they lifted him from his throne and carried him off in a hu-
miliating way, sitting him upon a mule and escorting him to
the Blachernai shore. There, upon the swift arrivalof an im-
perial decree, he was hurriedly placed in a boat. And so the
patriarch was exiled!! on the allegation that he was defend-
ing men who had committed injustices. His closest relatives
suffered the same fate in a similar way.
But did the man react to this calamity with pettiness or 7
ignobly and did the emperor's distrustful and audacious
move against him shake his own faith? Not in the least. In-
stead, he bore it in an exceedingly good spirit and nobly, and
was roundly praised for surpassing Job by a wide [64] margin
in enduring this suffering. After all, his pain was plainly re-
vealed to be no less than Job's on account of his loss of au-
thority, removal from the public sphere, restriction of his
right to speak out, and deposition from the supreme rank.

IIS
 THE HISTORY

πρὸς ταῦτα συγκρινόμενον ἡττᾶτο φέρον τῆς πατρίδος

καὶ τῆς συζύγου τὴν ἀντισήκωσιν. Εὐλογῶν γὰρ εὐλόγει
τὸν Κύριον καὶ εὐχαριστῶν οὐκ ἀνίει καὶ πάθος οὐκ ἀπε-
κάλει τὸ πάθος ἀλλὰ πύρωσιν ἀκριβῆ καὶ παίδευσιν πρὸς
τελειότητα φέρουσαν καὶ ἀρετῆς ἐπίβασιν κρείττονος. Μὴ
ἀφιστάμενος δὲ καὶ τῆς ταπεινώσεως, ἀντεγκαλῶν ἦν
αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ καὶ ἄξια πεπονθέναι κατατιθέμενος καὶ πρὸς
Θεὸν ἅπαν αἰχμαλωτίζων νόημα καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῦ εὐγενοῦς
πνέων ἔτι τῷ ὄντι φρονήματος, οὐ γὰρ κατέπεσεν ὅλως
οὐδὲ τοῦ ζήλον ἐνέδωκεν, οἷα πάσχειν οἶδε ψυχὴ τοῖς ὑλι-
κοῖς διεπτοημένη καὶ κάτω φέρουσιν.
Ὧν ἐν γνώσει γινόμενος ὁ κρατῶν ἤσχαλλε καὶ μετά-
μελον ἔτρεφε καὶ τὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν ἐδίψα μέν, οὐκ εἶχε 5'
ὅπως ἑαυτὸν στηλιτεύσοι κακῶς διανοησάμενον. Βεβού-
λευται τοίνυν αἰτιάσεις προθεῖναι Kat’ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀναξιό-
τῆτος γράψασθαι τὸν χρόνοις ἤδη πολλοῖς τὴν ἀξίαν
διακοσμήσαντα καὶ τὸν σωτήριον λόγον ὀρθοτομήσαντα.
Καὶ γεγόνασι μὲν τῆς τούτου βουλῆς τῶν ἐν τέλει τινές,
μηδὲ τὸ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀγνοοῦντες ἐπίδοξον, ὅμως δὲ γεγό-
νασι συμμεταβαλόμενοι τῷ καιρῷ ὁποῖα τὰ τῶν | κολάκων
νεανιεύματα. Ἀπόπειραν δὲ τῆς αὐτοῦ προαιρέσεως ποιού-
μενος ὁ βασιλεύς, τινὰς μητροπολίτας προεστῶτας οὖς
καὶ λογιωτέρους τῶν ἄλλων ἐγίνωσκεν, ὡς αὐτὸν ἀπο-
στέλλει διαλεξομένους περὶ τοῦ τὴν τιμὴν καταθέσθαι καὶ
μὴ συνόδῳ καὶ συλλόγῳ περιφανεῖ δημοσιευθῆναι τὰ κατ᾽
αὐτοῦ. Ἀνάλωτος δὲ τούτοις ὀφθεὶς καὶ ἀπερίτρεπτος ἐς
τὰ μάλιστα καὶ πυρίπνους τὴν γλῶσσαν καὶ τὴν ὁρμήν,
καταιδεσθῆναι τούτους πεποίηκε καὶ ἱκέτας πρὸς τὸ

116
 CHAPTER 12

Job’s festering wounds compared to all this were of lesser ac-

count, counterbalanced as they were by his fatherland and
wife. For the patriarch poured blessings!" upon the Lord and
never ceased to thank him. He did not call his misfortune a
misfortune but rather a necessary cauterization, a punishing
Jesson that brought him closer to perfection, and a way to
access a higher virtue. He embraced his humiliation, becom-
ing his own accuser, and claimed that he deserved all that he
had suffered. He confined all of bis thoughts to God? and, in all
this, still aired a truly noble sentiment. For he did not lapse
in any way nor yield in his zeal, as might happen to a soul
defeated by material concerns, which bring it down.
When the ruler became aware of this, he was distressed,
nourished a desire for repentance, and thirsted for rectifica-
tion, but he was unable to indict himself as having acted in
bad faith. Therefore, he decided to bring accusations against
him, charging that this man, who had dignified his office for
many years already and preached tbe word of salvation prop-
erly,!“ had unworthily held that position. Some officials took
part in his plan. Even though they were not unaware of the
man’s fame, nevertheless they changed their stance with che
season just as [65] flatterers tend to do in their immature
recklessness. The emperor now tried to learn the other
man's intentions and sent to him some leading bishops who,
he knew, were more learned than the rest. They were to
speak with him about laying down his office so that the
charges against him would not have to be aired publicly in
a synod, an open assembly. But they saw before them an
unyielding man, utterly immovable, fiery in his speech
and passion, who made them feel shame and beg him for

117
 THE HISTORY

συγγνώμης τυχεῖν. Ἐπανελθόντες οὖν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνο πρὸς

τὸν πέμψαντα συνεστάλησαν οὐδαμῶς"
«Ἡττήμεθα, βασιλεῦ, ἡττήμεθα. Κρείττων ἀπειλῶν ὁ
ἀνήρ, παντὸς λόγου καὶ πειθοῦς ἰσχυρότερος ἀλλὰ καὶ
λαβῆς ἁπάσης πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι ἀνώτερος. Εἰ οὖν τῷ
ἀνεπιλήπτῳ καὶ ἀκαταγωνίστῳ προσβάλλειν ἐθέλεις, ἀνα-
λογίζου τὴν ἧτταν καὶ τὸν ἐντεῦθεν μετάμελον.»
IO Τούτων ἀκηκοὼς ὁ βασιλεὺς σύννους ἦν καὶ πεφρον-
τικὼς πῶς καὶ τίνα τρόπον τοῖς πράγμασι χρήσαιτο. Ἐν τῷ
μέσῳ δὲ τοῦ Θεοῦ κρεῖττόν τι προβλεψαμένου, ἐν εἰρήνῃ
μεταλλάττει τὸ ζῆν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς προθεωρήσας τὴν θείαν
μετάκλησιν 8r ὁσίου καὶ μεγίστου τὴν ἀρετὴν ἁγίου ἀν-
δρός. Καὶ ὅτι τοῖς ἐν ἀσκήσει καὶ ἀγνείᾳ εὐαρεστήσασιν
ἐναρίθμιος ἦν, ἐν μέσῳ τῆς μνήμης αὐτῶν πρὸ τῆς τοῦ
σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ διὰ φιλανθρωπίαν ἐναν-
θρωπήσεως τῶν φθαρτῶν καὶ ἐπικήρων τὴν ἄφθαρτον.
ζωὴν καὶ ἀνώλεθρον ἀνταλλάττεται καὶ προέβη τὰ τῆς
προρρήσεως τελειωθέντος κατ᾽ ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας τοῦ |
ἀρχιποίμενος.
IX Καὶ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς μετανοίᾳ βληθεὶς καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν
εὐλαβηθεὶς τοῦ ἀνδρός, μὴ ἔχων οἷς τρόποις τὴν ἁμαρ-
τάδα ἐπανορθώσαιτο, ἐντίμως τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ εἰσαχθῆναι
πρὸς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν διετάξατο καὶ παραδίδωται τῇ
σορῷ, ἐν ᾧπερ ἐκεῖνος τόπῳ καὶ ζῶν μετετάξατο κατὰ τὸ
ἀνεγερθὲν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ φροντιστήριον, θαῦμα μέγιστον
καὶ τοῦ ἀξίως τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τελειωθῆναι σημεῖον ἀπερί-
γραπτον δείξας τὴν ἐν χειρὶ τοῦ σταυρικοῦ σημείωσιν

118
 CHAPTER I2

forgiveness. When they came back to report to the one who

had sent them, they did not hold anything back:
“We were defeated, emperor, we were defeated! That man
is beyond threats and stronger than any argument or at-
tempt at persuasion. What is more, he will easily repulse any
hold that you try to put on him. In fact, if you wish to make
a move against this unassailable and invincible man, think
rather of the defeat that you will suffer and of your ensuing
regret."
The emperor was troubled when he heard this and gave IO

thought as to how and in what way he might deal with the

situation. But in the meantime God provided for the best:!5
the patriarch peacefully passed away after he had learned,
through a blessed and holy man of the highest virtue, that
God was summoning him to his side. Given that he was
ranked among those who pleased God because of their as-
ceticism and purity, he exchanged this corruptible and mor-
tal life with the other one that is incorruptible and inde-
structible, while the memory of those ascetics was being
celebrated and before the feast of che day when our savior
Jesus Christ was incarnated on account of his love of human-
ity. The prediction came to pass, as the archpriest passed
away during [66] those very days.!!é
The emperor was stricken with remorse and honored the II

man's virtue. Being unable to repair the damage wrought by

his sin, he ordered that the body be brought with pomp into
the Reigning City. It was laid to rest in the place that he him-
self had designated while he was still alive, namely at the
monastery that he had built.” And the greatest miracle oc-
curred which proved conclusively that he died in a manner
worthy of the patriarchal dignity: his hand formed the sign

119
 THE HISTORY

σχήματος. Kai μεμένηκεν rj τιμία τῷ ὄντι χεὶρ τοῦτον τὸν

τύπον τηροῦσα τῆς διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ εἰρήνης καὶ εὐλογίας
ἄχρι καὶ τήμερον, μὴ ἀλλοιωθεῖσα συνόλως τῇ νεκρώσει
τοῦ σώματος.
12 Προχειρίσθη δὲ πατριάρχης Κωνσταντῖνος πρόεδρος
καὶ πρωτοβεστιάριος ὁ Λειχούδης, ἀνὴρ μέγιστον διαλάμ-
as τοῖς βασιλικοῖς καὶ πολιτικοῖς πράγμασιν ἀπό τε τῆς
τοῦ Movoyaxov καὶ μέχρι τῆς τότε ἀναρρήσεως καὶ μεσά-
Cwv ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις τὴν τῶν ὅλων διοίκησιν. Καὶ γέγονε
δωρηματικὸς τοσοῦτον καὶ προνοητικὸς τῶν τε ἱεροκηρύ-
κων καὶ τῶν μιγάδων ὡς καὶ πάντας τῆς τούτου ἀφθονίας
σχεδὸν ἀπόνασθαι καὶ θαυμάζειν τὸν ἔλεον.
1 Τῶν δὲ πρὸς ἥλιον δύνοντα Σαυροματῶν ταραττομέ-
νων, σὺν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἴστρον Σκυθῶν, οὖς
Πατζινάκους τὸ πλῆθος κικλήσκουσιν, ἔγνω λοιπὸν ὁ βα-
σιλεὺς τὰς ῥωμαϊκὰς δυνάμεις ἐπενεγκεῖν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν. Καὶ
τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξαρτύσας καὶ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν
κατάλογον | ποιησάμενος, πασίρρωμος ἔξεισι καὶ μέχρι
τῆς Σαρδικῆς γενόμενος καὶ καταπλήξας τοὺς Σαυρο-
μάτας, εἰς φιλίαν ἐλθεῖν συνηνάγκασε καὶ συνθήκαις ἐπιρ-
ρώσας τὸ εἰρηναῖον, μεταστρατοπεδεύει πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλο-
γενεῖς, τοὺς Σκύθας φημί, καὶ διῃρημένων αὐτῶν ἐν ἀρχαῖς
ὄντων, οἱ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἡγέμονες προσῆλθον αὐτῷ καὶ
τὰ πιστὰ φυλάττειν συνθέμενοι, φόβου παντὸς ἀπηλλά-
ynoav- μόνος δὲ ὁ πρὸς τῷ τοῦ Ἴστρου χείλει περινοστῶν
καὶ ἀπότομον πέτραν KEKTN μένος κρησφύγετον, Σελτὲ TH
βαρβάρῳ τὸ ὄνομα, οὐκ ἠθέλησε χεῖρας δοῦναι τῷ βασιλεῖ
GAN ὑπεροπτικῶς πρὸς τοῦτον διατεθείς, ἐξῆλθεν εἰς τὸ

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 CHAPTER I2

of the cross. This truly hallowed hand, preserving this shape

of the peace and blessing guaranteed by the cross, has re-
mained until this very day unaffected by the decay of his
body.
The proedros and protovestiarios Konstantinos Leichoudes I2

was then appointed patriarch,!? a man most eminent in im-

perial and political affairs from the days of Monomachos
until his accession at that time,!? who had also, as prime
minister in the palace, governed the entire state. As patri-
arch, he became so munificent and concerned with the well-
being of the holy preachers and the monks that almost all of
them benefited from his bounty and admired his compas-
sion.
When the Sauromatai in the west?? made threatening 12
moves and were joined in this by the Skythians who live by
the Danube and are popularly called Pechenegs, the em-
peror decided to lead the Roman armies against them. He
prepared for war, called up the military draft, [67] and set
out in full strength. He reached Serdica and terrified the
Sauromatai, forcing them to make an alliance with him.
Having buttressed peace by these agreements, he turned his
army against the other foreign race, I mean the Skythians,
who were divided among many different leaders. All of them
came over to his side and pledged to keep faith with him,
and thus they were freed of all fear. Only one, who fre-
quented the banks of the Danube and used a steep rock as
his hideout— this barbarian went by the name of Selte— did
not want to extend the hand of peace to the emperor, but
rather adopted an arrogant attitude toward him and came

I2I
 THE HISTORY

πεδίον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀντιταξόμενος. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ

τῆς ἰδίας κακονοίας ἀποίσατο τὰ ἐπίχειρα, κατακράτος
γὰρ ἡττηθεὶς βραχείας μερίδος ἀντιταχθείσης αὐτῷ, φυγὰς
ᾧχετο, βαθείᾳ τινὶ ὕλῃ, ὥσπερ τις πτώξ, μετὰ τῶν ὑπ᾽
αὐτὸν διεισδύς.
14 Καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἑλὼν τὸ κρησφύγετον καὶ φρουρὰν
καταλιπὼν καὶ στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσας, τὴν ἐπάνοδον εὐθύ-
μως ἐποιεῖτο. Περὶ πρόποδας δέ τινος λόφου Λοβιτζοῦ
λεγομένου τὴν παρεμβολὴν θέμενος, πρᾶγμα τι τῆς τοῦ
τόπου ἐπωνυμίας ἀπηύρα, ῥαγδαῖος γὰρ ὄμβρος τῆς στρα-
τιᾶς εὐθέως ἐπικαταρραγεὶς καὶ νιφετὸς ἔξωρος, Σεμ-
πτεμβρίου μηνὸς ἔτι τὸν δρόμον ἐλαύνοντος, πολλῆς κα-
κώσεως τὸ στρατιωτικὸν καὶ λύμης ἐνέπλησεν, ἥ τε γὰρ
ἵππος σχεδὸν πᾶσα καὶ πολλοὶ | τῶν παρόντων τῷ κρύει
καὶ τῷ ὄμβρῳ συνεχεῖ καὶ ἀνυποίστῳ μήκιστον χρόνον
ταλαιπωρούμενοι, τὸ ζῆν ἐναπέρρηξαν καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια
παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἐπέλιπε, ποταμίου ῥεύμα-
τος καὶ χειμῶνος γενόμενα πάρεργον. Ἀναστολῆς δὲ γενο-
μένης, ἐξήει πρωΐας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἀγχοῦ
καταρρέοντα τραφέντα τῇ ἐπομβρίᾳ διαπεραιούμενοός,
πολλοὺς τῶν σφετέρων ἀπέβαλε. Λήξας δὲ πρὸς μικρὸν
τῆς ὁδοιπορίας, ὑπὸ σκιὰν ἔστη δένδρου τινὸς ἅμα τισὶ
τῶν ὑπερεχόντων καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον ἠχῆς γενομένης ἐκ τῆς
δρυός, προΐει μικρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσον μὴ τῷ μήκει ταύτης
καταλαμβάνεσθαι, ῥιζόθεν δ᾽ αὕτη τμηθεῖσα σὺν πολλῇ τῇ
βοῇ, ὑπτία τῇ γῇ προσήρεισε. Γέγονεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐννεός,
καταμαθὼν οἵας μικροῦ δεῖν τελευτῆς ἔμελλε τυχεῖν, καὶ
ἦν προοίμιον οὐκ ἀγαθὸν τὸ συγκύρημα.

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 CHAPTER I2

down into the plain to face the Romans in battle. It was not
long before he received the fitting reward for his own mal-
ice. For he was roundly defeated by only a small part of the
army arrayed against him. Thereupon he fled with the men
under him and hid in a deep wood, like a small hare.
The emperor captured his hideout, garrisoned it, and ap- 14
pointed a general in command; he then set out to return in
good spirits. But when he encamped at the foot of a hill
called Lobitzo, he suffered a fate that reflected the name of
the place.'?! For a torrential rain and a snowstorm suddenly
struck the army —very unseasonably, for it was, after all, still
during the month of September" ? this caused great
— and
damage to the army and many casualties. Almost all the cav-
alry and many [68] of those who were present lost their lives
after being exposed for so long to the constant and unbear-
able cold and rain. Also, the army suddenly found itself lack-
ing in supplies, which were washed away by the flooding
river and the wintry weather. When the storm subsided, the
emperor set out in the morning, but when he forded the
nearby river that was swollen by the floodwaters he lost
many of his men. Pausing briefly in his march, he stood un-
der the shade of a tree with some of his officers. Presently a
sound was heard from the tree and the emperor stepped
aside just in time so as not to be crushed by its falling trunk.
It had been severed to its root and, with a deafening sound,
crashed headlong to the ground. The emperor was speech-
less, realizing how narrowly he had avoided such a deatb,
and the omen did not bode well.

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 THE HISTORY

15 Προβιβάζων δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπεπορεύετο ταύτῃ, ἐπε-

τάχυνε δ᾽ αὐτὸν καί τις φήμη ψευδὴς καὶ οὐκ ἔμπρακτος
τυραννίδος ἀπάρχεσθαι λέγουσα τὸν πρὸς ἑῴαν ἀποστα-
λέντα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολιτικὸν ἄνδρα διὰ τὴν τῶν δημοσίων
κτημάτων ἐξίσωσιν. Καὶ μέχρι τῆς βασιλίδος γενόμενος
καὶ πρὸς τὸ οἰκτρὸν τοῦ συμβάντος εἰκότως ἀνιαθεὶς καὶ
τὴν κατηγορίαν τοῦ ἄρχοντος ἐπίπλαστον ἐγνωκώς, ἀνε-
λάμβανεν ὅμως τῆς ἀθυμίας ἑαυτὸν καὶ περὶ τὸν κατὰ
πρόσωπον τῆς βασιλίδος προεκκείμενον πορθμὸν ἀνιών,
ἐνησχολεῖτο τῇ θήρᾳ ψυχαγωγῶν ἑαυτὸν τῇ συνεχεῖ
γυμνασίᾳ. Περὶ δὲ ὥραν ἀρίστου φῶς ἀστραπήβολον τοῖς
τόποις ἐκείνοις ἐπέσκηψε, Νεάπολις τούτοις τὸ γνώρισμα,
καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς πληγείς, ὡς λόγος, ἐκεῖθεν ἀκατίοις ἐξαί-
φνης πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια ὥρμησε. Καὶ νοσομαχήσας ἡμέραις
τισὶ τὸν μόρον ἐκαραδόκει καὶ διατοῦτο πρὸς ἐξιλέωσιν
τοῦ θείου ἀσπάζεται τὴν μετάνοιαν καὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς
ἐξουσίας τὸν μοναδικὸν καὶ ἀπέριττον ἀνταλλάττεται
βίον, βασιλέα προχειρισάμενος οὐ τὸν ὁμαίμονα Ἰωάννην,
οὐ τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν, οὐκ ἄνδρα προσζεύξας τῇ θυγατρί,
ἀλλὰ τὸν πρόεδρον Κωνσταντῖνον τὸν Δοῦκαν, ὃς αὐτῷ
συνίστωρ καὶ συναγωνιστὴς περὶ τὴν τῆς βασιλείας κατά-
κτησιν διαπαντὸς ἐχρημάτισεν.
16 Αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὁ Κομνηνὸς μοναχικοῖς ῥάκεσι τὴν τοῦ Στου-
δίου καταλαμβάνει μονὴν ἔτι τῇ νόσῳ τρυχόμενος, ζήσας
μὲν [. . .], βασιλεύσας δὲ ἔτη δύο καὶ μῆνας τρεῖς, ἐπιζήσας
δὲ τούτων ἐλάττονα τῷ μοναχικῷ. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν
ὑγρότητος μεστὴ θεαθεῖσα ἡ τούτου σορός, πολὺν λόγον
εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐκίνησε, τῶν μὲν τιμωρίαν εἶναι λεγόντων

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 CHAPTER I2

Still, be led the army on and marched along with it. A false 15
rumor that could not have been true hastened him on his
way: this was that the civil official whom he had sent to the
eastern provinces to assess the impost on imperial estates
had started a rebellion. He reached the Imperial City dis-
tressed, as was only to be expected, at the terrible events
that had taken place, and discovered that the charge against
the man was falsified. He thus began to recover from his foul
mood and went up to the straits facing the Imperial City to
spend his time hunting [69] and amusing himself with con-
stant exercise. Around the time of the morning meal, how-
ever, a light as bright as lightning flashed over those parts,
which are known as Neapolis.?? The emperor, they say, was
struck down and suddenly rushed back to the palace in a
small boat. After battling the illness for some days, he re-
signed himself to an imminent demise. To appease God,
then, he embraced a state of repentance and exchanged im-
perial power for the simplicity of the monastic life.7^ First,
however, he appointed as emperor not his own brother Io-
annes, or his nephew,’ or even some man married for this
purpose to his daughter, but instead the proedros Konstan-
tinos Doukas, who had been privy to the plot to gain the
throne from the beginning and had fought with him through
to the end.
Komnenos himself, now in monastic attire and increas- 16
ingly wasted by his illness, moved to the Stoudios monastery.
He lived for . . . and ruled for two years and three months,
and survived less than that afterward as a monk."* After his
death, his sarcophagus was observed to be full of moisture,
which occasioned much talk among the people. Some said

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 THE HISTORY

καὶ κολάσεως ἔνδειγμα τὸ φανὲν διὰ τὸν πολὺν φόνον

ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐκ τοῦ κροτηθέντος ἐμφυλίου πολέμου γενό-
μενον περὶ Νίκαιαν, ἄλλοι διὰ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν κάκωσιν
καὶ ὑστέρησιν μερικὴν καὶ καθόλου τῶν διδομένων τοῖς
πλείστοις ἐπετείως ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν, ἄλλοι διὰ
Ι τὴν τῶν ναϊκῶν καὶ ἰδιωτικῶν κτημάτων ἀφαίρεσιν, ἕτε-
pot διὰ πάντα, ἄλλοι διὰ σωφρονισμὸν τῶν μετέπειτα, βο-
νονουχὶ τοῦ μεταλλάξαντος τὴν κόλασιν, συνέβαλον γὰρ
τὴν μετάνοιαν ὅτι τὴν θείαν φιλανθρωπίαν ἐκκαλεῖται
πρὸς ἔλεον, οἱ δὲ τούτων ἐναντίοι μὴ μετάμελον θρέψαι
τὸν ἄνδρα μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἔλεγον καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο
τῆς μεταβιώσεως μὴ ἀπόνασθαι, οἱ δὲ τὸ ῥεῦσαν ἁγιωσύ-
νης ἔργον ἐτίθεντο διὰ τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα μᾶλλον μετάνοιαν
καὶ τὸ δειχθῆναι πᾶσιν ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν ἁμάρτημα τὸ τὴν
θείαν εὐμένειαν βιαζόμενον, εἰ τῶν κακῶν τις ἐκκλίνας τὸ
ἀγαθὸν ἕλοιτο. Ἔγὼ δὲ ἀμφοτέρων τὴν γνώμην ἐπαποδέ-
χομαι τῷ τὴν μὲν κωλυτικὴν εἶναι μελλόντων κακῶν, τὴν
δὲ προτρεπτικὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ χείρονος πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον, καὶ
οὐδενὸς τὴν ἥττω καταψηφίζομαι.

126
 CHAPTER I2

that it was a sign of his punishment in Hell for the many

people who died at Nikaia during the outbreak of civil war.
Others ascribed it to his mistreatment of so many people
and his cancellation, whether partial or total, of the largesse
that was given annually to the majority of subjects from the
imperial treasury; others to [70] to his confiscation of eccle-
siastical and private lands; and others to everything that he
did. Another group believed that it was intended to chasten
those who would rule after him but not to signify the pun-
ishment of the deceased; in support of their position they
cited his repentance, which calls upon divine compassion
for mercy. Others who opposed this view claimed that he
had not”? repented after his resignation and so did not bene-
fit with respect to this from his conversion to the monastic
life. Others cited the moisture as the work of sanctity, due
to his repentance after all that, believing that it signified to
all that there is no sin that can overcome divine benevo-
lence, if one but breaks away from evil and chooses good.
For my part, I accept both positions, one, that it was meant
to discourage future evil deeds and, second, that it exhorted
people to a change from a worse life to a better one. Thus I
do not vote against either position as being inferior.

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 13

:
Ax & uot λέγειν ὁ λόγος ὥρμητο, ἐπιλαβόμενος τῶν
βασιλικῶν σκήπτρων Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ Δοῦκας, συνήθροι-
σε τὰ σωματεῖα τῆς Πόλεως καὶ λόγους ἐπιεικείας γέμον-
τας ἐδημηγόρησε πρὸς αὐτούς:
«Ἐμέ,» φήσας, «ὦ ἄνδρες, βασιλέα τεθεικὼς τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς
ὁ βασιλεύων ἐν οὐρανοῖς, τῆς ἁπασῶν μεγίστης τιμῆς πε-
ποίηκε μέτοχον. Eyw δὲ οὐκ ἂν ψεύσαιμι τὰς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον
συνθήκας ἀλλ᾽ εὐμενὴς καὶ φιλάνθρωπος ἔσομαι, πατήρ τε
τοῖς νέοις καὶ τοῖς ἥλιξιν ἀδελφὸς καὶ βακτηρία τοῖς γέ-
ρουσι καὶ παῖς τῇ διαθέσει καὶ μιμήσει τῆς φύσεως.
Ἐῤθηνήσετε δὲ ἐν ἐμοὶ καὶ τὸ προφητικὸν πληρωθήσεται;
ἀλήθεια γὰρ ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀνατελεῖ καὶ δικαιοσύνη ἐκ τοῦ οὐρα-
νοῦ διακύψει καὶ οὐδεὶς ἔσται καθάπαξ ἐπὶ τῶν ἡμῶν
ἡμερῶν ὁ στεναγμῷ καὶ κλαυθμῷ καὶ στερήσει ἀδίκῳ
συγχυθησόμενος.»
Tair’ εἰπὼν καὶ συναποκρύψας ἑαυτόν, ὡς ἔθος τοῖς
βασιλεῦσι, παραπετάσματι σὺν εὐφημίᾳ, μεγίσταις ἐλπίσι
καὶ φιλανθρώποις μετέωρον εἰργάσατο τὸ ὑπήκοον. Τὸ δ᾽
ἀπὸ τοῦδε τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων ἐχόμενος ἀντιλήψεως,
ἀνθαμιλλομένῳ ἐῴκει τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ προχαράττειν ἄλλ᾽
ἄττα, τοῦ ἐπιεικοῦς καὶ μετρίου μὴ ἀφιστάμενος. Πεποίηκε

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 Chapter 13

The reign of Konstantinos X Doukas

(1059—1067): internal affairs

i δι any rate, that which my narrative was about to say was

that when Konstantinos Doukas took hold of the imperial
scepters he gathered the associations of the City and spoke
to them in fair and fitting terms:
“It was I,” he said, “who was appointed over the affairs of :
this earth by the King in Heaven, allowing me to share in
the greatest honor that exists. I will not prove false in my
contract with him but will be kind and compassionate, a fa-
ther to the young, a brother to those my age, [71] a cane to
the elderly and like a son to them in disposition and imita-
tion of nature. You will flourish under me and the words of
the prophet will be fulfilled, for truth will dawn over the earth
and justice will look down from the beavens,?'! and not one per-
son will there be in our times who will be troubled by sor-
rows, laments, and unjust deprivations."
After speaking these words he stepped back behind a :
screen, as emperors are accustomed to do while being ac-
claimed. He had raised his subjects' hopes for a better for-
tune to the highest level of expectation. From that point on,
he took on the management of public affairs in such a way
that he seemed to be striving to meet his own benchmarks
and forging new paths, never deviating from a reasonable
and moderate course. He also granted honorific titles and

129
 THE HISTORY

δὲ καὶ τιμήσεις καὶ ἦσαν oi τιμηθέντες πολλοὶ τῶν τε τῆς

ἀγορᾶς καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς, ἀνώρθωσε δὲ καὶ τοὺς
ἤδη παρὰ τοῦ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βεβασιλευκότος τῶν οἰκείων
ἐκπεπτωκότας τιμῶν, καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος τοὺς τῷ καθαιρε-
θέντι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖ προσῳκειωμένους πολλοὺς
ὅσους παγανοὺς ἐξ ἐντίμων ἀπέδειξε, καὶ εἰς τὰς σφῶν
αὐτῶν ἀξίας πάλιν ὁ Δούκας ἀνεκαλέσατο. ᾿
Ἔτι δὲ τοῦ κράτους αὐτῷ συναυξανομένου, ἐπέστη τὰ
τῆς ἐπετείου ἑορτῆς τοῦ ἐν μάρτυσι περιωνύμου ἁγίου Γε-
wpyiov- μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ θείου Πάσχα σωτήριον ἐπιφοίτη-
σιν καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς, ὡς ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Μονομάχου τεθεσπισμέ-
γον τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν βασιλεῖς εἰς τὸ τοῦ ἁγίου φοιτᾶν
Ι μαρτύριον, ὅπουπερ αὐτὸς οἰκοδομὰς λαμπρὰς καὶ πολυ-
τελεῖς καὶ βασιλεῦσι προσηκούσας ἐπήξατο, πληρῶν τὴν
ἐντολὴν αἰδοῖ τοῦ ἐντειλαμένου, μᾶλλον δὲ τῇ τοῦ μάρτυ-
ρος ἐπευφραινόμενος ἑορτῇ, καὶ κομίσασθαι μέλλων τὸ
προσωρισμένον τάλαντον ἐπὶ δεξιώσει τῆς παρουσίας,
παρεγένετο, θύσων αὐτῷ βασιλικῶς τὴν τιμήν. Καὶ μέντοι
καὶ τὴν ἑορτάσιμον ἡμέραν διηνεκῶς ἐπέμενεν ἐκεῖσε, τὴν
διαγωγὴν οὐκ ἀηδῆ καθορῶν.
Τινὲς δὲ τῶν τῆς βασιλευούσης κακοήθως διατεθέντες
ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως χαρακτῆρας παραγυμνοῦντος οὐκ εὐγε-
νεῖς καὶ ἀστατοῦντος τοῖς λόγοις καὶ πρὸς τὸ βασιλικὸν
ὀλισθαίνοντος χάρισμα, τὸ δὲ καὶ μεταβολῆς ἐρῶντες ἐλ-
πίδι λημμάτων καινῶν, βουλὴν πονηρὰν ἐξαρτύσαντες
ἄρτι προβεβουλευμένην αὐτοῖς, μεταδιδόασι τῆς λύμης
αὐτῆς οὐ μόνον στρατιωτῶν τισὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν ἤπειρον
ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ στόλου καὶ τῆς κατὰ

130
 CHAPTER 13

the honorands were many and belonged to both the Senate

and the common people. He even raised up those who had
lost their titles at the hands of his predecessor, for the latter
had expelled from the ranks of the title-holders many of the
closest associates of the emperor whom he had deposed,'?
especially those who did not hold offices; Doukas now re-
called them to their previous dignities.
While his power was still growing, the annual feast day of. .
the famous martyr Saint Georgios arrived. After the sal-
vific advent of the divine Easter, it had been established as a
custom by Monomachos for the emperors of that time to
visit the saint's [72] martyr shrine, where the saint was hon-
ored with splendid and luxurious edifices befitting an em-
peror. The emperor now reverently fulfilled the injunction
of the one who established this custom, or rather he person-
ally rejoiced in the celebration for the martyr, intending to
provide the predetermined tithe that attended his personal
presence. With this sacrifice he paid majestic honors to the
saint, and he stayed there throughout the entire feast day, as
he regarded the celebrations as not unpleasant.
But some in the Reigning City were maliciously disposed
toward him because they believed that the emperor was dis-
playing ignoble character traits, was not keeping his prom-
ises, and was slacking in his imperial munificence; moreover,
they longed for regime change, hoping to gain new profits
from it. They had prepared a criminal conspiracy, already
planned out by them, and they communicated this iniquity
not only to members of the land army but also to some men
in the imperial fleet, both che imperial escort at sea and the

131
 THE HISTORY

θάλασσαν δορυφορίας τε καὶ δυνάμεως. Kal ἦν αὐτοῖς δι-

ἐγνωσμένον τε καὶ συγκείμενον ἵνα, τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτι ταῖς
μαρτυρικαῖς ἐμφιλοχωροῦντος σκηναῖς, ὀρθριώτερον πρὸ
τοῦ διαγελᾶν ἀπάρξασθαι τὴν ἡμέραν, οἱ μὲν σὺν ἀλα-
λαγμῷ καὶ βοῇ καὶ θορύβῳ μεγίστῳ τὰς τής Πόλεως πλα-
τείας διαταράξωσι καὶ ταῖς φρουραῖς προσβαλόντες, ἀνά-
στατον ἅπαν τὸ ἔμφρουρον ἀπεργάσωνται καὶ πολλοὺς
τῶν ὁμοίων πρὸς ἀνταρσίαν διερεθίσωσιν, οἱ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς
αὐτοῖς συμμετέχοντες ναυτικοὶ τοῖς ἀκατίοις πρὸ τῶν
ἄλλων προσοκείλωσι τῇ χέρσῳ τῶν μαρτυρικῶν ἐκείνων
σκηνῶν καὶ | τὸν βασιλέα κατιόντα τῷ κυδοιμῷ κατεπτο-
ημένον καὶ πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια μέλλοντα παραγενέσθαι καὶ
κατασφαλισθῆναι πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, ὃ πάντως ἀναγ-
καίως ποιῆσαι τοῦτον προέκειτο, ὑποδέξωνται τοῖς ἑαυτῶν
ἀκατίοις καὶ πελάγιοι γενόμενοι τῷ βυθῷ παραδώσουσι.
Καὶ ἦν ἡ γνώμη δεινή τις καὶ ἄφυκτος καὶ πανταχόθεν
σοβοῦσα τὸ θήραμα καὶ πλεκτάναις κατά γε τὴν ἀνθρω-
πίνην ἀσθένειαν τοῦτον συγκατασχεθῆναι καὶ θηραθῆναι
συνάγουσα.
Τοῦ δὲ διασκεδάζοντος βουλὰς ἐθνῶν καὶ λογισμοὺς ἀθε-
τοῦντος ἀρχόντων Κυρίου, ἀπερίτρεπτος μένουσα ἡ βουλὴ
τὰς τῶν γηΐνων σκαιωρίας παρέσφαλε καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τὴν
σωτηρίαν τῷ ἀπεγνωσμένῳ πανταρχικῶς ἐχαρίσατο. Ὡς
γὰρ ἡ στάσις ἀνῆψε καὶ θόρυβος ἀνερριπίσθη πολύς, αἵ τε
ἀγγελίαι φθάνουσαι ἑτέρα τὴν ἑτέραν τῷ βασιλεῖ προσε-
φοίτων καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἅπας συνεκροτεῖτο καὶ συνηθροίζετο
καὶ ταραχῆς ὑπῆρχον τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀνάμεστα καὶ
συγχύσεως, συσκευασάμενος οὕτως ὁ βασιλεὺς ἅμα τῇ

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 CHAPTER I3

armada in general. They had decided and agreed that, while

the emperor was still visiting the shrine of the saint, early in
the morning, in fact before the day began to smile,?* some of
them would create a commotion in the public squares of the
City with their shouts and cries and by making a great din;
they would also attack the sentries, sending the entire guard
into a tumult; and they would incite many like-minded peo-
ple to join the mutiny Meanwhile, those participants in the
plot who were in the navy would dock their ships ahead of
the others by the saint's shrine and [73] lead the emperor
down to them while he was terrified by the uproar and eager
to return to the palace to secure himself against the plot. It
was certain that he would do this, so they were to take him
aboard their ships and throw him overboard once they were
at sea. It was a wicked plan from which he could not escape;
like prey, be would be corralled from all sides into nets, sur-
rounded, and caught on account of human weakness.
But the will of the Lord, who counters the plans of nations and 6
scatters the thoughts of rulers, 55 was immutable: it undermined
this earthly plot, omnipotently granting deliverance beyond
all hope to that man in his desperate situation. For as the
rebellion erupted, there was much commotion and reports
kept reaching the emperor, one after the other. The entire
people began to gather and assemble as the regions of the
City filled with tumult and confusion. The emperor made

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 THE HISTORY

αὐγούστῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ αὐτῶν γεννηθεῖσιν εἰς τὴν γείτονα

κατῆλθον ἀκτὴν καὶ μὴ εὑρόντες τῶν βασιλικῶν πλοίων
τινά, εἰς τὸ προσορμίσαν νέον ἔκ τινος ἀπροόπτου καὶ δε-
ξιᾶς τύχης, μᾶλλον δὲ προνοίας ἀρρήτου θελήματος,
ἀρχοντικὸν πλοιάριον ὡς εἶχον σπουδῆς ἀνέβησαν: καὶ
τῶν βασιλείων εὐθὺ τῆς εἰρεσίας ἀγούσης, ἐπικατέλαβε τὸ
τῆς ἀνοσίας βουλῆς μετεσχηκὸς ἀκάτιον, τὸν βασιλέα
προκαλούμενον εἰσελθεῖν ἐν αὐτῷ ὡς σπουδαιότερον
δῆθεν | ἀχθησόμενον Sv αὐτοῦ. Ὡς δ᾽ ἀπεπέμπετο καὶ
κατὰ χώραν ὁ θηρευόμενος ἔμενε, καί τι προύργου πρά-
ἕξειν ἀπηναισχύντουν οἱ ἐν αὐτῷ προσαράσσειν ταῖς κώ-
παις οὐκ ἐξ εὐπλοίας σχηματιζόμενοι.
Διασωθέντος τοίνυν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀθιγοῦς ἐν τοῖς ἀνα-
κτόροις, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ τούτου αὐτάδελφος διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς
προήει, προπορευομένων αὐτοῦ καὶ περικυκλούντων
στρατιωτῶν ἐγχεσιμάχων, διάλυσιν ἐλάμβανε τὰ τῆς στά-
σεως, τοῦ γὰρ ἄλλου πλήθους τῆς Πόλεως μὴ συναποστα-
τῆσαι θελήσαντος καὶ συνδιαφθαρῆναι τῇ τῶν ἐπιβούλων
σκαιότητι, φόβος κατέσχεν αὐτούς. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπισημότε-
pot καὶ τὰς ὡπλισμένας ἤδη παραγυμνώσαντες τῷ μεγάλῳ
καὶ περιωνύμῳ ναῷ τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ Σοφίας προσέδραμον,
τὴν περὶ ψυχῆς σωτηρίαν τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων χρημάτων
τέ, φαμεν, καὶ κτημάτων ἀνταλλαττόμενοι, οἱ δὲ λαθεῖν
οἰηθέντες ἐπὶ τὰς ἑαυτῶν κατοικίας καὶ συναυλίας ἑτέρας
διεσκεδάσθησαν. Ἐξῆλθε δὲ καὶ ὁ τῆς Πόλεως ἔπαρχος
μετὰ τὴν πολλὴν τὸ τοῦ λόγου τυφθεῖσαν θάλασσαν, τὸ
φλεγμαῖνον καὶ αὐτὸς καταστέλλων καὶ συνεμίγη τῷ τοῦ
βασιλέως ὁμαίμονι κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν προοδεύοντι, ἦσαν

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 CHAPTER 13

his preparations and, along with the empress and their chil-
dren, went down to the nearest shore. Not finding any of
the imperial barges, they hurriedly climbed aboard the ship
of one of the magistrates that was docked there by some
fortunate and quite unforeseen chance, or rather by the
forethought of an ineffable Will. And as they were rowing
straight for the palace, they were overtaken by a ship adher-
ing to the unholy conspiracy, and they invited the emperor
to embark on their ship on the grounds that he would alleg-
edly [74] be conveyed faster thereby. But the hunted man
sent them away and stayed put, whereupon they had the au-
dacity to try another tactic to serve their purpose, which
was to strike his ship with their oars, pretending that it was
the fault of the bad weather.
The emperor nevertheless made it safely to the palace
and the rebellion was broken up, especially when his
brother? marched through the main avenue preceded and
surrounded by soldiers armed for battle. For the rest of the
people of the City did not want to join the rebellion and be
destroyed by the stupidity of the plotters. The latter were
now gripped by terror. The most well-known among them
discarded their weapons and rushed to the large and famous
church of the Wisdom of God, ready to purchase the
safety of their lives in exchange for the whole of their money
and property. The rest, thinking that they had escaped de-
tection, scattered to their houses and other dwellings. The
eparchos of the City also came out*— affer the worst of tbe
storm bad passed, as the saying goes? —and he too suppressed
the uprising, joining the emperor's brother who was making
his way through the main avenue. For everyone had now

155
 THE HISTORY

yàp ἀναλαβόμενοι πάντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τούτῳ cvykpo-

τοῦντες τὰ νικητήρια καὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τὸ κράτος ἐπι-
κροτοῦντες καὶ σὺν εὐφημίαις καὶ θυμιάμασι πλείστοις
τὴν προπομπὴν ἐργαζόμενοι.
Ὡς δὲ κατάστασις ἔσχε καὶ νηνεμία τουτὶ τὸ κλυδώνιον
καὶ παντελὴς πληροφορία τοῖς περὶ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ αὐτῷ
τῷ βασιλεῖ γέγονεν ὡς μερική τις δυσβουλία καὶ συνέλευ-
σις συνετάραξε τὸ ὑπήκοον, οὐχὶ συνθήκη κοινὴ καὶ συγ-
κίνησις ἐξεπολέμωσε τοῦτο, καὶ θάρσους ἐνεπλήσθησαν,
εἰς ἔρευναν εὐθὺς διανέστη καὶ τῶν τετολμημένων ἐκδίκη-
σιν ὁ κρατῶν. Καὶ ἐπεὶ λαθεῖν οὐκ ἐνῆν τοὺς τοσούτου
κακοῦ πρωτεργάτας καὶ στασιαστὰς καὶ συνίστορας,
ἤγοντο τούτων συχνοὶ καὶ καθοσιώσεως εἰς βασιλέα φε-
ρομένης ἐκρίνοντο. Καὶ οἱ μὲν εἱρκταῖς δημοσίαις, οἱ δὲ
ἀμειδέσιν οἰκίσκοις ἐδίδοντο, ἄλλοι δὲ τούτων τὸν θάνα-
τον ἐκκλῖναι σπουδάζοντες, ὑποσχέσεσιν ἐλευθερίας δαι-
νόμενοι, προεδίδουν ἑτέρους. Καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην συνελαμβά-
vovro συχνοὶ καὶ φόβος εἶχε τοὺς πλείστους ἵνα μὴ
συλληφθῶσι κατηγορούμενοι. Τέως δὲ μαστιγώσας τού-
των τινὰς ὁ κρατῶν καὶ εἰς φῶς τοὺς ἐπιβούλους προαγα-
γών, οὐδὲ πρὶν ἀγνοουμένους διὰ τὸ ἐκραγῆναι τὸ μελε-
τώμενον, φυγῇ τούτους καὶ δημεύσει προσεζημίωσε,
μηδένα δι᾽ αἵματος τιμωρήσασθαι ἀνασχόμενος ἀλλ᾽ εὐψύ-
χως τὴν παροινίαν καὶ μετριώτερον ἐνεγκών. Πρὸ δὲ πάν-
τῶν ὁ εἰρημένος ἔπαρχος συνειδότος κατηγορηθεὶς καὶ
κριθείς, ὑπερορίᾳ καὶ δημεύσει κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡμέραν τῆς
ταραχῆς ὑπεβλήθη, εἰσιὼν μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια ὥς τι τῶν

136
 CHAPTER 13

recovered his composure and all were applauding him for

his victory and chanting in favor of the dynasty; thus they
escorted this procession with many acclamations and much
incense.
When order and calm were restored after this tempest,
the emperor's associates and [75] the emperor himself ascer-
tained fully that his subjects had been buffeted by the ill
will and conspiracy of a few people only; it was not a univer-
sal consensus and movement that had launched the attack.
This revived their spirits, and the ruler immediately made
an investigation so as to take vengeance against these rash
deeds. As it was not possible for the instigators of such a
crime, nor for the other conspirators and mutineers, to es-
cape notice, a large number of them were brought to jus-
tice and convicted of treason directed against the emperor.
Some of them were thrown into the public prisons, while
others were confined to some miserable little dwellings. An-
other group, making every effort to avoid the death penalty
and led on by the promise of freedom, informed against the
others. Every day many people were being arrested and most
were gripped by the fear that they might be accused and ar-
rested. Finally, the emperor had some of them whipped and
brought the conspirators to light; their identities, after all,
were already known, as their plan had been revealed at its
outbreak. He imposed exile and confiscation on them, but
refrained from shedding any blood, enduring their offense
with equanimity and moderation. First before the others,
the aforementioned eparchos was accused of knowing about
the plot. He was convicted and sentenced to exile and con-
fiscation on tbe very day of the troubles. He waltzed into
the palace as if he had accomplished something noteworthy

137
 THE HISTORY

δεόντων κατωρθωκὼς xai τὸ στασιάζον κατευνακώς,

ἀφαιρεθεὶς δὲ τὴν ζώνην καὶ τὰ παράσημα καὶ κατάκριτος
ἀπροσδοκήτως γενόμενος.
Ι᾿ Ἐπόθησε δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπέ-
κεῖνα τήν τε τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων ἐπαύξησιν καὶ τῶν
ἰδιωτικῶν δικῶν τὴν ἀκρόασιν κἀν τούτοις τὴν μείζονα
φροντίδα κατεκένου τῆς βασιλείας, τῶν ἄλλων ἧττον βα-
σιλικῶν ἀντεχόμενος, στρατιωτικῶν φημὶ καὶ στρατη-
γικῶν πλεονεκτημάτων καὶ τῆς ἐντεῦθεν εὐδοξίας, τοῖς
εἰρημένοις πολιτικοῖς εὐδοκιμεῖν προαιρούμενος. Διὰ δὴ
ταῦτα καὶ συκοφαντικαῖς ἐπηρείαις καὶ σοφιστικαῖς μεθ-
ὀδοις καὶ δικανικῶν προβλημάτων ἑσμῷ καὶ σεκρετικῶν
ζητημάτων ἐπιπλοκαῖς τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἐκλονεῖτο καὶ κοινὴ
μελέτη τοῖς ἅπασι τὸ κατορθῶσαι τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐγίνετο, ὡς
καὶ αὐτοὺς στρατιώτας μεταβαλεῖν καὶ μεταμαθεῖν τὰ
πρὸς τὴν τούτων γνῶσιν παράγοντα.
IO Καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως εὐπροσίτου καὶ μετριόφρονος ὄντος
καὶ ἧττον περὶ τὸ σῶμα κολαστικοῦ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸ θεῖον
εὐσεβεῖν δοκοῦντος ὡς μάλιστα, φιλοπτώχου τε πέρα τοῦ
δέοντος καὶ φιλομονάχου καθισταμένου καὶ διεπτοημένου
περὶ τὰ ἱερά, ἡ πρὸς τὰ λεχθέντα ἕτερα κεφάλαια εὔνοια
τὴν τῶν τοιούτων προτερημάτων ἤμβλυνεν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ
κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτὰς ἀρετὴ καὶ κακία περὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ὑποκείμε-
νον μονονουχὶ ἐστασίαζον, ἐνίκα δὲ παρὰ πολλὰς ψήφους
τὸ δυσπαθοῦν, ὅσῳ καὶ πλείονι μερίδι ἐφήπλωτο. Td γὰρ
εὐσεβὲς καὶ τὸ φιλόπτωχον ἅμα καὶ φιλομόναχον καὶ τὸ
μὴ πρὸς κόλασιν δι᾽ αἵματος ἕτοιμον καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εὐπρόσι-
1ov ἐπαίνων μὲν οὐδεὶς ἦν ὁ μὴ ἀξιῶν, πλὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ
N

138
 CHAPTER 13

jn suppressing the rebels, but there his ceremonial belt was

removed along with his insignia and he unexpectedly found
himself convicted.
{76} More than anything else the emperor desired to in-
crease the public funds and to supervise private trials, even
if it meant devoting the greater part of his reign to these
efforts. He was less concerned about the other imperial
matters, I mean our military and strategic advantage and
the good reputation that comes from it, as he preferred
the repute that stems from those civil concerns. Ás a result,
Roman society was shaken by sycophantic accusations, so-
phistic tricks, a swarm of judicial technicalities, and the
complexity of bureaucratic procedures. Everyone now had
to learn how to become accomplished in these things, and
even the soldiers themselves had to change their ways and
reeducate themselves in the skills conducive to this knowl-
edge.
The emperor was accessible and modest, not prone to IO

imposing corporal punishment, and appeared to be ex-

tremely pious when it came to religious matters, caring for
the poor beyond what was proper, being a great patron of
monks, and reverent to the point of dread when it came
to churches. However, his interest in those other spheres I
mentioned above dulled his cultivation of these virtues. It
was almost as though virtue and vice were fighting each
other on the same ground, but the worse element prevailed
by a wide margin, insofar as it spread to the larger portion.
For piety, compassion for the poor, a love of monks, a reluc-
tance to impose bloody punishments, and his accessibility
were qualities that no one could fail to praise, except that in

139
 THE HISTORY

ἔχοντι μόνῳ τὴν ὄνησιν | ἐπιφέρειν ἐδοκιμάζοντο καί τισιν

ὀλίγοις τῶν προσιόντων ἢ ὁμαλῶς προσδεχθέντων αὐτῷ.
Τὸ δὲ φειδωλὸν καὶ ἄγαν ποριστικὸν τῶν δημοσίων χρημά-
των, ἔστιν οἷς καὶ οὐκ ἐν εὐπροσώποις αἰτίαις, καὶ τὸ kac
ἐξουσίαν δικαστικὸν καὶ τὸ καταφρονητικὸν τῆς στρατιω-
τικῆς εὐπραγίας καὶ στρατηγικῆς καὶ ἀκριτικῆς εὐπαθείας,
πολλῶν καὶ σχεδὸν ἁπάντων τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις τελοῦν-
των λυμαντικὸν ἐψηφίζοντο. Ἠγείρετο γὰρ πολὺς γογ-
γυσμὸς τῶν τε καταδικαζομένων οὐ νομικῶς καὶ τῶν κατ-
ηγορουμένων σοφιστικῶς καὶ τῶν ἀπαιτουμένων εἰς τὸ
δημόσιον ἐνίοτε ἀχρεώστητα καὶ τῶν δεχομένων φορολο-
γικὰς ἐπαυξήσεις ἐπαρχιῶν καὶ τῶν καταδρομὰς ὑφιστα-
μένων βαρβαρικὰς διὰ τὸ μὴ κατὰ λόγον τὸν στρατιωτι-
κὸν κατάλογον γίνεσθαι. Ἐλέγετο δὲ μὴ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως
φύσεως ἔργα ταῦτα, εἶναι γὰρ τοῦτον πρὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς
ἄφθονον τὰ πάντα καὶ ἀπειρόκακον καὶ τῆς ἔλεη μοσύνης
ὁλοσχερῶς ἐφαπτόμενον, ὑποφθορᾶς δέτινων καὶ παραινέ-
σεως φιλοπράγμονος ὅσοι τῆς πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια οἰκειώ-
σεως μεῖζον οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ὑπέρτερον ἥγηνται, ἵνα τὸ εὐμενὲς
τοῦ κρατοῦντος συλήσωσιν. Ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε τὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς τοῦ
βασιλέως μέρος ἀγέραστον οὔτε τὸ ἄλλως ἔχον ἀνώλε-
θρον τῇ ῥωμαϊκῇ ἐπικρατείᾳ διαμεμένηκε.
1 Περὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἐντός, ὅπως καλῶς ἔσχε τῷ βασιλεῖ
καὶ ὡς ἦν αὐτῷ βουλητόν, τῶν παίδων, ὧν μὲν ἰδιωτῶν I
συνανελθόντων τούτῳ εἰς τὰ ἀνάκτορα καὶ συμβασιλεύειν
γεγενημένων, ὧν δὲ μετὰ τὴν βασιλείαν γεννηθέντων καὶ
αὐτόχρημα βασιλέων ἀναδειχθέντων καὶ τῇ πορφυρίδι
κατὰ τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐθισμὸν συναναδοθέντων, καὶ τοῦ

140
 CHAPTER I3.

practice they proved to be beneficial only to the one who

had them [77] and to a few more in his circle or who were re-
ceived favorably by him. On the other hand, his stinginess,
zeal in collecting public funds, even by means that were not
so reputable, his arbitrary exercise of judicial power, and
disregard for military success, strategic planning, and the
maintenance of the frontiers were reckoned to be extremely
harmful to many, in fact to almost all of those who lived
under Roman authority. Much grumbling was heard from
those who were convicted illegally, those who were accused
on specious grounds, and those who were made to pay sums
to the public treasury that they did not owe, as well as from
provinces burdened with new taxes and suffering raids by
barbarians because the army was not being maintained
properly. It was said that all this was not in the nature of the
emperor, that before he came to power he was generous in
all ways, ignorant of evil, and thoroughly devoted to charity,
but that it was all due to the corruption and self-serving ad-
vice of those who had no higher goal or ambition than to in-
sinuate themselves into the palace in order to take advan-
tage of the ruler's kindness. So neither did the part of che
emperor that was virtuous remain without recompense, nor
did its opposite fail to wreak havoc on the Roman state.
As for the emperor's family life and how it was ordered II

well for him and according to his will, for instance how some
of his children were private [78] citizens when they accom-
panied him to the palace and were elevated to the throne as
co-emperors, while others were born after his accession and
were immediately crowned and received the purple, as is che
custom among the Romans, or how the empress was in

141
 THE HISTORY

τῆς αὐγούστης ἐνεαριζούσῃ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ ἄνθους, οὐ πολὺς

λόγος οὐδὲ παράθεσις πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀντικειμένων του-
τωνὶ ἅμιλλαν. Τὸ δὲ εἰς κοινὸν ἧκον ὄφελος ἐξεταστέον,
ὡς προδιείληπται, τῆς μὲν γὰρ κακίας ταῦτα ἐπίχειρα.

14

Ka μὲν τὴν ἑῴαν ἐληΐζοντο πάντα καὶ διεφθείροντο

τῇ τε τῶν Νεφθαλιτῶν Οὔννων, ἤτοι τῶν Τούρκων, ἐπι-
δρομῇ καὶ κατισχύσει καὶ τῇ βιαίᾳ ὑποχωρήσει καὶ δείμα-
τι τῶν ἠμελημένων στρατιωτῶν ἐκ τοῦ ῥωμαϊκοῦ καταλό-
yov. Καὶ συνεχεῖς ὑπῆρχον αἱ ἐκδρομαὶ καὶ ἡ εὐδαίμων
χώρα τῆς Ἰβηρίας παντελῶς κατηρείπωτο, ἤδη προκατειρ-
γασμένη ὡς εἴπομεν, μετελάμβανον δὲ τοῦ δεινοῦ καὶ ὅσαι
ταύτῃ παρέκειντο, Μεσοποταμία τε καὶ Χαλδία, Μελιτηνὴ
καὶ Κολώνεια καὶ τὰ τῷ Εὐφράτῃ συγκείμενα ποταμῷ.
Καὶ εἰ μὴ στρατεύμασιν ἐνίοτε, μᾶλλον δὲ φήμαις δυνά-
μεων, διείργοντο τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων καί τις ἀρχηγὸς τού-
των Χωροσάλαρις οὕτω λεγόμενος, ἕτερος δὲ Ζαμούχης
τὴν ἧτταν συμβαλόντες τύχῃ τινὶ ἀγαθῇ ἐκληρώσαντο,
κἂν καὶ μέχρι Γαλατίας καὶ Ὁνωριάδος καὶ αὐτῆς Φρυγίας

142
 CHAPTER 14

the bloom of youth and beauty"! about all this, then, there
is no reason to say much nor to juxtapose it to rival claims
made by his opponents. What is important instead is to ex-
amine the public welfare, as I have already argued, and the
following were the results of his severe failings.

Chapter 14

The reign of Konstantinos X Doukas

(1059-1067): barbarian invasions

| he east was entirely plundered and destroyed by the

raids of the Nephthalite Huns, that is to say the Turks, who
overpowered the soldiers of the regular Roman army. The
latter had been neglected and were now violently pushed
back and terrified. These raids were continual and entirely
ruined the prosperous land of Iberia, which had already
been overpowered, as I mentioned. The misfortune was
shared by its neighbors, Mesopotamia, Chaldia, Melitene,
Koloneia, and the regions by the Euphrates River. And if
the barbarians had not been hindered on some occasions by
our armies, or rather by rumors that they were approaching,
and if their leader, named Chorosalaris, and the other one,
Zamouches, had not been defeated in battle through some
propitious chance, the enemy would have reached all the
way to Galatia, Honorias, and Phrygia itself. When the need

143
 THE HISTORY

τὸ ἀντίπαλον περιέδραμε. Καὶ ὅτι μὲν ἀνάγκης Kateneı-

γούσης, ἐστέλλετο στρατιωτικὸν οὐκ ἀποτρόπου, ὅτι δὲ
ψιλὸν καὶ | ἀπρόθυμον τῇ τοῦ ὀψωνιασμοῦ ὑστερήσει, εἰ-
πεῖν δὲ καὶ τὸ κάκιστον μέρος, ὡς τῶν κρειττόνων ἀπελαυ-
νομένων τῆς στρατιᾶς διὰ τὸ μείζονος τυγχάνειν βαθμοῦ
τε καὶ ὀψωνιασμοῦ, καταγνώσεως οὐκ ἀπῆν τὸ γενόμενον,
μηδενὸς γενναίου κατορθουμένου, καὶ τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς ποτὲ
μεγαλοπρεπείας καὶ ἰσχύος ἀνάλογον, ἐξ οὗ καὶ συνέβαινε
τοὺς μὲν Ῥωμαίόυς δυσπαθεῖν καὶ καταπληκτικοὺς ἡγεῖ-
σθαι τοὺς ἐναντίους καὶ μηδὲ φωνὴν ὑπομένειν αὐτῶν,
ἐκείνους δὲ ἐναβρύνεσθαι καὶ ἀγερωχεῖν καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς
προσρήγνυσθαι πεποιθήσεως, ὡς προησσηθέντας πολλά-
κις ποιουμένους τὸν πόλεμον, ἐξ οὗ καί τι συνηνέχθη
παραλογώτατον καὶ οὐκ ἀνίαν μόνον ἀφόρητον ἀλλὰ καὶ
τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς ἐπικρατείας ἐπιφέρον ἐλάττωσιν καὶ ἰσχύος
μεγίστης ἀφαίρεσιν.
To Aviov πόλις ἐστὶ μεγάλη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος καὶ
πανταχόθεν τάφροις οὐ χειροποιήτοις ἀλλὰ φυσικαῖς κοι-
λάσι καὶ ἀδιεξοδεύτοις καὶ πέτραις ἀποτόμοις συμπεριει-
λημμένη καὶ ποταμῷ βαθυδίνῃ καὶ ἀβάτῳ περιεζωσμένη
τὸ μέρος καθόπερ ἀπορρῶγες καὶ φάραγγες ἐπιλείπουσι:
καὶ βραχύς ἐστι τόπος ὁ τὰς ἀμφόδους ἔχων τῆς πόλεως
καὶ οὗτος μετεώροις καὶ ἰσχυροῖς κατωχύρωτο τείχεσι.
Ταύτην ὁ τῆς ἀοιδίμου λήξεως βασιλεὺς ὁ Μονομάχος
ἀξιομάχῳ πρότερον στρατιᾷ παριστάσασθαι διαγωνισά-
μενος, οὐκ ἠδυνήθη, συνθήκαις δὲ xal | μεγίσταις ἐπαγγε-
λίαις τὸν ἄρχοντα ταύτης καταστησάμενος εὔελπιν, συν-
ἐπεισε μεταθέσθαι πρὸς τὰ ἡμέτερα καὶ τὴν πόλιν θέσθαι

144
 CHAPTER I4

was pressing, an army was indeed sent out, which was not
at all unreasonable, but the fact that it was lightly equipped
and [79] demoralized by the inadequacy of its supplies, and
that it was, moreover, the worst part of the army, given that
the best had been discharged because they were higher
ranked and so cost more; well, all this had to be condemned,
for it accomplished nothing of account or worthy of the for-
mer magnificence and power of the Romans. Whence it
came about that the Romans were having the worst of it and
were terrified of the enemy— even the sound of their voices
they could not endure. 'This made the enemy arrogant and
haughty, and they attacked with great confidence as they
were warring against men whom they had previously de-
feated often. As a result, something happened that was alto-
gether unlikely and not only caused unbearable sorrow but
also brought about the reduction of Roman territory and
the greatest loss of power.
The city of Ani is large, populous, and surrounded on all
sides not by a man-made moat but by natural gullies that are
impassable and full of steep rocks, and on the side where
sheer cliffs and ravines are lacking it is enclosed by a deep-
eddying river that cannot be forded. The area that allows
entry into the city is narrow and fortified by high and strong
walls. The emperor Monomachos of blessed memory had
formerly tried to take it with a formidable army, but had
failed, yet by [80] offering treaties and impressive promises
he played on the hopes of its ruler and persuaded him to join
our side and entrust his city to the Romans.!* And the ruler

145
 THE HISTORY

Ῥωμαίοις. Καὶ ὁ μὲν μὴ διαψευσθεὶς τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐν εὐπα-

θείαις καὶ ἁβρότησι καὶ ἀντιδόσεσι κτήσεων καὶ ἀξιωμά-
των μεγίστων τὸν βίον εἷλκεν ἐπέραστον, ἡ δὲ πόλις xo-
pav τε πολλὴν ἔχουσα καὶ πολίχνια ὑπ᾽ αὐτήν, δουκικῇ
κατεκοσμήθη ἀρχῇ, πρὸς τοῖς συριακοῖς τοῦ Τιβίου δια-
κειμένη ὁρίοις, καὶ ἦν ἡμῖν χαράκωμα μέγιστον καὶ ἀπο-
τροπὴ τῶν ἐκεῖθεν εἰσβάλλειν μελλόντων βαρβάρων εἰς
τὴν Ἰβηρικήν.
Τὸ δὲ φειδωλὸν τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ ταύτης τοὺς Ῥω-
μαίους ἐστέρησεν, ἐπεὶ γὰρ σιτηρέσιον καὶ ὁ ἐν ταύτῃ σα-
τράπης ἐλάμβανε, προσελθών τις Ἀρμένιος Παγκράτιος
οὕτω καλούμενος τῷ βασιλεῖ, συντίθεται τούτῳ καὶ ὑπ-
ισχνεῖται χωρίς τινος ἀπολήψεως τὴν τοιαύτην ἀρχὴν
ὑπελθεῖν καὶ κρειττόνως συντηρῆσαι τὸ ἄστυ καὶ ὅση
τούτῳ παραπέφυκε σύγκτησις: καὶ λαμβάνει τὸν βασιλέα
τῇ ὑποσχέσει συνεπινεύοντα καὶ δοὺξ ἀποδείκνυται καὶ
καταλαμβάνει τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἡγεμονίαν. Ἀναξίως δὲ τὰ
πράγματα διοικῶν καὶ μήτε τῇ ἀκροπόλει σῖτον ὡς τὸ
εἰκὸς προμηθούμενος μήτε ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι πολεμικὸν ἢ πολιτικὸν
ὀρθῶς καὶ βεβαίως ἐμπορευόμενος, εἰς μεγάλους κινδύ-
νους τὴν θαυμασίαν παρενέβαλε πόλιν.
Παροδεύων γὰρ ὁ σουλτάνος ἐκεῖθεν πανστρατιᾷ,
τοῦτο yàp ἦν ὄνομα τῷ τούτων ἐξάρχοντι, παρ᾽ | αὐτοῦ καὶ
τοῦ ἐπαποσταλέντος βασιλικοῦ ἀνδράποδος εἰς οὐδὲν
δέον κατὰ τῆς τοιαύτης ἐκπεπολέμωται πόλεως, τούτου
γὰρ ἀθιγῆ τὴν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους παρερχομένου, οὗτοι τῆς
οὐραγίας καὶ τῶν ὑστερούντων τῷ κόπῳ φιλοκερδῶς ἐξ-
απτόμενοι, πολλοὺς ἀνήρουν καὶ τούτους ἐσκύλευον, ἕως

146
 CHAPTER I4

of the city was not cheated of his hopes, spending the rest of
his charmed life in luxury and enjoyment on account of the
properties and superlative titles that he was given in ex-
change. Α5 for the city, it commands a large territory in
which there are many villages, and it became the headquar-
ters of a doux. Lying by the Syrian borders of Tivion, it was
for us a major bulwark, defending against barbarians who in-
tended to invade Iberia through that region.
Our ruler's stinginess, however, cost the Romans this city
too. Its governor was entitled to draw a supply of grain. But
a certain Armenian named Pangratios approached the em-
peror and made an agreement with him by promising that
he would take over that command and not require any sup-
port and that he would keep and maintain the city and the
entire territory that belonged to it even better than before.
He found that the emperor was amenable to this promise
and so he was appointed doux and took command of that
area. But he governed in an unworthy way and neither sup-
plied the citadel with grain as he ought to have nor took any
other precautions of a military or political nature to safe-
guard the place, placing this magnificent city at great risk.
When the sultan—for that is che name of their ruler—
was passing through with his entire army,'** [81] he ended up
waging war against such a city on account of this man and of
the slave that was serving the emperor there,'^ when there
was no need for this to happen. He was passing through Ro-
man territory but without causing any damage, yet they, ea-
ger to profit, fell upon the rear of his column and those who
had fallen behind because of exhaustion. They killed many

147
 THE HISTORY

ἡ φήμη ταχύτατα πρὸς τὸν σουλτάνον διέδραμεν" ὁ δὲ τὴν

ὕβριν μὴ ἐνεγκών, ἀνῆπτε γὰρ τὴν ὀργήν, καὶ τὸ τῶν συν-
όντων αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος μὴ ἀνεχομένων τὴν παρ-
otvíav καταλιπεῖν ἀτιμώρητον, θυμοῦ πνέων καὶ ἰταμότη-
τος εἰς τὸ Ἀνίον ἐπάνεισι καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύει πρὸ
τούτου καὶ τῆς πολιορκίας μετὰ πολλῆς ἀπάρχεται τῆς
παρασκευῆς. Οἱ δ᾽ ἔνδον φρουρὰν ἱκανὴν μὴ ἔχοντες,
περιεῖλε γὰρ καὶ ταύτην χρηματισμὸς οὐκ ἀκίνδυνος,
ὑποσχομένου τοῦ ἀμίσθου τουτουὶ στρατηγοῦ καὶ ταύτης
χωρὶς φυλάξαι καὶ κέρδος τῷ δημοσίῳ ποιῆσαι τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ
δαπανώμενα, ἀντέσχον μὲν πρὸς καιρόν, οἷα δ᾽ ἔμποροι
καὶ πολεμικῶν μηχανημάτων καὶ προβλημάτων ἀπείρατοι,
καὶ ἄρχοντος χηρεύοντες εὐγενοῦς, μᾶλλον δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν
ὁρῶντες διχοστατουμένην καὶ τεμνομένην, τῷ τὸ μὲν βα-
σιλικὸν ἀνδράποδον τὸ πᾶν μεθέλκειν εἰς ἑαυτόν, τὸν δὲ
Παγκράτιον εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὸ κράτος ἀντισφαιρίζειν, καὶ στα-
σιάζον ὁρῶντες τὸ κρατοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ πληγέντες ζημίᾳ
τὸ πρότερον ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δώροις ἐκμειλίξασθαι τὴν tod πολεμή-
τορος ἀγριότητα, ταῖς συχναῖς ἀπειρηκότες προσβολαῖς
καὶ κατασεισθέντες | τοῖς σπαραγμοῖς τῶν τειχῶν, εἰς φυ-
γὴν ὥρμησαν. Καὶ γνόντες τὴν τούτων προαίρεσιν οἱ πο-
λέμιοι, ὁμόσε ταῖς πύλαις σὺν ἀλαλαγμῷ πολλῷ καὶ βοῇ
διωθήσαντο καὶ ταύτας καὶ μέρη τοῦ τείχους ἐπιθετικῶς
καταστρέψαντες, αἱροῦσιν ἀνακράτος τὴν πόλιν καὶ γίνε-
ται φόνος τῶν ἔνδον ἀμύθητος, οὔτε γὰρ ἡλικίας οὔτε
φύσεως οὔθ᾽ αἱρέσεως ἔλεος ἦν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἡβηδὸν
ἀνῃροῦντο καὶ ποταμὸς αἵματος τὴν οἰκτρὰν ταύτην καὶ
δύστηνον κατεδίαινε πόλιν, περιεσώθη δὲ τοῦ κρατίστου

148
 CHAPTER I4

and despoiled them, but che news quickly reached the sul-
tan. He could not bear this insult, and his anger was stoked
by the mass of soldiers at his side who would not allow this
outrage to go unpunished. Full of rage and wrath he turned
back to Ani, encamped before it, and began a siege for which
he was well prepared and supplied. Those inside did not
have an adequate garrison, as this too had been stripped
down by the emperor's irresponsible parsimony. This unsal-
aried general had promised to both protect the city without
agarrison and make a profit for the treasury from the money
that would have been spent on it. The inhabitants resisted
for a time, but they were merchants inexperienced in mili-
tary engineering and planning. They were also lacking a
brave commander, especially as they saw that the command
was in dispute and divided into two, for the imperial slave
wanted total control, while Pangratios was competing to
hold all power himself. So they saw their leaders fighting
among themselves and, moreover, they had suffered a loss
earlier when they tried to temper the enemy's ferocity with
gifts. Losing heart at the continual attacks and terrified
[82] because the walls were being rent asunder, they rushed
to flee. The enemy realized what they were about to do and
charged the gates all at once, shouting their war cries loudly.
Aggressively destroying the gates and parts of the walls, they
took the city by storm,"6 and the slaughter of those inside
was beyond telling. For no mercy was shown on account of
age, sex, or creed: all were killed from the young and up and
a river of blood flowed through this pitiable and unhappy
city. À tiny part of its ruling class saved itself, along with

149
 THE HISTORY

ταύτης πολλοστημόριον σὺν τοῖς κακίστοις ἡγεμόσιν εἰς

τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνιόν. Τῶν δ᾽ ἐν χερσὶ γενομένων ὅσοι
κατά τινα χρηστοτέραν συγκύρησιν τὸν ἐκ τοῦ σιδήρου
διέφυγον ὄλεθρον, αἰχμαλωσίᾳ πικρᾷ παρεδόθησαν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ οἱ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως μήτ᾽ ἐπισιτισμὸν ἔχοντες καὶ τῇ
σπάνει τῶν ἀναγκαίων τρυχόμενοι, ὁμολογίαις ὕστερον
ὑποσπόνδοις καὶ μόνην τῆς ζωῆς ἐχούσαις τὴν ἔφεσιν καὶ
αὐτοὶ παραδεδώκασι τὸ κρησφύγετον. Καὶ γέγονεν ὑπὸ
πολεμίοις τοιαύτη πόλις μετὰ τῶν πολιχνίων καὶ τῶν
ὑπαίθρων αὐτῶν δι᾽ ἀπληστίαν καὶ χρημάτων ἄκαιρον φυ-
λακήν, μὴ εἰδότος τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ὅτι πολλάκις μὲν
ὥνησε καὶ διαφόρως ἄφθονος χείρ, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις
διαπαντός, ὀλιγάκις δὲ κἂν μὴ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις κατέβλαψε
καὶ ὡς αὐτὸ τὸ ὄνομα τῶν χρημάτων χρῆσιν ἅμα παρυπεμ-
φαίνει καὶ χρησιμότητα.
Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τοῦτον εἶχε τὸν τρόπον | καὶ
εἰς τοσοῦτον σκυλμὸν περιήγοντο τῆς ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ τῆς
ἐνέδρας μὴ ληγούσης τῶν ἐναντίων, τὰ δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης
ἐνόσουν μὲν καὶ αὐτὰ ταῖς τῶν Πατζινάκων ἐπιδρομαῖς,
σχολαίως δὲ καὶ βραδέως καὶ μέρει τινὶ τῷ πρὸς αὐτοὺς
πλησιάζοντι. Προετέρουν δὲ ἔν τισι προσβολαῖς οἱ Ῥω-
μαῖοι καὶ τὴν ἧτταν ἀνελαμβάνοντο, οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖσε
κατεπολεμήθη τὸ πολεμοῦν, σπονδαῖς δὲ μόνον εἰρηνικαῖς
ἀναστολὴν ἐλάμβανεν ἡ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπιδρομή.
Ta δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς προτερήματα ταῦτα. Τῆς γ΄ ἰνδικτι-
ὥνος ἐνστάσης ἐπαρχόντων τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἴστρον πόλεων
τοῦ te μαγίστρου Βασιλείου τοῦ Ἀποκάπη καὶ τοῦ μαγί-
στρου Νικηφόρου τοῦ περιβοήτου Βοτανειάτου, παγγενεὶ

150
 CHAPTER I4

those unworthy commanders, by going up to the citadel.

Those who fell into the hands of the enemy and who,
through some most lucky chance, escaped being put to the
sword, were given over to bitter slavery. But also those in the
citadel, as they did not have supplies and were hard pressed
by the lack of necessities, eventually made terms and surren-
dered their refuge, in exchange for which they were granted
only their lives. And so such a city was taken by the enemy
along with all its villages and their lands on account of greed
and an untimely economizing. The emperor did not under-
stand that a hand that gives liberally has often done an ex-
ceptional amount of good, and where there is need it always
does good, but it rarely does any harm, even in situations
where there is no pressing necessity. Even the very name of
“money” refers to “use” and "utility"
That was the situation in Asia, [83] those were the vast
troubles caused by the enemy's raids and incessant am-
bushes. Matters in Europe were also in a bad state because
of the Pecheneg raids, but developments there were slow
and more gradual and only in the regions that were near to
the enemy. The Romans were prevailing in some encounters
and so recouped their previous defeats. But it was not as
though the enemy there had been conquered. That nation's
raiding was only postponed by making peace agreements
with them.
The advantages secured by virtuous action, on the other
hand, were the following. At the beginning of the third in-
diction, 5 when the governors of the cities along the Dan-
ube were the magistros Basileios Apokapes and the famous
magistros Nikephoros Botaneiates, the entire nation of the

ISI
 THE HISTORY

τὸ τῶν Οὔζων ἔθνος μετὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἀποσκευῆς τὸν Ἴστρον

διαπεραιωθὲν ξύλοις μακροῖς καὶ λέμβοις αὐτοπρέμνοις
καὶ βύρσαις τοὺς διακωλύοντας τὴν τούτων περαίωσιν
Βουλγάρους καὶ λοιποὺς στρατιώτας κατηγωνίσαντο καὶ
τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτῶν καίτοι διαγωνισαμένους ἐκθύμως,
καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ Βοτανειάτου, αἰχμαλώτους παρέλαβον καὶ
τὴν ἐκεῖσε πᾶσαν ἐπλήρωσαν ὕπαιθρον, συνεψηφίζετο
γὰρ τὸ ἔθνος εἰς ἑξήκοντα μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν. Μοῖρα δέ τις
οὐκ ἐλαχίστη τῶν ἐκεῖ σπουδαίως ἀπάρασα, τὸ Ἰλλυρικὸν
ἅπαν ἄχρι Θεσσαλονίκης καὶ αὐτῆς Ἑλλάδος κατέδραμε
καὶ κατεληΐσατο καὶ λείαν ἤλασεν οὐκ ἀριθμητήν. Χειμῶνι
δὲ πολλῷ | περιπεπτωκότες, ὅτε πρὸς τὰ σφέτερα ἤλαυνον,
οἱ τὴν τοιαύτην μοῖραν πληροῦντες οὐ μόνον τὰ ἀλλότρια
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν σχεδὸν ἀπέβαλον ἅπαντα καὶ δυστυ-
χῶς εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἐπανέζευξαν.
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς περὶ τοῦ πληθυσμοῦ πυνθανόμενος
ἤσχαλλε μὲν καὶ ἠδημόνει, στρατιὰν δ᾽ ἀξιόμαχον συνα-
θροῖσαι καὶ δυνάμεις ἀφεῖναι τούτοις ὀκνηρότερος ἦν, ὡς
μέν τινες, φειδοῖ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων, ἦν γάρ, ὡς προέφαμεν,
φιλοχρήματος ὁ ἀνήρ, ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοι, μὴ ἀποθαρρῶν πρὸς
τοιαύτην ἰσχὺν ἀντιπαρατάξασθαι. Καὶ γὰρ ἅπαντες
ἀπρόσμαχον εἶναι τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων πλῆθος καὶ ὅλως ἀκα-
ταγώνιστον συνετίθεντο, μηδὲ γὰρ εἶναι τῶν ἐνδεχομένων
ἢ δυνατῶν ὑπενόουν τοσαύτας μυριάδας πολέμῳ καὶ μά-
χαις συντεθραμμένας καὶ προχείρους ἐχούσας τὰς δεξιὰς
καὶ γεγυμνασμένας πρὸς ἀντικατάστασιν καὶ ἀναίρεσιν,
παρατάξει κατατροπώσασθαι. Καὶ ἀμήχανος ἐδόκει πᾶσιν
f| λύτρωσις καὶ μετοικίαν ἤδη τὸ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἅπαν
οἰκοῦν ἐβουλεύετο.
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 CHAPTER 14

Quzoi!? crossed the Danube with all their gear on long dug-
outs and boats made of branches, roots, and skins. They de-
feated the Bulgarians and the other soldiers who sought to
block their passage and took their leaders captive, even
though the latter fought bravely especially Botaneiates.
They spread out all over the countryside, for that nation
numbered sixty times ten thousand men. A not insignifi-
cant portion quickly left to ravage the entire region of Illy-
rikon all the way to Thessalonike and even to Hellas itself,
plundering and gathering countless spoils. But the weather
[84] turned against them on the way home, so this contin-
gent lost not only what they had seized from others but also
almost all of their own belongings, and returned to their
camp in this sorry state.
The emperor made inquiries concerning their numbers
and was distressed and sorely troubled at what he learned,
but hesitated to assemble a battle-worthy army or send
forces against these people. Some say that he was reluctant
to pay the cost, for the man was, as I said, greedy, but others
say that he did not feel confident enough to stand up to such
strength. For everyone agreed that the enemy borde was in-
vincible and altogether unconquerable; they deemed it nei-
ther likely nor even possible to meet and defeat on the field
so many tens of thousands of men who were experienced in
war and battle, ready to fight, and trained in resisting and
killing the enemy. There seemed to be no way to be safe from
them and so all the people of Europe were thinking now of
emigrating.

153
 THE HISTORY

Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς πρεσβείαν ἀπεσταλκὼς πρὸς τοὺς ἐθνάρ-

χας αὐτῶν ἐπειρᾶτο καθ᾽ ὅσον οἷόν τε τούτους παρενεγ-
κεῖν καὶ πρὸς καιρὸν καταστεῖλαι καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὴν boce-
paíav βουλεύεσθαι: πολλὰ τούτοις ἐπιστείλας ἐπαγωγὰ
καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος ἐνίους, χαρίσμασι τούτους ἐδεξιώ-
σατο. Τὸ δ᾽ ἔθνος μέγιστον ὃν καὶ πρὸς πορισμὸν τῶν
ἀναγκαίων ὁσημέραι ἐπιρρηγνύμενον, ἐν πολλοῖς μέρεσι
τὴν Εὐρώπην συνέθλιβε. Μὴ φέρων | δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν
γογγυσμὸν τῶν πολλῶν καὶ τὴν λέγουσαν φήμην ὅτι φει-
δωλίας τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀπεμπολοῦντό τε καὶ καταπροίεντο,
ἔξεισι τῆς βασιλευούσης καὶ καταντικρὺ τοῦ ᾿Ἀθύρος περὶ
τόπον οὕτω καλούμενον Χοιροβάκχους, ἐν ᾧ καὶ βασιλι-
καὶ παραπεπήγασι κτήσεις, σκηνὰς ἰδίας ἐπήξατο καὶ τῶν
σὺν αὐτῷ. Καὶ ἦσαν πλείους τῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα,
οὐ ποσότητι μείζονι, ὅθεν καὶ πολλοῖς θαυμάζειν ἐπῆλθεν
ὅπως τηλικαύτην ἰσχὺν μετὰ τοσούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνδρα-
ρίων τῆς βασιλευούσης ὑπανεχώρησε, δέον πρότερον τὰς
ἑῴας δυνάμεις συναγαγεῖν καὶ οὕτως ἐξορμῆσαι πρὸς τὰ
ἑσπέρια. Καὶ ἐῴκει τῇ μυθευομένῃ τοῦ Διονύσου στρατιᾷ,
ὅτε μετὰ τῶν Μαινάδων ἐκεῖνος καὶ τῶν Σειληνῶν ταύτην
ἐπ᾽ Ἰνδοὺς ἤλαυνεν.
Ἐν τοιαύτῃ δὲ τούτου παρασκευῇ καθεστῶτος, δρο-
μαϊοί τινες ἐκ τῶν ἀπεσταλμένων εἰς τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπανελ-
θόντες παντελῆ τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπήγγειλαν ὄλεθρον, npo-
ἐφθασαν γὰρ οἱ αἰχμαλωτισθέντες ἡγεμόνες ῥυσθῆναι ἐκ
τῆς ἐκείνων χειρὸς καὶ γνώμας εἰσενεγκόντες τῆς αὐτῶν
καταλύσεως, φράζοντες ὡς οἱ μὲν λογάδες τῶν Οὔζων
σκάφεσιν ἐμβάντες παραινέσει τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν ἀρχῶν τῶν

154
 CHAPTER 14

The emperor sent an embassy to the barbarian leaders in 8

an attempt to distract them, insofar as that was possible,
and restrain them temporarily, so that he might have time to
make his own plans. He sent them many alluring gifts and
invited some of them to visit, receiving them with generous
favors. But this nation was extremely large and had to attack
daily in search of necessities, so it was wreaking havoc in
many regions of Europe. The emperor could not endure
[85] che complaints of so many people or the talk going
around to tbe effect that parsimony was selling out and
abandoning the interests of the Romans. He left the Reign-
ing City and set up camp for himself and his men exactly
across from Athyron at a place named Choirobakchoi, where
there are imperial lands. They were not more than a hun-
dred and fifty men, whence many wondered why the em-
peror had departed from the Reigning City to face such a
powerful enemy in the company of so few manikins, when
he should have first gathered the eastern armies and only
then marched west. His company resembled the army of
Dionysos in myth, who marched out against the Indians
with the Maenads and the Seilenoi.
Such was the state of his preparation when messengers 9
from those who bad been dispatched to the Danube re-
turned posthaste with the news that that nation had been
utterly destroyed. For the captured generals had managed
to escape their captivity and explained how this destruction
had occurred, saying that the leaders of the Ouzoi had, at
the instigation of the Roman authorities in the cities along

155
 THE HISTORY

£v τοῖς ἰστρικοῖς χείλεσι πόλεων τὸν Ἴστρον διαβεβήκε-

σαν καὶ εἰς τὴν σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐπανέδραμον, οἱ δὲ περιλει-
φθέντες, πλῆθος καὶ οὕτως ἀμύθητον, τὸ μέν τι νόσῳ λοι-
μικῇ καὶ λιμῷ καταπονηθέντες καὶ ἡμιθνῆτες τυγχάνοντες,
τὸ δὲ καὶ τοῖς παρακειμένοις Βουλγάροις καὶ τοῖς Πατζι-
νάκοις καταπολεμηθέντες, ἄρδην ἀπώλοντο σιδήρῳ | καὶ
ὁπλαῖς ἀλόγων ζώων καὶ αὐταῖς ταῖς ἰδίαις ἁμάξαις συμ-
πατηθέντες καὶ ἀναιρεθέντες παρὰ πᾶσαν ἀνθρωπίνην
ἐλπίδα καὶ εἰς οὐδὲν λογισθέντες οἱ πάντων κρατήσειν
ποτὲ προσδοκώμενοι καὶ ἦν ἡ φήμη τοῦ ἀληθοῦς μὴ
ἀπάδουσα.
IO Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παραδόξως διασωθεῖσαν τὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἰδὼν καὶ περιχαρὴς εἰκότως γενόμενος καὶ τῷ Θεῷ καὶ τῇ
παναχράντῳ καὶ δεσποίνῃ Θεοτόκῳ χαριστήρια θύσας,
εὐθὺ τῆς βασιλίδος ἐπεπορεύετο, εὗρε δὲ ταύτην ἐκπλήξεως
καὶ θαύματος γέμουσαν καὶ σῶστρα τῇ ζωαρχικῇ Τριάδι
καὶ τῇ Μητρὶ τοῦ θεανθρώπου Λόγου λαμπρῶς ἐπιθύου-
σαν. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν εὐχαριστίαν
ὅσον εἰκὸς ἀπονέμοντες, ἀφήγημα μέγιστον καὶ θεῖον
ἔργον τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἐτίθεσαν.
II Οὕτως ἐπὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πληγαὶ τῇ Ῥωμαίων
προσετρίβησαν γῇ καὶ ἀπαλλαγὴ πάλιν κινδύνου μεγίστου
καὶ καταστροφὴ πολεμίων ἀπροσδόκητος ἐπιγέγονε Kal
ὅσην οὐδεὶς οὐδέπω κατορθώσειν ἐπήλπισε. Διὸ καὶ κακίᾳ
καὶ ἀρετῇ βασιλικῇ τὰς δυσπραγίας καὶ αὖθις τὰς εὐπρα-
γίας οἱ νουνεχῶς συμβάλλοντες τὰ πράγματα διεμέριζον.
 CHAPTER I4

the Danubian shores, embarked on ships and crossed the

Danube, returning to their own lands. Among those who
were left behind, however, a vast horde still, some were dev-
astated by an epidemic disease and hunger and were only
half alive, while others had been defeated by the Bulgarians
and the Pechenegs who were in proximity and were utterly
annihilated by iron [86] and the hooves of horses and were
even crushed by their own wagons. And so they were killed
contrary to all human expectation and those who at one
point thought that they would prevail over all others were
now held in little regard. In fact, the reports were not far
from the truth.
The emperor, seeing how unexpectedly his state was IO

saved, with good reason was filled with joy and gave thanks
to God and the immaculate Lady, the Mother of God. He
immediately returned to the Imperial City and found it full
of amazement and wonderment, offering splendid celebra-
tions of thanks for its deliverance to the life-giving Trinity
and the Mother of the theanthropic Word. The inhabitants
of Europe were also giving thanks, as one would expect,
holding that this feat was a divine feat and the greatest tale
ever told.
Thus it happened that under one and the same emperor IX

the land of the Romans both endured many blows and expe-
rienced deliverance from great danger and the unexpected
destruction of its enemy, so great that one would never have
hoped to bring it about. That is why those who think care-
fully about events made a distinction between things that
were done well and things that were done badly, ascribing
the former to the emperor’s virtues and the latter, accord-
ingly, to the emperor’s failings. But if one were to suppose

157
 THE HISTORY

Ei δὲ τὰ μὲν δύστηνα πάθη τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἁμαρτημά-

τῶν τυγχάνειν ἀντέκτισιν, τὸ δ᾽ εὐπαθὲς τῆς θείας μόνης
ἀντιλήψεως θείη τις καὶ μὴ βασιλικῆς ἔπαθλον ἀρετῆς, ὡς
τῆς εὐπραγίας γενικῆς καὶ μὴ εἰδικῆς καθεστώσης, οὐκ ἂν
διαμάρτοι τοῦ πρέποντος, πάντα | yàp ἄνωθεν τὰ βελτίονα.
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ εὐμενὲς πάλιν ἐπικάμπτεται br εὐχῆς Évep-
γουμένης kai συγκροτουμένης εὐαρεστήσεσιν, ἐπιγράφόν-
ται δὲ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τὰ παρεμπίπτοντα, διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν
πλείονα μέμψιν καὶ ἀνίαν τῶν δρωμένων οὐ συνετῶς καὶ
τὴν εὐφροσύνην ὡσαύτως τῶν κατορθουμένων. ἐπιεικῶς
εἷς αὐτοὺς παραγίνεσθαι, ὥσπερ εἰς τοὺς τῶν ἁρμάτων
ἰθυντῆρας καὶ μὴ τοὺς ἵππους τὰ ἐντεῦθεν ἀποτελέσ-
ματα.
12 Τούτου δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ σκυθικοῦ οἱ μὲν τὸν Ἴστρον
ἀντιπεραιωθέντες λιμῷ δυσθεραπεύτῳ διαφθειρόμενοι διὰ
τὸ καὶ σιτίων ἀπορεῖν καὶ μηδὲ καρπῶν προσδοκίαν ἔχειν,
ἀσπάρτου καὶ ἀνηρότου τῆς γῆς αὐτῶν ἐαθείσης, εἰς ὀλί-
γους ἀπετελεύτησαν καὶ τούτους, φασί, τῷ τῶν Μυρμιδό-
νων ἄρχοντι προσρνῆναι καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ διασπαρῆναι ταῖς
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν πόλεσι καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν γῆν ἔρημον ἀνθρώπων
καταλειφθῆναι παντάπασιν. Ὅσοι δὲ προσῆλθον τῷ τῶν
Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ, καὶ γὰρ προσῆλθον τινές, χώραν λαβόν-
τες δημοσίαν ἀπὸ τῆς Μακεδονικῆς, τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐφρόνη-
σαν καὶ σύμμαχοι τούτων ἐξ ἐκείνου μέχρι τῆς δεῦρο γε-
γόνασι, καθὰ δὴ καὶ τῶν Πατζινάκων τινὲς ὅσοι τούτοις
παρωμοιωμένως μετέθεντο καὶ ἀξιωμάτων συγκλητικῶν
καὶ λαμπρῶν ἠξιώθησαν.
 CHAPTER I4

that unhappy sufferings constitute punishment for human

sins, while happy experiences are solely divine rewards and
not the prizes of imperial virtue, given that the good things
under discussion affected everyone generally and were not
limited to specific persons, he would not offend against
what is fitting to say, for all [87] good things come from
above. Divine goodwill is indeed secured for us through ac-
tive prayer accompanied by good deeds that please God.
But the emperors are held more responsible for what ac-
tually befalls us, since they are blamed and reproached for
what they do not do well and praised for what they accom-
plish prudently, as if the results of a race were due to the
drivers of the chariots and not the horses.
As for this Skythian nation, some crossed the Danube I2

and were destroyed by a famine against which there was no

recourse, for they had no food and no hope of foraging for
it, as their land had neither been plowed nor sown. Only
a few of them survived and they, it is said, went over to the
ruler of the Myrmidons? and were distributed by him
among several cities, thereby leaving their own land alto-
gether empty of people. But those who came over to the
emperor of the Romans—and some did—received public
lands in Macedonia, made the Romans' interest their own,
and have been their allies down to this day In the same way,
some of the Pechenegs who came over to our side in a simi-
lar fashion were also honored with illustrious senatorial of-
fices.

159
 15

LI δὲ τούτου τοῦ ἔτους κατὰ τὸν Σεπτέμβριον μῆνα

Ι δηλαδὴ τῆς δευτέρας ἐπινεμήσεως, εἰκοστὴν καὶ τρίτην
ἄγοντος τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνός, περὶ δευτέραν νυκτὸς φυλακὴν
γέγονεν ἀθρόον σεισμὸς ἐξαίσιος, τῶν πώποτε γενομένων
ἐκπληκτικώτερος, ἐκ τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν ἀρξάμενος.
Ἰοσοῦτος δὲ ἦν τὸ μέγεθος, ὡς καὶ οἰκίας ἀνατρέψαι πολ-
λάς, ὀλίγας δὲ ἀνυβρίστους καταλιπεῖν, οὐδὲ ναοὶ τῆς τού-
του σφοδρότητος ἀθιγεῖς μεμενήκασιν ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ
κατά τινα μέρη, ἔστι δ᾽ οἷς καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα περιερράγησαν
καὶ κίονες ὥσπερ τισὶ λαξευτηρίοις περιεδρύφθησαν. Οὐ
γὰρ ἅπαξ προσβαλών, ὡς τὰ πολλὰ εἰώθει, ἐλώφηδσεν,
ἀλλὰ μετὰ σφοδρότητος κινήσεις τρεῖς προσεχῶς ἐτελέ-
σθησαν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν κωκυτὸς μέγιστος καὶ φόβος ὅσος οὐδέπω
τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐπέπεσε: καὶ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐξιόντες τὸ σύνη-
θες ἐπιφώνημα πρὸς Θεὸν ἀνεβόων καὶ γυναῖκες θαλα-
μευόμεναι τῷ φόβῳ κατασεισθεῖσαι τὴν αἰδῶ περιεῖλον
καὶ τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ἐφίσταντο τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπαφιεῖσαι φωνήν.
Εἴτα τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης ἄχρι τῶν δέκα καὶ δώδεκα τρόμοι
τῆς γῆς ἠκολούθησαν τῶν προηγησαμένων πολλῷ τῷ
περιόντι ἐλάττονες, ἢ γὰρ ἂν εἰ τοῖς πρώην ἐξίσωνται,
οὐδὲν ἦν τὸ κωλῦσον μὴ οὐχὶ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν κτῆσιν
δι ἧς ἐπεπόλασε καὶ ἣν ἐπῆλθεν ἐκ βάθρων αὐτῶν

160
 Chapter 15

The earthquake of September 23, 1063

Betore this year, in the month of September [88] of the

second indiction, on the twenty-third of that month, during
the second watch of the night, there was a sudden powerful
earthquake, more frightening than any that had happened
before, and it began in the western regions. It was so great in
magnitude that it overturned many houses, leaving only a
few undamaged.! Nor did churches remain untouched by
its ferocity, but some suffered cracks in a few places while
others suffered serious structural damage, their columns
fractured as if cleanly hewn that way. For it did not strike
only once and then, as usually happens, cease, but it con-
sisted of three violent motions in succession, which caused
people to lament loudly and feel a terror the likes of which
humanity had never known. People came out of their houses
intoning the usual invocation to God,’ and even women
confined to their chambers were so gripped by fear that they
set aside their modesty and rushed outdoors to add their
voices to the same invocations. During that night another
ten to twelve tremors of the earth ensued, though they were
far less violent than the previous ones. For had they been
equal to the first ones, nothing would have prevented every
single building they reached and affected from falling down

161
 THE HISTORY

ἀνατραπῆναι καὶ εἰς οὐδὲν χρησιμεῦσαι kal παγγενεὶ τοὺς

οἰκήτορας πάντας οἰκτίστου θανάτου γεύσασθαι.
Kad’ ὃν δὴ λόγον καὶ τοῖς φυσιολογοῦσι περὶ σεισμῶν,
ὡς εἰκῇ καὶ ἀναισθήτως διὰ τῆς τοῦ ὕδατος ἐν τοῖς κοίλοις
τῆς γῆς κινήσεως καὶ τῆς τῶν ἀνέμων ἐν τούτοις δινήσεως
ὁ κλόνος προσγίνεται, ἀνατέτραπται τὸ ἐννόημα, εἰ γὰρ
ἐκ μόνης τῆς βίας αὐτῶν ὁπόταν ἐν τοῖς κοιλώμασι τῆς
γῆς περιελιχθεῖεν καὶ διάπνοιαν συμπεπιλημένην λάβοιεν,
καθὼς οὗτοι φασίν, ἡ συγκίνησις ἐτελεῖτο, κἂν ἀταξίαν
εἶχεν ὁ κλόνος καὶ οὐχὶ μέχρι πτώσεως ἀκαταπτώτως τὴν
ἄπλετον ἔληγεν ὁρμήν, ἵνα μὴ τὸ πᾶν αὐτίκα καταποθῇ.
Nov δὲ διὰ τῆς τοσαύτης καὶ συμμέτρου παρακινήσεως
δείκνυται θεοσημίας ἔργον ὁ κλόνος, εἰς ἀναστολὴν καὶ
παίδευσιν τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ὁρμῶν, καὶ τῆς θείας ἀνεξι-
κακίας ἡ ἐπιτίμησις, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μὴ ἄρδην ἀπολέσθαι τὸ γένος
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστρέψαι πρὸς τὰ βελτίονα. Τὸ δ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιπνοίας ἀνε-
μιαίας εἴτε μὴν ὑδάτων κινήσεως γίνεσθαι τὸν σεισμόν,
οὐκ ἄκαιρον οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸ πρὸς φυσικὴν συγκατασκευήν,
ἐνδέχεται γὰρ τοῦτο καὶ πάνυ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ αὐτομάτως ἡ
ἐπισκίρτησις, τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ ἀνατρεπόμενον παρ᾽
ἡμῶν, ἀλλ’ ἐκ θείου βουλήματος, ὅτι μὴ ἀμέσως τὸ θεῖον
τὰ περὶ τὴν γηΐνην φύσιν οἰκονομεῖ, οὕτω γὰρ καὶ δετοῦ
ἡ νεφῶν συμπίλησις καὶ βροντῆς ἡ τούτων σύγκρουσις
καὶ ἀστραπῆς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ παραίτιοι καταφαίνονται, ἀλλὰ τὸ
πᾶν τῆς θείας γνώμης κατὰ τοὺς εὐσεβοῦντας ἐξήρτηται.
Ἐν δὲ τοῖς μακεδονικοῖς μέρεσιν αἱ παράλιοι πόλεις
Kat’ ἐκείνην τὴν νύκτα μᾶλλον τῶν ἄλλων πεπόνθασι, |
Ῥαιδεστός τε φημὶ καὶ Πάνιον καὶ αὐτὸ Μυριόφυτον, ὡς

162
 CHAPTER 15

to its foundations and being rendered useless, and all of their ^

inhabitants would have tasted a most horrible death.
For this reason one theory of those who investigate earth-
quakes as natural phenomena was overturned, namely that
the tremors are caused at random and without warning by
the flow of water in [89] the hollows of the earth and the
turbulence of the winds there. For if the motion was caused,
as they claim, solely by the violence of those elements as
they twist around in the hollows of the earth and create
flows of compressed air, then the tremors would not have
any order to them and their vast and irrepressible force
would not cease at the point of collapse, lest the entire world
be subsequently destroyed. On this occasion the tremor was
revealed as a sign sent from God, given that the turbulent
motion was both large and also orderly, and its purpose was
to restrain and control human urges. This sanction is the
work of divine forbearance whose goal is not to utterly de-
stroy mankind but turn it to a better path. That earthquakes
are caused by air flows or the motion of the waters is not out
of place considering the interconnected structure of nature,
and it is even likely to be true to a certain extent. However,
the shaking does not happen randomly— this is what is be-
ing refuted by us— rather, it is caused by divine will, given
that God does not govern the things of this world in an un-
mediated way. Thus, the immediate cause of rain appears to
be the gathering of clouds and the cause of thunder and
lightning their crashing together, but everything, according
to those who think in a pious way, depends on divine will.
In the regions of Macedonia the coastal cities suffered
more on that night than the others, [90] I mean Raidestos
and Panion and Myriophyton, where whole sections of the

163
 THE HISTORY

καὶ μέρη τειχῶν ἐξ αὐτῆς ὑποβάθρας ἀνατραπῆναι καὶ

πλείστας οἰκίας καὶ φόνον ἐπιγενέσθαι πολύν. Ἐν δὲ τῷ
Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἡ Κύζικος, ὁπότε καὶ τὸ ἐν αὐτῇ ἑλληνικὸν
ἱερὸν κατεσείσθη καὶ τῷ πλείστῳ μέρει κατέπεσε, 'μέγι-
στον ὃν χρῆμα πρὸς θέαν δι᾽ ὀχυρότητα καὶ λίθου τοῦ
καλλίστου τε καὶ μεγίστου τεχνικωτάτην ἁρμονίαν τε καὶ
ἀνοικοδομὴν καὶ ὕψους καὶ μεγέθους διάρκειαν.
Ἀπὸ τότε δὲ καὶ μέχρις ἐνιαυτῶν δύο σποράδες ἐπε-
φοίτων σεισμοὶ κατὰ διαφόρους καιροὺς καὶ τὸ θάμβος
μέγιστον ὅσον περιεγένετο τοῖς βροτοῖς. Ἦσαν γάρ τινες
ἔξωροι ὅσοι παρεοικότας σεισμοὺς τῷ μεγίστῳ δύο ἀνέφε-
pov, οἱ μὲν τοῦτον, οἱ δ᾽ ἐκείνους κατὰ σύγκρισιν ὑπεραί-
ροντες καὶ παρηκολουθηκέναι τότε 51 ἡμερῶν τεσσαρά-
κοντα καὶ μὴ πλείω βραχεῖς τινὰς προσεπέφερον, τὸ δὲ διὰ
διετοῦς χρόνου κλονεῖσθαι τὴν γῆν πᾶσιν ἀμνημόνευτον
ἦν καὶ μηδ᾽ ἱστορίᾳ περιληπτόν. Ἀγαθίας γὰρ περὶ τοῦ ἐν
ταῖς ἡμέραις τοῦ Ἰουστινιανοῦ συμβεβηκότος σεισμοῦ γε-
γραφὼς καὶ καταπληκτικὸν τοῦτον καὶ μέγιστον συγγρα-
ψάμενος ὡς καὶ κίονας ἀποσφενδονᾶσθαι τοῦδε τοῦ οἴκου
πρὸς ἕτερον, τοὺς μετὰ ταῦτα τρόμους ἐλάττονας ἄχρι
τεσσαρακονθημέρου καὶ μὴ περαιτέρω προβῆναι ἱστό-
pnke-
Μετὰ δὲ τὴν διετίαν σεισμοῦ | γενομένου μείζονος μὲν
τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα συχνῶν, ἐλάττονος δὲ τοῦ πρώην μεγίστου,
πέπονθε πτῶσιν ἡ κατὰ Βιθυνίαν Νίκαια καὶ πανωλεθρίαν
μικροῦ δεῖν καὶ καταστροφὴν παντελῆ, οἱ γὰρ ἐπισημό-
τατοι ταύτης ναοὶ καὶ μέγιστοι, ὅ τ᾽ Ex’ ὀνόματι τῆς τοῦ
Θεοῦ λόγου Σοφίας καθιδρυμένος καὶ καθιερωμένος τῇ

164
 CHAPTER I$

walls collapsed to their very foundations along with many

houses, and many people died. In the Hellespont, Kyzikos
was especially struck, where the ancient Greek temple was
also shaken and most of it collapsed. This had been quite a
sight to behold on account of the solidity of its construc-
tion, the technical harmony by which it was built out of
beautiful and great blocks, as well as on account of its height
and size.
From that time on and for two years earthquakes contin-
ued to occur sporadically at various times, leaving mortal
men speechless in wonder. There were some very old people
who claimed that there had been two earthquakes similar to
the major one now, some of them finding this recent one to
have been bigger in comparison while others found for the
other two, adding that they had been followed by other
smaller ones for forty days but no longer. That the earth
would shake for two years is something altogether unheard-
of and found in no book of history. For Agathias wrote about
the earthquake which occurred in the time of Justinian and
described it as so powerful and large that columns were
hurled from one house to another; he also recounted that
the subsequent smaller quakes lasted for forty days but not
longer.?
After the two-year period, an earthquake [91] occurred
that was larger than the frequent aftershocks, but smaller
than the initial one. It happened at Nikaia in Bithynia and
brought almost total devastation and ruin to the place. Its
most important and large churches—the one founded in
honor of the Wisdom of the Word of God, which was also
 THE HISTORY

μητροπόλει xai ὁ τῶν Ἁγίων Πατέρων, ἔνθαπερ ἡ κατὰ

τοῦ Ἀρείου σύνοδος τοῖς ὁσιωτάτοις καὶ ὀρθοδόξοις ée-
βαιώθη πατράσι καὶ τὸ ὀρθότομον ἐπαρρησιάσθη καὶ τη-
λαυγέστερον ἡλίου διέλαμψε, συνταραχθέντες κατηδα.-
φίσθησαν καὶ τὰ τείχη τῆς ὁμοίας τύχης σὺν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς
οἰκήμασι μετεσχήκασι. Καὶ an’ ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέραςτὰ τοῦ
τρόμου κατέληξεν, ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα καὶ εἴσπραξις apaptn-
μάτων καὶ χόλος θεῖος ἐξάπαντος, ἠνίττοντο δὲ ὡς ἔοικε
καὶ τὴν τοῦ εἰρημένου ἔθνους ἐπιφοίτησιν καὶ κατάλυσιν,
ἐν γὰρ ταῖς θεοσημείαις πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις καί τι μέλ-
λον ἐπισκῆψαι προτεθεώρηται.
Μαΐου δὲ μηνὸς τῆς δ΄ ἰνδικτιῶνος ἐνδιϊππεύοντος,
ἐφάνη κομήτης ἀστὴρ κατόπιν τοῦ ἡλίου δύντος τὸ μέγε-
Bos σεληναῖον φέρων ὅταν f| σελήνη πλησιφαὴς γένήται
καὶ ἐῴκει μὲν τηνικαῦτα καπνόν τινα καὶ ὁμίχλην ἐκπέμ-
πειν. Ev δὲ τῇ ἐπιούσῃ ἤρξατο παραδεικνύειν βοστρύχους
τινὰς καὶ ὅσον οὗτοι προεπετάννυντο, τοσοῦτον τὸ μέγε-
θος τοῦ ἀστέρος ὑπέληγεν. Ἀπέτεινε δὲ τὰς ἀκτῖνας ὡς
πρὸς ἑῴαν καὶ ὡς πρὸς | ἐκείνην προήρχετο καὶ ἦν ἐπι-
κρατῶν ἄχρις ἡμερῶν τεσσαράκοντα.
Ἀπὸ δὲ μηνὸς Ὀκτωβρίου νόσος ἐνσκήψασα τῷ βασιλεῖ
ἄχρι τοῦ ἐπιόντος Μαΐου μηνὸς κατέτρυχεν, ἐν αὐτῷ δὲ
κατειργάσατο τοῦτον καὶ τῆς ἐνταῦθα ζωῆς ἀπεστέρησεν.
'H δὲ ὁσία τούτου οὐκ ἔνθαπερ προσεδόκησε γέγονεν
ἀλλὰ διαπόντιος ἀχθεὶς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀκατίων τῆς Χρυσῆς
Πόρτης ἐκτός, περί τι φροντιστήριον En’ ὀνόματι τοῦ
ἁγίου Νικολάου καθιδρυμένον εἴς τινα σορὸν προκατε-
σκευασμένην ἑτέρῳ ἐναπετέθη, ζήσας ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ χρό-
vov ἑπτὰ καὶ μῆνας ἕξ.
166
 CHAPTER 15

the cathedral, and the one of the Holy Fathers, where the
Council of the most Holy and Orthodox Fathers against
Areios confirmed its decisions and where Orthodoxy was
proclaimed openly to shine brighter than the sun^'— those
churches, then, were shaken and collapsed as did the walls
of the city along with many private dwellings. And on that
day the shaking ceased. These events were earned by our
sins and were surely caused by divine anger; but it seems also
that they were a predictive sign of the invasion by that na-
tion, which I mentioned, and its destruction, for in divine
signs it is possible to glimpse not only the things that we
have already spoken about but also some things to come.
During the course of the month of May of the fourth in-
diction, a bright comet appeared after the sun had set,!*°
which was as large as the moon when it is full, and it gave the
impression that it was spewing forth smoke and mist. On
the following day it began to send out some tendrils and the
longer they grew the smaller the comet became. These rays
stretched toward the east, the direction toward which [92] it
was proceeding, and this lasted for forty days.
From the month of October until the following May, the
emperor was afflicted by illness, which wore him out and so
he departed from this life.’ His funeral did not take place
where he had expected, but instead he was taken by sea in a
boat outside the Golden Gate to a monastery dedicated to
and named after Saint Nikolaos, and he was laid to rest in a
casket that had been previously made for someone else. He
reigned for seven years and six months.
 τό

Ur
Ka κατέσχον τὰ σκῆπτρα τῆς βασιλείας ἥ τε σύμβιος
αὐτοῦ Εὐδοκία καὶ οἱ παῖδες, προκατησφαλίσθη γὰρ ἡ
αὐγοῦστα μὴ δευτέροις γάμοις προσομιλήσαι ἀρχιερατικῇ
καὶ συγκλητικῇ συνελεύσει.
"Hv γὰρ τῆς συνόδου προέξάρχων καὶ τὴν πατριαρχίαν
κοσμῶν Ἰωάννης ὁ ἐπικεκλημένος Ξιφιλῖνος, ἐκ Tpane-
ζοῦντος μὲν ὡρμημένος, ἀνὴρ δὲ σοφὸς καὶ παιδεύσεως
εἰς ἄκρον ἐληλακὼς κἀν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς περίβλεπτος γε-
γονὼς καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς εὐφρόνως ἐπιμελούμενος, ὥστε τοῖς
βασιλείοις ἔτι ἐμφιλοχωρῶν καὶ τὰ πρῶτα φέρων παρὰ τῷ
βασιλεῖ τὴν μοναχικὴν πολιτείαν ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς εὐημερίας
καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας ἀσπάσασθαι καὶ τὸν ἀναχωρητικὸν βίον
περὶ τὸ Ὀλύμπιον ὄρος ἑλόμενος, χρόνον ἐπὶ συχνὸν ἦν
διαλάμπων Er’ ἀρετή καὶ φόβῳ Θεοῦ. Καὶ διατοῦτο τοῦ
πατριάρχου | θανόντος καὶ πολλῶν ἀνερευνηθέντων, οὐδ-
εὶς ἄξιος πλὴν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν τοιοῦτον ἐλογίσθη βαθμόν,
εἰ καὶ ἀπαναινόμενος, ἐδιώχθη πρὸς τῆς τιμῆς καὶ λαμπτὴρ
τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας καὶ πατριάρχης οἰκουμενικὸς
ἐχρημάτισε.
Mera δὲ τὸ τὸν βασιλέα τεθνάναι πάλιν οἱ τὴν ἑῴαν
κατατρέχοντες Οὖννοι περὶ Μεσοποταμίαν γενόμενοι

168
 Chapter 16

Seljuk attacks and the accession of

Romanos IV Diogenes (1067-1068)

The imperial scepters now came to his wife Eudokia and

their children, for the Augusta had been bound in advance
before an assembly of the Senate and the ecclesiastical hier-
archy not to enter upon a second marriage.
Leading the ecclesiastical synod and adorning the patri-
archate was Ioannes who was surnamed Xiphilinos,^? from
Trebizond by origin, a wise man who was extremely well ed-
ucated and had an illustrious political career. He was so
deeply concerned for virtue that while he was still occupied
with palace affairs and in the highest favor in the eyes of the
emperor, he embraced the monastic way of life, even though
he was at the peak of his prosperity and age. Yet he preferred
to lead the life of an anchorite on Mount Olympos,'© where
he remained for a long time and shone on account of his vir-
tue and fear of God. For this reason when the patriarch
[93] died and many men were proposed and examined, none
of them was deemed to be worthy of that rank except him.
Even though he was not willing, he was compelled to accept
and became a beacon of the Great Church and ecumenical
patriarch.
After the death of the emperor, the Huns, who had
been rampaging through the east, again appeared in
 THE HISTORY

ἐφήδρευον τοῖς περὶ Μελιτηνὴν ἐστρατοπεδευμένοις pu.

μαϊκοῖς τάγμασιν, οἵπερ τοῦ ὀψωνιασμοῦ ὑστερήσαντος͵
ἐνδεῶς εἶχον καὶ ταπεινῶς καὶ ὀργίλως διὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν καὶ
οὐδὲ τοῖς ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ στρατιώταις Ῥωμαίοις ἴσχυσαν
συνελθεῖν, μὴ βουληθέντες τὸν Εὐφράτην διαπερᾶσαι.
Erepxoutvwv οὖν τῶν βαρβάρων διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ, avr
ἐστησαν οὗτοι διασπαρέντες περὶ τὰς διεξόδους αὐτοῦ.
καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἑκηβόλων τυγχάνοντες, εὐμαρῶς αὐτοὺς
ἄποθεν κατετίτρωσκον, ἀπαθεῖς αὐτοὶ διαμένοντες, ἕως
ἠνάγκασαν τούτους εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν καὶ τὴν μά.
xnv συστήσασθαι. Καὶ πάλιν οἱ τοῖς χείλεσιν ἐφιστάμενοι
τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπετοξάζοντο καὶ κακῶς ἄγαν διετίθουν
καὶ νῶτα δοῦναι παρεβιάσαντο. Καὶ τροπῆς γενομένης,
ἔπεσον συχνοὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἕτεροι δὲ ζωγρείᾳ ἐλήφθη-
σαν, οἱ δὲ περισωθέντες τῷ ἄστει τῆς Μελιτηνῆς ἀνεσώ-
θησαν. Περιφρονήσαντες δὲ τούτους οἱ βάρβαροι, ὡς ἤδη
καταστραφέντων καὶ καταστρατηγηθέντων ὁλοσχερῶς,
ἐκτρέχουσιν | ἄχρι Καισαρείας καταληϊζόμενοι πάντα καὶ
καταστρέφοντες καὶ πῦρ αὐτοῖς ἐπανάπτοντες. Kai τῷ με-
γάλῳ σηκῷ τοῦ ἐν ἱεράρχαις περιωνύμου ἁγίου Βασιλείου
ἐπεισπηδήσαντες, δῃοῦσι μὲν ἅπαντα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ διαρπά-
ζουσι, προσραγέντες δὲ καὶ τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου σορῷ τῷ ἁγίῳ
μὲν τούτῳ λειψάνῳ δρᾶσαί τι πονηρὸν οὐδαμῶς ἠδυνήθη-
σαν, προκατησφάλιστο γὰρ καὶ περιεδεδόμητο κτίσμασιν
ὀχυροῖς καὶ χρόνου πολλοῦ πρὸς καθαίρεσιν δεομένοις,
τὰ δὲ τὴν ὀπὴν περιστέλλοντα θύρια, πολυτελῶς καὶ
ἀφθόνως ἐξειργασμένα χρυσῷ καὶ μαργάροις καὶ λίθοις,
ἐξαίρουσι: καὶ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον ὁμοῦ συμφορήσαντες,

170
 CHAPTER 16

Mesopotamia’ and Jay in wait for the Roman units en-

camped around Melitene. Provisions for the latter had been
delayed, and they were lacking in necessities, miserable, and
on account of the scarcity. They failed to join forces
with the Roman soldiers in Mesopotamia because they did
not want to cross the Euphrates. So when the barbarians at-
tacked along the river, these soldiers had to make a stand
scattered among the various fords. The barbarians, who
were prepared to shoot from a distance, easily wounded
them from afar while remaining untouched themselves, to
che point where they forced them to go into the river and
fight them there. At the same time, the enemy who stood on
the banks kept shooting at the Romans, causing many casu-
alties and forcing them to turn and run. In this flight a large
number of Romans fell, while others were taken captive.
The survivors found safety in the city of Melitene, but they
were contemptuously ignored by the barbarians for they
were already beaten in battle and utterly outmarshaled. The
barbarians then raided {94} as far as Kaisareia, pillaging and
destroying everything and setting it all on fire. They broke
into the great shrine of the illustrious hierarch, Saint Basil,
and tore it apart, looting all the sacred furnishings. They
even broke open the saint's tomb, but were utterly unable to
profane his holy relics, for these were securely enclosed in a
strong structure, which would have taken a long time to tear
down. But they did take away the panels that covered the
opening, which were skillfully and exquisitely made of gold,
pearls, and precious stones. They completely wiped out the

171
 THE HISTORY

αἴρουσιν ἐκεῖθεν, πολλοὺς £v τῇ Καισαρέων μητροπόλει

σφαγῇ παραδόντες καὶ τὸν ναὸν καταχράναντες.
Καὶ μεταστραφέντες διέρχονται τοὺς εἰς Κιλικίαν ἄγον.
τας στενωπούς, μηδενὸς προγνόντος τὴν τούτων ἔφοδον͵
καὶ τοῖς Κίλιξιν ἐπιφανέντες ἐκπλήκτως ἐμφόβους eip-
γάσαντο, φόνον πολὺν ποιοῦντες τῶν παρεμπιπτόντων
αὐτοῖς, χρονίσαντες δὲ τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ καταλυμηνάμενοι
ταύτην καὶ λαφύρων τὰς οἰκείας ἐπιθυμίας ἐμπλήσαντες,
Προαυτομολήσαντος ἐκεῖσε τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπιφανοῦς
Ἀμερτικῆ λεγομένου καὶ δυσμενοῦς ὄντος τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
καθόπερ τὰς ὁμολογίας τούτοις ἐψεύσατο. Καὶ γὰρ προσ-
ελθὼν πρότερον τῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ τῷ Γέροντι καὶ
μεγάλων τυχὼν δεξιώσεων παρῆν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ: κατ.
ηγορηθεὶς δὲ παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ Κωνσταντίνῳ τῷ Δούκᾳ ὡς
μέλλοι τοῦτον μαχαίρᾳ διαχειρίσασθαι, κατεκρίθη φυγήν,
Elta γενομένης αὐτῷ τῆς καθόδου, ἀπεστάλη κατὰ τῶν
Οὔννων τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὑπερμαχήσων καὶ τηνικαῦτα δι᾽
αἰτίαν τῆς τῶν στρατιωτικῶν σιτηρεσίων ὑποκρατήσεως
τῷ ἄρχοντι προσερρύη τοῦ Χάλεπ. Εἰ δ᾽ εὐφρόνως κατὰ
τῆς οἰκείας ἀπεστάλη μερίδος, καίτοι κακωθεὶς ὁ βάρβα-
ρος καὶ μηδὲ μέλλων τῶν ὑπεσχημένων τυγχάνειν σιτη-
ρεσίων, τοῖς ἀναγινώσκουσιν ἐξετάζειν παρίημι.
Γενόμενοι τοίνυν κατὰ τὸ Χάλεπ οἱ Οὖννοι καὶ προσ-
αναμιχθέντες αὐτῷ τε τῷ συγκαλεσαμένῳ καὶ τοῖς παρα-
κειμένοις Ἄραψι, τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ Ἀντιόχειαν καὶ τὰς παρ᾽
αὐτῇ πόλεις καὶ κώμας ἀπανθρώπως ἐμάστιζον καὶ ἡ
μάστιξ σφαγαὶ καὶ πυρπολήσεις καὶ ἀνδραποδισμοὶ καὶ
λαφυραγωγίαι καὶ ὅσα ταῖς βαρβαρικαῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς

172
 CHAPTER τό

beauty of the place and departed from there after slaughter-

ing many people in the metropolis of Kaisareia and defiling
the church.
Turning back, they passed through the narrow passes
leading into Kilikia without anyone knowing ahead of time
that they were coming. When they did appear, the Kilikians
were panic-stricken and terrified. The barbarians massacred
many of the people they chanced upon and spent some time
in that area, devastating it and satiating their appetite for
Junder. One of their prominent men, named Amertikes,
had changed sides there.'? He was very hostile to the Ro-
mans because he had been deceived in his dealings with
them. He had formerly come to the emperor of the Romans,
who was then the Old Man,'® and was splendidly received
during his stay in the Reigning City. But he was accused be-
fore the emperor Konstantinos Doukas of plotting to stab
him [95] and was condemned to exile.!? Then, after his re-
turn, he was sent out to fight for the Romans against the
Huns, and it was then that he went over to the ruler of
Aleppo because the money for the soldiers' rations was
withheld. Now, whether it was prudent to send this barbar-
ian against his own people, especially when he had been ill-
treated and would not have even received the promised ra-
tion money, I leave to my readers to investigate.
At any rate, the Huns went to Aleppo and joined with its
ruler, who had invited them, and with the Arabs of those re-
gions. They cruelly scourged Syrian Antioch and the nearby
cities and towns, and by scourge I mean massacres, burning
to the ground, taking captives, pillaging, and all the hostile
actions that accompany barbarian invasions. Obviously, an

173
 THE HISTORY

συμπαρέπονται. ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ ἔδει στρατιὰν ἐς αὐτοὺς πεμ-

φθῆναι, συνήθροιστο μὲν ἀξιόλογον στράτευμα καὶ ἡγε-
μόνες τούτου προέστησαν. Ἡ δὲ φειδωλία ἄπρακτα πάλιν
καὶ ἀκλεῆ κατειργάσατο, οὐ γὰρ ὁλοκληρίαν ἠθέλησαν οἱ
κρατοῦντες τοῦ ὀψωνιασμοῦ παρασχεῖν ἀνθρώποις πολέ.
pois! καὶ μάχαις κακοπαθήσειν ὀφείλουσιν, ἀλλὰ μέρει τινὶ
τούτους ἐλαχίστῳ πρὸς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀγῶνα παρα.
κινῆσαι ἐσπούδασαν. Ἀπέτυχον δὲ τῶν ὅλων ὁμοῦ, τὸ μὲν
γὰρ ὀψώνιον οἱ στρατιῶται ἐδέξαντο, κατὰ δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων
πορευθῆναι οὐ κατεδέξαντο, μέρος τι τῶν προῦστερησάν-
των αὐτοῖς λογισάμενοι τοῦτο’ καὶ φωνὴν ἐγείραντες ἄση-
μον, εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα διεσκεδάσθησαν.
Καὶ πάλιν ἦσαν οἱ βάρβαροι τὴν ῥωμαϊκὴν χώραν ἀδεῶς
κατατρέχοντες. Εἶτα νεολαίαν τινὰ μικροῖς ἀναλώμασιν
ἀθροίσαντες, οἱ περὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς τούτους ἐγχειρίζουσι
τῷ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ ἡγεμονεύοντι, ot δρᾶσαι μέν τι μὴ δυνη-
θέντες γενναῖον, ἀπειροπόλεμοι τινὲς καὶ δύσιπποι καὶ
ἄνοπλοι σχεδὸν καθεστῶτες, πολλὰ δὲ παθόντες ἀνήκε-
στα εἰς τὴν σφῶν δυσκλεῶς ὑπέστρεψαν γῆν. Tod παρα-
λαβόντος αὐτοὺς δουκός, ἦν δὲ ὁ μάγιστρος Νικηφόρος
ὁ Βοτανειάτης, μετὰ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ὑπ-
ασπιστῶν τὴν τῶν βαρβάρων δι᾽ οἰκείας ἀρετῆς καὶ γεν-
ναιότητος καὶ φρονήσεως ἀνατρέποντος καὶ καταβάλλον-
τος ἔφοδον, κἀκείνου δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς παραλυθέντος, ἔκτοτε
τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐθρασύνετο πλέον καὶ εἰς στενὸν κο-
μιδῇ τὰ τῶν πόλεων περιΐστατο, σιτοδείας πιεζούσης αὐτὰς
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἐνδείας.

174
 CHAPTER 16

army had to be sent out against them and a good-sized force

was mustered and officers placed in command, but again
stinginess made it all ineffectual and inglorious. For those in
power did not want to pay a full salary to men who would
have to endure a war and the hardships of battle, and they
cried to encourage them to risk their lives by giving them
only the tiniest recompense. The result was that they failed
in every respect. For the soldiers accepted the money on the
one hand, but not the idea that they should march against
the enemy, since they thought the sum was only a portion of
what they were already owed. They raised some meaningless
shouts and then dispersed [96] to their homes.
Once more the barbarians raided Roman territory with.
impunity. The emperors’ men then assembled a band of
youths at little expense and put them under the command
of the governor in Ántioch.'5 But they were unable to do
anything noteworthy: they had no experience of war, could
not ride a horse properly, and were practically without weap-
ons. After suffering many hardships, they returned inglori-
ously to their own territory. The doux who had received
them—this was the magistros Nikephoros Botaneiates—
managed, through his own virtue, bravery, and intelligence,
to repel and suppress the barbarian raiding by employing lo-
cal soldiers together with his own retainers. But when he
too was relieved of his command, the barbarians grew bolder
and the cities were reduced to very narrow straits, squeezed
by the lack of food and scarcity of other provisions.

175
 THE HISTORY

7 AAN ἐπείπερ ἔδει βασιλέως ἐπιστασίαν γενέσθαι δυνα.

μένου ἐν τοιούτοις καιροῖς διεξάγειν τὰ πράγματα καὶ
ἀντεπεξάγειν ἑαυτὸν τοῖς ἐναντίοις μετὰ καρτεροῦ τοῦ
συντάγματος, ἐψηφίζετο μὲν ἀξιολογώτατος ὁ ῥηθεὶς Bo.
τανειάτης, ὡς διαφέρων τῶν ἄλλων ὅσον ἀστέρων ἥλιος.
ὁ δὲ φθόνος καὶ ij ἄδικος κρίσις ἀνεβάλετο μὲν τότε τὸ
δέον, ἕτερον δὲ συγγενέα τούτου ἀντεψηφίσατο δι᾽ αἰτίας
ἴσως ἀπορρήτους ἀνθρώποις, οἷα τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ κρίματα,
ἐδόκει μὲν γὰρ ἡ τοσαύτη τῶν ἐθνῶν ἔπαρσις καὶ κατα-
κοπὴ τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους τελούντων, ὀργὴ κατὰ τῶν αἱ-
ρετικῶν | ol τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Μεσοποταμίαν καὶ ἄχρι Av-
κανδοῦ καὶ Μελιτηνής καὶ τῶν παρακειμένων οἰκοῦσιν
Ἀρμένιοι καὶ οἱ τὴν ἰουδαϊκὴν τοῦ Νεστορίου καὶ τὴν τῶν
Ἀκεφάλων θρησκεύοντες αἵρεσιν, καὶ γὰρ πλήθουσιν αἱ
χῶραι τῆς τοιαύτης κακοδοξίας: ἐπὰν δὲ καὶ τῶν ὀρθοδό-
ἕων ἥψατο τὸ δεινόν, εἰς ἀμηχανίαν ἦσαν πάντες οἱ τὰ
Ῥωμαίων θρησκεύοντες.
Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ἀνίσταταί τις τῶν εὐπατριδῶν, Ῥωμανὸς
βεστάρχης ᾧ τὸ ἐπίκλην Διογένης, οὗτος γὰρ καὶ πρότε-
ρον μὲν ὁρῶν ἐκ τῆς τῶν κρατούντων αἰτίας καὶ τῶν
ἐκεῖθεν ὑστερημάτων ἀναπληρσύμενα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τὰ θε-
λήματα καὶ μεγάλους γινομένους ταῖς μικρολογίαις τῶν.
Ῥωμαίων, ἐποτνιᾶτο
καὶ ἤσχαλλε καὶ ἀποστασίαν ὥδινεν,
οὐκ ἔρωτι μέν, ὡς διεβεβαιοῦτο ὕστερον, καὶ ἀπολαύσει
τῶν ἐξαιρέτων αὐτῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς τὰς τύχας ἀνορθῶσαι τῶν
ἤδη πεσόντων Ῥωμαίων, ὅτι μὴ κατὰ λόγον εἶχε τὰ
πράγματα. Ἐμπιστευθεὶς οὖν ἐπὶ τέλει τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦ
Δούκα τὴν τῆς Σαρδικῆς ἀρχήν, ἐβουλεύσατο τοὺς

176
 CHAPTER IÓ

Given that a situation of this sort demanded that an em-

eror be appointed who could govern affairs and who could
himself lead out a strong military force to oppose the enemy,
the aforementioned Botaneiates was deemed the most note-
worthy candidate, who outshone the others as the sun out-
shines the stars. But envious resentment and an unjust deci-
sion put off, at that time, what was right, and another
relative of his was preferred for reasons that remain perhaps
inscrutable to us mortals — such was the will of God. For it
seemed that such a large uprising of the foreign nations and
the slaughter of those who live under Roman authority could
be attributed only to his anger against the heretics, [97] that
is the Armenians dwelling in Iberia, Mesopotamia, and as
far as Lykandos and Melitene, and the vicinity and those
whose religion was the heretical, Jewish one of Nestorios
and the Akephaloi. For those lands abounded in such wicked
beliefs. But when disaster also struck the Orthodox, all who
followed the religion of the Romans were unsure what to
make of it.
But one from among the nobility rose up, Romanos, a ve-
starches, whose surname was Diogenes. For some time he
had seen that it was the fault of the rulers’ incompetence
that enabled the enemy to do whatever they wanted, and
that it was the parsimony of the Romans that made the en-
emy increase in strength. Indignant at this and saddened, he
was seriously thinking of rebellion, not, as was later claimed,
because he had a passion for power and wanted to enjoy its
advantages, but in order to raise up the fallen fortunes of the
Romans, for the state was not being governed rationally. En-
trusted with the command of Serdica in the final days of the

177
 THE HISTORY

Σαυρομάτας προσλαβέσθαι συνεργοὺς εἰς τὸ μελετώμε.

νον καὶ εἰς προῦπτον αὐτὸ ἀγαγεῖν, ἐπείθοντο γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι
τῷ ἀνδρὶ τούτῳ διὰ τὸ ἐκ τῆς ἀγχιθύρου στρατηγίας προ.
επιγινώσκεσθαι τοῦτον αὐτοῖς, ὁπότε τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἴστρον
ἄρχων πόλεων τούτοις ἀντεπολέμησε καὶ πεσεῖν ἐκινδύ.
νευσεν, εἰ μὴ ἐξείλετο τοῦτον ἀκαταγωνίστῳ ῥύμῃ καὶ
ῥώμῃ Νικηφόρος μάγιστρος ὁ Βοτανειάτης, τοῦτο γὰρ
ἐγὼ | διὰ χειλέων τοῦ Διογένους ὁμολογούμενον ἐπυθό.-
μην.
Γενομένων δὲ γραμμάτων πρὸς ἐκείνους ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τελεσθῆ-
vat καὶ τὰς συνθήκας δι᾿ ὅρκον, τῶν συμβούλων αὐτοῦ τις
τὸ γένος Ἀρμένιος, ὃς καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον αὐτὸν μειζόνως
ἠρέθισεν, ἐπεβουλεύσατο τούτῳ καὶ συμπείσας ἀποστεῖλαι
τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν μηνυτὰς τῶν βεβουλευμένων πρὸς σύμ-
πνοιαν ἄξοντας τῶν τε στρατηγούντων καὶ τῶν ὑπηκόων
τινάς, ὡς εἶδεν αὐτὸν ἐψιλωμένον χειρός, κατεῖπεν αὐτοῦ
ἐν τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις ὡς εἴη μεμελετηκὼς ἀποστασίαν, μᾶλλον
δὲ προδοσίαν αὐτῶν εἰς τοὺς Σαυρομάτας. Καὶ πρὸς θυμὸν
διερεθίσας αὐτούς, ἐπιτίθεται τούτῳ ἀθρόον καὶ μόνον eb-
ρηκὼς συλλαμβάνει καὶ εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν ἄγει δεσμώ-
τὴν, δίκας τοῦ τολμήματος δώσοντα.
IO Κριθεὶς τοίνυν παρὰ τῶν πρώτων τῆς συγκλήτου βου-
λῆς, τῷ τῶν ἐπιβούλων νόμῳ ἑάλω καὶ κατεψηφίσθη
θανεῖν, μὴ ἀντερίσας ἢ ἀντιθέσεις πλασάμενος ἢ τὴν κατ-
nyoplav ἀπαρνησάμενος, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτέλεγκτος ἐκ τῆς ὁμο-
λογίας γενόμενος. Εἰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τῶν δικασάντων
μέρος ὑπῆρχον, ἴσασιν οἱ πολλοί. Διὸ καὶ ὑπερορίᾳ ἀπε-
OTAAN πρὸς νῆσον, πᾶσιν ἀνίαν ἐνθέμενος ὅσοι τῆς αὐτοῦ

178
 CHAPTER 16

emperor Doukas,'6é he decided to make the Sauromatai!9

his allies in this plan and to manifest his intentions. They
obeyed this man because they already had firsthand knowl-
edge of his military abilities. When he was the governor of
the cities along the Danube and bad fought against them, he
would have fallen if the magistros Nikephoros Botaneiates
had not come to his rescue with irresistible force and
strength.!® This I [98] learned from Diogenes himself, who
admitted it with his own lips.
Letters were sent to them asking to have the agreements
confirmed by oath. One of his advisers, an Armenian by race
who had been strongly urging him to carry out his plan, plot-
ted against him by persuading Diogenes to send some of his
men with messages about his plans to convince some of the
military leaders and their subjects to join him. Then, when
he saw him unguarded, he denounced him to the locals, say-
ing that he was planning rebellion and would even betray
them to the Sauromatai. After arousing their anger, he sud-
denly attacked Diogenes, found him alone, captured him,
and led him in bonds to the Reigning City to be punished
for his audacity.
He was subsequently tried by the leading men of the Sen- Io

ate, convicted by the law regarding treason against the

throne, and sentenced to death. He did not answer the
charges or contrive any rebuttals, nor did he deny the accu-
sation, but he was self-convicted by his own admission. Most
people know whether I myself was one of these judges. As
a result, he was exiled to one of the islands. This really
displeased everyone who had personal experience of his

179
 THE HISTORY

νεότητος ἢ καὶ γενναιότητος ἐν πείρᾳ καθίσταντο, oi δ᾽

ἀγνοοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν εἰδότων παραλαμβάνοντες,
ὑπῆρχον ἐξ ἀκοῆς ἐρασταὶ καὶ διατοῦτο Sr εὐχῆς ἦν τοῖς
ὅλοις ἀνώτερον γενέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα κολαστηρίων καὶ χα.
ρισθῆναι τῇ | Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ καὶ ὁ σκοπὸς τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς οὐ φιλαυτίας ἀλλὰ φιλαδελφίας καὶ φιλευσεβείας
ὅλος ἦν, ὡς προέφαμεν, περιαλγοῦντος τῆς τῶν ὀρθοδό.
ξων κακοπαθείας, ἐνηργήθη λοιπὸν τοῖς εὐχομένοις τὰ
τῆς εὐχῆς. Καὶ παραστάντος αὐτοῦ τῷ βασιλικῷ βήματι,
περιέσχεν ἔλεος ἄσχετον τὴν αὐγοῦσταν καὶ σταλαγμοὶ
δακρύων τῶν βλεφάρων ταύτης ἐξέπεσον, ἦν γὰρ ὁ ἀνὴρ
οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἄλλοις πλεονεκτήμασι προτερῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
θεαθῆναι παντάπασιν ἥδιστος, ἐπιμήκης τε καὶ στέρνων
καὶ νώτων ἐν καλῷ καθορώμενος καὶ εὐγενές τι πνέων ὡς
ἀληθῶς καὶ διογενές, εὐὀφθαλμός τε εἴπερ τις ἄλλος καὶ
κάλλος ἀποστίλβων τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς, μήτ᾽ ἀκριβὲς τὸ
λευκὸν μήτε τὸ μέλαν ἀποσώζων ὡσαύτως ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τῇ
δημιουργίᾳ τῆς φύσεως κατ᾽ ἴσον συγκεκραμένα τῷ
ἐρυθήματι, κἀν τούτοις ἅπασι τὴν γλυκύτητα περιθέου-
σαν ἔχων καὶ ἄξιον εἶδος κατὰ τὸν κωμικὸν τυραννίδος ἐπι-
δεικνύμενος. Ὡς οὖν καὶ ἡ ἑστῶσα γερουσία συνέπαθεν,
εὐθὺς ἐπηκολούθησεν f| συμπάθεια καὶ nepıowdeis τοῦ
κινδύνου καὶ βασιλικῶς ἀξιώσεων ἔτυχε καὶ ἀπολυθεὶς
παρὰ πάντων ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ εὐφημεῖτο καὶ ἔργον εὐχῆς
γενέσθαι κατήκονε καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ σωτηρίαν ἰδίαν ἐνόμι-
ἵεν ἕκαστος.
II ᾿Ἐξιὼν οὖν εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκῶν, ἐξ ἧς τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς

180
 CHAPTER 16

youthful spirit and his nobility Others who had no direct

knowledge of him came to know him from those who did,
and what they heard made them love him. For this reason
everyone prayed that he might rise above this disgrace and
be favored with the [99] sovereignty of the Romans. Given,
moreover, that the man's goal was not love of self but solely
love of his brothers and love of true religion, as we have said,
distressed as he was on behalf of the Orthodox who were
suffering terribly, the prayers of the people who wished this
were answered. As he stood before the imperial throne, un-
restrained mercy took hold of the Augusta and streams of
tears flowed from her eyelids. For the man not only sur-
passed others in his good qualities, but he was also pleasant
to look upon in all aspects. He was tall and his broad chest
and back gave him a fine appearance, and he seemed to
breathe nobility as if he were truly "born of Zeus."6? He had
more beautiful eyes than anyone else, and even beamed
beauty out from his eyes. His complexion was not exactly
white or dark, but as though mixed by the artifice of nature
with a ruddy color. In all these features a tint of sweetness
could be observed, and bis appearance was wortby, as the
comic poet says, of absolute power” As the Senate, therefore,
standing about felt sorry for him, they immediately became
sympathetic. Just saved from danger, he received the impe-
rial dignity; just released, he was embraced by all and ac-
claimed; he heard that he was the fulfillment of people's
prayers, and each person regarded his salvation as being his
Own.
He then left for Kappadokia, which was the original :

181
 THE HISTORY

γενέσεως ἔσχηκε, πάλιν μεταπεμφθεὶς eic τὴν βασιλεύου.

σαν εἰσελήλυθε κἀν τοῖς γενεθλίοις τοῦ Χριστοῦ μάγι.
στρος καὶ στρατηλάτης | ἀνεδείχθη παρὰ τῆς βασιλίδος
προελθούσης βασιλικῶς μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων παίδων, ὡς ἔθος
τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, εἰς τὸν μέγιστον σηκὸν τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ
Σοφίας.
12 Ἀνάγκης δὲ πολλῆς καὶ συγχύσεως ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἀλλοφύ.-
λων ἐθνῶν ἀπηνεστάτης ἐπιδρομῆς τὴν Ῥωμαίων συμπιε-
ζούσης, καὶ γὰρ τὰ μὲν ἐν τοῖς νοτίοις μέρεσιν ὅσα πρὸς
Ἀντιόχειαν καὶ Κιλικίαν ταῖς προειρημέναις ἐκδρομαῖς
ἀπειρηκότα, ἐν ἐσχάτοις ἦσαν κινδύνοις, ἐν δὲ τοῖς βορει-
οτέροις αὐτὸς ὁ σουλτάνος πανστρατιᾷ ἐξελήλυθε δυνά-
μεις ἄγων ἀνυποίστους καὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις ἐν τῷ φθινοπώρῳ
τῶν Ῥωμαίων προσήνωτο, βουλόμενος παραχειμᾶσαι
ἐκεῖσε καὶ ἀρχομένου τοῦ ἔαρος, προσεχῶς προσβαλεῖν
καὶ ἄρδην ἀνατρέψαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων καὶ καθελεῖν, Ἐσκέ-
πτετο ἡ αὐγοῦστα καὶ ὅσοι τῆς πρώτης ἦσαν βουλῆς, σὺν
αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ ὁ πατριάρχης, πῶς καὶ τίνα τρόπον τοσοῦτον
δεινὸν ἀποτρέγαιεν καὶ συνέδοξε τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων κρα-
τῆσαι πρόνοιαν καὶ τῆς ἰδικῆς καὶ ἐπιθανατίου παραγ-
γελίας τὸ κοινῇ συμφέρον ἐπιεικῶς προτιμήσασθαι, ὅτι μὴ
τὰ ἰδικὰ σύμφωνα τὰ πρὸς δημοσίαν συντέλειαν ἀφορῶντα
περιτρέπειν δεδύνηνται. Τὸ γὰρ μὴ γίνεσθαι βασιλέα διὰ
τὸν τῆς μίξεως ζῆλον, κοινὴ συμφορὰ καὶ καθαίρεσις τῆς
Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς ἐγινώσκετο.
13 Δόξαν οὖν οὕτω κεκράτηκεν ἡ τοιαύτη γνώμη. Καὶ βα-
σιλέα μὲν ὁ καιρὸς ἐδεῖτο ἐξάπαντος, εἰ μέλλοι τὰ Ῥω-
μαίων μὴ ἀπολέσθαι δι᾿ ὅλου, | ὁ δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ. καὶ τῆς

182
 CHAPTER τό

home of his family. Called back again, he entered the Reign-

ing City and on the Nativity of Christ"! the empress pro-
moted him {100} to magestros and commander of the armies,
and she and her sons led the imperial procession, as was cus-
tomary for the emperor, to the greatest temple of the Wis-
dom of God.'”
But the empire of the Romans was being pressed hard by 12

the savage taiding of the foreign races, and there was great
urgency and confusion. In fact, the southern regions by An-
tioch and Kilikia had been so battered by these raids that
they were in the most dire danger. In the more northern re-
gions, meanwhile, the sultan himself now marched with his
whole army, leading an irresistible force, arriving at the Ro-
man frontier in autumn.!? He planned to spend the winter
there and at the beginning of spring to invade in force, com-
pletely overthrow the Roman state, and destroy it. The Au-
gusta, the members of the high council,“ and with them the
patriarch, deliberated on how and by what means they could
avert such a disaster, and they agreed that the careful man-
agement of the entire empire should be their guiding crite-
rion: it was only reasonable for the common good to be pre-
ferred over the private wishes of a man on his deathbed."
For private agreements should not be able to override the
public good. Thus, not to have an emperor because one man
was too jealous to allow his widow to be with another man,
it was recognized, would harm the common good and con-
tribute to the destruction of the Roman Empire.
This view of the matter therefore prevailed. More than 13
anything else, in the present situation an emperor was
needed if the Roman state was not to be completely

183
 THE HISTORY

ἀξίας ταύτης ἐπάξιος ἐζυγομαχεῖτο, τοῦ Βοτανειάτου ἀπο.

δήμου τυγχάνοντος εἰς τὴν τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἀρχήν, ἕως εἰς
νοῦν τινὸς τῶν τοῦ βουλευτηρίου προϊσταμένων ὁ Διογέ-
νης ἀφίκετο, μᾶλλον δὲ πρὸ αὐτοῦ ἡ αὐγοῦστα τοῦτον ὡς
αὐτίκα παρόντα καὶ γυναικὸς ἀμοιροῦντα προέκρινεν,
Ἐπὰν δ᾽ οὗτος ἐρρήθη, πάντες αὐτῷ τὴν ἀξίαν φόβῳ τοῦ
μὴ φανῆναι ἀλλότριοι ὅσοι τῇ δεσποίνῃ προσήγγιζον exer
ροτόνουν.
14 Διὸ καὶ πρώτην ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἰανουαρίου μηνὸς τῆς ς΄
ἰνδικτιῶνος, ὁπότε τῶν χειμερινῶν τροπῶν ὁ ἥλιος μεθ.
ἱστάμενος τὴν οἰκουμένην φρυκτωρεῖν καὶ θάλπειν ἐπείγε-
ται καὶ ἀρχὴν εὔκαιρον τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος
τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐπεξεργάζεται καὶ ἡνίκα ἡ μνήμη τοῦ μεγά-
λου ἀρχιερέως καὶ θύτου ἁγίου Βασιλείου, ὃν-καὶ αὐτὸνἡ
Καππαδοκῶν ἤνεγκε φωστῆρα τῆς ἐκκλησίας, διαφαγέ-
στατον ἑορτάζεται, βασιλεὺς αὐτοκράτωρ ὀρθριώτερον
οὗτος ἀναγορεύεται, νυκτὸς ἀνιὼν εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον διὰ
τῆς δεσποίνης ἐν ὅπλοις καὶ λαθὼν τοὺς τῆς βασιλίδος
υἱεῖς. "
 CHAPTER IÓ

destroyed. [ror] But there was debate over who the right
man was for the times and for this dignity, since Botaneiates
was away governing Antioch. Finally, one of the leading men
of the Senate thought of naming Diogenes. Actually, the Au-
sta had already decided on him, inasmuch as he was al-
ready at hand and not married. After he had been named, all
who were close to the lady, afraid to appear disloyal, voted to
bestow this dignity on him.
Therefore, on the first of the month of January of the 14
sixth indiction, when the sun, after departing from the
winter solstice, hurries to illuminate and to warm the entire
inhabited world; when it marks the depths of winter with a
propitious beginning to the year; and when the memory of
the great archpriest and offerer of the spiritual sacrifice,
Saint Basil, is brilliantly celebrated, he who was also brought
forth from Kappadokia to be an illuminator of the Church;'”
at that time, then, early in the morning, Romanos was pro-
claimed emperor and commander in chief. During the night,
at the empress's instigation, he had ascended to the Capitol
bearing arms,"? in such a way that her sons did not find out.
 17

Ka ὡς τὰ πράγματα ἔδειξαν, ob πάνυ μάτην ἠλπίκασιν

οἱ πολλοί, τῶν γὰρ ῥωμαϊκῶν σκήπτρων ἐπιλαβόμενος
οὗτος, οὐκ ἔλαττον τῶν ἐν ποσὶ πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων τῆς
στρατιωτικῆς εὐταξίας ἐφρόντισε καὶ συστάσεως, κἂν ὅτι
μάλιστα προγόνους εἶχε περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ συνέδρους, εἰπεῖν
δὲ δεῖ καὶ ἐφέδ ρους, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς τὸν τούτων πατράδελ.-.
pov Ἰωάννην τὸν καίσαρα. Ἤρξατο γὰρ αὐτίκα ἐν αὐτοῖς
τοῖς πολιτικοῖς διατάγμασι καὶ τῶν παρατυχόντων στρα-
τιωτῶν τοῖς ἐπισημοτέροις συνομιλεῖν καὶ περὶ πολεμικῶν
ἀγώνων βουλεύεσθαι καὶ πρεσβευτὰς ἑτοιμάζειν καὶ παν-
ταχόθεν τοῖς ἐναντίοις διακωλύειν τὰς προσβολάς. Δια-
ταῦτά τοι καὶ χρόνος οὔτι συχνὸς κατέσχε τοῦτον εἰς τὰ
βασίλεια ἀλλὰ μετὰ διττὴν σεληναίαν περίοδον ἡ τῆς ἑῴας
τοῦτον ἐδέξατο Προποντὶς καὶ τὸ παράσημον τῆς βασι-
λικῆς σκηνῆς πᾶσιν ὁμοῦ παρεστήσατο τὴν βασιλέως πρὸς
τὴν ἑῴαν ἐκστρατείαν καὶ ἀποφοίτησιν, Καὶ ὁ ζῆλος τῆς
ἐκδικίας νενίκηκε τὴν κατὰ τὴν βασιλίδα τρυφήν τε καὶ
θυμηδίαν καὶ τὸ κατὰ τὰς προόδους μέχρις οὐρανοῦ φθά-
Cov κλέος πόνους τούτων ἀντικαταλλάξασθαι τὸν κρα-
τοῦντα παρέπεισεν. Ὃ καὶ πάντας κατέπληξε συμβαλόν-
τας, ὅτι εἰς τὸ διατάξασθαι μόνον τὴν τῆς ἐκστρατείας

186
 Chapter 17

Romanos IV Diogenes' first

eastern campaign (1068)
j

As events proved, the hopes of the majority of people

were not in vain. For when this man accepted the Roman
scepter, he concentrated no less on the good order and con-
dition of the military than on the civil problems close at
hand, and this despite the fact that he was surrounded by his
stepsons who shared his throne,’ or rather, one must say, by
those who were lying in ambush for him, and with them was
their father's brother, [102] the bzzsar Ioannes. Even in the
midst of his political administration, Diogenes began delib-
erations with the more prominent military leaders who hap-
pened to be present, making plans for war, briefing ambas-
sadors, and blocking the incursions of the enemy on all
fronts. All these matters kept him in the palace for a short
time, but after the second cycle of the moon he crossed to
the eastern side of the Propontis. The standard over the im-
perial tent made it clear to everyone that the emperor was
departing on an expedition to the cast. His zeal for ven-
geance proved stronger than the pleasant life and luxury of
the Imperial City, and che glory of the march that can rise to
the heavens convinced the ruler to choose that toil over all
that. On reflection, this impressed everyone, because just to
prepare the supplies and equipment for the expedition three
 THE HISTORY

παρασκευὴν Kal ἀποσκευήν, οὐδὲ τριῶν ὅλων Suena

μηνῶν ἐξαρκεῖ, ὁ δὲ νεοπαγὴς γεγονὼς τά τε ἄλλα κατα.
στησάμενος ἦν καὶ πρὸς τῇ ἀποσκευῇ καὶ στρατιωτικὸν
ἐκ τῆς ἑσπέρας καὶ τῆς τῶν Καππαδοκῶν φθάσας προσυν.
ελέξατο καὶ Σκύθας συνεκαλέσατο καὶ πρὸ τῆς τούτων
ἐπιδημίας μετὰ τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείῳ μόνων αὐλῇ τῆς ὁδοῦ
σπουδαίως ἐφήψατο. Εἰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ταῦτα ὀυγγράφων
τῶν ἐκ προκρίσεως αὐτῷ συνεπομένων ἐτύγχανεν καὶ τὰς
τοῦ στρατοῦ διευθετῶν | ὑποθέσεις ἐν κρίσεσι, πάντως ἂν
οὐκ ἐξ ἀκοῆς ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ αὐτοπτίας τὰ καθεξῆς παραδώσει διὰ
γραφῆς τοῖς μετέπειτα.
Εἶχε μὲν οὖν τὸν βασιλέα ἡ τῶν Βιθυνῶν ἐπαρχία καὶ
pet’ αὐτὴν Φρυγία, τὸ θέμα λέγω τῶν Ἀνατολικῶν. Καὶ
συνήγοντο ἐκ διαταγμάτων προσφοιτησάντων οἱ τῶν
ταγμάτων ἐξάρχοντες καὶ ὅσοι τὴν τάξιν ἀνεπλήρουν ἑκά-
στου τάγματος καὶ ἦν ἰδεῖν τοὺς διαβοήτους λόχους καὶ
λοχαγοὺς ἐξ ὀλίγων συγκειμένους ἀνδρῶν καὶ τούτων
συγκεκυφότων τῇ πενίᾳ καὶ πανοπλίας ἐστερημένων καὶ
ἵππου πολεμικῆς. Ἔκ πλείονος γὰρ παραμεληθέντες, ἅτε
μηδὲ βασιλέως στρατευσαμένου διὰ πολλῶν ἐνιαυτῶν
περὶ τὴν ἑῴαν, καὶ τὸν ἀφωρισμένον ὀψωνιασμὸν μὴ ἀπει-
ληφότες καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐκ τῆς ἀπαρα-
σκευάστου προσβολῆς καὶ λυπρᾶς καταβαλλόμενοι καὶ
τρεπόμενοι, οὕτως εἰς ἐσχάτην ταλαιπωρίαν συνελαθέντες
δειλοὶ καὶ ἀνάλκιδες καὶ πρὸς οὐδὲν γενναῖον χρησιμεύον-
τες κατεφαίνοντο, ὡς καὶ αὐτὰς τὰς σημαίας μονονουχὶ
σιωπηρῶς ἀποφθέγγεσθαι ταῦτα, πιναρὰς ὁρωμένας
ὥσπερ ἀπὸ καπνοῦ καὶ ὀπαδοὺς ἐφεπομένους ἐχούσας

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 CHAPTER 17

whole months were normally not enough. But this man who
had only recently been installed was now firmly setting up
everything else. In addition to the equipment, he quickly as-
sembled armies from the west and Kappadokia, and sent an
invitation to the Skythians. But before their arrival, and ac-
companied only by those in the imperial guard, the emperor
made haste to set out on the road. Since the author of these
words happened to be one of those chosen to follow him
and was in charge of the military [103] tribunal, then the fol-
Jowing account that he writes down and transmits to poster-
ity surely comes not from hearsay but from what he himself
witnessed.
The emperor marched through the province of Bithynia
and, after it, to Phrygia, I mean the Anatolikon thema. The
unit commanders, along with the soldiers who made up the
complement of each unit, assembled there after receiving
orders. It was something to see the famous units and their
commanders now composed of just a few men, and these
bent over by poverty and lacking in proper weapons and
warhorses. For a long time they had been neglected, since
no emperor had gone on an expedition to the east for many
years, and they had not received their allotted money for
supplies, and little by little they were being defeated and
routed by the enemy because they were in a miserable con-
dition and unprepared to meet an attack. They had been
driven to the absolute depths of misery and appeared cow-
ardly, feeble, and absolutely useless for anything brave. Their
very standards, as it were, silently proclaimed this condi-
tion, for they looked filthy as though they had been exposed
to smoke, and those who marched behind them were few

189
 THE HISTORY

εὐαριθμήτους καὶ πενιχρούς. Πολλὴν ἀθυμίαν προσῆγον

ἀναλογιζομένοις ὅθεν καὶ τίνα τρόπον εἰς τὸ ἀρχαῖον én.
ανελεύσονται καὶ τὴν προτέραν ἀξίαν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν καὶ
διὰ πόσου τοῦ χρόνου ἀνακαλέσοιτο, τῶν μὲν ὑπολελειι.
μένων τοῖς τάγμασιν ὀλίγων ὄντων καὶ ἀπορουμένων - c
ὅπλοις Kal τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ἵππων | κινήμασι, τῆς δὲ νεολαίας
ἀπειροπολέμου καθεστηκυίας καὶ τοῦ πολέμου μαχιμω.
τάτους καὶ τῶν πολεμικῶν κινδύνων ἐθάδας τοὺς ἀντιτ:.
ταγμένους καὶ ἀντιβαίνοντας ἐχούσης. Ἀλλὰ τὸν βασιλίᾳ
τὸ τοιοῦτον συγκύρημα οὐ κατέπληξε, τοὐναντίον 5}
μᾶλλον τοὺς ἐναντίους ἡ ἀθρόα τούτου ὁρμή τε καὶ ἔφο.
δος οἰηθέντας, ὥσπερ ὕστερον μεμαθήκαμεν, ὅτι κινδύνων
οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος οὐδένα λόγον πεποίηται ἀλλ᾽ Ἄρεός
ἐστι φοιτητὴς καὶ καινοποιήσει τὰ Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἀντιση.-
κώσει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τὰ ἐπίχειρα.
Διαταῦτα καὶ ὁ μὲν σουλτάνος ὀπισθόρμητος γέγονε,
μοῖραν δέ τινα μεγάλην ἀποτεμόμενος καὶ ταύτην διχῇ
διελὼν εἰς τὴν ἄνω Ἀσίαν στρατοπεδεύειν πεποίηται, τὴν
μὲν βορειοτέραν, τὴν δὲ περὶ τὰ νότια θέμενος, ὁ δὲ βασι-
λεὺς κατάλογον στρατιωτικὸν ποιησάμενος καὶ ἐκ πάσης
χώρας καὶ πόλεως νεότητα συλλεξάμενος καὶ ἀξιώμασι καὶ
δώροις ἀναθαρρῆσαι πεποιηκὼς καὶ Sv ὀλίγου τὸν ἀριθμὸν
τῶν ταγμάτων ἀναπληρώσας καὶ λοχαγοὺς τοὺς ἀρίστους
ἑκάστῳ τούτων ἐπιμελῶς προστησάμενος, συμμίξας δὲ καὶ
τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἐλθοῦσιν, ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ στρατιὰν
ἀξιόμαχον κατεπράξατο καὶ μετὰ τοσαύτης δυνάμεως ἐπὶ
Πέρσας ἐπιστατικώτερον ἤλαυνεν. Ὡς δὲ τὸ βορειότερον
στρατόπεδον τῶν Περσῶν ἐκδρομήν τινα πρότερον

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 CHAPTER I7

and pitiful. It was truly depressing to those who considered

from what source and by what means the army might be re-
stored to its ancient condition and former worth and how
long that would take, given that the men remaining in their
units now were few and at a loss when it came to using weap-
ons or maneuvering with their [104} horses, and the young
men had no combat experience. Opposed to them and ad-
vancing against them was a foe accustomed to the dangers
of battle and warlike to the extreme. A situation of this sort,
however, did not cause the emperor to be dejected. On the
contrary, it was his sudden and rapid advance that discon-
certed the enemy and made them think, as we later learned,
that this man paid no heed to dangers but was a student of
Ares, and that he would renew the Roman state and get even
with the enemy for what they had done.
Because of this the sultan'®° hastened back, detaching a
fairly large contingent that he divided into two parts and en-
camped in upper Asia, placing the one more to the north
and the other to the south. Meanwhile, the emperor con-
scripted soldiers for the army and recruited young men from
every region and city, encouraging them with positions and
gifts. In a short time the units were brought up to strength
and the most competent commanders were carefully placed
over each of them. Adding them to the soldiers who came
from the west, he had in a short time organized a combat-
ready army, and with this great force he marched against the
Persians with greater confidence. Since the Persian army to
the north showed itself earlier in an excursion?! and gave

191
 THE HISTORY

φαντάσαν, δόξαν ὑποχωρήσεως ἐκ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως προ.

ὀδου | παρέσχετο, ἔγνω λοιπὸν ὁ Διογένης τοῖς νοτίοις
ἐπεισπεσεῖν, ol τὰ περὶ τὴν Κοίλην Συρίαν καὶ Κιλικίαν
καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀντιόχειαν καταληΐζοντες ἦσαν. Καὶ διαταῦτα
καταλιπὼν τὸ εὐθὺ Σεβαστείας καὶ Κολωνείας φέρεσθαι
τῷ τοῦ Λυκανδοῦ ἐπεχωρίασε θέματι, διατρῖψαι τὸν θε.
ρινὸν καιρὸν ἐν αὐτῇ διανοηθεὶς κἀν τῷ φθινοπώρῳ τοῖς
συριακοῖς μέρεσι προσβαλεῖν, ὁπόταν τὸ πολὺ τῆς φλογὸς
ἐκ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ὁ ἥλιος ἀποτίθεται, ἵνα μὴ τῷ ἀσυνήβθει
τοῦ καύσωνος διαλωβηθῇ τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ νόσοις
ἁλώσιμον γένηται.
Ἔν τοσούτῳ δὲ χρονίζοντος τούτου, λάθρᾳ προσβαλόν.
τες οἱ Πέρσαι, Τούρκους δὲ τούτους νυνὶ ὁ λόγος οἶδε
καλεῖν, τὴν Νεοκαισάρειαν ἐξ ἀπροόπτου τῆς ἐπιδρομῆς
καταστρέφουσιν καὶ πολλῶν σωμάτων καὶ χρημάτων ἐν
τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ κυριεύσαντες, naAıvodiav’ ἦσαν, βάρος λαφυ-
ραγωγίας οὐκ ἐλάχιστον ἐπαγόμενοι. Ἐλθὼν οὖν ὁ λόγος
οὗτος εἰς τὸν βασιλέα, πολλὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν
ταραχὴν ἐνεποίησε, διασκοποῦσι τήν τε τῶν ἐναντίων un-
χανὴν καὶ ἣν ὑπέστησαν ἀπάτην καὶ τὸν ἐκ πολλῶν μῶμον,
ὅτι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκστρατευομένου τυγχάνοντος, οὐδὲν
ἧττον οἱ πολέμιοι τὰ ἑαυτῶν διεπράξαντο, μὴ δυνηθέντος
τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἀμύνασθαι. Ἀμέλει τοι καὶ ταχὺ τὰς δυνά-
wets ἀνειληφὼς δι᾿ ἀτραπῶν ἀβάτων καὶ δυσβάτων ἀπὸ
ῥυτῆρος κατόπιν ἤλαυνε. Καὶ πλησιάσας τῇ τῶν Σεβα-
στηνῶν μητροπόλει, τὴν μὲν στρατιωτικὴν ἀποσκευὴν καὶ
τὸ πεζὸν ἅπαν εὐθὺ τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπιέναι διεκελεύσατο |
μετὰ τοῦ συνόντος αὐτῷ προγόνου τοῦ Ἀνδρονίκου, ὃν

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the impression that it was withdrawing before the emperor's

advance, [105] Diogenes decided to attack those to the
south, who were pillaging around Koile Syria, Kilikia, and
Antioch itself. Because of this he abandoned the idea of go-
ing directly to Sebasteia and Koloneia, and marched into the
shema of Lykandos with the intention of staying there dur-
ing the summer and then in autumn invading the Syrian
lands, when the sun is farther away and loses much of its fire,
so that the army, unaccustomed to such heat, might not be
harmed and become prey to illness.
While the emperor was spending his time in this way, the
Persians, who are now called Turks, secretly attacked and,
because their raid was utterly unexpected, destroyed Neo-
kaisareia. Without any danger to themselves, they took
many prisoners and plunder and began to return home, car-
rying ἃ huge burden of loot. When the news reached the
emperor, both he and his advisers were greatly disturbed,
for they understood the enemy's trick and how they had
been deceived, and they knew that many people would mock
them, since even when the emperor did go on campaign, the
enemy had no less trouble in doing what they wanted and
the emperor was unable to ward them off. At any rate, he
quickly got his forces together and pursued them along in-
accessible and treacherous trails. On approaching the me-
tropolis of Sebasteia, he ordered the soldiers' baggage train
and all che infantry to go straight to the city [106] along with
his stepson Andronikos,'#? who was present and whom he

193
 THE HISTORY
^

αὐτὸς βασιλέα χειροτονήσας ὡς ἐνέχυρον ἢ συστράτηγον

εἶχεν ἢ τόπον ἀντισηκώσοντα τούτου, εἴ πῇ πολλάκις
παρήκων καὶ ὁπλίτης ἐπιτιθέμενος τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καιρίαν
ὡς ἄνθρωπος δέξοιτο.
Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ πάσης τῆς ἵππου κατεδίωκεν ὀπίσω τῶγ
ἐναντίων καὶ διὰ πολλῶν ὑψηλοτάτων βουνῶν τῶν τῆς
Τεφρικῆς διερχόμενος καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπιτεθῆναι κατὰ τὸ
ἐγκάρσιον ἐπειγόμενος, οὕτω τὸν στρατὸν κατειργάσατο,
ὡς καίτοι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἔγγιστα τυγχανόντων καὶ θεαθέν.
τῶν αὐτοῖς, μὴ δύνασθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ταχυδρομῆσαι
διὰ τῶν ἵππων καὶ μνήμης ἄξιον κατόρθωμα διαπράξα.
σθαι. Ὅμως μέντοι τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ τοῦ πράγματος κατασει-
σθέντων τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ τῇ φήμῃ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως
ἐπιστασίας ἰσχυρῶς ἀποναρκησάντων, πολὺς μὲν φόνος
τούτων ἐγένετο, αὐτίκα νῶτα δεδωκότων καὶ πρὸς φυγὴν
ὁρμησάντων, ὅσοι δὲ καὶ ζωγρείᾳ ἑάλωσαν, οὐδὲν ἀπώναν.-
TO τῆς ἰδίας ζωῆς μαχαίρας ἔργον γενόμενοι. Ἢ μέντοι
λεία πᾶσα ἀπὸ ἀνθρώπου ἕως κτήνους ἐλευθερωθεῖσα τὸν
βασιλέα καὶ γλώσσῃ καὶ θαύματι ἐπευφήμησε, καὶ γὰρ
θαυμαστὸν τῷ ὄντι καὶ ἀξιόλογον γέγονεν, ἵνα βασιλεὺς
Ῥωμαίων ἀκρατῶς διώκῃ χωρὶς τῆς οἰκείας ἀποσκευῆς
μετὰ μόνου τοῦ ἰδίου ὁπλιτικοῦ ἐπὶ ὅλας ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ διὰ
τόπων ἀδήλων τε καὶ ἀβάτων καὶ μὴ ἀποτύχῃ τῆς ἐπι-
βολῆς.
Ι Ὑποστρέγας οὖν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν Σεβαστηνῶν μητρό-
πολιν, πρώτην ἄγοντος τοῦ Ὀκτωβρίου μηνός, καὶ δια-
γναπαύσας τὸν στρατὸν ἐν μόναις ἡμέραις τρισίν, ἄρας
ἐκεῖθεν τῆς πρὸς Συρίαν ἀγούσης εἴχετο: καὶ διὰ τῶν τῆς

194
 CHAPTER 17

himself had appointed an emperor as a guarantee, or a co-

general, or one to take his place in case he should, inasmuch
as he was human, be mortally wounded, given that he often
joined the ranks as a soldier himself and fought against the
enetny.
So he pursued the enemy with all the cavalry. They tra-
versed many of the highest mountains in Tephrike and he
intended to fall upon the enemy at an angle. But he wore
down his army so that, although the enemy was very close
and could be seen by them, it was impossible for his men to
ride fast, because of the horses, and so accomplish some-
thing worthy of remembrance. Still, their unexpected ap-
pearance shocked the enemy and they were quite paralyzed
by the news of the emperor's arrival. A great massacre of
the enemy thus took place as they immediately turned their
backs and rushed off in flight. Those who were taken pris-
oner did not long enjoy their lives since they were put to the
sword. All the booty, from men to beasts, was freed, and
they acclaimed the emperor with their voices and admira-
tion. Indeed, it was truly admirable and memorable that the
emperor of the Romans should relentlessly pursue the foe
without his own supplies, with only his own band of soldiers,
for eight whole days, through unknown and inaccessible
places, and not miss his target.
[107] On the first of the month of October he returned
from there to the metropolis of Sebasteia. He allowed his
army only three days of rest and then took the road from
there to Syria. By way of the defiles and nearly impassable

I95
 THE HISTORY

Kovkovcob αὐλώνων καὶ δυσδιεξοδεύτων ἀτραπῶν εἰς

Γερμανίκειαν καταστάς, εἰς τὸ θέμα τὸ καλούμενον Te.
λοὺχ παρὰ τοῖς Ἀρμενίοις εἰσβάλλει, πρότερον οὐκ ὀλίγην
ἀποτεμόμενος φάλαγγα στρατιωτικὴν μετὰ συνταγμα.
τάρχου καὶ εἰς Μελιτηνὴν ἐκπέμψας ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν τῆς
ἑῴας θεμάτων καὶ ἀντιπτώσει τῶν ἐκεῖσε τότε προσεφε.
δρευόντων ἐχθρῶν ὧν ἦρχεν ἀνὴρ πανοῦργος καὶ μάχιμος
ὀνόματι Αὐσινάλιος. Διατοῦτο γὰρ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ
τῶν ἄλλων λόχων καὶ λοχαγῶν καὶ τοὺς ἅπαντας Φράγ.
γους, ἄνδρας αἱμοχαρεῖς καὶ πολεμικούς, τῷ στρατηγῷ
tovto παραδέδωκεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δι᾽ ἁδρᾶς δυνάμεως περιγίνε.
σθαι τοῦ πολέμου ἐν οἷς ἐκείνῳ ποτὲ πόλεμος ἀλλόφυλος
ἐπιγένοιτο. Ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος οὐκ εὐθαρσῶς εἰς ἅπαξ καὶ ἀφι-
λοτίμως χρησάμενος τῷ καιρῷ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι, μικροῦ
τῷ βασιλεῖ διπλοῦν πόλεμον ὑστερουμένῳ τοιαύτης στρα-
τιᾶς μαχιμωτάτης ἀνθ᾽ ἁπλοῦ προεξένησε, πολλάκις γὰρ
προκαλουμένων αὐτὸν τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ μὴ ἐπαΐοντος ἐξιέ-
γαι τοῦ ἄστεος τῆς Μελιτηνῆς, καίτοι τῶν στρατιωτῶν
προθυμοποιουμένων αὐτοῖς ἀντεπεξελθεῖν, ὡς εἶδον ἐκεῖ-
γοι τὸ γλίσχρον αὐτοῦ καὶ περιδεὲς καὶ ἀπόλεμον, διὰ τό-
πων ἀδήλων βαδίσαντες, τῆς βασιλικῆς στρατιᾶς μοίρᾳ
τινὶ St ἀγορὰν | σιτίων ἐξιούσῃ προσέβαλον. Καὶ εἰ μὴ
ταχὺ διαναστὰς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς φήμης ὥρμησε κατ᾽
αὐτῶν, κἀκεῖνοι μὴ ὑποστάντες διέφυγον, τάχα ἂν ἀπώ-
Àero μέρος στρατιωτῶν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον. Ag’ ὧν εἴ
τις τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐπιγράφει ὡς ἐπίπαν ἔχοι τὰ τῶν ἐκβά-
σεων eit’ ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον εἴτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ κρεῖττον συνάγοιντο, οὐ
ΠῚ wo»
 CHAPTER I7

eia and invaded

trails of Koukousos, he arrived at Germanik
he thema called Telouch by the Armenians. Previously he
ἣν detailed a fairly large contingent of the army under one
overall commander and sent it to Melitene to guard the east-
ern themata and to block the furtive attacks that the enemy
was making there under the command of a devious and war-
like man named Ausinalios. Hence the emperor, in addition
to the other units and officers, also gave to that commander
al! the Franks, men who were warlike and enjoyed blood-
shed, so that he might prevail in war through a strong force
when it had come about that a foreign war was upon him.’
That man, however, did not make good use of the opportu-
nities and circumstances with courage and honor, and, as a
result, he almost forced the emperor, who had already de-
prived himself of such a warlike contingent, into a double
war rather than a single one. Although the enemy frequently
provoked him and his troops were very eager to go out and
face them, he would not agree to leave the city of Melitene.
When they saw his reluctance, timidity, and unwillingness
to fight, the enemy traveled through unknown country and
attacked some units of the imperial army [108] on their way
to purchase grain. If the emperor had not taken swift action
upon hearing this news and marched out against them, and
had they not then fled without putting up any resistance, he
would have lost a not inconsiderable number of his soldiers.
From all this, if someone should lay down as a general rule
that the final result, whether for better or for worse, should

197
 THE HISTORY

διαμάρτοι πάντως τοῦ ὀρθοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀληθοῦς διαγνῴῳ.

σεως.
Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς οὕτω διασωθεὶς καὶ διασώσας τὸ
στρατόπεδον πρὸ τῆς τοῦ Χάλεπ χώρας πανστρατιᾷ xax.
εἐσκήνωσε, πρὸ τοῦ καταβῆναι δὲ τοῦ ἵππου τούς τε Σκύ.
Bas καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ὀλίγους εἰς προνομὴν ἀποστεί.
λας, τὴν πολεμίαν χώραν κατεληΐσατο, ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ
γυναικῶν καὶ βοσκημάτων δορυάλωτον πλῆθος οὐκ ἐλά.
χιστον ποιησάμενος. ᾿Εκεῖθεν δὲ προβιβάσας τὴν στρα.
τιάν, προήει διὰ τῆς πολεμίας καὶ διτταῖς ἡμέραις ὁμοῦ
μεταβαίνων εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν τὰς προνομὰς οὐδὲν ἧττον
ποιούμενος ἦν, τριταῖος δὲ πρὸς τὴν Ἱεράπολιν ἀφιγμένος
ἑώρα τοὺς Ἄραβας περιρρέοντας κυκλόσε καὶ παραδει.
κνύντας ἐκ φαντασίας τὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν
καὶ συνάψαι Ῥωμαίοις εὐθαρσεῖς οὐ γεγόνασιν, εἰ μή πού
τινες ἀκροβολισμοὶ προτρεχόντων τινῶν καὶ τῆς τάξεως
προπηδώντων ἐπιγεγόνασι. Καὶ προήεσαν οἱ μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι
συντεταγμένως κατὰ λόχους καὶ φάλαγγας, οἱ δ᾽ Ἄραβες
μετὰ καὶ τῶν συνόντων αὐτοῖς Τούρκων οὐκ ὀλίγων | ὧν
ἦρχεν ἀνὴρ δραστήριος καὶ γένος αὐχῶν βασιλικὸν ἐκ
Περσίδος, ὀνόματι Ἀμερτικῆς, μακρόθεν ἑπόμενοι καὶ
οἷον δορυφοροῦντες ἢ πρὸς ἐπίδειξιν περιτρέχοντες. Περὶ
δὲ δείλην ὀψίαν στρατοπεδευσάμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸ τοῦ
τῆς Ἱεραπόλεως ἄστεος, τάφρον ἐκεῖσε καὶ χάρακα κατὰ
τὸ εἰθισμένον ἐπήξατο, οὔπω δὲ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν οἱ Ῥω-
μαῖοι βεβαίως ταῖς σκηναῖς ἀποθέμενοι μηδ᾽ ἐγχρονίσαν-
τες ταύταις, ὅσοι τῆς ὑπηρεσίας ὑπῆρχον καὶ τῆς τῶν Ἀρ-
μενίων συντάξεως εὐθὺ τῆς πόλεως ὥρμησαν καὶ ἐπείπερ

198
 CHAPTER 17

be attributed to the commander, he would not altogether

gall short of a true and accurate judgment.!^^
The emperor now, having been saved and having himself
saved his army in this way, set up camp with his whole army
in the country of Aleppo. Before dismounting, however, he
sent the Skythians and not a few of the Romans on a forag-
ing expedition. They plundered the enemy's land and cap-
tured a large number of men, women, and animals. Leading
his army on from there, he marched through enemy terri-
tory and pushed on for two days without letting up on the
pillaging. On the third day, as he was approaching Hierapo-
lis, he saw the Arabs circling about and giving the impres-
sion of getting ready for battle. But when it came to close
fighting with the Romans, they proved to be not so brave,
except for some shooting from afar by soldiers who ran out
in front of the battle line. The Romans advanced in an or
derly fashion by companies and phalanxes, while the Arabs,
together with a large force of Turks who had joined them
[109]— the latter were commanded by an energetic man
named Amertikes, who claimed to be of the imperial family
of Persia'*5— followed at a distance, acting as though they
were a force of bodyguards or else running around to put on
a show. In the late afternoon the emperor set up camp be-
fore the city of Hierapolis and, following standard practice,
had a ditch dug and a palisade erected. The Romans did not
put their supplies away securely in their tents, nor did they
linger in them, but the imperial guard and the Armenian
units immediately assaulted the city. As they found it very

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 THE HISTORY

εὗρον αὐτὴν οὐ πάνυ διὰ τῶν ἐντὸς ἀντιμαχομένην, ἔφθη.

cav γὰρ oi Σαρακηνοὶ τῷ φόβῳ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐπιδημίας
φυγαδείαν ἑλέσθαι πέραν τοῦ Εὐφράτου ποταμοῦ, ταχὺ
βιασάμενοι τὰς πύλας, ἐντὸς εἰσεπήδησαν: καὶ σιτίων μὲν
καὶ τῆς ἄλλης διατροφῆς εἰς κόρον μετακομιδὴν ἐποι.
Hoavto, ἀφθονίαν γὰρ τούτων εὗρον ἐκεῖσε καὶ οἴνου τι
μέρος καὶ τῶν εὐτελεστάτων εἰδῶν, τῶν δὲ τιμιωτέρων λα.
φύρων ἀπέτυχον, προλαβόντων τῶν πολεμίων καὶ συσκευ.
ασαμένων αὐτὰ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἐν τῷ ἀποδρᾶναι.
Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως ἐκείνης, ἥτις ἀμα.
xmi κρατηθεῖσα πολλὴν εὐμάρειαν δέδωκε τοῖς στρατιώ.
ταις πρὸς τὴν ἐκεῖσε διαγωγήν, πλήν τινων πύργων bn.
λοτάτων, τριῶν ἢ τεσσάρων, ἔνθα Σαρακηνοὶ ἀνιόντες καὶ
τὴν ἄνοδον ὡς στενόπορον κατασχόντες, ἐφιλονείκησαν |
κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμιμον τῆς ἰδίας προκινδυνεῦσαι
θρησκείας καὶ πόλεως, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἠδυνήθησαν μέχρι παντὸς
ἀντισχεῖν, διὰ πολλῶν γὰρ μερῶν περισχόντες αὐτοὺς οἱ
Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τόλμῃ πολλῇ καὶ ὅπλοις ἑκηβόλοις καὶ συν-
ασπισμῷ καταπλήξαντες, δορυκτήτους αὐτοὺς πεποιήκα-
σιν. Ἐπὶ δέ γε τής ἀκροπόλεως, ἔστι γὰρ ἐπίπεδος μὲν καὶ
αὐτὴ καὶ τῇ πόλει ὁμόστοιχος, τείχεσι δὲ. ὑψηλοτάτοις
ἄγαν καὶ πύργοις ἀερίοις πεπυκνωμένη καὶ οἷον ἀνάλω-
τος, οὐ τοιαύτην εὗρον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν εὐκολίαν. 'Exetoe
γὰρ εἰσιὸν Σαρακηνῶν οὐκ εὐαρίθμητον πλῆθος ἐρρωμέ-
voc ἠμύνατο, οὐ μὴν μέχρι πολλοῦ τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς ἄκρας
τηρεῖν ἠδυνήθησαν, κυκλόσε γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅπλοις καὶ
μηχαναῖς αὐτοὺς κατατείνας καὶ πετροβόλοις ὀργάνοις
καὶ τόξοις ὡς νιφάσι κατακοντίσας καὶ χώματι τὴν ἅλωσιν

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 CHAPTER I7

poorly
defended from inside— for the Saracens, frightened
by the arrival of the emperor, had decided to flee across
the Euphrates River— the Romans quickly forced open the
ates and charged inside. They carried off a surfeit of grain
and other food supplies, for they found these in abundance
:
there along with some wine and items of little worth. But
they did not find the more valuable plunder, as the enemy
had managed to carry it off with them when they fled.
This is what happened in that great city, which was taken
without a fight and provided great ease for the soldiers dur-
ing their stay there, except for a few very high towers, three
or four, which the Saracens had climbed into and blocked
the entrances, which were narrow. They fought [110] in their
traditional way for the defense of their religion and city but
were unable to hold out forever. The Romans hemmed them
in on many sides and overwhelmed them by their bold at-
tacks, missile weapons, and dense formation, and so took
them captive. But as for the citadel, which was on the same
plane with the city and level with it, it had been constructed
with extremely high walls and towers reaching to the sky
and appeared impregnable; this the Romans did not find as
easy to take. A large number of Saracens were inside and
vigorously defended themselves. Still, they were unable to
maintain the defense of the citadel for long, for the emperor
bound them tight in a circle of weapons and machines and
hurled arrows and stones from catapults at them as thickly
as a snowstorm. When it seemed that he would take the

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 THE HISTORY

ἐκ πολιορκίας ἐπιδειξάμενος, ὑποσπόνδους πεποίηκε

Πρεσβεύσαντες γὰρ καὶ συγγνώμης τυχεῖν αἰτησάμενρ,
καὶ λύτρων τὴν ἱκετηρίαν αὐτῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ παι.
δων καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς οὐσίας προθέμενοι, τὸν βασιλέα κας.
εδυσώπησαν καὶ τῶν κατὰ σκοπὸν οὐ διήμαρτον, κυριεύ.
σαντες δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, μεσιτεύοντος
τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀνδρὸς Ἀσσυρίου μὲν τὸ γένος γέννημα
τῆς Μεγάλης Ἀντιοχείας τυγχάνοντος, ἄκρως δ᾽ &noxn.
μένου τήν τε ῥωμαϊκὴν σοφίαν kal παίδευσιν καὶ τὴν τῶν
Σαρακηνῶν, διὰ τὸ τῆς φύσεως εὐσταλὲς καὶ μετέωρον,
καὶ προσιόντος εὐμηχάνως τῇ ἀκροπόλει καὶ τὰς πύλας
ῥωσικοῖς ὅπλοις ἐν τῷ | εἰσιέναι κατεσχηκότος τῆς ἀκρο-
πόλεως. Πέτρος ἡ προσηγορία tovtwi τῷ ἀνδρί, τὸ ἐπί.
κλην Λιβελλίσιος, τῇ δὲ τῶν μαγίστρων ἀξίᾳ τῷ τότε τε-
τιμημένος. Οὕτως τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπέσχοντο, ἐπείπερ καὶ
ἐκ παρόδου πολλὰς πόλεις, ἃς μὲν βραχείας, ἃς δὲ καὶ μεί-
ζους, ἐκ πολέμου καὶ βίας ἀνήρπασαν.
Τὸ δ᾽ ἐντεῦθεν ἀγῶνες ὁπλιτικοὶ τὸ βασιλικὸν στρατό-
πεδον διεδέξαντο. Ὁ γὰρ ἀμηρᾶς τοῦ Χάλεπ συνάψας τοῖς
λοιποῖς τῶν Ἀραβιτῶν σὺν τῷ οὐννικῷ καὶ δύναμιν ἁδρὰν
ποιησάμενος, εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ μάχεσθαι
διεσκέπτετο. Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἔνδον ὄντος τῆς προαλω-
θείσης Ἱεραπόλεως καὶ πυργομαχοῦντος ἐν μέρει καθὸ
λείψανον ὑπολέλειπτο τῆς πυργοκρατείας, παρατάξεις
ἀφωρίσθησαν δύο τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον τοῦ τε κάστρου καὶ
τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων διατειχίζουσαι, διεφαί-
vovro γάρ τινες τῶν Σαρακηνῶν κατὰ τὸ πεδίον ἐκ
διαστήματος ἱππαζόμενοι. Εἰσὶ γὰρ περὶ τὴν Ἱεράπολιν

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 CHAPTER I7

place by siege by heaping up a mound of earth, he found

them ready to make terms. For they sent envoys requesting
pat don and begging to pay a ransom for themselves, their
wives, their children, and all their possessions. This moved
the emperor and so they did not fail to obtain what they
wanted. The Romans then took possession of the citadel.
The mediator in the negotiations was a man who was an As-
syrian by descent but born in Antioch the Great. He had
been superbly educated in Roman wisdom and culture as
well as in those of the Saracens on account of his natural
ability and adeptness. He approached the citadel in an inge-
nious way, and, on entering it, secured tbe gates with Rus’
arms, 6 [rrr] and took possession of the citadel. Petros was
his name, his surname was Libellisios, and at the time he
held the dignity of magistros. Such was the end of the siege.
On their subsequent march they seized many cities, some of
them small and some of them large, through war and vio-
lence.
After this the imperial army had to engage in infantry
combat. For the emir of Aleppo had joined the rest of the
Arabs along with the Huns and, with such a strong force, he
planned on engaging with the emperor and giving him bat-
tle. Meanwhile, the emperor was inside the captured city of
Hierapolis and busy attacking one of the towers which was
still holding out. He also had two battle lines drawn up in a
defensive position between the fortress and the encamp-
ment of the enemy, for some Saracens had appeared riding
in the plain at a distance. For around Hierapolis there are

203
 THE HISTORY

ἱππήλατα πεδία πρὸς μῆκος ἐπεκτεινόμενα μέγιστον καὶ

πλὴν γηλόφων οὐδέν ἐστι τὸ ὑπερανεστηκὸς εἰς ὄρος
μέγα καὶ πρὸς ἀέρα διατεινόμενον. Καυσώδης δὲ ὁ τόπο.
ἐστίν, ὡς ἂν τοῦ ἡλίου θερμότερον ἐκεῖσε προσβάλλοντο,
διὰ τὸ μεσημβρινόν, περὶ δὲ τὰ ἑσπέρια τοῦ κάστρου
λειμῶνες πεφύκασιν ὑδραγωγίοις κατάρρυτοι, χλιαρὸν 8
τὸ ὕδωρ ἐστί, μεταλαμβάνον πάντως τῆς ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος καὶ
τῆς γεώδους φλεγμονῆς ἐπιτάσεως.
IO Tote μὲν οὖν κατὰ μικρὸν | οἱ πολέμιοι ταῖς κατὰ μέτω.
πον ἱσταμέναις δύο παρατάξεσι πλησιάσαντες, ἀπῆν δ᾽ ἔτι
ὁ τοῦ Χάλεπ ἀμηρᾶς, ὄνομα τούτῳ Μαχμούτιος, καὶ ἀκρο-
βολισμοὺς ποιησάμενοι, παρελάσαι μέν τινας τῶν Ῥω.
μαίων πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατηνάγκασαν καὶ δὶς τοῦτο καὶ τρὶς
πεποιήκασι καὶ πάλιν διεγειρόμενοι τούτους ἀντέστρεφον
ὄπισθεν. Ἔν ἑτέρᾳ δὲ συμβολῇό τροπὴν ποιησάμενοι τῶν
παρελασάντων, οὐκέτι κατὰ τὰς προτέρας προσβολὰς γε-
γόνασιν ὀπισθόρμητοι ἀλλ᾽ ἀκρατῶς ἐλάσαντες μέχρι τῆς
τῶν Στρατηλατῶν φάλαγγος, εἰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς συνερρά-
yyoav- καὶ τρεψάμενοι ταύτην καὶ παρελθόντες τὸ τῶν
Σχολῶν σύνταγμα, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς
φυγεῖν αἰσχρῶς κατηνάγκασαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ καταλιπόντες τὸ
τῶν Σχολῶν σύνταγμα, ὅπερ τὴν τῶν ἑτέρων ὁρῶν ἧτταν,
οὔτε παραβοηθῆσαι οὔτε τι πρᾶξαι στρατιωτικὸν ἐμελέτη-
σεν ἀλλ᾽ ἦν πεπαγιωμένον ὡς ἂν λαθεῖν τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐκ
τῆς ἠρεμαίας διανοούμενον στάσεως. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὑποστρέψαν-
τες οἱ πολέμιοι, τὸ τάγμα τοῦτο μόνον εὗρον ἀγεννῶς
προϊστάμενον, ταχὺ καὶ τούτου τὴν ἧτταν εἰργάσαντο,
πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνῃρηκότες, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς τὴν παρεμ-
βολὴν κατακλείσαντες καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τούτων στρατηγικῶς
204
 CHAPTER 17

plains suitable for horseback riding, stretching for great dis-

cances and, except for some hills, there was nothing even
above
resembling a high mountain or anything that rises up
the horizon. The place is burning hot, for the sun shines
more hotly there because it is to the south. Toward the west
of the fortress the fields are irrigated by canals but che water
is lukewarm, heated by the temperature of the air and the
earth.
At that moment, then, the enemy slowly [112] rode up IO

to the two battle lines drawn up facing them. The emir

of Aleppo, whose name was Machmoutios, was still absent.
They began to shoot from a distance and forced some of the
Romans to ride out toward them. They did this two or three
times, provoking them again, and then wheeling around.
The next time they attacked they routed those who rode
out against them, but did not then wheel around and retreat
as in their earlier maneuvers: rather, they charged directly
into the phalanx of the Stratelatai and engaged with it in
close fighting, putting it to flight. They overtook the tagma
ofthe Scholai, killing many and forcing the rest into a shame-
ful flight. They left on their right the tagma of the Scholaz,
which, even while witnessing the defeat of the others, gave
no thought to coming to their assistance or doing anything
else expected of soldiers, but rather they stayed fixed tbere,
apparently with the idea that they would not be noticed
by the enemy if they stood calmly at ease. But when the
enemy returned, they found this tagma ignobly standing
there all alone and quickly defeated them, killing many and
chasing the others into the encampment. They captured

205
 THE HISTORY

ἀφελόμενοι, ὥστε καί τινες τῶν Σαρακηνῶν καταβάντες

τῶν ἵππων καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν τραχηλοκοπή.
σαντες, τὰς κεφαλὰς τούτων εἰς ἔνδειγμα τῆς νίκης πρὸς
τὸ Χάλεπ ἀπέστειλαν. ᾿
Tote τοίνυν κἀγὼ οὐ τοσοῦτον ἀπέγνων | τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ
σωτηρίαν ὅσον τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατέγνων δειλίαν ἣ
ἀπειροκαλίαν ἢ ταπεινότητα, τοσαύτης γὰρ γενομένης
καταφορᾶς καὶ ἥττης τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρὸ τῆς παρεμβολῆς,
οὐδεὶς τῶν λοιπῶν λόχων καὶ λοχαγῶν εἰς ἄμυναν διηρέ.
θιστο, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἔνδον καθήμενοι ἕκαστος τὸ οἰκεῖον
ἔργον, ὡς διὰ φιλίας γῆς ἐνσκηνούμενος, διεπράττετο καὶ
κίνησις ψυχῆς οὐδ᾽ ἀγωνία τούτους τὸ παράπαν ἐξώρμη-.
σεν.
12 Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἔνδον τοῦ κάστρου τοῦτο μεμαθηκώς,
μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς ἀνίας ἐκεῖθεν ἐπανελθὼν πρὸς τὸν χά.
paka μετὰ τῶν συνόντων αὐτῷ Καππαδοκῶν, πολλὴν καὶ
αὐτὸς τὴν ἀβελτηρίαν κατέγνω τούτων καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων
ὁμοῦ. Διὸ καὶ ἡ νὺξ ἐκείνη πάντας εἶχεν ἐν ἐλπίσιν οὐκ
ἀγαθαῖς, καθότι καὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἅπαν τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἐπι-
ταχθὲν διανυκτερεύειν περὶ τὴν τάφρον ἐν προτειχίσματι,
ἀποστασίαν ἐσκόπησε, μὴ πειθαρχῆσαν τοῖς λοχαγοῖς.
13 Καὶ ἡ μὲν νὺξ ἐκείνη δριμεῖά τις καὶ βαρεῖα τοῖς Ῥω-
μαίοις διετετέλεστο, οὔπω δ᾽ ἡμέρα προήει καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι
τὸν χάρακα πανστρατιᾷ περιέζωσαν, μεμαθηκὼς γὰρ ὁ
τοῦ Χάλεπ ἄρχων τὸ προγεγονὸς προτέρημα παρὰ τῆς
μοίρας αὐτοῦ, μεθ᾽ ὅλης ἧκε τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ὡς
αὐτοβοεὶ αἱρήσων τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ τῆς συνούσης αὐτῷ
στρατιᾶς. Καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτω περιϊππεύοντες ἡμᾶς καὶ θηρι-
ωὡδῶς ἐκφοβοῦντες ταῖς βαρβαρικαῖς ὑλακαῖς οὐ διέλιπον,
206
 CHAPTER 17

their standards by this strategy, and some Saracens dis-

mounted and hacked through the necks of many of the Ro-
man soldiers and sent their heads to Aleppo as a sign of their
victory.
It was then that I not so much despaired [113] of my own II

safety as I came to despise the cowardice, ineptitude, or

wretchedness of the Romans. For although the Romans had
suffered an overwhelming defeat before their encampment,
none of the remaining companies or officers was moved to
action. Instead, they all sat around inside, each one attend-
ing to his own business as though they were camping in a
friendly country: They were absolutely unmoved by any in-
ner drive or anxiety.
The emperor was inside the fortress when he learned of 1
this, and it was with great bitterness that he came out from
there to the palisade together with the Kappadokians who
accompanied him. He too expressed great disdain for the
stupidity of those soldiers and the Romans in general. Thus
everyone spent that night in trepidation, given also that all
the Armenian infantry, who had been ordered to spend the
night before the moat as a protective screen, planned to de-
fect and refused to obey their officers.
That night turned out to be bitter and oppressive for the 13
Romans. Before dawn the enemy had encircled the fortified
camp with their entire army, for when the ruler of Aleppo
had learned of the victory won by his side he came with all
his forces in the hope of capturing in a single blow the em-
peror and the army that was with him. They rode their
horses around us and, like wild beasts, tried to terrify us with
their unceasing barbarian howling, while the emperor was in

207
 THE HISTORY

ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἔνδον τῆς σκηνῆς διαγράφων | tov πόλεμον͵

περὶ τρίτην ὥραν ἀθρόον ἐξελήλυθεν ἔφιππος, ἐνίστατο δὲ
εἰκοστὴ τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς ἰνδικτιῶνος ζ΄, βοῆς βυκί.
voy ἢ σαλπίγγων μὴ προενηχησάσης αὐτοῦ τὴν πρόοδον.
Ἀρθέντων δὲ τῶν σημείων καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς κατὰ λόχους
συντεταγμένως ἐξιούσης, ἤρξαντο οἱ πολέμιοι περὶ μέρος
ἕν καθὸ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἶδον ἐλαύνοντας κατὰ φάλαγγας
καὶ αὐτοὶ cvvaOpoitecOar καὶ ὁ ἀγὼν ὅσος καὶ ἡ τοῦ μέλ.
λοντος ἔκβασις οἵα ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐναπέστακτο. Ὅμως §
οὖν ἐνυάλιον ἀλαλαξάντων τῶν κατὰ μέτωπον προαστι.
ζόντων, ἐν τῇ συμβολῇ πολλοὺς τῶν πολεμίων οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι
κατηγωνίσαντο διαχειρισάμενοι, τοῦ δὲ λοιποῦ πλήθους
τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐξορμήσαντος κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, φυγὴ τούτων
ἀνυπόστατος γίνεται, οἱ δὲ κατόπιν τῶν φευγόντων ἐλαύ-
νοντες, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλον, οὐκ ὀλίγους δὲ ζωγρήσαντες
ἔλαβον. Τῆς δὲ διώξεως μέχρι πολλοῦ μὴ γενομένης, με-
γάλης οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι νίκης καὶ αὐχήματος ἐξηστόχησαν, τῶν
γὰρ ἀραβικῶν ἵππων ταχυδρομεῖν εἰδότων ἄχρι τινός, μὴ
εὐψυχούντων δ᾽ ἐπὶ πολλοῦ διαστήματος, ὅταν οἱ ἹΡωμαῖοι
τὴν ἀτονίαν ἐκείνων οἰκείαν εὐτονίαν ἢ εὐψυχίαν ποιήσα-
σθαι ἔμελλον, τότε τοὺς ῥυτῆρας ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος βασιλι-
κοῦ ἐπιστρέψαντες, τὴν νίκην ἀμβλεῖαν ἑαυτοῖς ἀπειργά.
σαντο, κορεσθέντες μόνῃ τῇ τῶν ἐναντίων &notponij.
14 Οὕτως εἶδον ἐγὼ τοὺς νῦν Ῥωμαίους μήτε καιρὸν |
ἁρπάσαι δεδυνημένους μήτε λόχους καθίσαι μήτε πολέμῳ
δριμεῖ κρῖναι τὸ πᾶν εὐθυφρονοῦντας μήτε δυνάμεις τῶν
ἐναντιουμένων αὐτοῖς διακρίνοντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἑνὶ κανόνι χρω-
μένους πρὸς ἅπαντας, τούς τε δυνατωτάτους τῶν ἐναντίων

208
 CHAPTER 17

his tent making plans [x14] for the battle. About the third
hour he suddenly came out mounted on his horse—it was
che twentieth of the month of November, of the seventh in-
diction —without having the trumpets and bugles announce
his advance. The standards were raised, and the army, drawn
up in companies, marched out. The enemy began to gather
around one section where they saw the Romans marching
by phalanx. The fighting was as fierce as the hope for its out-
come in the soul of each person was great. But when those
who were fighting in the front ranks shouted the battle cry,
the Romans defeated and killed many of the enemy in the
clash, and then the rest of the Roman army also charged out
against them, and headlong flight ensued. Those pursuing
the fleeing enemy killed many and took not a few prisoner.
Although the pursuit did not last a long time, the Romans
fell short of winning a glorious victory, even though the Ara-
bian horses were good at running fast up to a certain dis-
tance, but were not strong enough for a long distance. At the
point when the Romans could have turned the enemy's
exhaustion to their own invigoration and advantage, they
pulled in their reins at the emperor's command and dulled
the edge of their victory, being satisfied only with the flight
of the enemy.
Thus I realized that the Romans of our day are neither 14
capable [115] of seizing opportunities, nor of setting am-
bushes, nor of deciding everything prudently in the midst of
bitter war, nor of discerning the strength of their opponents.
But in every case they observe just one rule, whether they
are dealing with the most powerful of their enemies or with

209
 THE HISTORY

καὶ τοὺς γλίσχρως, Kal ἡγεμονικῶς εἴτ᾽ οὖν τοπαρχικῷς

ἔχοντας. Τί γὰρ ἦν τότε δέος πρὸς τὸν τοῦ Χάλεπ ἡγε:
μόνα εἰς τὸ μὴ διώκειν αὐτὸν ἀκρατῶς μετὰ τὴν τροπήν,
ὀπισθοφυλακοῦντος τοῦ βασιλέως μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς το;
στρατοῦ μοίρας, καὶ κατόπιν ἐπιτρέπειν τὴν παρεμβολὴν
ἕπεσθαι μέχρις ὅτου καὶ τῷ Χάλεπ ἐπέστησαν καὶ τοὺς
ἔνδον τῷ φόβῳ κατέσεισαν καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν παρ.
ἐστήσαντο, τοὺς πλείους τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ
κατακόψαντες; Καθὼς γὰρ καὶ ὕστερον μεμαθήκαμεν ὅτι
καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ τοῦ Χάλεπ καραδοκοῦντες ἦσαν, ἐφ᾽ à τὴν
πόλιν αὐτῶν ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ συνθήκαις ἀφεσίμοις παρα.
δοῦναι τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἐπείπερ καὶ ἡ νεότης τούτων παθεῖν
ἔμελλε πᾶσα, εἰ προέβη τὰ τῆς διώξεως, ἤλαυνον γὰρ καὶ
αὐτοὶ πεζικῇ παρατάξει διὰ τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ πρώην τῶν Xa.
ρακηνῶν προτερήματος ὥστε τὸν χάρακα τῶν Ῥωμαίων
ἐξ ἐπιθέσεως αἱρήσειν πολεμικῆς. Νῦν δὲ τῷ ἀδιακρίτῳ
τῆς τῶν ἀρχόντων ἡγεμονίας καὶ τῆς αὐτῶν ἰσχύος, τῶν
Ῥωμαίων οἱ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἡγεμόνες ἰσχυρῶς συνεχόμενοι,
τάς τε νίκας αὐτῶν εἰς ἀγενὲς περιστέλλουσι πέρας καὶ
τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εἰς αὔχημα μεῖζον ἐπαίρουσιν, οἵ καὶ κυριαρ-
χεῖν ἐν ταῖς νίκαις | τῷ συνεχεῖ τῆς διώξεως μὴ διανοούμε-
νοι, τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων γῆν ὑπόφορον αὐτῶν ἢ μηλόβοτον
πεποιήκασιν, ὡς διὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων ὑστερημάτων ἀναπλη-
ροῦσθαι τὰ ἐκείνων θελήματα.
15 Ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν οὕτως: ἐπανελθὼν δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς
τὸν χάρακα μετὰ τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀποσόβησιν, ἔγνω τὴν
ἀκρόπολιν τῆς Ἱεραπόλεως ἐνοικίσαι καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀπο-
δεῖξαι ταύτης, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κατὰ μικρὸν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν
τ

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 CHAPTER 17

he most miserable, or with supreme or local authorities.

Wh did they so fear the ruler of Aleppo as not to pursue
him in full force after routing him? The emperor was guard-
ing their tear along with the other units of the army; he
could then have allowed the pursuit to reach right up to the
walls of Aleppo, where they would have instilled such fright
in the inhabitants that they would have handed over their
city, for most of their soldiers would have been cut down
during the flight. In fact, as we later learned, the citizens of
Aleppo themselves fully expected that they would have to
surrender their city to the emperor and would have to come
to an agreement and sign a treaty, since if the pursuit had
continued none of their young men would have survived.
For these too had marched out in an infantry formation in
the hopes raised by the earlier Saracen victory that they
could capture the Roman palisade by military assault. But in
our times, the emperors and the commanders of the Ro-
mans are unable to discern the extent of foreign rulers’ he-
gemony and their military strength, and so they restrain
themselves and turn their victories into inglorious conclu-
sions, which only give the enemy cause for great boast-
ing. Our rulers do not understand how to prevail in victory
[116] by continuing the pursuit, and so they have made the
land of the Romans tributary to the enemy or into grazing
land for sheep, and because of our own limitations the will
of the enemy is fulfilled.
But enough about that. The emperor returned to his I5
camp after chasing off the enemy and he decided to occupy
the citadel of Hierapolis and place a general in charge of it.
These measures would gradually make the rest of the city

211
 THE HISTORY

Ῥωμαίων γενέσθαι καὶ Ἀρμενίων κατοικητήριον. Kai δια.

τοῦτο χρονίσας ἐκεῖσε καὶ φρουρὰν ὅση τις ἐδόκει πρὸς
φυλακὴν αὐτάρκης καὶ στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσας Φαρασμά.
νιον ἐκεῖνον βέστην τὸν Ἀποκάπην, ἐξ Ἀρμενίων τὸ γένος
ἕλκοντα, χώραν δέδωκε τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἀνακαλέσασθαί τε
τὴν ἧτταν καὶ ἀντίπαλα φέρεσθαι.
τό Καὶ ἕως μὲν ἐστρατοπεδευμένος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρα-
τὸς διεδείκνυτο, κατὰ χώραν ἐδόκουν μένειν οἱ Ἄραβες:
ὡς δ᾽ ἀναστρέψας τὴν στρατιὰν εὐθὺς τοῦ φρουρίου τοῦ |
Alas ἤλαυνεν, ἤρξαντο σποράδην ἐκ διαστήματος κατὰ
τὸ εἰθισμένον αὐτοῖς ἐπιφαίνεσθαι, καὶ περὶ τὴν οὐραγίαν
πολλάκις ἐπιτιθέμενοι ἢ καὶ τοὺς τὰ σιτία μετακομίζοντας,
ἐλύπουν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ὡς ἂν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ λόχου τὰς
ἐπιθέσεις ἐν τῷ λεληθότι ποιούμενοι. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν κατα-
φραξάμενος ἑκηβόλοις καὶ πελτασταῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸ
στρατόπεδον, οὕτω τεθωρακισμένον αὐτὸ διῆγε καὶ τὰς
τῶν ἐχθρῶν προσβολὰς ῥᾳδίως ἀποκρουόμενον, ἕως ἐν τῷ
φανερῷ καὶ μάχῃ νικήσας αὖθις τοὺς ἐναντίους, τῷ φρου-
pie τοῦ Ἀζᾶς μεθ’ ὅλης τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τῆς ἀποσκευῆς
προσηνέχθη, μανθάνων παρά τινων ὅτι εὔυδρός ἐστιν ὁ
τόπος ἐκεῖνος καὶ ἱκανὸς χορηγεῖν τοσούτῳ στρατοπέδῳ
δαψίλειαν τοῦ ὑδρεύεσθαι. Ὡς δὲ προσεγγίσας αὐτῷ οὐδὲ
καθ᾽ ἡμίσειαν τόξου βολήν, ἐρυμνότατόν τε εἶδεν ἐπ᾽
ἀκρωρείας τοῦ λόφου ἱστάμενον καὶ τείχεσι διπλοῖς περι-
εζωσμένον καὶ πέτραις ὥσπερ χειροποιήτοις γεγομφω-
μένον καὶ λιθίνην τὴν ἄνοδον πρὸς τὴν πύλην ἀποφερό-
μενον- μικρόν τε ὕδωρ ἀπορρέον ἐκεῖθεν καὶ μὴ δυνάμενον
ὅσον πρὸς χιλιοστὸν μέρος τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐξαρκεῖν, ἀπέγνω

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Roman too, and an Armenian settlement. For this reason he

spent some time there and appointed a garrison which he
thought sufficient to hold it securely, and as its commander
he named Pharasmanios, the vestes surnamed Apokapes, an
Armenian by race. He thus gave the enemy the opportunity
to recover from their defeat and to regroup their opposi-
tion.
Indeed, as long as the Roman army was encamped the Ar- 16

abs deemed it best to remain in their own territory, but as

soon as the emperor turned the army around and marched
to the [117] fortress of Azas they began little by little to show
themselves. As usual they kept their distance but harassed
the Romans by frequent attacks on the rear guard or even
on the baggage trains, making their attacks unexpectedly in
ambushes and raids. The emperor, however, reinforced his
army with long-distance archers and peltasts and, thus pro-
tected, it advanced and easily repelled the attacks of the en-
emy until, after defeating the foe in open battle again, it
arrived at the fortress of Azas with all its personnel and
equipment. He had learned that there was a good supply of
water in the place, enough even to provide the water needs
of such a large army. On approaching the place, however,
when he was less than half a bow shot away, he observed that
it was very well fortified, standing on the ridge of the hill,
surrounded by double walls whose stones looked as though
they had been joined by hand, and that the road leading up
to the gate was of stone. In that area only a small amount of
water was flowing, not enough for a thousandth part of the

213
 THE HISTORY

τὴν ἐκεῖσε στρατοπεδείαν xal ἀναζεύξας ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τόπον

ἐπήξατο τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἔνθα τὸ ὕδωρ ἀφθονώτερον
ἔρρεε. Διασκοπήσας οὖν ὡς οὐκ εὔθετόν ἐστιν ἐκ Stacy.
ματος τοσούτου προσιέναι τῇ πόλει Kai μηχανὰς ἐφιστά.
ναι, φθάνειν γὰρ τὴν νύκτα καὶ δεῖσθαι μετακομιδῆς αὐτῶν
εἰς τὸν χάρακα ἵνα μὴ πυρίκαυστα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἱστάμενα
γίνοιντο, τόν τε χειμῶνα περὶ ἀκμὴν ἐρχόμενον καθορῶν
καὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους περικεχυμένους ἀεὶ τῷ θάρρει τῆς τῶν
ἵππων ἐν τῷ θεῖν ἀρετῆς, ἀναστὰς ἐκεῖθεν, ὥρμησε πρὸς
τὰ τῆς Αὐσονίτιδος ὅρια.
17 Καὶ πυρπολήσας χωρίον τι μέγιστον Κάτμα λεγόμενον
τῷ ἀμηρᾷ τοῦ Χάλεπ ἀφωρισμένον ἐκ παλαιοῦ, εἰς ἕτερον
χωρίον κατέλυσε Τερχαλᾶ κατονομαζόμενον, ἔνθα κοπτο-
μένου τοῦ χάρακος καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως En’ ὄχθης ἱσταμένου
κατὰ τὸ δεξιὸν καὶ προασπιζουσῶν | στρατιωτικῶν παρα-
τάξεων. Ἣν δὲ τόπος ῥύακος τάξιν ἐπέχων, ἐξ ἑκατέρου
μέρους βουνοῖς συνεχόμενος, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ὁ ἀριστερὸς τοὺς πο-
λεμίους εἶχεν ἐπ᾽ ἀκρωρείας ἱσταμένους κατὰ τὸ ἀσφαλές,
τοῦ τε λοιποῦ πλήθους περὶ τὴν ἀπόθεσιν τῶν φορτηγῶν
ζώων ἠσχολημένου καὶ τῆς οὐραγίας ἐφεπομένης καὶ ἀντι-
πολεμούσης τοῖς ἐπεμβαίνουσι τῶν Σαρακηνῶν, Ἄραβες
δύο λαθόντες κατόπιν τῆς ἀκρωρείας καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀπὸ
ῥυτήρων ἐλάσαντες, ἐπ᾽ ἄκρου τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἐφορμῶσι
καὶ δύο τῶν πεζῶν ταῖς λόγχαις ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτῶν: οὖς ὁ
βασιλεὺς πρῶτος τῶν λοιπῶν θεασάμενος καὶ φωνῇ κατα-
μηνύσας τὴν ἔφοδον, διανέστησε μὲν τοὺς στρατιώτας εἰς
δίωξιν, οἱ δὲ φθάσαντες ἐξαισίῳ δρόμῳ τῶν ἵππων εἰς τὸ

214
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army He decided not to encamp there but, marching away

from there, made camp in a place where the water was more
abundant. Then he realized that it would not be easy from
such a distance to advance against the city and bring up siege
machines. For night was upon them, and they would have to
move them back to the camp to keep the enemy from set-
ting them on fire. He also saw that the depth of winter was
approaching and the enemy was circling all around them, al-
ways relying on the superiority of their horses’ speed. So
they left that area and marched swiftly to the borders of Au-
sonitis.187
He burned down a very large village called Katma, which 17
had for a long time belonged to the emir of Aleppo, and then
stopped at another village named Terchala, where they dug
the camp ditch. The emperor established himself on the
raised bank to the right and the military units [x18] drew
up in defensive formation. The place had a stream going
through it and was enclosed by mountains on both sides.
The enemy was on the left, installed along the mountain
ridge for safety, while the rest of the army was occupied in
taking care of the pack animals and the rear guard was
screening and fighting off the Saracen attacks. Two Arabs
who had been hiding behind the ridge charged at a full gal-
lop, attacked the edge of the camp and killed two infantry-
men with their spears. The emperor was the first to see them
and sounded the alarm, ordering the soldiers to pursue
them, but the two men managed to ride back to the safety of
their own army thanks to the swiftness of their horses. The

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 THE HISTORY

οἰκεῖον στρατόπεδον ἀνεσώθησαν. Τότε μὲν οὖν διανυκτε.

ρεύσαντες οὐκ ἀμαχητί, περιεβόμβουν γὰρ ἔξωθεν gq.
καῖς ἀσήμοις οἱ Ἄραβες, τῇ ἐπαύριον ἄραντες εἰς τὴν ῥω-
μαϊκὴν ἐπεβάλομεν γῆν, οὕτω μὲν τυπουμένην ἐκ τῶν
ὁρίων, προκατειργασμένην δὲ καὶ ἀνάστατον οὖσαν εἰ
τάχα καὶ ἀγαθότης ἦν καὶ χρήματι καλλίστῳ καὶ μεγίστῳ
τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐλαιῶν βρίθουσα, πλὴν εἰ
μήπου προϊόντες κρησφύγετά τινα εὑρίσκομεν βραχύτατά
τινα συντηροῦντα τῆς χώρας ἐκείνης ἐπίμονα λείψανα.
18 Διελθόντες οὖν τοιούτους τόπους πολλούς, εὐθὺ τοῦ
Ἀρτὰχ ἐβαδίζομεν. Τὸ δὲ τοιοῦτον κάστρον ἐστὶ στρα-
τηγῷ | μὲν ἀρχόμενον, φρουρᾷ δὲ καὶ κώμῃ πολλῶν καὶ
ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν συντηρούμενον καὶ στρατιωτῶν οὐκ
ἀμοιροῦν ἐν ταῖς Kar’ ἐπιδρομὴν ἐπιθέσεσι: τὸ δὲ τοιοῦτον
προαλωθὲν φρουρὰν εἶχε Σαρακηνῶν ἀποταμιεύουσαν
αὐτοῖς τὴν εἰς τὸ ἑξῆς αὐτοῦ καταδούλωσιν, ὅπερ ἔγγιστα
τῆς Μεγάλης Ἀντιοχείας τυγχάνον μεγάλην αὐτῇ βλάβην
καὶ παντοδαπὴν ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπιτρέφειν ἔμελλε καὶ
οἷον ἀντίπολις εἶναι καὶ ἀντίθετον καταγώγιον. Ἄρτι δὲ
τοῦ βασιλέως εὐτρεπιζομένου πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ πολιορκίαν,
φόβῳ κατασεισθέντες οἱ τὴν φρουρὰν ἐμπεπιστευμένοι
τούτου Σαρακηνοί, νυκτὸς ἐκεῖθεν ἀπέδρασαν. Ὁ δὲ βα-
σιλεὺς ἀνακωχὴν τοῦτο τῆς ἐργολαβίας καλῶς ἡγησάμε-
νος, τίθησι μὲν αὐτοῦ που τὸν χάρακα, διατίθησι δὲ τὰ
κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς εὐπρεπῶς, στρατηγόν τε καὶ φρουρὰν ἐπιστή-
σας καὶ σιτήσεις ἐναποθέμενος καὶ πάντα τὰ τῷ καιρῷ δια-
ταξάμενος πρόσφορα.

216
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Romans did not spend the night without battle, for the Ar-
„bs were outside making a din all around with their inarticu-
late howling. Setting out the next day we entered Roman
territory This was signaled by the boundary markers, but
the land had been previously attacked and laid waste. Even
if it might have had some good qualities and abounded in a
great amount of excellent produce of all kinds and especially
of olives, still, as we advanced, we bardly ever found a place
of refuge, except some small ones sheltering the few remain-
ing survivors of that land.
Passing through many such regions we marched straight 18

for Artach. This fortress is commanded [119] by a general

and is protected by a garrison and a settlement consisting of
many capable men, and so it is not without soldiers in case
of sudden assault. But it had previously been captured and
had a garrison of Saracens to keep it in subjection to them
from now on. Since it is very close to Antioch the Great, it
was in a position to cause great harm and all sorts of damage
to that city at the hands of the enemy, becoming a kind of
anticity,!# a base for hostilities. But when the emperor be-
gan to prepare to besiege it, the Saracens who had been en-
trusted with its defense were seized with fear and ran away
from there during the night. The emperor thought that this
was a good place to bring his labor to an end and he put a
fortified camp there, organized everything in that place
properly appointed a general and garrison, apportioned pro-
visions, and generally made arrangements appropriate to the
situation at hand.

217
 THE HISTORY

19 Ex’ αὐτοῦ τοίνυν τοῦ βασιλέως ἤρξαντο Ῥωμαῖοι node.

μίοις ἀντοφθαλμίζειν καὶ πρὸς γενναιότητος ἀναφέρειν
λόγον καὶ συνίστασθαι πρὸς ἀντίθεσιν, ἐπεὶ τά γε κατὰ
τοὺς προβεβασιλευκότας, ἐξ οὗπερ ὁ Μονομάχος καὶ οἱ
καθ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐπεκράτησαν, πλὴν ἐπιδείξεως μόνης καὶ πλή.
θους συναγωγῆς οὐδενὶ καρτερὰν πρὸς μάχην συνέρρα-
Eav, ὡς εἶναι δῆλον ὅτι τοῦ ἡγεμόνος ὡς ἐπίπαν ἐστὶ τὸ
κατορθούμενον ἐν ὅλοις τοῖς πράγμασιν.
20 Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ Ἀντιόχεια προκατείργαστο ταῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς |
καὶ σίτου σπάνιν ἐκέκτητο, δείσας ὁ βασιλεὺς μὴ παραγε-
νόμενος ἐκεῖσε καινοτομήσῃ τῇ πόλει τὰς ἰδίας τροφάς,
καταφρονήσας ἐπὶ συμφέροντι ταύτης τῆς ἰδίας τρυφῆς,
διὰ τόπων ἐλάσας ἐρήμων, ὑπερέβη τοὺς αὐλῶνας ἐκείνους
καὶ τὰς κλεισούρας δι’ ὧν ἡ Κοίλη Συρία τῆς Κιλικίας
χωρίζεται. ΚΚαὶ κατελθὼν ἐπιπόνως εἰς πόλιν τῆς Κιλικίας
λεγομένην Ἀλεξανδρόν, μεγίστη γὰρ ἔκθλιψις ἐν τοῖς τό-
ποις ἐκείνοις τῷ στρατοπέδῳ γέγονε διὰ τὸ στενόπορον
καὶ τὸ ἀπότομον τῶν πετρῶν καὶ τὸ συνεχὲς τῶν κρημνῶν,
ἐκεῖσε τὴν παρεμβολὴν καὶ τὸν χάρακα πήγνυσι. Kal οὕτω
διελθὼν τὴν χώραν ἐκείνην καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον τὸ ὄρος παν-
στρατιᾷ ὑπερβάς, εἰσβάλλει τῇ Ῥωμαίων, ’Evruxövreg 8’
ἀθρόον οἱ στρατευόμενοι τῷ κρυμῷ καὶ τῇ συστροφῇ τῆς
ἄγαν ψυχρότητος, ἐκ τόπων θερμῶν ἀναγόμενοι, περὶ τὸ
τέλος γὰρ ἦν ὁ Δεκέμβριος μήν, πολλῆς ἤσθοντο τῆς δρι-
μύτητος, ὁπότε συνέβη καὶ ἵππους καὶ ἡμιόνους καὶ
ἀνθρώπους ὅσοι μὴ εὐσαρκοῦντες ἦσαν ἢ μὴ εὐειματοῦν-
τες τῷ ἀθρόῳ τῆς ψύξεως ἀποψῦξαι καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ προ-
βεβλῆσθαι θέαμα οἴκτιστον.

218
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It was, therefore, during the reign of this emperor that τὸ

the Romans began to stand up to their enemies, recover
their more noble outlook, and organize their resistance. For
during previous reigns, from the time when Monomachos
and his successors exercised power, apart from mere show
and an assemblage of sheer numbers, they never engaged in
real combat with anyone. It is clear that, generally, what is
accomplished is the leader's responsibility in all matters.
Since Antioch had previously been ravaged by the raids 20

[120] and was suffering from a scarcity of grain, the emperor

feared that if he passed by there he would further deplete
the city’s food supply. Placing the city’s interests above his
own convenience, he marched through deserted lands and
crossed over those defiles and &/ezsourai which separate Koile
Syria from Kilikia. He then descended, laboriously, to a city
of Kilikia called Alexandron, for in those regions the army
was in great distress because of the narrow roads, the pre-
cipitous rocks, and the never ending cliffs. Next to that city
he pitched his camp with a palisade around it. And proceed-
ing through that country in this way and crossing over the
Tauros mountain with his entire army, he entered Roman
territory. But the men marching with him, who were coming
from a warm climate, suddenly found themselves in icy cold
weather, with everything covered with frost. It was about
the end of the month of December, and they felt the bitter
cold. Thus it happened that horses, mules, and men, espe-
cially those whose bodies were not robust or well clothed,
froze to death in the sudden cold and had to be left on the
road, a pitiable sight.

219
 THE HISTORY

21 Τότε κἀγὼ περὶ στενωπὸν τοῦ Tabpov ὄρους ἄφυκτον

διέφυγον κίνδυνον, ὁ γὰρ ἵππος εἰς ὃν ἐπωχούμην, προε.
στενοχωρημένος ὧν ἐκ πάθους λυκοεντερικοῦ λεγο μένου,
ὀκλάσαςτι μικρὸν τοὺς ἐμπροσθίους, ἔσχε με καταβάντα
τούτου αὐτίκα διὰ τοῦ δεξιοῦ μέρους, ἐν ἀριστερῷ γὰρ
οὐκ ἦν διὰ τὸ κρημνὸν ἀποτέμνεσθαι μέγιστον. Ὡς δ᾽
ἀνέστησα τοῦτον τῷ ῥυτῆρι νύξας, εὐθὺς διατιναξάμενος
αὐτόματος di ἑαυτοῦ τῷ κρημνῷ ἑαυτὸν κατηκόντισεν.
ἐγὼ δὲ μείνας σῶς, δόξαν μὲν τῷ Θεῷ τῆς τοῦ κινδύνου
ἐλευθερίας ἀνέπεμψα, θαῦμα δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς προσενέ.
σταξα, ὅπως οἷον ἐκ προγνώσεως θειοτέρας οὐκ ἐπέμεινα
τοῖς νώτοις τοῦ ἵππου, ἦν γάρ τι μικρὸν ὀκλάσας ὅσον
ἀναστῆναι καὶ πάνυ ῥάδιον, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς ἐν τάχει, οὐ
συναπῆλθον τῷ κρημνῷ καὶ συνετρίβην ὡς τάχιστα.
Ἵσταντο γὰρ πάντες θεώμενοι τὸ καινόν, ἐπεὶ τοῖς κατόπιν
οὐκ ἐξῆν περαιτέρω ἰέναι, τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐκείνης ἕνα καὶ μόνον
συγχωρούσης διέρχεσθαι διὰ τὸ πάνυ στενώτατον, ἕως
ἑτέρου μοι προσαχθέντος ὑποζυγίου ἡ ἐπίβασις ἐπιγέγο-
νεν. ᾿
22 Ἔξιοῦσι δ᾽ ἡμῖν εἴς τι χωρίον τῆς τοῦ Ποδανδοῦ κλει-
σούρας ἐκτὸς Γυψάριον κατονομαζόμενον, φήμη τις ἐπε-
πόλασε τὸν καταλελειμμένον ἐν Μελιτηνῇ στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ
τῇ φυλακῇ τῆς Ῥωμαίων γῆς αἰσχρῶς καὶ βουλεύσασθαι
καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν στρατὸν οἰκονομῆσαι καὶ τοσοῦτον ὅτι-
περ: οἱ πολέμιοι διελθόντες τὴν τοῦ Ἀμωρίου πολιτείαν
ἀνήρπασαν καὶ φόνον ἀνδρῶν ἀμύθητον πεποιήκασι καὶ
πανοικεσίᾳ ταύτην ἠνδραποδίσαντο. Τῆς δὲ παρεμβολῆς
αὐτῶν ἀφεθείσης ἐν τῇ τοῦ Χαλκέως τοποθεσίᾳ, αὐτὸς

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It was at that time that I myself escaped an inescapable

>:
i langer along
the narrow road through Mount Tauros. The
horse that I was riding had been suffering from an affliction
called lykoenteritis.?? He bent his forelegs a little bit, caus-
ing me to slide off on the right side, for on the left it was
impossible as there was [121] a huge precipice. As I got the
horse to stand again by forcing him with the reins, he imme-
diately lurched uncontrollably on his own and threw himself
over the cliff. But I remained safe and praised God for res-
cuing me from the danger. I caused everyone to marvel be-
cause, as if through a divine premonition, I did not remain
on the horse's back. For its legs had bent only a little so that
it would have been very easy to straighten up again. But I
slid off quickly and did not get thrown over the cliff with
him and become instantly smashed to death. Everyone
stood there gawking at the spectacle. Actually, the men be-
hind me could not go forward, since the road was so narrow
that it would allow only one person to pass at a time. Finally,
another mount was brought up for me, and the journey con-
tinued.
As we were marching out to a village beyond the &lezsoura 22

of Podandos, which is called Gypsarion, news arrived that

the commander who had been left behind in Melitene to de-
fend Roman territory was doing a shamefully poor job of
planning and administering military affairs. He was doing
such a bad job that the enemy, passing by the city of Amor-
jon, had taken it by storm, massacred an incredible number
of men, and led all the others away as captives. Their camp
had been left in the place named after Chalkeus, but this

221
 THE HISTORY

ἀπὸ διαστήματος ὀλίγου συνηθροισμένην ἔχων τὴν στρα.

τιὰν ἐν τῷ τοῦ Τζαμαντοῦ ὀχυρώματι | οὔτε ταύτην ἑλεῖν
ἢ προσβαλεῖν παρετόλμησεν οὔτε τῷ Ἀμωρίῳ προσβο.
ηθῆσαι, ὅτι μὴ μᾶλλον οἱ Τοῦρκοι τῷ Τζαμαντῷ προσ.
εγγίσαντες ἐν τῷ ἐπανιέναι, πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐπεξιόντων
Ῥωμαίων ἀνεῖλον, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους εἰς τὰ ἐρυμνότατα τοῦ
κάστρου κατέκλεισαν. Ἀνιαθεὶς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς
καὶ πλέον τι
ποιῆσαι μὴ δυνηθεὶς διὰ τὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐπαχθὲς καὶ
ἀσύμφορον, τὸ μὲν μισθοφορικὸν καὶ ὅσοι τῆς ἑσπερίας
μερίδος ἐτύγχανον εἰς παραχειμασίαν διέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ
μετὰ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων καὶ Βυζαντίων καὶ τῶν οἰκοφυ-
λακούντων ἐν βασιλείοις εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν εἰσελήλυθε,
περὶ ἀκμὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὄντος, πρὸς τῷ τέλει γὰρ ἦν Ta-
νουάριος μήν.

18

LN aav τοίνυν £v τῇ τῶν πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων δι-

οἰκήσει χρόνον τινὰ καὶ τιμὰς εἴς τινας τῶν συγκλητικῶν
ποιησάμενος καὶ τὰς ἐτησίους δωρεὰς al τοῖς συγκλητι-
κοῖς ἀξιώμασι προσήρτηνται ποιησάμενος, καὶ οὐδὲ τὰς
πασχαλίους ἡμέρας περιμείνας εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον, εἰς τὸν

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man, though he had assembled an army not far away in the

fortress of Izamantos, [x22] did not dare to capture or even
assault it or go to the aid of Amorion. On the contrary, the
Turks on their return came close to Tzamantos and killed
many of the Romans who came out against them and kept
the others hemmed in the most secure sections of the for-
tress. The emperor was distressed, but was unable to take
any further action because of the burdensome and disadvan-
tageous winter season. He assigned the mercenaries and the
soldiers from the west to winter quarters, while he himself
with his bodyguards, the residents of Byzantion, and the
household guards of the palace, entered the Reigning City
in the depth of winter. It was close to the end of the month
of January.'”°

Chapter 18

Romanos IV Diogenes’ second

eastern campaign (1069)

H. spent some time in dealing with civil matters, be-

stowing honors on some of the senators and distributing the
annual gifts connected with the senatorial dignities. Yet he
did not remain in Byzantion even for Easter, but sailed

223
 THE HISTORY

ἀντιπέρας κείμενον βασιλικὸν οἶκον xai λεγόμενον τῶν

Hpiwv ἀπέπλευσεν, ὁρμὴν ἔχων εἰς τὴν ἑῴαν αὖθις στρα-
τοπεδεύσασθαι καὶ τοῖς Τούρκοις ἐπεξελθεῖν: ἐπισυνέβη
γὰρ καί τι τῶν ἀτόπων πρὸς ἐκστρατείαν καλοῦν τὸν
ἄνακτα σπουδαιότερον.
Ἀνὴρ γὰρ Λατῖνος ἐξ Ἰταλίας τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθών,
Κρισπῖνος ὀνόματι, πρὸς τὴν ἑῴαν προαπεστάλῃ παραχει-
'Ῥμάσων ἐκεῖσε μετὰ τῶν συνδιαπλευσάντων αὐτῷ καὶ συν-
αφικομένων ὁμογενῶν. Δόξας δὲ μὴ Kar’ ἔφεσιν τιμηθῆναι
παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ δωρεὰς ἀποχρώσας λαβεῖν, ἀπο-
στασίαν ἐσκόπησε καὶ αὐτίκα τοὺς συναντῶντας φορολό-
γους τε καὶ λοιποὺς σκυλεύειν καὶ διαρπάζειν ἤρξατο καὶ
πάντα δρᾶν ὅσα δεσπότου ἀποπτύουσι χαλινούς, φόνον δὲ
Ῥωμαίων οὐδένα εἰργάσατο. Διὸ καὶ κατὰ βασιλικὴν ἐν-
τολήν, ἐμεμαθήκει γὰρ πάντα ὁ βασιλεύς, πολλοὶ τῶν
στρατιωτῶν πρὸς μάχην τούτῳ συνήντησαν, πάντες δὲ
τῆς τούτου ῥομφαίας ἡττήθησαν. Τελευταῖον δὲ στρατῷ
μεγάλῳ τῶν ἑσπερίων πέντε ταγμάτων ἐπιστρατεύσας
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν θεμάτων ἐν ᾧ παρεχείμαζον
ὁ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τούτων ἐπιτραπεὶς Σαμουὴλ βεστάρχης,
ὁ Ἀλουσιάνος λεγόμενος. Καὶ περὶ ὄρθρον ἐπιτεθεὶς τούτῳ
ἠρεμοῦντι καὶ ἀναπαυομένῳ κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς τῆς Ava-
στασίμου ἡμέρας καὶ μεγάλης Κυριακῆς ἐφισταμένης.
ἔπραξε μὲν γενναῖον οὐδέν, ἔπαθε δὲ μᾶλλον πάνυ κακῶς:
ἐμπεσόντες γὰρ οἱ στρατιῶται τοῖς τῶν σκηνῶν καλωδίοις
καὶ συμπλακέντες αὐτοῖς, γνῶσιν τοῖς Φράγγοις τῆς ἐπι-
βουλῆς πεποιήκασιν, οἱ δὲ σταθηρῶς ἑαυτοὺς ἀνακαλεσά-
μενοι καὶ πρὸς ἄμυναν τραπέντες εὐθύς, οὐ μοχθηρῶς

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across the straits to an imperial residence called Hieria with

the urge to set out again on campaign in the east and to at-
tack the Turks. And a rather curious thing occurred at that
time, which made the ruler all the more zealous to begin the
expedition.
A certain Latin man from Italy had approached the em-
peror. His name was Krispinos and he had been sent to the
east to spend the winter with his countrymen who had sailed
and arrived along with him. [123] Believing that he had not
been properly honored by the emperor or given sufficient
presents, he thought of rebelling and soon he began to rob
and despoil the tax collectors and others whom he encoun-
tered. In all ways he acted as though he had thrown off the
restraints of his master, but he did not murder any Romans.
The emperor had learned all this and sent out an imperial
order that many soldiers should engage him in battle, but
they were all defeated by his sword. Finally a large army
marched out against him, consisting of five western units
quartered for the winter in the Armeniac themata, and they
were placed under the command of the vestarches Samuel,
the one called Alousianos. About dawn he came upon him as
he was peacefully at rest according to custom, for it was the
Great Sunday, the day of the Resurrection,?! but he accom-
plished nothing memorable, and in fact suffered a great deal
of harm, for his soldiers tripped over the tent ropes, became
entangled in them, and so let the Franks know of their plan.
The latter calmly got themselves together, turned to defend
themselves, and without much trouble drove the Romans

225
 THE HISTORY

τοὺς Ῥωμαίους τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἀπεώσαντο. Ταχὺ δὲ τῶν

ἵππων ἐπιβάντες ὡς εἶχεν ἕκαστος σπουδῆς καὶ παρα-
σκευῆς καὶ κατόπιν ἐλάσαντες, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλον, ἄλ-
λους δὲ ζωγρήσαντες ἔλαβον.
Téte δὴ προκαθίσας ὁ τῶν Λατίνων ἐξάρχων οὐκ ἄκαι-
pov οὐδ᾽ ἀνεύλογον δημηγορίαν | συνήγαγε, κατέγνω γὰρ
τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀσέβειαν, ὅτι ἐν τοιαύτῃ φοβερᾷ καὶ θαυ-
μασίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ ἥτις ἑορτῶν ἐστιν ἑορτή, τὰς χεῖρας κατὰ
χριστιανικῶν αἱμάτων ἐξώπλισαν, μὴ ἐφειμένον ὃν ἐν
ταύτῃ τοῖς ὀρθοδόξοις μηδὲ κατὰ ἀλλοφύλων ἐπεξιέναι
καὶ τὴν χάριν ὑβρίζειν τῆς ἀναστάσεως. Ὅμως πράως τού-
τοις προσενεχθεὶς καὶ συμπαθείας ἀξιώσας ἀπέλυσε, τοὺς
δὲ τραυματίας ἐν ταῖς κώμαις ἀπέθετο, τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν
αὐτῶν ἐπιτρέψας ἀπαραλόγιστον.
Ταῦτα τοῦ βασιλέως μεμαθηκότος, κατήπειξαν αὐτὸν
πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον. Γενόμενος οὖν ἐν τῇ ἐπισκέψει τῶν Με-
λαγγείων καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀθροίζων τὴν στρατιάν, ὁπότε
κἀμὲ πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν λειτουργίαν μὴ θέλοντα ἐλθεῖν κατη-
νάγκασε, τῷ τῶν πατρικίων τετιμηκὼς ἀξιώματι, μέχρι τοῦ
Δορυλαίου τὴν φορὰν ἐποιήσατο. Ἐκεῖσε δὲ τρεῖς ἡμέρας
προσκαρτερήσαντος, πρέσβεις ἧκον ἐκ τοῦ Κρισπίνου τὴν
ὁμολογίαν τῆς δουλώσεως ἐκείνου σαφῶς ἀπαγγέλλοντες
καὶ τὴν ἀπολογίαν τῆς ἀντιστάσεως. Καὶ ἁπλῶς ἀμνηστίαν
ἐπιζητήσας τῶν πρὶν γενομένων, ὡς αὐτοῦ μὴ θέλοντος
πολεμεῖν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προσυπαντήσαντες κατηνάγκασαν,
ἔτυχε τῆς αἰτήσεως, τοῦ βασιλέως περιχαρῶς δεξαμένου
τὴν τοιαύτην ὁμολογίαν διὰ τὸ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς γενναῖον καὶ
πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς πράξεις καὶ διατάξεις ἐπίδοξον" καὶ

226
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out of their encampment. They quickly mounted their

horses and, as vigorously and well armed as each one could
muster, they pursued them, killing many and taking others
captive.
After that the leader of the Latins called the men together
and gave a speech which was not out of place or [124] with-
out merit, for he condemned the impiety of the Romans
who on such an awesome and marvelous day, the feast of
féasts, took up arms to shed Christian blood on a day when
the Orthodox were not allowed to assault even foreigners
and thus make a mockery of the grace of the Resurrection.
Nonetheless, he dealt with them gently, showed them com-
passion, and freed them. He found a place for the wounded
in the villages and saw that they received care without any
impediment.
When the emperor learned this news, it prompted him
to set out on the road. So he went to the muster point of
Melangeia and gradually assembled the army, at which time
he compelled me against my will to perform the same ser-
vice as before, bestowing the patrician dignity on me. He
then advanced to Dorylaion, where he waited for three
days, during which envoys from Krispinos arrived, and con-
veyed his clear statement of submission and an explanation
for his rebellion. He sought a simple amnesty for his past ac-
tions since, contrary to his will, the Romans had come up
and forced him to fight. His request was granted, as the em-
peror was very happy to receive his profession of loyalty be-
cause of the man's courage and his reputation for martial
deeds and ability to command. In fact, he had previously

227
 THE HISTORY

yàp καὶ Τούρκων | προεντυχὼν πληθύϊ πολλῇ μεγάλας τὰς

ἀνδραγαθίας ἐκ χειρὸς ἀπειργάσατο.
Προϊόντι δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐκεῖθεν μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας τινὰς ἀπαν-
τῶν καὶ δουλοπρεπῶς ἅπαντα ποιησάμενος, συνείπετο τῷ
βασιλεῖ καὶ αὐτός, ὀλίγους τινὰς τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν
ἐπαγόμενος, τοὺς γὰρ ἄλλους κατέλιπεν εἰς ὅπερ ἐπεκρά-
τει τοῦ Mavpoxdotpov φρούριον, εἰς ἕνα τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν
τόπων ἐπὶ λόφου κείμενον ὑψηλοῦ καὶ δυσκατεργάστου.
Διαβληθεὶς δὲ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ὡς μελετῶν καὶ αὖθις
ὠμόν τι καὶ ἄπιστον κατὰ τὴν οἰκείαν φυλήν, φύσει γὰρ
ἄπιστον τὸ γένος τῶν Φράγγων, καὶ ὅτι οὐχ ἡ προαίρεσις
ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ ἀπουσία τὴν ἀναβολὴν ποιεῖ τοῦ
μὴ ἐπιθέσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ, πολλὰ καταγνωσθεὶς ὡς ἀχάρι-
στος καὶ θεομισής, ἐκεῖθεν ἀπεπέμφθη τοῦ στρατοπέδου,
μὴ καθαρῶς μὲν ἀπελεγχθείς, ὑπονοηθεὶς δὲ διά τε τὴν
προτέραν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τὸ παρὰ Νεμίτζου τινὸς τῶν ἐπι-
σήμων κατηγορηθῆναι σφοδρῶς. Οἱ δ᾽ ἑταῖροι τούτου
μαθόντες τὸ γεγονός, ἄραντες ἐκ τοῦ φρουρίου τὴν Μεσο-
ποταμίαν κατέλαβον, πολλὰ δεινὰ τοῖς ἐκεῖσε δι᾽ ἐπιδρομῆς
ἐργαζόμενοι.
Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ πλήθους ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Καισά-
ρειαν, εἶτα καὶ τῇ Λαρίσσῃ προσέμιξε καὶ ἡ φήμη φθά-
vovoa ἦν ὡς Τούρκων πλῆθος ὅσον οὔπω ποτὲ πρὸ δια-
στήματος οὐκ ὀλίγου λεηλατεῖ καὶ κατατρέχει τὴν χώραν,
ἐξέπεμψε μὲν μέρος τι τῆς στρατιᾶς κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, μηδὲν δὲ
| ἀνύσαν ἀλλὰ φεῦγον ὑποδεξάμενος τὸ πεμφθέν, συντε-
ταγμένως τῆς πρόσω φερούσης εἴχετο. Ἅμα δὲ τῷ κατα-
λαβεῖν τὸν τῆς παρεμβολῆς τόπον καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τὴν

228
 CHAPTER 18

encountered [125] great multitudes of Turks and had accom-

plished exceptionally valiant deeds in close combat.
Α few days later as the emperor was marching on from
there, Krispinos met him and acted in all respects as his
loyal servant, following along with the emperor. He brought
a few of his own soldiers with him, while leaving the others
in the fortress of Mavrokastro, of which he was in charge
and which was situated in one of the Armeniac localities on
a high and inaccessible hill. But he was accused before the
emperor of again planning something cruel and faithless, as
was to be expected of his race— for by nature the Frankish
race is faithless —and that it was not by his free choice but
rather only because of the absence of his companions that
he was delayed in attacking the emperor. He was denounced
as ungrateful and God-hating and was dismissed from the
expedition, not so much convicted legally as suspected be-
cause of his former depravity and the strong accusations
made by a prominent figure, a Nemitzos.?? When his com-
panions heard what had happened, they left the fortress and
invaded Mesopotamia,? raiding and inflicting terrible harm
on the inhabitants.
The emperor subsequently came to Kaisareia with a large
army and then moved on to Larissa, where news arrived that
the Turks in greater numbers than ever before were at a con-
siderable distance away, looting and rampaging through the
country. He sent a portion of his army against them, but
nothing [126] was accomplished: when he came upon this
dispatched unit again, they were in flight. So he made his ad-
vance in formation. But just as they had reached a site where

229
 THE HISTORY

βασιλικὴν σκηνὴν ὑπελθεῖν, μὴ τάφρου μὴ χάρακος περι-

στάντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὄχλῳ τῆς τῶν σκευῶν ἀποθέσεως τοῦ
στρατοῦ καθεστῶτος, ἐφάνησαν οἱ πολέμιοι τὰ ἐρυμνό-
Tata τῶν τόπων κατέχοντες καὶ τὰς ἀκρολοφίας αὐτάς.
Οὕτω γὰρ ἔλαχεν ὁ τόπος ἐκεῖνος θέσεως, ὡς τὴν μὲν
πεδιάδα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους κατέχειν, εἰς δὲ τοὺς περικυκλοῦν-
τας βουνοὺς περικεχύσθαι τοὺς ἐναντίους, λανθάνοντας
πρώην ἐκ τοῦ κατόπιν αὐτῶν ἀποκρύπτεσθαι. Βοῆς δὲ γε-
γομένης καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως μὴ ἐκδεδωκότος ἑαυτὸν εἰς
ἀνάπαυσιν ἀλλὰ τὸ ἐνυάλιον σαλπίσαι προστάξαντος,
προήεσαν κατὰ τάξιν οἱ στρατιῶται, μηδὲ τῆς οὐραγίας ἔτι
καταλαβούσης διὰ τὸ σχολαίως βαδίζειν εἰς φυλακὴν καὶ
διάσωσιν τῶν ἐπαγομένων τὴν ἀγοράν.
Ἀρθέντων οὖν τῶν σημείων καὶ κατὰ φάλαγγας τῆς
στρατιᾶς συνταχθείσης τοῦ βασιλέως προάγοντος, προέ-
κυψαν μὲν τῶν ἐναντίων πολλοί, προλαβόντα δὲ τῶν ταγ-
μάτων ἕν μὲν τῶν Λυκαόνων λεγόμενον, ἕν δὲ τῶν
ἑσπερίων Ἀριθμῶν, καὶ τοῦ συνήθους θρασύτερον κατὰ
τῶν ἐναντίων ἐλάσαντα πρὸς φυγὴν εὐθὺς ἀπιδεῖν κατ-
nv&yxacav. Προβιβάζοντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν λοιπὴν
στρατιάν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῶν πολεμίων πλῆθος τοῖς φεύ-
γουσι συνδιέφυγεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ κατὰ νώτων τῶν ἐναντίων
ἐλαύνοντες | οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, προηγουμένου καὶ μισθοφορικοῦ
τῶν Σκυθῶν, παρῆλθον τοὺς μηνοειδεῖς ἐκείνους ἀγκῶνας
καὶ κατόπιν ἐγένοντο, λόχος τουρκικὸς καθήμενος ἐν
ἀδήλῳ, τῇ ῥωμαϊκῇ παρεμβολῇ προσεπέλασεν ἐν οὐκ ὀλί-
γοις ἀνδράσι παραμετρούμενος, οὖς oi παραλειφθέντες
εἰς φυλακὴν στρατιῶται δεξάμενοι, πρὸ πάντων δ᾽ οἱ

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they would encamp and the emperor had entered the impe-
rial tent, but before there was a ditch or palisade, and the
army's equipment was deposited in heaps, the enemy was
seen occupying the strongest positions and heights of the
hills. The terrain and positions there were such that the Ro-
mans held the plain, whereas the enemy was spread over the
surrounding mountains, unnoticed at first because hidden
behind them. A shout was raised, and the emperor, without
allowing himself any rest, ordered the trumpeter to sound
the charge. The soldiers advanced in formation, though the
rear guard had not yet arrived, because it was moving slowly
to guard and protect those who were bringing up their pro-
visions.
The standards were raised and the army was arrayed by
phalanx with the emperor taking the lead. Many of the en-
emy came out, but one of our units, the one called the Lyka-
onai, and one of the western Arsthmoi, headed them off,
charging against the enemy more boldly than usual and forc-
ing them to turn and flee. The emperor continued his ad-
vance with the rest of the army and put the remainder of
the enemy to flight along with those already fleeing. The
Romans pursued the enemy [127] with the Skythian merce-
naries in tbe lead, and they passed through those winding,
crescent-shaped valleys and came up behind them. But
meanwhile a Turkish unit made up of not a few men, which
had been in hiding, rode up to the Roman camp. The sol-
diers who had been left behind to guard it met their attack,

231
 THE HISTORY

Φράγγοι, kal ἀγχεμάχως συμπλακέντες kal ἱκανῶς ἀνθα-

μιλληθέντες ἐτρέψαντο, μηδενὸς τῶν ἱσταμένων ταγμά-
τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν τοῖς Φράγγοις μέχρι καὶ ἁπλῆς ὁρμῆς
παραβοηθήσαντος. Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὑπέστρεψεν ὁ βασιλεὺς
τῆς διώξεως, πρὸς ἑσπέραν γὰρ ἦν, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ πόλεμος περὶ
δείλην ὀψίαν συνίστατο, ἠρέμα τοῦ στρατοπέδου βαδίζον-
τος πρότερον καὶ περιέποντος τοὺς ἀσθενεστέρους καὶ
πεζοὺς διὰ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου προσδοκίαν ὡς παρὰ τῶν
σκοπῶν ἀπηγγέλλετο.
Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπαύριον δημοσίᾳ καθίσας, τοὺς ἑαλωκότας τῶν
πολεμίων κατεῖδε καὶ τῇ τελευταίᾳ ψήφῳ τούτους παρα-
δοθῆναι προσέταξε, μηδενὸς τὸ παράπαν φεισάμενος μήτ᾽
αὐτοῦ τοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονικὴν αὐχοῦντος λαμπρότητα, ὃς καὶ
ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσθῆτος, λαμπρειμονῶν γὰρ ἦν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ
τή ἄλλῃ σκευῇ, ἐμαρτυρεῖτο τοιοῦτος, εἰ καὶ πολλῶν λύ-
τρων ἑαυτὸν Óvtov ποιήσασθαι ἐπηγγέλλετο καὶ Ῥω-
μαίους αἰχμαλώτους ἑαυτοῦ ἀντιδοῦναι τῷ πλήθει πολ-
λούς.
Tpinpepevoas δ᾽ ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ προ-
τερήματι τούτῳ κόρον δῆθεν λαβὼν ἢ μεγαλαυχῶν,
πολλὴν | ἄδειαν δέδωκε τοῖς ἐναντίοις εἰς τὴν ἀποφυγήν,
ὥστε μηδὲ τῆς λείας ἀποσχέσθαι ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην ἐλαύ-
vetv καὶ ἀλύπως τὸν δρόμον καὶ περιεσκεμμένως ποιεῖν.
Ὡς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπαναστὰς ἐκεῖθεν πανστρατιᾷ κατόπιν
ἐβάδιζε, διεπεραιώθησαν τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν οἱ πολέ-
μιοι- ὁ δέ, ὡς ἀπὸ διαστήματος μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἢ καὶ πλείονος
τῆς Μελιτηνῆς στρατοπεδευσάμενος, βουλὴν βουλεύεται
λίαν ἀγεννῆ καὶ ἐπίκρημνον, καὶ συνέστησεν ἤδη ταύτην,

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especially the Franks, and they joined in close combat, rout-

ing. them after a tough fight. During all this not one of the
Roman units stationed there furnished any assistance to the
Franks, not even a simple charge. Meanwhile the emperor
returned from the pursuit, for it was getting late in the eve-
ning, since the battle had begun in the late afternoon and
the army had previously been marching slowly, taking care
of the weaker soldiers and the infantry, since they were ex-
pecting to give battle, as the scouts had told them.
On the next day the emperor held a public assembly at
which he judged and condemned the enemy prisoners and
ordered that they be executed, sparing not a single one, not
even the one who proudly claimed to be their leader. It was
clear that he was such, for he was resplendent in his dress,
weapons, and other equipment. He was not spared even
though he promised to pay a huge ransom and to release a
large number of Roman prisoners in exchange for himself.
'The emperor spent three days in the camp as if to savor
this victory, or to boast of it, and by so doing [128] he pro-
vided the enemy with a full opportunity to get away, so that
not only did they not have to abandon their loot but could
now carry it off and continue along their way safely and tak-
ing every precaution. When the emperor left from there
and marched after them with his whole army, the enemy had
already crossed the Euphrates River. As he pitched camp at
a distance of one day or more from Melitene, he conceived
an extremely ignoble and dangerous plan; in fact, he had

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 THE HISTORY

πάντων συνεπινευσάντων Kal ἐπαινεσάντων τὸ τοιοῦτον

προβούλευμα διὰ τὸ λύειν τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ τὴν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου
ἀπαναχώρησιν ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι. Καὶ ἡ σκῆψις, ὅπερ οἱ πο-
λέμιοι προτρέχοντες εἰς τὰ πρόσω καὶ μηκέτι συνελθεῖν εἰς
χεῖρας τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἰσχύοντες, ἀκατάληπτοι πάντως εἰσὶ
καὶ εἰς κενὸν ὁ δρόμος τοῖς διώκουσιν ἡμῖν παραγίνεται
καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δέον ἐστὶν ἀπόμοιραν περιλειφθῆναι Ῥω-
μαίων πρὸς ἀντιπαράταξιν ἀξιόχρεων, τὸν δὲ βασιλέα
μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς ὑποστρέψαι δυνάμεως καὶ πρὸς τὰς οἰκίας
ἕκαστον ἀποπέμψαι κἀκεῖνον εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλεύου-
σαν, ὡς ἂν διαναπαυθεὶς ὁ στρατὸς ἰσχυρότερος ἢ πρὸς τὸ
ἐπιὸν ἔτος, πολέμου τυχὸν γενομένου ῥαγδαιοτέρου dt
ἐπιδημίας τοῦ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων ἐξάρχοντος.
IO Ἐπεὶ δὲ τουτὶ τὸ ψήφισμα ἐκυρώθη, ἀνάμνησις γέγονε
τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν τοῦ στρατοπέδου κριτῶν καὶ μετακαλεσά-
μενος ἡμᾶς μόνους ἐν τῷ δειλινῷ, τήν τε βουλὴν ὡς εἶχεν
ἀνεκοινώσατο καὶ γνώμην ἡμετέραν περὶ ταύτης ἐζήτησε.
Kai | οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι τῶν δικαστῶν, μαρτυρούσης μοι τῆς
ἀληθείας αὐτῆς, οὐ γὰρ θρυπτόμενός τι λέξω ἢ ἐξαίρων
ἐμαυτὸν ἢ σεμνόν τι καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων θηρεύων
ἔπαινον, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐμαυτῷ σύνοιδά τι ζηλωτόν τε καὶ
περιδέξιον οὐδ᾽ ὑπεροχῆς τι μέτριον λείψανον, ἀγαπητὸν
γὰρ εἰ καὶ τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τῶν τοῦ λόγου ποσῶς μετεχόντων
συνταττοίμην, οὗτοι οὖν οἱ τῆς ἐμῆς τάξεως καὶ κοινωνίας
ἢ ἑταιρείας συνεπαινέται καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῖς προβεβουλευμέ-
νοις γεγόνασι, μόνος δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐσιώπων ἱστάμενος. Ὁ δὲ
βασιλεὺς συμμετρησάμενος τὸ ἐρημαῖον τῆς κατ᾽ ἐμὲ
παραστάσεως, λόγον ἐξῃρημένως ἀπήτησέ με καί τί μοι τὸ

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already made his decision, as everyone agreed with him and

praised his plan because it entailed disbanding the army and
returning home. The idea was that the enemy was riding
along far ahead; they were not strong enough to meet the
Romans in close combat; they were beyond their reach any-
way; and our pursuit would be in vain. Therefore, while it
was necessary to leave some Roman units behind sufficient
to defend the area, the emperor with the rest of his force
should return; all should be sent to their homes, and the em-
peror should enter the Reigning City. After the army was
rested, it would be stronger for the coming year, when the
war might become more violent with the arrival of the for-
eign ruler.
After this decision had been ratified, the emperor re- IO

membered the kritai of the army. Toward evening he called

us together, only us, explained his plan, and requested our
opinion about it. [129] The other judges — my witness is truth
itself, for in what I will say I am not putting on airs, exalting
myself, or trying to gain respect or praise from men, for I
am not conscious of possessing any enviable, clever, or even
moderately brilliant qualities, for I would be happy enough
to be numbered among the least of those who have some
share in learning—at any rate, my colleagues in office and
rank or profession all approved the decision which had been
made, whereas I alone stood there in silence. The emperor,
carefully observing how quiet I was, demanded that I speak

235
 THE HISTORY

παριστάμενον περὶ τούτων ἐστίν. Αὐτὸς δὲ τερατευσάμε-

νος πρότερον, ὡς οὐδέν τι τοῦ πλήθους ἐκτὸς δυναίμην
εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ καρτερώτερος ὀφθῆναι, κἄν τι δοκιμάσω, πάν-
τως ἀποδοκιμασθήσομαι τῆς τῶν πλειόνων ψήφου ἐπικρα-
τούσης ἀεί, μετὰ πολλῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἐπιμονῆς καὶ τῆς
ἀμεταθέτου ἐνστάσεως προετρέψατό με τὸ κατὰ λογισμὸν
ἀδεῶς ἀνειπεῖν, τὸν θεὸν ἐπιστήσας μοι μάρτυρα. Μετα-
βαλὼν οὖν μὴ ἀρέσκειν μοι τὴν βουλὴν ταύτην εὐθὺς ἐκ
προοιμίων ἀπήγγειϊλον, προσθεὶς ὡς οἱ πολέμιοι οὐ παν-
τελῆ δυσκληρίαν καὶ καταστροφὴν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ ἐδέξαν-
το, ἡ γὰρ ἑσπέρα ταχὺ καταλαβοῦσα διέσωσεν αὐτούς, καὶ
τὸ ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀνεθῆναι τὴν δίωξιν τὸ δέος τούτοις
ἀνεκαλέσατο- καὶ τοῦτο δήλον ἔκ τε τοῦ μὴ καταλειφθῆναί
τι τῶν λαφύρων | αὐτοῦ καὶ προεμπλακῆναι ἡμῖν παροδεύ-
ovot καὶ τοῦ τῶν ἑαλωκότων πλήθους, ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐν τοῖς
μάλιστα μηδὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἑκατὸν ἀποσῶζον ἄνδρας, ὡς
εἶναι δῆλον ὅτιτὸ στράτευμα τούτοις σχεδὸν ἀνεπαισθήτως
ἠκρωτηρίασται, ἐπεὶ τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ οὐδὲν ἡ τοιαύτη ἧττα
καὶ ὅσαι ταύτῃ παραπλήσιαι δουλῶσαι δεδύνηνται, θᾶττον
γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς ἀνακαλοῦνται οἱ στρατευόμενοι καὶ πάλιν εἰς
μάχην ἀποκαθίστανται. Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο εἴ τις καταλειφθείη
μοῖρα Ῥωμαίων, ἀγεννεῖς ἐμφάσεις καὶ διαθέσεις αὐτίκα
προσλήγεται, τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν στρατιω-
τῶν ἀπορραγεῖσα συνόδου, ἐξόχως δ᾽ ἀναθαρρήσουσιν οἱ
πολέμιοι. Καὶ ὅσῳπερ ἡ δειλία τῶν Ῥωμαίων καθίκοιτο,
τοσοῦτον ἐκείνοις ἡ τόλμα προσυπαντήσει καὶ ῥᾳδίως τῶν
ἡμετέρων περιγενήσονται, ἐπεὶ καὶ προεκπεφοβημένοι
τυγχάνουσιν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ μόνον αὐτοὺς ὁρᾶν τοὺς πο-

236
 CHAPTER 18

and asked me for my view about these matters. At first I dis-

simulated by appearing unable to say anything that would
differ from the majority opinion or to prevail over that opin-
ion, even if I were to attempt it; in any case, I would surely
be overturned as the vote of the majority always prevails.
Persistently and without relenting the emperor kept urging
me to say what I thought without fear, calling on God as my
witness. Changing my stance, I immediately made it clear
right from the outset that this plan did not please me. I
added that the enemy had not been utterly defeated and de-
stroyed in the war, for the quick advent of evening had saved
them and the delaying of the pursuit for three days gave
them a chance to get over their fright. This is clear from the
fact that they did not leave any of their plunder [x30] behind
and that they tried to fight with us along our line of march,
as well as from the number of their prisoners, which could
not have been more than a hundred men at best. Surely it
was clear that the damage inflicted on their army was almost
imperceptible, since such a defeat means nothing to those
people and they are able to endure others like it. Their sol-
diers soon rally and are again ready for battle. For this rea-
son, if any Roman unit should be left behind, it will immedi-
ately be perceived as a reflection of cowardice, separated as
it will be from the main force with the emperor and the rest
of the soldiers, and the enemy will be greatly encouraged.
The more cowardly the Romans become, the bolder will che
enemy become and they will defeat our men more easily, es-
pecially since the Romans are already panicked from their
previous experience. The only thing that makes them face

237
 THE HISTORY

λεμίους ποιεῖ, ὅτε τὴν τοῦ κρατοῦντος ὁρῶσι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν

γενναιότητα. Καὶ εἴπερ ἐκείνους τρέψονται, ἄφυκτος ἡμᾶς
καταλήψεται κίνδυνος, οὐ γὰρ ἀμελήσουσιν οἱ Τοῦρκοι μὴ
οὐχὶ καταδραμεῖν καὶ ἡμῶν καὶ νίκην διαβόητον ἀπεργά-
σασθαι, διακεκομμένους εὑρηκότες καὶ διεσκορπισμένους
τῇ πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα σπουδῇ.
II Καὶ ἅμα «Τίς ἡ ἀνάγκη», ἔφην, «ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἔτι τοῦ ἔτους
περὶ ἀκμὰς τοῦ θέρους ὄντος, καταλιπεῖν τοὺς ἐναντίους
εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων καὶ πρὸς ἀνέσεις καὶ ἀπολαύσεις ἑαυτοὺς
ἐκδοῦναι καὶ μὴ νῦν κακοπαθῆσαι, | tv' εἰς τὸ μέλλον εὐπα-
θῆσαι δυναίμεθα; Διὰ τί δὲ καὶ μὴ ἐκ πολιορκίας αἱρήσο-
μὲν τό τε ἄστυ τὸ Χλίατ καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τούτου πολίχνια, ἵνα
καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται τῆς ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων ὠφελείας πλησθῶσι
καὶ προθυμότεροι γένωνται καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐπέλθῃ
δέος καὶ ἀντὶ πολεμίων αἱ τοιαῦται πόλεις ῥωμαϊκὴν ἡγε-
μονίαν πλουτήσωσι καὶ δυνάμεις ἐφιστάμεναι τὸ ἀντίπα-
λον ἰσχυρῶς ἀποκρούσωνται καὶ ἡ τῶν Τούρκων πάροδος
ἐκ διαστημάτων κατὰ μοίρας ἐρχομένων βραχείας ἀνα-
σταλῇ καὶ μὴ ὁρμητήριον μᾶλλον καὶ ὀψωνιασμὸν ἐν τού-
τοις εὑρίσκῃ ἀλλὰ πολεμητήριον ἀτεχνῶς καὶ ἡ διὰ Meoo-
ποταμίας ὁδὸς τούτοις ἀνεπίβατος γένηται;»
12 Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος μου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, εἰσήει τούτῳ
μέχρι βάθους ὁ λόγος, ὥσπερ τις σπόρος εἰς εὔγεω καὶ
ἐρίβωλον γῆν, καὶ μεταθέμενος εὐθὺς τῆς προσωτέρω φε-
ρούσης ἥψατο ἕως τὸν Εὐφράτην διαπεραιωθεὶς τοὺς
πολεμίους εἰς τὰ σφέτερα βαδίζειν παρέπεισε: περὶ τὰς
ὄχθας γὰρ τοῦ ποταμοῦ στρατοπεδευόμενοι ἦσαν καραδο-
κοῦντες τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπαναχώρησιν. Elxov μὲν οὖν

238
 CHAPTER 18

the enemy is when they see the bravery of their own ruler
with them. And, if they defeat these men, we cannot avoid
further danger, for the Turks will not hesitate to run us down
and effect a famous victory, when they find us separated
from each other and scattered about busy with our own af-
fairs.
And I also said, “Why is it necessary, O emperor, to leave II

the enemy in Roman territory while the year is still in che

middle of summer, and take it easy and enjoy ourselves and
not go to some trouble now [131] so that we may prosper in
the future? For what reason should we not take by siege the
city of Chliat and the towns subject to it, which will also en-
able our soldiers to get their full share of the plunder, be-
come more eager, and inspire fear into the enemy? Instead
of being under enemy control, those cities will enrich the
Roman Empire. Forces stationed there will vigorously repel
the hostile forces, and the invasions of the Turks, which take
place at intervals and in small bands, would be blocked; they
would no longer find there a rallying point and supply base
but simply military opposition, and the road through Meso-
potamia will be closed to them."
After I said this to the emperor, my reasoning penetrated I2

deeply into him like a seed in rich and fertile soil. He imme-
diately changed his mind and took the road leading forward
until, after crossing the Euphrates, he forced the enemy to
return to their own country. For they were encamped along
the banks of the river awaiting the emperor's withdrawal.

239
 THE HISTORY

ἐλπίδες ἅπαντας στρατηγίας μεγίστης Kal λαφυραγωγίας

ἐκ τῆς τῶν εἰρημένων κάστρων ἁλώσεώς τε καὶ παραστά-
σεως, ἡ δ᾽ ἐλαύνουσα τὰ Ῥωμαίων εἰς τὴν κατόπιν ἀκληρία
οὐκ εἴα πέρας ἐπιτεθῆναι συνετῷ διατάγματι, ὡς γὰρ ὁ
βασιλεὺς εὐθὺς τῆς Ῥωμανοπόλεως | ἐλαύνων ἐφαίνετο, ἐξ
ἧς ἡ πρὸς τὸ Χλίατ κάθοδος διὰ στενωπῶν ἐπιγίνεται,
μεταστρέψας τὴν γνώμην καὶ τὰς σημαίας ἐν ἀριστερᾷ
ποιησάμενος, περιπλανώμενον ἀφῆκε τὸ στρατόπεδον τὴν
ὡρισμένην ἀταρπὸν ἐν δεξιᾷ προερχόμενον, ἕως φήμη
καταλαβοῦσα μετήγαγεν αὐτὸ πρὸς τὴν καινοτομηθεῖσαν
τῷ βασιλεῖ. Κατελθόντες οὖν ἀποτόμους τινὰς καὶ κρημνώ-
δεῖς ὁδούς, ἐν βαθεῖ τόπῳ τὸν βασιλέα κατασκηνώσαντα
εὕρομεν ἐκεῖσε, τὴν πρώτην βουλὴν ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν Ῥω-
μαίων ἀκλεῶς ἀνανεωσάμενον. Διελὼν γὰρ διχῇ τὸν στρα-
τόν, παρέδωκε τὸ ἰσχυρότερον μέρος τῷ Φιλαρέτῳ, ἀνδρὶ
στρατιωτικὴν μὲν αὐχοῦντι περικοπήν, αἰσχροῦ δὲ βίου
καὶ διαβεβλημένου τυγχάνοντι καὶ τῷ ἔθνει μαχεσαμένῳ
μὲν διαφόρως, ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεγίστοις καταπολεμηθέντι καὶ
καταφρονηθέντι ὡς τὸ εἰκός, οὐ μὴν ἀπεχομένῳ τούτων
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιτρέχοντι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν διὰ φιλοκερδείας καὶ φι-
λοδοξίας ὑπόθεσιν.
13 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐπράχθησαν, τῶν δὲ
βορειοτέρων μερῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπελάβετο δι᾽ εὕρεσιν χιό-
νος καὶ ὑδάτων ψυχρῶν, ἀκρατῶς γὰρ εἴχετο τούτων τὸ
σῶμα κατὰ πολὺ διαθερμαινόμενος. Διὰ ταῦτά τοι καὶ
ἠναγκάσθη τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀλλαχόθεν ποιῆσαι καὶ φυλακὴν
ἐπιστῆσαι, ὥς γε ᾧετο, καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἀντίπρῳρον δύ-
ναμιν. Καὶ τῷ μὲν Φιλαρέτῳ πόλεμον ἔνοπλον ἐγκατέ-

240
 CHAPTER 18

All of us now had every expectation that a great expedition

would take place and huge amounts of plunder would be
taken from the capture and occupation of the aforemen-
tioned forts. But the bad luck that hounded Roman affairs
did not permit a wise instruction to yield fruit. For as soon
as it seemed that the emperor was to march against Roma-
nopolis, [x32] from which point one makes the descent to
Chliat through narrow passes, he changed his mind, and had
the standards turned to the left, allowing the army to wan-
der along the preset route which led to the right until the
news reached it that it should set out in the new direction
decreed by the emperor. Descending by several steep and
precipitous roads to a deep valley, we found the emperor had
pitched his tent there, and had ingloriously revived his first
plan, which boded ill for the Romans. For he divided the
army in two, entrusting the stronger part to Philaretos, a
man proud of his accomplishments in war but whose private
life was shameful and despicable. He had distinguished him-
self in battle against these people, but on the most impor-
tant occasions he had been miserably defeated and, as was
only reasonable, treated with scorn. Still, he did not refuse
the appointment, but eagerly sought after the command be-
cause of his greed and ambition.!?*
That is how those things were done. The emperor went 13
to the north in search of snow and cold water, for which he
felt an uncontrollable need since his body had greatly over-
heated. It was for this reason that he was forced to turn else-
where and leave a garrison, which he thought would prove a
bulwark against the enemy. So he left military operations to
Philaretos while he and his soldiers [133] took on the no less

241
 THE HISTORY

λιπεν, ἑαυτῷ δὲ Kal τοῖς | συνοῦσι τὸν ἐκ τῆς δυσχωρίας

οὐχ ἥττονα, διελθὼν γὰρ διὰ πολλῶν τραχεινῶν καὶ δυσ-
βάτων λόφων, εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους Ἀνθίας μετὰ τῆς ὑπο-
λειφθείσης αὐτῷ στρατιᾶς κατεκομίσθη. Ἔστι δ᾽ ὁ τόπος
ἐξ ὑπωρειῶν μεγάλων ὀρῶν πεδινός τε καὶ εὔυδρος καὶ
ταῖς δυσχωρίαις ἐνειλημμένος, ψυχαγωγίαν οὐχ ἥκιστα
τοῖς καταίρουσιν ἐν τούτῳ ἐνίησι, ποηφόρος ἅμα καὶ σιτο-
φόρος τυγχάνων καὶ οἷον ὀμφαλὸς ἢ ταμιεῖον τῆς γῆς
ἐκείνης καὶ πεδίον τρυφῆς. Τρεῖς ἡμέρας οὖν ἐκεῖσε στρα-
τοπεδευσάμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον τὸ ὄρος, τὸν
παρὰ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις καλούμενον ΜΜούνζουρον, ὑπερβὰς
ἐπιπόνως, εἰς τὴν Κελεσίνην χώραν κατήντησε, διαβὰς τὸ
δεύτερον τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμόν, κατὰ τοὺς ἀρκτῴους
πρόποδας τοῦ Ταύρου παρὰ τὸ μέρος ἐκεῖνο παραρρέοντα
καὶ διαιροῦντα τό τε ὄρος καὶ τὴν Κελεσίνην ὥσπερ μεθό-
ριον.
14 "Ev ταύτῃ οὖν ἡμέρας τινὰς αὐλισθέντος τοῦ στρατοπέ-
δου, φήμη τις εἰσερρύη τὸν ὑπολειφθέντα στρατὸν εἰς τὴν
τῶν Τούρκων ἀντίστασιν μάχῃ καὶ πολέμῳ κραταιῶς
ἡττηθῆναι καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπολέσθαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπολοίπους
περὶ τὸν Ταῦρον διασωθῆναι τὸ ὄρος, ἔγγιστά που τοῦ
πολέμου γεγενημένου, καί πού τινας σποράδας εἰς τὴν
παρεμβολὴν εἰσιέναι καὶ ἄλλους οὐκ ὀλίγους ἐλπίζεσθαι.
"Hy δὲ οὐ ψευδής, ὡς ἀληθίζεσθαι κἀνταῦθα τὸ ἡσιόδειον,
ὅτι
φήμη δ᾽ οὔπω πάμπαν ἀπόλλυται, ἥντινα πολλοί |
λαοὶ φημίζουσι, θεὸς νύ τίς ἐστι καὶ αὐτή.

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 CHAPTER 18

arduous struggle against the rough terrain. Passing through

many rugged and trackless hills, he arrived at a place called
Anthiai with the soldiers left to him. The place is formed by
the skirts of vast mountains; it is a plain, well watered, and
surrounded by difficult terrain but a refreshing place for
those who get to it, for there is grass and grain and it is like
the. navel or treasure-house of that country and a field of
luxury. The emperor camped there three days and then labo-
riously climbed Mount Tauros, the one called Mounzouros
by the natives, and came down to the region of Kelesine,
crossing the Euphrates River a second time where it flows
by the northern foothills of the Tauros and then divides the
mountain from Kelesine as a boundary.
The army had encamped in this place for several days 14
when news arrived that the army left behind to resist the
Turks had been severely defeated in battle and many had
been killed, and the survivors had found safety near Mount
Tauros, somewhere close to the battle site; also that, some-
how, a few of those dispersed had made it to the camp and
not a few more were expected to arrive. Ánd this was not
false, so that even in this case the saying of Hesiod was
true: "Rumor is by no means completely lifeless, as many
[134] people say; but surely it too must be a god.”!

243
 THE HISTORY

15 Προκατειργασμένοι γὰρ ὄντες τὰς ψυχὰς ol Ῥωμαῖοι

τῷ φόβῳ τῶν Τούρκων, ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ
διερράγησαν πλήθους, καὶ εἰς ὁρμὰς τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ φε-
νακισμοὺς ἐξ ἐπιδείξεων πολεμικῶν περιέστησαν, πτοίας
πλησθέντες καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς κατασεισθέντες, κατόπιν τοῦ
βασιλέως ἐβάδιζον, ἀφέντες τοὺς τόπους ἐκείνους ὧν τὴν
φυλακὴν ἐπετράπησαν ἕως κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς τοὺς εἰρημέ-
vous Ἀνθίας κατήντησαν. Ἔνθα τῶν πολεμίων φανέντων
ἐξ οὐραγίας, μηδὲν εὐγενὲς καὶ ἄξιον λόγου φρονήσαντες,
αἰσχρὰν τὴν φυγὴν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ἀγωνίσματος εἵλοντο: καὶ
περιχυθέντες τὸν Ταῦρον, οἱ μὲν ἐκ ποδός, οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν
ἵππων, ἀποσκεδασθέντες, εἰς τὴν Κελεσίνην κατήντησαν,
τῶν πολεμίων πάσης τῆς τούτων κυριευσάντων ἀποσκευῆς
καί τινων ὀλίγων ὅσοι τῆς φυγῆς τὴν ἐπιτομωτέραν ἑαυ-
τοῖς οὐκ ἐπραγματεύσαντο.
16 Ἰαῦθ᾽ οὕτω συμβεβηκότα πολὺν ἐνῆκαν τῷ βασιλικῷ
στρατοπέδῳ καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν ἐναγώνιον θόρυβον,
τὸ μὲν τῇ τῶν οἰκείων ἥττῃ σκυθρωπάσασιν οὐ μικρῶς, τὸ
δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπιφορὰν προσδοκήσασιν, ὡς ἂν
φυσηθέντων ἐκ τῆς παλιντρόπου ταυτησὶ νίκης καὶ δυνα-
μένων τῷ ὑπολελειμμένῳ πλήθει Sv ἐρήμωσιν τοῦ κρα-
τίστου μέρους ἐπιθέσθαι πρὸς πόλεμον. Καὶ ἦν οὐκ ἀπὸ
τρόπου τὸ προσδοκώμενον καὶ γέγονεν ἂν τοῦτο, εἰ μὴ ὁ
Ταῦρος τὸ ὄρος ἀπήντησε τούτοις, ὑψηλὸς ὧν κατὰ πολὺ
καὶ τραχὺς xai | δυσδιεξόδευτος kal κρημνώδης καὶ δυνά-
μενος στρατὸν διασκεδάσαι καὶ παραστῆσαι ἀσύντακτον
καὶ τὰς ὁπλὰς ἐπιτρῖψαι τῶν ἵππων, ὅπερ καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν
προσυμβέβηκε, καὶ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως φήμη περιδεεῖς αὐτοὺς

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For the Romans were already obsessed with fear of the 15

Turks, since they had been separated from the emperor and
the rest of the host and exposed to the assaults of the enemy,
their tricks, and their hostile demonstrations. Thus filled
with terror and stricken in their souls, they marched after
the emperor, abandoning those places which they had been
entrusted to defend and, in a short while, arriving at the
aforementioned place Anthiai. There the enemy appeared
behind them and they did nothing noble or memorable but
chose shameful flight without even putting up a fight. They
scattered around the Tauros, some on foot, some on horse-
back, and so arrived in disorder at Kelesine. The enemy
seized all their equipment as well as some soldiers who had
not managed to run away fast enough.
This turn of events filled the imperial army and the em- 16
peror himself with great consternation. On the one hand
they were deeply saddened at the defeat of their own men,
while on the other they expected the enemy to attack,
thinking they would be puffed up after such a victory that
reversed the balance and would be quite capable of attack-
ing the remaining army that was now deprived of its stron-
gest part. Such an expectation was not unfounded and it
would have happened had Mount Tauros not blocked them,
for it is very high, rugged, [135] trackless, precipitous, and
able to cause an army to disperse and fall into disorder as
well as to wear out the hooves of the horses, which is in fact
what had already happened to us. Also, the reputation of the

245
 THE HISTORY

ἀπειργάσατο. Διὰ ταῦτα xal τὴν μὲν ὁρμὴν τοῖς ἐναντίοις

ταυτὶ διεκώλυσεν, ὀπισθόρμητοι δὲ γενόμενοι μεθ᾽ ἧς
ἐκράτησαν λείας ἐπὶ τὸ δυτικὸν μέρος, ἄνωθεν τῆς Μελι-
τηνῆς διαπεραιωθέντες τὸν Εὐφράτην, εὐθὺ τοῦ θέματος
Καππαδοκίας κατὰ τὸ εἰθισμένον αὐτοῖς ἀκρατῶς ἤλαυ-
νον, καταληϊζόμενοι μὲν τὸ προστυχὸν ἐξεφόδου, ἐφορ-
μῶντες δὲ πανστρατιᾷ κατὰ τῆς τοῦ Ἰκονίου πολιτείας: ἦν
γὰρ τότε πλήθει τε καὶ μεγέθει ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ οἰκιῶν καὶ
τῶν ἄλλων χρηστῶν καὶ ζηλωτῶν διαφέρουσα καὶ ζώων
παντοδαπῶν γένη τρέφουσα.
17 Προσκαρτερήσας δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς Κελεσίνην ἐφ᾽ ᾧ
τοὺς διασωθέντας εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὑποδέξασθαι, ἵνα
μὴ καταλαμβανόμενοι σποράδες ἐξ ἐρήμης ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀρ-
μενίων ἀπόλωνται, κατόπιν τῶν ἐναντίων ἐν τῷ ὑποστρέ-
φειν ἐγένετο, ἐπεὶ καὶ κρίσιν ἐπέστησε μεταξὺ τοῦ λαοῦ
καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, εἰ καὶ οὐδὲν κατ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἀπεφάνθη,
ψηφισαμένων μὲν διάφορά τινων καὶ γνωματευσάντων"
ἐμοῦ δὲ καταγνόντος διὰ προπέτειαν καὶ ἀμφοτέρων ἐν
ἀμφοτέροις ἀσθένειαν ὅτι πλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως οὐδέν ἐστι
τὸ συνιστῶν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὸν πόλεμον, εἰ μή που δεήσει
πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐριστικῶς διαμάχεσθαι.
18 | Μέλλοντος οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ τοῦ καλουμένου
πολιχνίου Κεράμου πρὸς τὰς ὄχθας τοῦ Εὐφράτου μέχρι
Μελιτηνῆς τὸν οἰκεῖον διαβιβάζειν στρατόν, ἀσύμφορον
πάλιν τοῦτο αὐτὸς προπετευσάμενος ἐξεφώνησα, ὡς μὴ
ἀναγκαῖον ὃν τῶν τοιούτων μερῶν φροντίζειν ἡμᾶς προ-
"pnueuévov ὄντων καὶ περιῃρημένων πᾶσαν τὴν ev-
κοσμίαν αὐτῶν ἐκ διαφόρων ἐπιδρομῶν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν καὶ σπάνις

246
 CHAPTER 18

emperor made them hesitant. All of these reasons, then,

kept the enemy from making a direct attack. Instead, with
the plunder they had seized they turned back to the west,
crossing the Euphrates above Melitene. Immediately, in
their usual manner, they simply marched into the thema of
Kappadokia, pillaging along the way with sudden raids and
attacking in full strength the city of Ikonion. For at that
time it had a large population, many houses, and other great
and enviable qualities as well as animals of every kind.
The emperor waited in Kelesine to receive the survivors 17
within the camp, so that they might not be caught wander-
ing about in small groups in the wilderness and be killed by
the Armenians. He turned to pursue the enemy as they with-
drew, but first he sat in judgment over the army and the gen-
eral, though no decision was handed down against anyone,
as everyone supported a different position and various opin-
ions were expressed. I, however, condemned both of them
for rashness and weakness in both matters, given that, apart
from the emperor, there is nothing that will get the Romans
set for war except when they may have to fight against one
another.
{136} Now the emperor intended to march his own army 18

through the town of Keramos to the banks of the Euphrates

as far as Melitene, but I intervened and loudly stated that
this too was not in our interests. There was no need for us to
be concerned with those regions since they were already laid
waste and had lost their good qualities because of various
incursions. Because of this the army would encounter a

247
 THE HISTORY

ὀλεθρία συναντήσει xai κατατήξει τὸ στράτευμα καὶ ἅμα

χρονίσει διὰ στενωπῶν τοσούτων βαδίσαι μέλλον, καθ᾽ ἕν
τῶν ὑποζυγίων ἠναγκασμένων καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων διέρχε-
σθαι. Καὶ τούτου μελήσειν ἐξεῖπον εἰκός, ὅπως ὡς τάχιστα
τοῖς ἀπαθέσι καὶ ἔτι τὴν σύστασιν ἔχουσι θέμασιν ἐπιστῶ-
μεν κἀκεῖνα τῆς τῶν ἐναντίων διατηρήσωμεν λώβης.
I9 Ταύτης οὖν τῆς γνώμης κεκρατηκυίας, διὰ τῆς ΚΚολω-
v£lag καὶ τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν θεμάτων μέχρι Σεβαστείας ὁ
βασιλεὺς σὺν τῷ στρατεύματι διελήλυθεν, ἐκεῖσε δὲ μεμα-
θηκὼς ὡς οἱ Τοῦρκοι προήεσαν ἐπὶ Πισιδίαν καὶ Avkao-
νίαν ἐλαύνοντες καὶ ὡς εἰς σκοπὸν ἀποτεινόμενοι τὸ Ἰκό-
νιον, ὥρμησε καὶ αὐτὸς κατ᾽ οὐρὰν ἐλαύνειν αὐτῶν μέχρι
τῆς λεγομένης τοῦ Ἡρακλέος κωμοπόλεως. ᾿Ενταῦθα δὲ
μεμαθηκὼς ὡς οἱ Τοῦρκοι τὴν τοῦ Ἰκονίου πολιτείαν
καταστρεψάμενοι, χρονίσαι ταύτῃ οὐκ ἀπεθάρρησαν, δε-
διότες τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιδίωξιν, ἀπόμοιραν
μέν τινα τῶν ταγμάτων εἰς Κιλικίαν ἐξέπεμψεν ἑνωθησο-
μένην τῷ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας | δουκὶ τῷ Χατατουρίῳ, ἀνδρὶ
γενναίῳ καὶ πολλὰ ἐπιδειξαμένῳ τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτοῦ τὰ
γνωρίσματα πρότερον, προδεξαμένῳ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ βασι-
λέως εἰς Mowoveotiav ἀπαντῆσαι ὡς τάχος καὶ τοῖς Τούρ-
κοις ἐκεῖθεν παροδεύουσι συμμῖξαι πολεμικῶς, ἅτε καὶ
τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς τῆς Σελευκείας κατοικούντων Ἄρμε-
νίων προδιορισθέντων ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς τοὺς Τούρκους
καταδραμεῖν καὶ κακῶσαι κατὰ τὸ ἐγχωροῦν.
20 Καὶ γὰρ τὴν ἐπάνοδον δείσαντες οἱ πολέμιοι διὰ τὸ
πυθέσθαι περὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιδημίας, διὰ τῶν τῆς
Σελευκείας ὀρῶν ἐπορεύθησαν καὶ εἰς τὴν τῆς Ταρσοῦ

248
 CHAPTER I8

disastrous scarcity and hunger and would, moreover, be de-

layed by having to pass through those narrow passes in
which both pack animals and men would have to proceed in
single file. I added that we should be concerned to proceed
as quickly as possible to those themata which had not suf-
fered harm and were still intact, so that we could keep them
secure from damage at the hands of the enemy.
This view prevailed, and the emperor together with the 19
army traversed Koloneia and the Armeniac themata as far as
Sebasteia. There he learned that the Turks had ridden on
ahead as far as Pisidia and Lykaonia and that their objective
was to reach Ikonion. He rode rapidly on their tail as far
as the town called Herakleia. There he found out that the
Turks who had ravaged the city of Ikonion did not dare to
remain there, for they were afraid of being pursued by the
emperor. He then sent several units into Kilikia to join up
with the doux of Antioch, [137] Chatatourios, a noble man
who had in the past given much proof of his valor. He had
previously been ordered by the emperor to march to Mop-
souestia as quickly as possible and to attack the Türks there
as they were passing through that region. For the Armenians
living in the mountainous parts of Seleukeia had also previ-
ously been ordered to charge down upon the Turks in the
narrow passes and to inflict as much damage as they could
upon them.
Indeed, the enemy was fearful about their return because 20

of what they learned of the emperor's line of march, and so

they rode through the mountains of Seleukeia to the valley

249
 THE HISTORY

πεδιάδα κατηκοντίσθησαν. Ἔνθα παρὰ τῶν Ἀρμενίων

συγκυρηθέντες τὴν λαφυραγωγίαν πᾶσαν σχεδὸν ἀπέβα-
λον, αὐτοὶ δὲ διασωθέντες μοχθηρῶς ἐπέτεινον τὸν δρό-
μον ἐφ᾽ ᾧ διελθεῖν δι ὅλης τῆς Κιλικίας καὶ εἰς τὰ τοῦ
Χάλεπ προσμῖξαι ὅρια. Ilpoevruxövres δ᾽ ἀλλήλοις οἵ τε
παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πεμφθέντες καὶ ὁ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας
στρατὸς μετὰ τοῦ δηλωθέντος ἡγεμόνος αὐτῶν ἑώρων
τοὺς ἐναντίους κατά τινας μετρίους ἀριθμοὺς προϊόντας,
αὐτοὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν Μοψουεστίας αὐτοῖς ἐφεδρεύοντες,
προέμενοι δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐπιθέσεως προφά-
σει τοῦ μὴ σποράδας ὄντας αὐτοὺς διασκεδασθῆναι ποι-
nowor καὶ περιμείναντες ἕως ἂν ἐπὶ παρεμβολῆς ἀθροισ-
θῶσι, μεγάλης νίκης καὶ στρατηγίας ἀπέτυχον. Μαθόντες
γὰρ οἱ πολέμιοι ἐξ ἑαλωκότων τινῶν τὴν eic Μοψονεστίαν
τῶν Ῥωμαίων συνάθροισιν, μηδὲ μικρὸν ἐγχρονίσαντες |
καὶ διαναπαύσαντες ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ἣν τεθείκασιν ἐν τῇ Βλα-
τιλιβάδι παρεμβολήν, ᾧχοντο διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ὑπερβάντες
τὸ Σαρβανδικὸν ὄρος καὶ εἰς τὰ τοῦ Χάλεπ ἐπελάσαντες
ὅρια.
21 Ἀπρακτησάντων οὖν τῶν £v Mowoveotig καὶ un εὑρη-
κότων τοὺς ἐναντίους εἰς ὅπερ ἤλπισαν καταγώγιον, ἀνία
μὲν κατέσχε τὸν βασιλέα πυθόμενον. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς
μικρὸν ἄποθεν τῆς ἐν Σελευκείᾳ Κλαυδιουπόλεως κατα-
στὰς περὶ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐμεμαθήκει φυγῆς, ὀπισθόρ-
untog γέγονεν, εὐθὺς μὲν τῆς βασιλευούσης ὡς καὶ τοῦ
μετοπώρου προϊόντος κατεπειγόμενος, ἕτερον δὲ λαὸν εἰς
τὰ κατόπιν καταλιπὼν διὰ τὸ καὶ ἑτέρους Τούρκους κατα-
ληΐζεσθαι τὴν ῥωμαϊκὴν γῆν κατὰ φατρίας καὶ μοίρας

250
 CHAPTER 18

of Iarsos where they were met by the Armenians who shot

them down with spears. They abandoned almost all their
booty, saving themselves, and with difficulty continued their
journey, riding through the whole of Kilikia until they
reached the frontier of Aleppo. In the meantime the sol-
diers sent by the emperor and the army from Antioch under
their aforementioned leader had joined forces. They noticed
that the enemy was proceeding in moderately sized units
and so they lay in wait for them near the city of Mopsoues-
tia. But they missed the opportunity to attack them on the
excuse that if they did so they might disperse these scat-
tered units even further. So they stayed there until the en-
emy could be assembled in an encampment and thereby
they missed gaining a great military victory. For when the
enemy found out from some captives that the Romans had
gathered at Mopsouestia, they wasted no time [138] resting
at the camp that they had set up at Vlatilivadi, but rather
crossed Mount Sarvandikon during the night and marched
on to the borders of Aleppo.
The emperor was disappointed to learn that those in 2I

Mopsouestia accomplished nothing and did not catch the

enemy in the place where they had hoped. But since he was
camped not far from Klaudioupolis in Seleukeia when he
learned of the enemy's escape, he turned back and hastened
directly back to the Reigning City, for it was already autumn.
But he left some soldiers behind because other Turks, di-
vided into clans and bands, were raiding through Roman

251
 THE HISTORY

διαιρουμένους καὶ κατατρέχοντας καὶ τὸ προστυχὸν ἀφα-

νίζοντας. Εἰσιόντος οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν Kwvoravrıvov-
πόλει, En’ οἴκου καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ στρατεύματος γέγονε
καὶ τὸ ἔτος ἐτελεύτα ἐκεῖνο, ἰνδικτιῶνος ἐνισταμένης
ὀγδόης τοῦ spon’ ἔτους, ὅτε καὶ τὸ μέγιστον ἱερὸν τῶν
Βλαχερνῶν ἕως ἐδάφους ἐπυρπολήθη.

I9

>
E δὲ τὸ ἔαρ ὑποφαίνεσθαι ἤρξατο, ἐσκέψατο τῇ Ba-
σιλίδι παρεῖναι ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τοῦ στρατοῦ
πρὸς τὴν ἑῴαν ἑνὶ τῶν προεχόντων ἐμπιστεῦσαι Ῥωμαίων.
Προκρίνας οὖν Μανουὴλ πρωτοπρόεδρον τὸν Kogvnvóv
καὶ τῷ τοῦ κουροπαλάτου τιμήσας ἀξιώματι, στρατηγὸν
τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ἀρχηγὸν τοῦ στρατεύματος ἀποδείκνυσι.
Τὸ δ᾽ | ἐντεῦθεν τὰ προσάντη καὶ δυσχερῆ τῇ Ῥωμαίων
βασιλείᾳ συνήντησεν.
"E&uov οὖν ὁ προβεβλημένος εἰς τοῦτο, εἰ καὶ νέος τὴν
ἡλικίαν ἐτύγχανεν, ἀλλά γε πεπλανημένον οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽
ἀπαγὲς καὶ μειρακιῶδες ἐνεργῶν κατεφαίνετο, πολὺν δὲ
λόγον ποιούμενος τῶν εἰκότων, τάς τε δυνάμεις συνη-
θροίκει καὶ τῇ Καισαρέων πασίρρωμος ἐπεφοίτησεν, οὐ

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 CHAPTER I9

territory plundering and destroying everything in their

path. The emperor entered Constantinople and the rest of
the army dispersed to their homes. So that year came to an
end, the eighth indiction of the year 6578,96 when also the
great shrine of Blachernai burned to the ground.

Chapter 19

Manuel Komnenos’s eastern

campaign (1070)

A. the beginning of spring the emperor decided to re-

main in the Imperial City and to entrust the command of
the army in the east to one of the most prominent Romans.
He therefore designated the protoproedros Manuel Komne-
nos, upon whom he also bestowed the dignity of kouropal-
ates, as general for the war and commander of the army. From
[139] this time on the empire of the Romans was beset with
adversities and difficulties.
The newly appointed commander departed to perform
his task and, even though he was young in years, his actions
were not ill-conceived, weak, or juvenile. He thought hard
about what needed to be done, assembled his forces, and in
full strength arrived at Kaisareia. He not only saw to the

253
 THE HISTORY

μόνον τὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ καθιστῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς εὐνομίας

προσηκόντως φροντίζων καὶ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας τῶν στρα-
τιωτῶν ἐκτίσει καὶ προστίμοις τῆς ἀτασθαλίας καθυπο-
βάλλων. Πολέμοις δέ τισιν ἐντυχὼν νικητὴς ἀναπέφηνε
καὶ τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ εὐδοξίαν ἤδη πλατύνειν καὶ μεγαλύ-
νειν διηγωνίζετο. Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ κρατῶν ταυτὶ τὰ προτερήματα
πυνθανόμενος εὐθυμεῖν μὲν ἐῴκει, ἐνθυμεῖσθαι δέ τι παρὰ
τὴν ὁρωμένην ὄψιν οὐκ εἶχέ τις ἀντειπεῖν. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν
ἵνα τὴν τῆς Ἱεραπόλεως πολιορκίαν ἀποσοβήσῃ καὶ τὴν
πιέζουσαν τοὺς ἔνδον σιτοδείαν παραμυθήσηται, μοῖραν
οὐκ ἐλαχίστην τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἀποτεμόμενος ἐκεῖσε
κατὰ Συρίαν ἀπελθεῖν διωρίσατο καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον
τῆς ἐκ τούτων ἰσχύος τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπεστέρησεν. Εἰς δὲ
Σεβάστειαν παραγενομένου τούτου μετὰ τῶν ὑπολελειμ-
μένων δυνάμεων καὶ περὶ τὸ ἄστυ στρατοπεδεύσαντος,
ἐπῆλθέ τις πληθὺς οὐννικὴ πόλεμον τούτῳ καὶ μάχην
ἀναρριπίζουσα. Ἐξιόντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ, συνέστη μὲν καρτερὰ
διαμάχη, φαντασίαν δὲ φυγῆς δεδωκότων τῶν ἐναντίων,
οἷα τὰ τούτων μηχανήματα καὶ συνθήματα, ἐπεὶ διασκεδα-
σθέντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐδίωκον, ὑποστροφῆς αἰφνιδίου εὐθὺς
γενομένης ἐκείνων, παλίντροπος ἡ συμπλοκὴ γέγονε καὶ
πολλοὶ μὲν ἑάλωσαν, πλείους δὲ μαχαίρας ἔργον γεγόνασι,
συνεάλω δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν
στρατηγίαν ἐπέχων. Σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις δὲ καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς
παρεμβολῆς παράστασις καὶ διασκύλευσις γέγονεν καὶ εἰ
μὴ τὸ ἄστυ πλησίον ὃν τοὺς πλείστους διέσωσε, πανστρα-
τιᾷ ἐκινδύνευσεν ἂν ἡ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἡλικία πᾶσα ὅση πρὸς
τὴν ἐνταῦθα ἐκστρατείαν συνέδραμε.

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needs of the army but was also properly concerned about

the observance of the laws, and so he subjected soldiers who
broke the laws to punishments and fines for their misbehav-
ior. He was victorious in some battles and was already ambi-
tious to increase and spread his own reputation. The sover-
eign, however, on learning of these triumphs certainly
seemed to rejoice, but whether he was thinking something
other than what appeared on the surface nobody could tell.
Nonetheless, to relieve the siege of Hierapolis and to bring
some relief to the people inside who were suffering from
lack of food, he separated off a sizable unit of the army and
ordered it to head for Syria; in this way he deprived the gen-
eral of their strength. The latter came to Sebasteia with his
remaining forces and camped near the town, where a large
force of Huns came upon him and provoked him to fight.
He did come out and a fierce battle ensued. [140] Finally,
the enemy made believe that they were retreating, one of
their usual tricks and stratagems, and while pursuing them
the Romans became scattered. Suddenly, che enemy turned
back and attacked, and the tide of battle was reversed. Many
were captured and many more cut down by the sword, and
among the prisoners was the commander of the army him-
self. In addition to this, they also charged in to pillage the
camp and, had the town not been close by and able to pro-
vide refuge for most of the soldiers, all the Roman youth
who had gone on that expedition would have run the risk of
utter annihilation together with the entire army.

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 THE HISTORY

3 Τῆς φήμης δὲ ταύτης καταλαβούσης τὸν βασιλέα,

πολλή τις ἀνία κατέσχε καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ὅσοι τὰ Ῥωμαίων
φρονοῦντες ἐτύγχανον. Οὔπω δὲ τὰ τῆς φήμης παρήκμασε
καὶ αὖθις ἑτέρα ἐπῆλθε τοὺς Τούρκους ἀπαγγέλλουσα τὴν
ἐν Χώναις πολιτείαν καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν περιβόητον ἐν θαύμασι
καὶ ἀναθήμασι τοῦ Ἀρχιστρατήγου ναὸν καταλαβεῖν ἐν
μαχαίρᾳ καὶ φόνου μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ ἐκεῖσε πληρῶσαι καὶ
λύθρου, πολλὰς δὲ ὕβρεις τῷ ἱερῷ ἐμπαροινηθῆναι. Kal τὸ
δὴ σχετλιώτερον μὴ τὰς τοῦ χάσματος σήραγγας ἐν ᾧπερ
οἱ παραρρέοντες ποταμοὶ ἐκεῖσε χωνευόμενοι διὰ τῆς τοῦ
Ἀρχιστρατήγου παλαιᾶς ἐπιδημίας καὶ θεοσημίας, ὡς διὰ
πρανοῦς ἀστατοῦν τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ λίαν εὐδρομοῦν ἔχουσι,
τοὺς | καταφυγόντας διατηρῆσαι καὶ ὑπαλύξαι τὸν κίνδυ-
vov μελετῆσαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ οὐ γέγονέ ποτε, πλημμυρῆσαι τὸ
ὕδωρ καὶ οἷον ἀναρροιβδῆσαι καὶ ἀνερεύξασθαι καὶ πάν-
τας ἄρδην τοὺς καταπεφευγότας κατακλῦσαι καὶ διὰ ξηρὰς
ὑποβρυχίους ὑποποιήσασθαι.
Ταῦτα τοιγαροῦν ἐπιδιηγηθέντα πολλὴν ἐνῆκαν τὴν
ἀθυμίαν ἡμῖν, ὡς ἐκ θεομηνίας τῶν δεινῶν ἐπισυμβαινόν-
τῶν καὶ μὴ μόνον τῶν πολεμίων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν στοιχείων
ἀντιμαχομένων τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς ἐδοκίμαζε
μὲν καὶ οἷον ἐσφάδαζεν ὁ κρατῶν διαπεραιωθῆναι μετὰ
τῶν περιόντων αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἑῴαν
παραβοηθῆσαι κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, ἀπείργετο δὲ τοῖς τε συμ-
βούλοις καὶ τῇ ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ τῇ
περικοπῇ τῶν μετὰ τοῦ κουροπαλάτου δυνάμεων, ὅθεν καὶ
ἄκων τοῖς βασιλείοις ἐπέμεινεν.
Ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων τινῶν, ἑτέρα τις φήμη τὸν

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When news of this reached the emperor, he and everyone 3

else who had the interests of the empire at heart were greatly
disappointed. Even before this news became widely known,
they heard more tidings to the effect that the Turks had
taken by storm the city of Chonai and the very shrine of the
Archgeneral, famous for its miracles and dedications,?? and
that they had filled the place with slaughter and filth, and
polluted the church with many outrages. Worst of all was
this: the channels in the cavern that, ever since the ancient
visitation and divine manifestation of the Archgeneral, fun-
nel the rivers flowing past that area whose current is precip-
itous, turbulent, and swift, failed to [x41] protect the refu-
gees who sought to escape from the danger in them.
Instead — and this had never happened before— the water
flooded, was then sucked down, and again disgorged. It
drowned almost all the fugitives, submerging them under
water even though they were on land.
The news of this greatly depressed us, forit wasasthough 4
these disasters were being caused by divine anger. Not only
the enemy but the very forces of nature seemed to be fight-
ing against us. Nonetheless, the ruler was considering the
idea, in fact he was chafing, to cross over with the soldiers
he had with him and do all he could to aid those in the east.
But he was held back by his advisers, by lack of information
regarding the numbers of the enemy, and by the fact that the
forces with the kouropalates had been decimated. Unwill-
ingly then, he stayed in the palace.
Several days later another report revived the spirits ofthe 5

257
 THE HISTORY

βασιλέα kai τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἀνεκτήσατο, ἦν yàp ὅτι ὁ τῶν

Τούρκων ἡγούμενος καὶ καταπολεμήσας τὸ ἡμέτερον
στράτευμα καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ὑποχείριον ποιησάμενος,
ὃν πολλῶν ταλάντων πρίασθαι οἱ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ παρ-
εσκεύασαν, προσέρχεται τῷ βασιλεῖ μόνος μετὰ τοῦ στρα-
τηγοῦ, φιλῶν οἰκέτης μᾶλλον εἶναι τοῦ βασιλέως ἢ στρα-
τάρχης τῶν Οὔννων γνωρίζεσθαι. Καὶ ὁ λόγος εἰς ἔργον
ἐκβέβηκεν, ἐλήλυθε γὰρ ἔχων μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὸν εἰρημένον
τοῦ στρατοῦ προεξάρχοντα, ὃς καὶ τῇ | βασιλίδι ἐπιδε-
δήμηκε τὸ οἰκεῖον πλῆθος καταλιπὼν καὶ τὴν αὐτομολίαν
αἱρετισάμενος ἀπροαίρετον. Καὶ ἡ αἰτία, ὅτιπερ ὁ σουλτά-
νος ὁ τῆς Περσίας κρατῶν δυσμενῶς ἔχων πρὸς τοῦτον
ὡς ἀποστάτην, στρατιὰν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀγελάρχην ἀπέ-
στείλεν, ὧν τῷ φόβῳ κατασεισθείς, οὐκ ἄλλως διαδρᾶναι
τὸν κίνδυνον διεσκόπησεν ἢ τῷ προσφυγεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ
τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὃ δὴ καὶ κατὰ νοῦν αὐτῷ προκεχώρηκεν.
“Ὑπεδέχθη μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἀσινὴς τῷ οἴκῳ τοῦ διασωθέντος
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ κουροπαλάτου προσεδέχθη, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς οὐκ
εὔθετος αὐτῷ κατεφάνη, μὴ κατ᾽ ὄψιν αὐτὸν ἀγαγὼν dr
ἡμερῶν οὐκ ὀλίγων’ εἶτα τῆς συγκλήτου συνάθροισιν
μετὰ τῆς συνήθους λαμπροφορίας ποιησάμενος, ὁρᾷ τοῦ-
τον ἐν τῷ Χρυσοτρικλίνῳ περὶ τὴν τοῦ ἡλίου ἐπιτολήν.
Tore δὲ πάντες οἱ συνιόντες καὶ τὸ διανοητικὸν εἴτ᾽ οὖν
αἰσθητικὸν ἰσχυρότερον ἔχοντες ἐπὶ μεῖζον τὴν φωνὴν
ἦραν καὶ τὸ πάθος ἐξῆραν ὡς τὸ εἰκός, νέος μὲν γὰρ ἦν ὁ
paveic, πυγμαῖος δὲ τὴν ἡλικίαν σχεδόν, τὴν ὄψιν Σκύθης
καὶ ἄχαρις, ἐπειδὴ τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐκ Σκυθῶν καὶ τῆς
ἐκείνων κακοηθείας καὶ δυσμορφίας κατάγεται. Τιμήσας

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. emperor and all the Romans. It was that the leader of the
Turks who had defeated our army and captured our gen-
eral,?? whom his own people were prepared to ransom for
many talents, had of his own accord decided to join the em-
peror and was bringing the general along with him. He would
rather be known as a servant of the emperor than grand
commander of the Huns. And the report was confirmed, for
he arrived here bringing with him the aforementioned com-
mander of the army. He [142] came to the Imperial City hav-
ing left behind his own forces and made his decision to
change sides, though it was not fully voluntary. The reason
was that the sultan governing Persia was ill-disposed toward
him as though he were a traitor, and had sent out one of his
captains with an army against him.?°° He was seized with
fear and could think of no other way of escaping the danger
than to seek refuge with the emperor of the Romans. And
things worked out as he intended. He was received un-
harmed and was welcomed in the house of the kouropalates
whom he had saved, though the emperor was not kindly dis-
posed toward him and did not bring him into his presence
for many days. Finally, with the customary magnificence he
convoked the Senate and saw him in the Chrysotriklinos??!
about sunrise. Then everyone present, whether they were
of the more intelligent lot or more perceptive, raised their
voices and loudly expressed their feelings, as might be ex-
pected. For the man who appeared before them was young
but almost a pygmy in height, and his face was that of a
Skythian and ugly because this people are of Skythian ances-
try and have inherited their depravity and deformity The

259
 THE HISTORY

δὲ τοῦτον ὁ βασιλεὺς πρόεδρον καὶ συμβαλέσθαι τοῦτον

πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῶν Τούρκων ἐκστρατείαν οὐ μικρῶς οἰη-
θείς, ἐξ ἐκείνου διεῖπεν αὐτόν.

20

Ka τὴν ἐν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ παραχειμασίαν τελέσας,

κατάλογον στρατιωτῶν ἐπεποίητο καὶ διαπεραιωθεὶς ἄρτι
Ι τοῦ ἔαρος ὑπανοίγοντος περὶ αὐτὴν τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς
ἐπισήμου λεγομένης Ὀρθοδοξίας, ἐν fj φυλοκρινεῖν -τοὺς
αἱρετικοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρθοδόξων καὶ ἀναθέματι καθυπο-
βάλλειν τοὺς ἑτεροδόξους τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ νενόμισται, εἰς τὰ
τῶν 'Hplwv παλάτια κατὰ τὸ ἔθος προσώρμησε, τῇ πρὸ
αὐτῆς ἡμέρᾳ τὴν ἐτησίαν φιλοτιμίαν τὴν λεγομένην ῥό-
yav τοῖς μεγιστᾶσι τῆς βουλῆς καταθέμενος.
2 Διαπεραιουμένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸν Χαλκηδόνιον πορθμόν,
περιστερά τίς ποθεν ἱπταμένη οὐ πάνυ τι λευκή, πρὸς τὸ
μέλαν δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον αὑτῆς ὑποφαίνουσα τὴν φέρουσαν
τὸν βασιλέα νῆα ἐπήρχετο, ἕως εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον καθ-
£oOcica χερσὶ ταῖς αὐτοῦ προσερρύη. Κἀκεῖνος ταύτην τῇ

260
 CHAPTER 20

emperor honored him with the title of proedros and, think-

ing that he would have a great deal to contribute to the cam-
paign against the Turks, he spent much time in conversation
with him.

Chapter 20

Romanos IV Diogenes' third

eastern campaign (1071) and
the Battle of Mantzikert

Having spent the winter in the Reigning City, the em-

peror called up the soldiers and crossed over at the very
[143] beginning of spring, on the day designated as that of
Orthodoxy” on which it is customary for the Church to
distinguish the heretics from the Orthodox and subject the
heterodox to anathema. As usual, he went to the palace of
Hieria, having on the previous day carried out the annual
distribution of gifts, called the roga, to the leaders of the
Senate.
While he was crossing the straits of Chalkedon, a dove
happened to fly overhead. It was not completely white, but
most of its appearance was dark, and it approached the ship
bearing the emperor, finally coming to rest right in his
hands. He sent the dove to the empress, who, contrary to

261
 THE HISTORY

βασιλίδι ἀνέπεμψε, περὶ αὐτὰ τὰ ἀνάκτορα τῆς Πόλεως

παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ἐπιμεινάσῃ. Τοῦτο δὲ σύμβολον ἐδόκει
μελλούσης τινὸς ἀποβάσεως, οὐκ ἰσότητος δὲ καὶ ὁμο-
φωνίας τοῖς τοῦτο συμβάλλουσιν ἐδίδου παράθεσιν, ἀλλ᾽
οἱ μὲν πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον τὴν ἔκβασιν
προεσήμαινον. Ἡ δὲ βασιλίς, εἰ καὶ ἀμφίβολος τῷ βασιλεῖ
καὶ ἀσύμβατος ἦν ἐν τῇ προπομπῇ καὶ οἷον ἀμφήριστος
ἔκ τινων τοῖς συνοικοῦσιν ἐπισυμβαινουσῶν θρύψεων,
ἀλλά γε τῇ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα στοργῇ καταπονηθεῖσα, πρὸς
τοῦτον εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν διεπεπεραίωτο:" καὶ πρὸς ἡμέρας
τινὰς καρτερήσασα καὶ τὸν συντακτήριον λόγον καὶ τρό-
πον ἀποσεμνύνασα, νόστου τε ἐμνήσθη κἀκεῖνον εἰς τὴν
ἑῴαν μετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων προπεμπτηρίων ἀπέλυσεν.
|"Eoxev οὖν κἀνταῦθα καινόν τινα καὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰθισμέ-
νον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως διαπεραίωσις ὅρμον, οὐ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς
Πύλαις καὶ τοῖς βασιλείοις δόμοις ὁ βασιλεὺς προσωρ-
μίσατο, οὐδ᾽ ἐν ΝΝεακώμῃ χωρίῳ τινὶ χωρητικῷ βασιλικῆς
δορυφορίας ἢ ὑπατείας, àÀX εἰς Ἑλενόπολιν αὐτῷ τὸ σύν-
θημα τῆς ἀποβάσεως γέγονεν, ὅπου καὶ ἡ βασίλειος σκηνὴ
προδιωρίσθη καὶ προεπήγνυτο, Ἑλενόπολιν τὴν προδια-
τεθεῖσαν τοῖς εὔφροσιν ἐκ τῆς προσηγορίας Ἐλεεινόπολιν.
Οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸ τοῦτο, τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἠρίων εἰς Ἑλενόπολιν
τὸν βασιλέα μεθαρμόσασθαι τὴν ἑῴαν ἀπόβασιν, οἰωνὸς
ἀγαθὸς τοῖς ἀκριβοῦσιν ἐδόκει τὰ πράγματα. Καὶ τί γάρ,
ἔτι τῆς βασιλείου σκηνῆς ἱσταμένης, κατεαχθὲν τὸ ὑπο-
στηρίζον αὐτὴν ξύλον πεσεῖν ταύτην αἰφνηδὸν παρεσκεύ-
ασεν, ὡς μὴ ἀπάδειν τῷ τοῦ τόπου ὀνόματι τὴν τοῦ βασι-
λέως ἐν αὐτῷ ἐπισκήνωσιν; Ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν νῦν ἀνθρώπων

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custom, had remained in the City in the palace. This seemed

to be a sign of some outcome, but there was no consistency
or agreement whatsoever among those who tried to inter-
pret it. Some foretold a good outcome, others a bad one. As
for the empress, although she had been ambivalent in her
feelings about the emperor and did not escort him when he
set out—there was some tension between them as a result of
certain delicate matters which occur between married cou-
ples — but she was still overcome by love for the man and the
next day crossed the straits to join him. She remained with
him for several days and solemnized the occasion with a
farewell address in the proper manner. She then returned
home, letting him go off to the east with the usual farewell
solemnities.
[144] This time the emperor sailed across to a different
and not customary port, for he did not land at Pylai and
the imperial residence there, nor in the Nea Kome, a village
which is able to accommodate the imperial guard and reti-
nue. Instead, the orders for the disembarkation were for
Helenopolis, where the imperial tent had been sent and
pitched. Helenopolis was called Eleeinopolis?® by people
with a sense of humor, a pun on its name. This too, namely
the fact that the emperor had changed the place of his dis-
embarkation to the east from Hieria to Helenopolis, seemed
not to be a good omen to those who examined matters
closely. For what, when the imperial tent had been set up,
caused the pole holding it up to break which brought about
the tent's sudden collapse? Thus the emperor's stay there
was not inconsistent with the name of the place. But the
usual stupidity of men today, their bad habits, and their lack

263
 THE HISTORY

συνήθης ἀβελτηρία καὶ καχεξία xal τὸ ἐν τῇ δοκούσῃ

πίστει ἄπιστον καὶ ἀσύμβλητον, ἀνάλγητον καὶ τοῦτο καὶ
ἀπολυπραγμόνητον εἴασε.
Προήει τοίνυν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τῆς ἑῴας ἀποτέρω προ-
ἤρχετο ἕως εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀνατολικῶν λεγομένην ἐπαρχίαν
εἰσέβαλε, νῦν μᾶλλον ἤπερ τὸ πρότερον φειδωλίᾳ περὶ
πάντας τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν συνεχόμενος. ᾿Εάσας οὖν τὸ ἐπὶ
πεδίων πυροφόρων κατασκηνῶσαι τῷ περιρρέοντι ταῦτα
ποταμῷ | προστιθεμένων, πρός τι ἄναντες καὶ τραχὺ χω-
ρίων τὴν ἰδίαν κατασκήνωσιν ἐποιήσατο, δωματίοις ἐπι-
στέγοις ἐπιγαννύμενος καὶ φεύγων τὴν ἐκ τῆς σκηνο-
πηγίας ἐνσκήνωσιν.
Ἔνθα δή τι καὶ συνέβη τῶν. προτέρων οὐκ ἔλαττον εἰς
κακοδαιμονίας οἰώνισμα, πῦρ γάρ ποθεν ἐναχθὲν τοὺς δό-
μους ἐκείνους ἐν οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐγκατῴκιστο μετὰ πολλῆς
τῆς ἠχῆς ἐξαφθὲν κατενέμετο. Καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν συνέδρα- -᾿
μον εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ κατάσβεσιν καὶ ἀπόπαυσιν, ὀλίγον δέ τι
τοῖς βασιλικοῖς παρεβοήθησαν πράγμασιν, οἱ γὰρ τοῦ βα-
σιλέως ἵπποι, ὅσοι τὰ πρῶτα τῶν ἄλλων ἐκέκτηντο, καὶ τὰ
τῶν ὅπλων τιμιώτερα καὶ χαλινοὶ καὶ ὀχήματα βρῶσις
ὁμοῦ τοῦ πυρὸς γεγόνασι καὶ κατάποσις. Μόλις δ᾽ οὖν
ἠδυνήθησάν τινα τῶν ἄλλων ἀποφυγεῖν τὴν τοῦ πυρὸς
ἐρωήν. Ἕτεροι δὲ τῶν ἵππων καὶ ἡμιόνων ἡμίφλεκτοι γε-
γονότες, ἐβάδιζον ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ, οὐδὲν μὲν λυσιτελὲς
παρεχόμενοι, μαρτυρίαν δὲ διεμφαίνοντες τῆς ἐν τοῖς βα-
σιλείοις προσγενομένης κακότητος καὶ τῆς συμβολικῆς ἐν
ἅπασι διαθέσεως.
6 Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον τὸ ἀποτέλεσμα συνεπέραινεν,

264
 CHAPTER 20

of faith in what they seem to believe, and their unwilling-

ness to put two and two together, allowed this too to slide by
quietly and not to be scrutinized.
The emperor then proceeded further to the east until he 4
arrived in the province called Anatolikon. More than ever
before he was now constrained to be stingy with all those
who were in his company. Passing by the opportunity to en-
camp on plains that were full of wheat along the banks of
the river flowing [145] through there, he made his own en-
campment in a steep and rocky location, pleased with the
roofed hovels he found there and avoiding the encampment
in which the tents were pitched.?%
It was there that an omen occurred that presaged ill for- ;
tune no less than any of the previous ones, for somehow fire
broke out in those houses in which the emperor was staying,
bursting out and spreading with a great crackling. Many ran
to extinguish it and put it out but they could not provide
much help to the emperor's possessions. For the emperor's
horses, which were of the greatest value, the more valuable
of his weapons, the bridles, the carriages, all were utterly de-
voured and consumed by the fire. Some other items barely
escaped the rush of the flames, and some other horses and
mules wandered about through the host half burned and of
no use whatsoever, clear evidence of the disaster which had
struck the emperor and proof that everything contains a
predictive power.
But the meaning of these things was revealed later. The 6

265
 THE HISTORY

ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διαπεραιωθεὶς τὸν Σαγγάρην ποταμὸν διὰ

τῆς τοῦ Ζόμπου καλουμένης γεφύρας ἤρξατο τὰς ὑπολει-
πομένας συναθροίζειν δυνάμεις, ἦσαν γὰρ οἱ τῆς στρατιᾶς
διεσκεδασμένοι κατὰ λόφους καὶ σήραγγας καὶ κρησφύ-
γετά τινα καὶ ἄντρα διὰ προδεδηλωμένην τῶν βαρβάρων
ἐπίτασιν. ΚΚαταλέξας δ᾽ οὖν ὅσους αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ ἐνῆν,
πλείστους δ᾽ | ἀποπεμψάμενος, τῆς εἰς τὰ πρόσω πορείας
εὐθυμότερον εἴχετο, διαφόρως ἀποξενῶν ἑαυτὸν τοῦ στρα-
τοῦ εἰς τὰς οἰκείας ἐπαύλεις καὶ κτημάτων ἐπιδείξεις οἰ-
κείων καὶ πολυτελεστέρων οἰκοδομῶν διατάξεις. Διαπεραι-
ωὠθέντος οὖν τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸν Ἅλυν λεγόμενον ποταμόν,
αὐτὸς οὐ συνδιεπεραιώθη τηνικαῦτα αὐτῷ, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς νεο-
παγὲς φρούριον ἐκ προστάξεως αὐτοῦ συνοικοδομηθὲν
ἐπιμείνας, ἐκεῖσέ τινας ἡμέρας διέτριψεν: εἶτα διαπεραιω-
θεὶς καὶ αὐτός, κἀν τῇ τοῦ Χαρσιανοῦ ἐπαρχίᾳ τὴν διαίρε-
σιν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοῦ εἰς κτήσεις οἰκείας συνδιεγράψατο καὶ
an’ ἐκείνου ἀδιαίρετος ἦν, τῇ Καισαρέων μὴ προσμίξας τὸ
σύνολον ἕως εἰς τὴν λεγομένην Κρύαν Πηγὴν ἐνηυλίσατο.
Ἔστι γὰρ ὁ τόπος οὐδενὸς τῶν χρηστῶν τὸ παράπαν ἀπο-
λειπόμενος, τό τε γὰρ ὕδωρ διειδὲς ἅμα καὶ πότιμον καὶ
ψυχρότατον, δένδρα τε συνηρεφῆ μετὰ δαψιλοῦς τῆς πόας
ἐκτρέφον καὶ ξυλίσασθαι εὔπορος, παντοίοις τε ῥόδοις
κατάκομος καὶ κρινωνιαῖς, λόφοις τε ἠρέμα πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς
ἀνάγουσιν εὔθετος καὶ οἷον εἰπεῖν ἀστυκώμη καὶ ἀγρόπο-
λις διὰ τῆς συμμιγοῦς ποριμότητος γνωριζόμενος.
Ἔκεῖσε δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἡμέρας τινὰς στρατοπεδευσάμε-
voc, ὡς εἶδε τὴν χώραν ἀφειδῶς κατακειρομένην ἐκ τῶν

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emperor crossed the River Sangarios over the bridge known

as Zompos, and began to assemble his remaining forces.
These consisted of soldiers who had scattered among the
hills and gullies, the caves and hiding places because of the
barbarian assaults already described. He picked out as many
troops as he wanted, but [x46] dismissed most of them and
continued his advance in good spirits. At various times he
would take leave of the army and go to his own manors,
showing off his own lands and arranging for more ostenta-
tious constructions. When the army, therefore, crossed the
river named Halys, he did not cross over at the same time
with it but stayed behind and spent a few days at a fortress
recently constructed at his orders. Then he too crossed over
and in the province of Charsianon he decided that he would
no longer separate himself from the army to attend to his
private properties, and from there on was inseparable from
it. He did not allow the bulk of the army to enter the city
of Kaisareia, and finally encamped at the place called Krya
Pege.?° This place was lacking in no necessity whatever: the
water was crystal clear, drinkable, and very cold; wood was
abundant as the land was forested with trees with thick foli-
age; there were also all sorts of roses and lilies; it was well
situated with gradually sloping hills; and, so to say, it was a
city in the countryside or a rustic city because it was known
for the variety and mixture of its resources.
There the emperor camped for several days, but when he
saw that the countryside was being mercilessly laid waste by

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 THE HISTORY

στρατιωτῶν xai μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ μισθοφορικοῦ xal ἀλλογε-

νοῦς καὶ ἅπαν λήϊον ἐξώρως ἀποτεμνόμενον καὶ τοῖς
βοσκήμασι λαφυραγωγούμενον, δηχθεὶς τὴν ψυχὴν ἀπη-
νέστερον προσηνέχθη τισὶ τῶν | Nepitiwv λεγομένων, οὖς
ὁ παλαιὸς λόγος Σαυρομάτας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐγίνωσκεν, GAN
οἵ γε θράσει καὶ θυμῷ ζέοντες καὶ ἀπονοίᾳ βαρβαρικῇ
πρὸς ἐκδίκησιν τῶν ἰδίων ἰταμῶς διανέστησαν καὶ τῶν
ἵππων περὶ τὴν τοῦ ἀριστᾶν ἐπιβάντες ὥραν τῆς τοῦ βα-
σϊλέως σκηνῆς καὶ αὐτοῦ βασιλέως κατεξαναστῆναι συν-
ἔθεντο. Γνωσθείσης δὲ τῆς αὐτῶν ἐπιθέσεως, βοή τε περὶ
τὸ στρατόπεδον γέγονε καὶ ταχὺ διαβοηθέντος τοῦ πρά-
γματος, συνέστη μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ διηυτρεπίσθη τὰ
πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον: ἐπιβὰς δὲ τοῦ ἵππου καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν
ὡς εἰς μάχην συναρμοσάμενος, κατέπληξε τοὺς ἰδιοξένους
εἰς τὸ πεδίον εὐσυντάκτως γενόμενος: καὶ ὑποσπόνδους
αὐτοὺς ποιησάμενος, τὴν ἐσχάτην τούτοις χώραν ἐκ τῆς
σωματοφυλακίας καὶ τῆς πρώην ἐγγύτητος ἀπενείματο, ἐν
τούτῳ καὶ μόνῳ τὸ πρόστιμον αὐτοῖς τοῦ τοιούτου ἐγκλή-
ματος ἐγκαταθέμενος.
Ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ εἰς Σεβάστειαν καὶ τὰ πρόσω κεχωρηκὼς
ἀπήει τὴν τῶν Ἰβήρων καταλαβεῖν ἐπειγόμενος, ὅτε καὶ
δύο ἀτραπῶν ἐκ Σεβαστείας διαιρουμένων καὶ εἰς τὸ θέμα
Κολωνείας συναγουσῶν, τὴν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ πορευθῆναι
θελήσας ὁ βασιλεύς, πολλῶν πτωμάτων θέαν ἀνθρωπίνων
προσέβαλεν, ἐν ἐκείνῳ γὰρ τῷ τόπῳ συνέστη τῷ παρελ-
θόντι ἔτει ὁ πόλεμος τοῖς τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς Τούρκοις,
στρατηγοῦντος Μανουὴλ κουροπαλάτου τοῦ Κομνηνοῦ,
καὶ τὸ ῥωμαϊκὸν ἡττήθη | στρατόπεδον. Ἐφάνη δὲ καὶ
τοῦτο τοῖς στρατοπεδευομένοις οὐκ εὔθετον θέαμα.
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the soldiers, especially the mercenaries and foreigners, as all

the crops were being cut down prematurely and carried off
to feed the animals, the emperor's soul was stung. He lashed
out more harshly against a group of the [147] so-called Nem-
itzoi,20° who in ancient times were also known as the Sauro-
matai. But they, full of insolence, anger, and barbarian mind-
lessness, recklessly rose up to avenge their own men. Around
the time of the midday meal they mounted their horses and
determined to go to the emperor's tent and confront the
emperor himself. When this assault became known, a cry
resounded through the camp and the news quickly spread
about. The emperor was roused and prepared for battle. He
mounted his horse, lined up the army in battle array, and
amazed those guests of his by showing up on the field in
such disciplined order. He subjected them to his authority,
and assigned them to the last place whereas before they had
been in his bodyguard, in fact in the closest position near
him, and this was tbe only punishment he meted out to
them for such a crime.
From there he marched on to Sebasteia and beyond, has-
tening to reach the country of the Iberians. They came to a
fork where two routes led out of Sebasteia into the thema of
Koloneia. The emperor wanted to proceed along the one to
the left and so he beheld the spectacle of many human
corpses, for the previous year in that place the Turks had
fought against the Romans, who were commanded by the
kouropalates Manuel Komnenos, and the Roman army had
been defeated. [148] This too seemed to the soldiers to be an
ominous sight.

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 THE HISTORY

9 Διελθὼν οὖν ἡμέραν ἐξ ἡμέρας τὴν προκειμένην ὁδόν,

κατέλαβε τὴν Θεοδοσιούπολιν, ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνῳ
παραμεληθεῖσαν καὶ ἀοίκητον γενομένην διὰ τὸ ἐν τῇ πο-
λιτείᾳ τοῦ Ἄρτζη πλησίον οὔσῃ καὶ ἐν καλῷ τῆς θέσεως
ὁρωμένῃ μεταθέσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τὴν οἴκησιν καὶ με-
γάλην ἐγκαταστῆσαι χωρόπολιν καὶ παντοίων ὠνίων ὅσα
Περσική τε καὶ Ἰνδικὴ καὶ ἡ λοιπὴ Ἀσία φέρει πλῆθος οὐκ
εὐαρίθμητον φέρουσαν, πρὸ ὀλίγων δὲ χρόνων ἀνοικοδο-
μηθεῖσαν καὶ κατοχυρωθεῖσαν, τὴν Θεοδοσιούπολιν λέγω,
τάφρῳ καὶ τείχεσι διὰ τὴν τῶν Τούρκων ἐκ τοῦ ἀνελπίστου
γειτνίασιν, 8v ὧν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἡ πολιτεία τοῦ Ἄρτζη παμ-
πληθεὶ τὴν σφαγὴν προὕὔπέμεινε καὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν. ᾿Ἐκεῖσε
τοίνυν ἐπιμείνας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας, διεκη-
ρυκεύσατο πᾶσι διμήνου τροφαῖς ἐφοδιασθῆναι, ὡς διὰ
χώρας ἀοικήτου καὶ καταπεπατημένης τοῖς ἔθνεσι διαπο-
ρεύεσθαι μέλλουσι. Πάντων δὲ τὸ προσταχθὲν δι᾽ ἐπιμε-
λείας ποιησαμένων, προαπέστειλε μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τοῦ
μισθοφορικοῦ Σκύθας εἰς τοῦ Χλίατ προνομήν τε καὶ δια-
σκύλευσιν, τοῦτο καὶ πρότερον ποιησάμενος, ἐπαπέ-
στεῖλε δὲ καὶ Γερμανοὺς τοὺς λεγομένους Φράγγους μετά
τινος ἡγουμένου τούτων, ἀνδρὸς εὐσθενοῦς κατὰ χεῖρα,
Ῥουσέλιος τούτῳ τὸ ὄνομα. Ἐκεῖνος δὲ μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς
στρατιᾶς | κατόπιν ἐλαύνων, οὐ προέθετο συμμῖξαι τοῖς
προαποσταλεῖσι καὶ τῷ Χλίατ προσβαλεῖν ἀλλ᾽, ἐπείπερ
ἔφθη κατὰ τὸ παρελθὸν ἔτος χειρώσασθαι ῥωμαϊκὴν πόλιν
Μαντζικίερτ λεγομένην ὁ τῶν Περσῶν ἀρχηγός, σουλτά-
vov οἷδε τοῦτον ἡ ἐκείνων καλεῖν φωνή, καὶ φύλακας
ἐγκαταστῆσαι Τούρκους ἱκανοὺς μετὰ καὶ Διλιμνιτῶν,

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Day after day he continued on the road before him until 9

he arrived at Theodosioupolis, which had previously been
neglected and was now deserted because the inhabitants
had moved to the city of Artze, which was close by and per-
ceived to be better situated. They had established a great
regional center there which abounded in all sorts of prod-
ucts from Persia, India, and the rest of Asia. À few years pre-
viously it had been rebuilt and fortified, Theodosioupolis, I
mean, with a moat and walls because of the unexpected es-
tablishment of the Turks in the vicinity, and because of their
raids the city of Artze had suffered the slaughter of its entire
population and capture.?” There it was that the emperor
remained for not a few days and issued a proclamation that
everyone should supply himself with provisions for two
months, since they would be marching through uninhabited
regions which had utterly been laid waste by the tribes. Af-
ter everyone diligently carried out this order, the emperor
sent ahead toward Chliat foraging and pillaging parties of
Skythian mercenaries, as he had done on previous occasions.
He also sent out the Germans who are called Franks under
one of their leaders, a warrior strong of arm, Rouselios by
name.?%® The emperor himself, however, with the rest of the
army {149} marched along behind, but did not intend to join
those who were sent ahead to attack Chliat. Rather, given
that the previous year the ruler of the Persians, whom they
call sultan in their language,” had arrived to subject the Ro-
man city of Mantzikert and to establish a good-sized garri-
son of Turks there together with Dilimnitai,?? the emperor

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 THE HISTORY

διέγνω λοιπὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς πρότερον εἰς τὸ ἄστυ τοῦτο

παραβαλεῖν καὶ ἀναρρύσασθαι καὶ τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀποκατα-
στῆσαι καὶ οὕτω τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις προσεπιβαλεῖν, ἤτοι τῷ
Χλίατ, μὴ ἐκ πολλοῦ συγκειμένῳ τῷ διαστήματι.
IO Καταφρονήσας οὖν τῶν καστροφυλακούντων ἐν τῷ
Μαντζικίερτ πολεμίων, ὡς οὐχ ἱκανῶν ὑποστῆναι τὴν τού-
του ἔφοδον, καὶ ἑτέραν μοῖραν ἀποτεμόμενος πλείστην
τοῦ στρατοῦ ἑνὶ τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐγχειρίζει τὴν στρατηγίαν
αὐτοῦ, Ἰωσὴφ μαγίστρῳ τῷ Tpaxavewoty προσεπιδούς,
αὐτῷ καὶ στῖφος πεζῶν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον. Ἢν δὲ τὸ
ἐγχειρισθὲν ἐκείνῳ στρατιωτικὸν τὸ ἔκκριτόν τε καὶ
δυσμαχώτατον κἀν ταῖς συμπλοκαῖς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολέ-
μοις προκινδυνεῦον καὶ προμαχόμενον καὶ εἰς πλῆθος
πολὺ προέχον τῶν ὑποκρατηθέντων τῷ βασιλεῖ. Καὶ γὰρ
ἐν ταῖς προηγησαμέναις μάχαις οὐ τοσαύτη περιέστη τοῖς
Ῥωμαίοις ἀνάγκη μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὥστε καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ
μοῖραν, τὸ λεγόμενον συνήθως ἀλλάγιον, διακινδυνεῦσαι
καὶ πόλεμον ἀγωνίσασθαι, ἀλλὰ προαρπαζόντων τὴν
νίκην τῶν λοιπῶν ἀλλαγίων, ἔμενον ol τῷ βασιλεῖ | περι-
αρτώμενοι λόχοι πολεμικῶν ἀγωνισμάτων ἐκτὸς καὶ τρό-
πον τινὰ τῆς ἐναγωνίου μάχης ἐπιλελησμένοι καὶ συμ-
πλοκῆς.
1 Καὶ ὁ μὲν Τραχανειώτης τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους, ὡς προδι-
εἴληπται, προσλαβόμενος, ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ Χλίατ
φερούσης ἥπτετο, παραβοηθήσων τοῖς προαποσταλεῖσι
Σκύθαις καὶ Φράγγοις, ἀπήγγελτο γὰρ τὸ μετὰ πλήθους
μυριάνδρου τοὺς ἐναντίους αὐτοῖς ἐπιφέρεσθαι, καὶ ἅμα
συντηρήσων ἐκτὸς τοῦ ἄστεος τοὺς καρπούς, ἵνα μὴ

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decided to attack this city first, to make it secure again, and

restore it to Roman rule, and then to launch an attack
against the foreigners, that is, Chliat, which was not very far
away.
He regarded the enemy garrison in Mantzikert with con- IO

tempt and as insufficient to withstand his onslaught, and so

he picked out another large part of the army and entrusted
its command to one of the notables, the magistros Ioseph
Trachaneiotes, giving him in addition a sizable body of in-
fantry. The army entrusted to him consisted of select troops,
difficult to withstand, taking the initiative in close combat
and other types of battle and ready to face danger, and far
more numerous than the soldiers retained by che emperor.
For in past battles when the emperor was present the Ro-
mans had not faced such a dire situation that his own per-
sonal unit, which is usually called the allagion, had to risk all
by taking part in the fighting. But generally, while the other
allagia were gaining the victory, these units remained around
the emperor [150] away from the actual combat and, as it
were, indifferent to the onslaught and clash of battle.
"]rachaneiotes, as mentioned, took command of the se- II

lect soldiers and started on the road to Chliat to provide as-

sistance to the Skythians and Franks who had been sent on
ahead, for it was reported that innumerable enemy soldiers
were moving against them. At the same time he was also to
preserve the crops outside the city, so they would not be

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 THE HISTORY

διαρπαγέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἔνδον Χλιατηνῶν kal συγκομισθέν-

τες, σπάνιν παράσχωσι τῷ στρατῷ, μεταθεμένου τοῦ βα-
σιλέως ἐκεῖσε καὶ χρονίζοντος ἐπὶ πολιορκίᾳ τοῦ ἄστεος.
Καὶ διπλοῦς τούτοις ὁ πόλεμος περιρρεῖ' τὸ μὲν ἐκ τῶν
ἐναντίων, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ.
12 Τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς διασκοπήσας, τὸν στρατὸν διε-
χώρισεν, ἐλπίζων ταχέως τὸ Μαντζικίερτ, ὅπερ καὶ γέ-
yove, παραστήσασθαι, δι᾽ ὀλίγου δὲ καταστῆσαι τὰ En’
αὐτῷ καὶ οὕτω τοῖς οἰκείοις παλινοστῆσαι, εἰ δέ τις καὶ
πόλεμος αὐτοῖς ἐξ ἀπροόπτου συνεπιστῇ, διὰ ταχυδρόμων
μετακαλέσασθαι τοὺς οἰκείους μεγάλῳ διαστήματι μὴ
ἀπέχοντας: ἀπεκομίζετο γὰρ αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν σκοπῶν πρὸς
τὴν Ilepoida τὸν σουλτάνον ἐπείγεσθαι. Καὶ κατὰ τοῦτον
τὸν λόγον ἡ διαίρεσις αὐτῷ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἄλογος
γέγονε καί γε ἦν οὐκ ἀπὸ λογισμοῦ στρατηγικοῦ τὸ ἐννό-
nua, εἰ μὴ πεπρωμένη τις, μᾶλλον δὲ θεῖος χόλος ἢ λόγος
ἀπόρρητος, τὴν ἔκβασιν εἰς τὸ ἐναντίον ἐπέστησε, καὶ
πρὸς τῷ τέλει | τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῇ ἐκεῖθεν ἀπαναχωρήσει
καὶ αὐθημέρῳ προσμίξει τοῦ διαιρεθέντος στρατοῦ προ-
κατέλαβεν ὁ σουλτάνος ἀκηρυκτεὶ καὶ τὰ δοκηθέντα τε-
λεσθῆναι διεκωλύθησαν. Οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ ἀγνοοῦντες τὸ τῆς
διαιρέσεως αἴτιον, μῶμον ἐκείνῳ προσάπτουσιν, ὡς οὐκ εἰς
δέον ποιησαμένῳ τὸν τοῦ στρατοῦ διαμερισμόν, τῆς δὲ
ὑπὲρ ἡμᾶς αἰτίας οὐδεμίαν ἔννοιαν κατὰ φρένα καὶ κατὰ
θυμὸν ἐντιθέασι.
13 Παραβαλὼν δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὸ Μαντζικίερτ, τὴν μὲν
παρεμβολὴν μετὰ τῆς ὅλης παρασκευῆς ἀγχοῦ που τεθῆναι
καὶ χαρακωθῆναι κατὰ τὸ εἰθισμένον παρεκελεύσατο,

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 CHAPTER 20

gathered and taken by the inhabitants of Chliat and thereby

inflict scarcity on the army, especially when the emperor ar-
rived there and spent time besieging the city Then they
would have to fight a double war: one against the enemy, the
other against starvation.
It was with this in mind that the emperor divided his 12

army: he hoped to subject Mantzikert as quickly as possible,

in which he succeeded, and to spend a little time putting its
affairs in order, and so return home. But if the army should
unexpectedly find itself attacked, he could send out swift
messengers to recall his armies which would not be far away.
For spies had already reported to him that the sultan was in
a hurry to return to Persia. For this reason, then, his unit of
the army was not unreasonable nor inconsistent with strate-
gic reasoning, except that some fate, or rather some ineffa-
ble divine wrath or reason, turned the outcome to the op-
posite. For as their work was being completed [15r] and they
were departing from there to join up the same day with the
other part of the army, the sultan arrived without any warn-
ing, and so the plan could not be executed. But the majority
of people, ignorant of the reason for which he divided the
army, blame him for not making the division of the army in
the proper way, while they take no account, either with their
minds or with their hearts, of the cause that is beyond us.
As the emperor approached Mantzikert, he ordered a 13
fortified camp and palisade set up in the usual manner
with all their equipment someplace nearby. With a select

275
 THE HISTORY

αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ ἔκκριτον ἀναλαβὼν τοῦ στρατοῦ, περιῆλθε τὸ

ἄστυ, κατασκοπῶν ὅπῃπερ εὐχερὲς τὰς προσβολὰς κατὰ
τοῦ τείχους ποιήσασθαι καὶ τὰς ἑλεπόλεις προσαγαγεῖν,
εἶχε γὰρ ταύτας ἐκ παρασκευῆς ξύλοις παντοίοις καὶ
μεγίστοις κατωργανωμένας καὶ φερομένας δι’ ἁμαξῶν τῶν
χιλίων μὴ ἀποδεουσῶν, ἤλαυνε δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βοσκη-
μάτων εἰς δαπάνην τοῦ στρατοῦ μυριομέτρους ἀγέλας.
Τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ἔνδον ἀλαλαζόντων τὸ ἐνυάλιον καὶ τὰ
ξίφη παραγυμνούντων καὶ ὅπλοις ἑκηβόλοις χρωμένων,
μετὰ τῆς ἀσπίδος ὁ βασιλεὺς περιϊππεύσας τὸ τεῖχος, ἐπ-
ανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν.
14 Οἱ δὲ πεζοὶ τῶν Ἀρμενίων προσβαλόντες τῷ ἐκτὸς τῆς
ἀκροπόλεως τείχει καὶ πολλὰς προσβολὰς ποιησάμενοι,
αὐτοβοεὶ αἱροῦσιν αὐτό, τοῦ | ἡλίου πρὸς δυσμὰς ἀποτρέ-
χοντος. Ἡσθέντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ γεγονότι, κατέλα-
βον ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ πρέσβεις συμπαθείας τυχεῖν
ἐξαιτούμενοι καὶ τῶν ἰδίων πραγμάτων συγχώρησιν καὶ
τοιαύταις ὁμολογίαις παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν τῷ βασιλεῖ.
Συνθέμενος δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις δώροις
τιμήσας, ἀπέστειλε τὸν παραληψόμενον αὐτίκα τὸ κά-
στρον. Οἱ 8’ ἔνδον φρουρὰν ἐν τοιούτῳ καιρῷ εἰσδέξασθαι
μὴ καταδεξάμενοι, ἵνα μὴ κακόν τι διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς τοῖς
ἐναντίοις ἐπιτεχθῇ, ἔδοξαν ἠλογηκέναι καὶ καταψεύσα-
σθαι τῶν σπονδῶν. Διατοῦτο καὶ ταχὺ σαλπίσας ὁ βασι-
λεὺς τὸ πολεμικόν, ἐξῆλθε πανστρατιᾷ τῆς παρεμβολῆς
καὶ τοῖς τείχεσι προσεπέλασε. Καταπλαγέντες δὲ οἱ Τοῦρ-
κοι καὶ πρὸς ἀπολογίας τραπόμενοι καὶ πλείονα πίστιν τῆς
ἑαυτῶν ἀπολυτρώσεως αἰτησάμενοι καὶ λαβόντες, ἐξίασι

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contingent of his army he rode around the city to look for

the best place to launch an assault on the walls and move up
his siege towers. These had been carefully prepared of huge
logs of various kinds of wood and transported on almost a
thousand wagons. Innumerable flocks and herds of animals
were also driven along for the use of the army. In the city, the
enemy were shouting their war cries, brandishing their na-
ked swords, and shooting at us. After the emperor, protected
by a shield, finished riding around the walls, he returned to
the camp.
The Armenian infantry attacked the wall outside the cit- 14
adel and after many attempts took it in one sudden assault
around sunset. [152] The emperor, of course, was elated by
this turn of events. Envoys then came from the enemy beg-
ging that he be merciful to them, spare their property, and,
if they could obtain such an agreement, they would hand
over the city to the emperor. He agreed to their request,
honored the envoys with fine presents, and immediately dis-
patched an officer to receive the surrender of the fortress.
But the inhabitants were not willing to allow a garrison to
enter at that late hour because they were afraid that the
enemy might harm them during the night. Thereby they
seemed to be disregarding the treaty and refusing to honor
it. Thus the emperor quickly had the battle trumpet sounded
and with all his forces marched out of the camp and attacked
the walls. The Turks were so astonished that they started
making excuses; they requested stronger assurances for their
own safety and, on receiving them, departed from the city

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 THE HISTORY

μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας ἀποσκευῆς καὶ τῷ βα-

σιλεῖ γόνυ κλίνουσιν,7 οὐ κεναῖς δὲ χερσὶν ἀλλὰ πάντες
ξιφήρεις καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ γυμνῷ πανοπλίας οἱ πλείονες
προσεγγίζοντες, ὅ τι δὴ αὐτὸς συμπαρὼν οὐκ ἐπήνεσα,
τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἁπλότητα μέσον θανατούντων ἀνδρῶν
καὶ τόλμῃ καὶ ἀπονοίᾳ συζώντων ἑαυτὸν ἀθωράκιστον
καταμίξαντος. Ἕτερον δέτι συνηνέχθη, ζῆλον μὲν τοῦ βα-
σιλέως δικαιοσύνης φαντάζον, ἄμετρον δὲ τὴν τιμωρίαν
καὶ οὐκ εὐσεβῆ συντιθέμενον. Ἐγκληθεὶς γάρ τις τῶν
στρατιωτῶν ὡς | ὀνίσκον τουρκικὸν ὑφελόμενος, παρήχθη
μὲν κατ᾽ ὄψιν τῷ βασιλεῖ δεδεμένος, τιμωρία δ᾽ ἐψηφίσθη
τοῦ ἁμαρτήματος ὑπερφέρουσα, οὐ γὰρ ἐν χρήμασιν ἡ
ζημία διώριστο ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ῥινὸς ἐκτομῇ. Πολλὰ δὲ παρακα-
λέσαντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ πάντα τὰ ἑαυτοῦ προεμένου
καὶ προβαλλομένου μεσίτην τὴν πάνσεπτον εἰκόνα τῆς
πανυμνήτου δεσποίνης Θεοτόκου τῆς Βλαχερνιτίσσης,
ἥτις εἰώθει τοῖς πιστοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐν ἐκστρατείαις ὡς
ἀπροσμάχητον ὅπλον συνεκστρατεύεσθαι, οὐκ εἰσήει οἷ-
κτος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ αἰδὼς τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θείου εἰκονίσμα-
τος ἀσυλίας, ὁρῶντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντων καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς
εἰκόνος βασταζομένης, ἀπετμήθη τὴν ῥῖνα ὁ δείλαιος,
κράξας μεγάλα καὶ στενάξας τὸ βύθιον. Τότε δὴ τότε με-
γάλην ἡμῖν ἔσεσθαι τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θείου νέμεσιν προωπτευ-
σάμην αὐτός.
15 Ἀντεισαγαγὼν δὲ εἰς τὸ ἄστυ πλῆθος ῥωμαϊκὸν καὶ
στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσας, ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν
παιάνοις καὶ εὐφημίαις καὶ νικητικοῖς ἐπιφωνήμασι σεμνυ-
νόμενος. Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπαύριον μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ συνθήμασιν

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with all their goods and bent their knee to the emperor.
Their hands were not empty, however, as they did this, and
they all had swords in them; most of them even came close
to the emperor, who was not wearing armor. I myself was
also present and could not approve of the emperor being so
naive as to place himself without armor in the middle of
those reckless, ruthless, murdering men. Something else
happened which seemed to highlight the emperor's zeal
for justice but which was really only a disproportionate and
not pious punishment. One of the soldiers was accused of
[153] stealing a small Turkish ass and was brought in bonds
before the emperor, who decreed a punishment much worse
than the offense. Instead of having him make up for the loss
in cash, he ordered his nose cut off. The man begged and
begged: he offered all his possessions and invoked the inter-
cession of the most revered image of our glorious Lady, the
Mother of God of Blachernai, the image which usually ac-
companies the faithful emperors on their campaigns as an
invincible weapon. But the emperor would show no mercy,
nor even reverence for the sanctuary provided by the holy
icon. In the sight of the emperor and the whole army, even
with the icon itself held aloft, the wretch had his nose cut
off with loud cries and groans of pain. Αἴ the time this struck
me as ominous, and I felt that some great vengeance would
come upon us from God.
The emperor replaced the army in the city with a Roman 15
one and appointed a general in command. On returning to
the camp he was greeted by hymns of praise, acclamations,
and cries of triumph. The next day he planned to make the

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 THE HISTORY

ἐγγράφοις καὶ δαπάνῃ τῶν ἔνδον κατοχυρῶσαι τὸ φρού-

ριον καὶ αὐτίκα πρὸς τὸ Χλίατ ἀναδραμεῖν, φήμη τις ἐπε-
φοίτησε πολεμίους ποθὲν ἐπιτεθῆναι τοῖς εἰς τὴν λείαν
ἐξιοῦσι στρατιωτῶν ὑπηρέταις προσαπαγγέλλουσα καὶ
διαταράττειν Kal κατατρύχειν αὐτούς. θανούσης δὲ τὴν
ἑτέραν ἑτέρας, φήθη ὁ βασιλεὺς | ἡγεμόνα τοῦ σουλτάνου
τινὰ μετά τινος μερικῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιστῆναι καὶ διακλο-
νεῖν τοὺς σποράδας τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς ὑπηρεσίας καὶ ἀπέστει-
λεν ἐπὶ τῷ τούτους ἀποκρούσασθαι Νικηφόρον μάγιστρον
τὸν Βρυέννιον μετὰ τῆς ἀρκούσης δυνάμεως, ὃς καὶ κατὰ
μέτωπον στάς, ἀκροβολισμούς τινας καὶ ἱππομαχίας οὐκ
ἀκριβεῖς, κατ᾽ ὀλίγους γὰρ ἀλλήλοις συνέπιπτον, ἐποιεῖτο.
Ἔν δὲ τῇ ἀστάτῳ ταύτῃ περιφορᾷ, τῶν Τούρκων ἑκηβό-
λων ὄντων, πολλοὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐτραυματίσθησαν, ἔπε-
σον δὲ καὶ ἕτεροι, ῥωμαλεώτεροι γὰρ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν πεῖραν
ἐλάβομεν Τούρκων καὶ θρασύτερον προσρηγνύμενοι, ἀγ-
χεμάχοις τοῖς ἐπερχομένοις ἀντικαθίσταντο, ἕως ὁ δηλω-
θεὶς στρατηγὸς φόβῳ κατασεισθείς, δύναμιν ἑτέραν παρὰ
τοῦ βασιλέως ἐζήτησεν. Ὁ δὲ καταγνοὺς αὐτοῦ δειλίαν,
ἠγνόει γὰρ τὸ ἀληθές, προσέθετο μὲν οὐδέν, ἐκκλησίαν δὲ
συστησάμενος, ἐδημηγόρησε τὰ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου παρὰ
τὸ εἰωθός, ἥψατο δὲ καὶ τραχυτέρων ῥημάτων. Ἔν δὲ τῷ
μέσῳ τὴν ἐπιφώνησιν ὁ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου ἐσήμανε,
περὶ οὗ ἔθεντό τινες ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὡς ἔσται τὰ En’ αὐτῷ
λαληθησόμενα τῶν ἐπικειμένων πραγμάτων ἐπίβασις, εἰ
δὲ τούτων καὶ αὐτὸς μέρος ἐγεγόνειν, οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον
εἰπεῖν- εἶχε δὲ τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον, ἵνα τἄλλα παρῶ, τὸ «Εἰ ἐμὲ
ἐδίωξαν καὶ ὑμᾶς διώξουσιν' εἰ τὸν λόγον μου ἐτήρησαν καὶ

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fortress more secure by making written agreements and ar-

ranging for provisions for its inhabitants, and then immedi-
ately march on to Chliat. But news began to arrive that en-
emy forces from somewhere were attacking the soldiers'
servants who were out gathering the loot, harassing and
wearing them out. As one report followed upon another, the
emperor thought [x54] that one of the sultan's officers had
come up with a small detachment and was assaulting and
roughing up the Roman servants they found wandering
about. To repel them he sent out Nikephoros Bryennios, the
magistros, with a sufficient force. He took his stand in the
front lines and attempted some missile skirmishing and cav-
alry fighting, but with uncertain results, for they were fight-
ing each other in small groups. In this confusing melee, the
Turks were shooting from a distance, wounding many Ro-
mans and killing others. These Turks were more courageous
than the others we had experienced as they charged more
boldly and stood up to their opponents in hand-to-hand
combat. Finally the general I just mentioned became so
frightened that he asked the emperor for reinforcements.
But he, unaware of what was really going on, accused Nike-
phoros of cowardice and sent no additional men. Instead, he
assembled the army and, contrary to custom, spoke to chem
about the battle using harsh language. During the course of
this, the priest signaled that the Gospel was about to be read
aloud and some believed deep in their hearts that the verses
to be recited would indicate the outcome of their present
undertaking. Obviously, I was personally present at these
events; I don't need to say it. Leaving aside the rest, the Gos-
pel passage included the following. If tbey persecuted me, tbey
will persecute you; if they kept my word, they will keep yours also.

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 THE HISTORY

τὸν ὑμέτερον τηρήσουσιν' ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάντα ποιήσουσιν

ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐκ οἴδασι | τὸν πέμψαντά pe ἀλλ᾽ ἔρχεται ὥρα ἵνα
πᾶς ὁ ἀποκτείνας ὑμᾶς, δόξῃ λατρείαν προσφέρειν τῷ Θεῷ.»
Εὐθὺς οὖν ἀγωνιᾶν οἱ τοῦτο προσημηνάμενοι κατηρξά-
μεθα καὶ ἀψευδὲς εἶναι τὸ λαληθὲν ἐπὶ τῆς σημειώσεως
διεγνώκειμεν.
16 Ζέοντος δὲ τοῦ πολέμου, ἐπαπέστειλεν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ
τὸν μάγιστρον Βασιλάκην καὶ κατεπάνω Θεοδοσιουπό-
λεως μετά τινων ἐγχωρίων στρατιωτῶν, ὡς τῶν λοιπῶν
ὄντων μετὰ τοῦ Τραχανειώτου εἰς τὸ Χλίατ. Προστεθεὶς
οὖν τῷ Βρυεννίῳ μέχρι τινὸς τοὺς ἀκροβολισμοὺς καὶ αὐ-
τὸς ὑπεδέχετο. Συνθεμένων δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατόπιν
αὐτοῦ ἀκολουθεῖν, πρωταγωνιστεῖν αὐτὸς καθυπέσχετο
καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξορμήσας νῶτα δεδωκότων τῶν ἐναντίων ἐδί-
«ke. Συνακολουθήσας δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ὁ Βρυ-
evviog, εἶτα τοὺς ῥυτῆρας ἐκ συνθήματος ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ
Βασιλακίου ἀνέχειν τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν προτρεψάμενος, ἀφῆ-
κεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν πειθομένων τούτῳ καὶ μόνων ἀκρατῶς
διώκειν ἐπιπολύ. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τῷ χάρακι τῶν ἐναντίων προσ-
ἐμιξε, διαπαρέντος τοῦ ἵππου, προσέσχε τῇ γῇ, βάρος τῶν
ὅπλων ἐπιφερόμενος, διὸ καὶ περιχυθέντες αὐτὸν οἱ πολέ-
pot ζωγρίᾳ λαμβάνουσι.
17 Καταλαβούσης δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀγγελίας τὸν βασιλέα
καὶ τὸν στρατόν, δειλία καὶ κινδύνων ἐλπὶς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
ἐπέσκηψεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ τραυματίαι φοράδην ἀγόμενοι καὶ
ταῖς | ἐκ τῶν πληγῶν ὀδύναις ἐπιστενάζοντες ἦσαν. Ἀναγ-
κασθεὶς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξῆλθε μετὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ πλήθους εἰς
τὴν τῶν πραττομένων θέαν καὶ ὥστε εἴ τις αὐτῷ ἐπίοι

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But all this they will do to you because they do not know [155] him
who sent me. Indeed, the hour is coming when whoever kills you
will think be is offering service to God.?" Immediately, those of
us who were already expecting a sign began to worry greatly
and we deduced that the recited passage was infallible in its
prediction of the future.
As the battle was heating up, the emperor also dispatched
the magistros Basilakes, the katepano of Theodosioupolis,?”
with some local soldiers, since the others were with Tracha-
neiotes at Chliat. He joined Bryennios and, for a while, took
part in the skirmishing. When the soldiers agreed to follow
along behind him, he promised to lead them personally
in the fighting and immediately led the charge. The enemy
turned their backs and he pursued. Bryennios followed
along in pursuit with the bulk of the army but then he gave
the signal to his men to rein in and turn back. Basilakes,
however, was not aware of this and so he was left to keep up
a mad pursuit for a long distance but only with the men un-
der his immediate command. As they came to the enemy
camp, Basilakes’ horse was wounded and he fell to the
ground, dragged down by the weight of his armor. The en-
emy surrounded him and took him alive.
When news of this reached the emperor and the army, 17
fear and an expectation of danger overwhelmed the Ro-
mans, as also the wounded were being brought in on stretch-
ers and they [156] were groaning from the pain of their
wounds. The emperor was compelled to take the rest of
the army out to see what was happening and to fight, if the

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 THE HISTORY

πόλεμος ἀγωνίσασθαι. Μέχρι δ᾽ ἑσπέρας ἐπί τινων λόφων

ἑστὼς ὑψηλῶν, ἐπείπερ οὐκ εἶδέ τινα τὸν ἀντικαταστη-
σόμενον, οἱ γὰρ Τοῦρκοι πονηρίᾳ καὶ ἐπινοίᾳ βαθυτάτῃ
συζῶντες διὰ μηχανῶν τὸ πᾶν κατορθοῦσι καὶ συστολῶν
ἀπηγκωνισμένων, ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν, ἄρτι
τοῦ ἡλίου τὸ ὑπὲρ γῆν ἡμισφαίριον ἀπολείποντος. Οἱ δὲ
Τοῦρκοι ὥσπερ ἀπὸ μηχανῆς κατόπιν περιχυθέντες, τοῖς
ἐκτὸς τῆς παρεμβολῆς Σκύθαις καὶ τοῖς πωλοῦσι τὰ ὦνια
ῥαγδαίως προσέβαλον, ὑλακαῖς ἀσήμοις καὶ τόξου βολαῖς
xai περιϊπτπεύσεσι φόβον οὐ μικρὸν καὶ κίνδυνον αὐτοῖς
ἐπιφέροντες, ὅθεν καὶ ἠναγκάσθησαν οἱ τὴν ἔφοδον ὑφ-
ἱστάμενοι ἐντὸς γενέσθαι τοῦ χάρακος. Ἀθρόοι τοίνυν
ἄλλος κατ᾽ ἄλλον ὡς ἀπὸ διωγμοῦ τὴν εἴσοδον βιαζόμε-
vot, μεγάλης ταραχῆς τοὺς ἔνδον ἐπλήρωσαν οἰομένους
καὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους συνεισπεσεῖν καὶ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν παρ-
εμβολὴν μετὰ τῆς ὅλης ἀποσκευῆς γενέσθαι ἁλώσιμον,
νὺξ γὰρ ἀσέληνος ἦν καὶ διάκρισις οὐκ ἦν τῶν φευγόντων
ἢ τῶν διωκόντων καὶ τίνες τῆς ἐναντίας μοίρας εἰσί, τὸ
γὰρ τῶν Σκυθῶν μισθοφορικὸν ἐμφερὲς κατὰ πάντα τοῖς
Τούρκοις ὄν, ἀμφίβολον ἐποίει τὸ νῦν ἐπικείμενον. Tote
δὴ τότε καὶ φόβος ἐξαίσιος καὶ λόγος ἀπαίσιος καὶ βοὴ
συμμιγὴς | καὶ ἄσημος κρότος καὶ πάντα μετὰ θορύβων
καὶ κινδύνων ἐδείκνυτο καὶ πᾶς τις θανεῖν ἐπεθύμει μᾶλλον
ἢ τοιοῦτον ἰδεῖν καιρὸν καὶ τὸ μὴ κατιδεῖν ὡς εὐτυχὲς
ἐνομίζετο καὶ τοὺς μὴ τοιοῦτον ἰδόντας ὡς εὐτυχεῖς ἐμα-
κάριζεν. Ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ πάθους τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὄντων, οὐκ
ἠδυνήθησαν οἱ πολέμιοι ἐντὸς τοῦ χάρακος εἰσπεσεῖν,
εὐλαβούμενοι καὶ οὗτοι τὸ ἀπρόσφορον τοῦ καιροῦ καὶ

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action came near to him. He remained on some high hills

well until evening, but saw no sign of an opposing force, for
the Turks are wicked by nature and masters of deceit; they
accomplish everything by trickery and unabashed reversals.
He returned to the camp just as the sun was departing from
the hemisphere above the earth.?4 Then, as if ex machina, the
Turks poured out and violently charged the Skythians out-
side the camp and those selling army supplies. With inartic-
ulate howling and shooting of arrows they rode around ter-
rifying them and placing them in a tight spot so that the
victims of the attack were forced to run inside the palisade.
All jammed together one after another as they were being
chased and pressed into the entranceway, which caused tre-
mendous confusion among those inside because they
thought it was a full-scale attack by the enemy and that the
whole camp and all their equipment would be captured. For
it was a moonless night and you could not tell who was flee-
ing and who was pursuing, or who belonged to the other
side. The Skythian mercenaries, moreover, resembled the
Turks in all respects, which made the situation that night all
the more confusing. It was then that a tremendous fear took
-over; there was talk of disaster, incoherent cries, [157] and
meaningless shouting; it was a scene of utter confusion and
there was danger everywhere. Death would be, so everyone
felt, preferable to what we then witnessed. Not seeing such
a thing was regarded as a stroke of luck, and those who did
not have to behold such a sight were deemed fortunate. But
although the Romans were in such a tight spot, the enemy
were unable to break into the camp, since they had enough

285
 THE HISTORY

τὰς κοινὰς ἐννοίας εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἐμπλέκοντες: οὐ μὴν yeyó-

νασιν ὀπισθόρμητοι ἀλλὰ SV ὅλης νυκτὸς περιηχοῦντες
ἦσαν ἐκτὸς δρόμοις καὶ περιδρόμοις τὴν Ῥωμαίων παρεμ-
βολὴν τόξοις καὶ σκυλμοῖς βάλλοντες καὶ πανταχόθεν
περιβομβοῦντες καὶ περιφοβοῦντες αὐτούς, ὡς ἅπαντας
διανυκτερεῦσαι ἠνεῳγμένοις καὶ ἀγρύπνοις τοῖς ὄμμασι,
τίς γὰρ ἂν καὶ εἶχεν εἰς ὕπνον τραπῆναι, τοῦ κινδύνου τὴν
ῥομφαίαν ἐσπασμένην μονονουχὶ προδεικνύοντος;
18 Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν τῆς ἱππασίας
καὶ τῆς εἰς μάχην προκλήσεως ἔληξαν οἱ πολέμιοι ἀλλὰ
καὶ τὸν ἔξωθεν παραρρέοντα ποταμὸν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ποιη-
σάμενοι, δίψει παραστήσεσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐφιλονεί-
κουν. Ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ μοῖρά τις σκυθικὴ ἔξαρχον
ἔχουσα Ταμίν τινα κατονομαζόμενον, τοῖς ἐναντίοις προσ-
eppün, ὅπερ οὐκ εἰς μικρὰν ἀγωνίαν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐνέ-
βαλεν, ὑποπτεύοντας | καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς τοῦ ἔθνους, ὅτι τὸ
ἀπὸ τοῦδε πολεμίοις ἐοικότες συνδιατρίβουσι τούτοις καὶ
συνδιαγωνίζεσθαι μέλλουσιν. Ἐξιόντες δέ τινες τῶν πεζῶν
μετὰ τόξων, πολλοὺς τῶν Τούρκων ἀνεῖλον καὶ τῆς παρεμ-
βολῆς ἐκστῆναι συνέπεισαν.
19 Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἤθελε μὲν ἀγχεμάχῳ πολέμῳ καὶ ἀντι-
θέτῳ παρεμβολῇ κρῖναι τὸ τέλος παραυτίκα τῆς μάχης,
τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπόντας εἰς τὸ Χλίατ περιμένων στρατιώτας,
πλῆθος ὄντας οὐκ εὐαρίθμητον καὶ συνήθως ἀεὶ προπολε-
μοῦντας καὶ ἠσκημένους μᾶλλον τὴν πυρρίχιον ὄρχησιν,
τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦτον ὑπερετίθετο. Ὡς δ᾽ ἀπεγνώκει τὴν ἐκ
τούτων βοήθειαν καί τι διακωλῦσαι τούτους πρὸς τὴν
ἄφιξιν ἰσχυρὸν ὑπελάμβανεν, ἐσκέψατο λοιπὸν εἰς τὴν

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common sense to realize that the moment was not oppor-

tune. Still, chey did not retreat but throughout the night
raced around and around outside the Roman camp yelling
and screaming, shooting arrows and other missiles, making
tremendous, horrifying noises from all sides, so that every-
one spent the night with their eyes wide open and sleepless.
For who could get any sleep when danger had drawn its
sword and pointed it at us?
As if that were not enough, even the next day the enemy 18
did not let up in their riding around and provoking us to
fight. They also got control of access to the river which
flowed nearby and tried to make the Romans suffer from
thirst. That same day a band of Skythians commanded by a
certain Tamis went over to the enemy, which threw the Ro-
mans into some real consternation because they suspected
[158] that the rest of that people, whose way of life was so
similar to that of the Türks, might join them and fight on
their side. Meanwhile some of our infantry took their bows
and' went out and killed a large number of Turks, which
forced them to stay clear of the camp.
Now the emperor wanted to bring the fighting to an im- I9
mediate and decisive conclusion by engaging in close com-
bat right in front of the encampment, but he was waiting for
the soldiers who had been sent off to Chliat, a large contin-
gent composed of experienced men who were used to fight-
ing in the front ranks and were especially well trained in the
dance of war. So he put off the battle. But then he gave up
on receiving any help from them, for he suspected that some
powerful obstacle was preventing their arrival, and decided

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 THE HISTORY

ὑστεραίαν μετὰ τῶν συνόντων αὐτῷ προθύμως κατὰ τῶν

ἐναντίων ἐπαγωνίσασθαι. Εἶχε δ᾽ ὅμως τοῦτον καὶ αὖθις
ἐλπὶς ὡς οὐδὲ κἂν ἐς τὴν αὔριον ὑστερήσωσιν, ἠγνόει γὰρ
ὡς ὁ στρατηγὸς τούτων μαθὼν τὴν τοῦ σουλτάνου κατ᾽
αὐτοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπέλευσιν, ἄρας τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἅπαντας διὰ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας φυγὰς ἀγεννῶς εἰς τὴν
Ῥωμαίων ἐνέβαλε, μηδένα λόγον τοῦ δεσπότου μήτε μὴν
τοῦ εἰκότος ὁ δείλαιος θέμενος.
20 Ὁ γοῦν βασιλεὺς κατὰ τὸ συγκείμενον τὴν εἰς τὸν πό-
λεμον παρασκευὴν ἐς τὴν αὔριον ἐξαρτύσας, τὰ Kat’ αὐτὸν
διετίθετο ἔτι τῆς βασιλείου σκηνῆς ἐντὸς καθιστάμενος,
ὁπότε τὴν εἰς τοὺς Σκύθας ὑποψίαν περιαιρῆσαι βουλό-
μενος, αὐτὸς ἐγὼ ὅρκῳ | κατασφαλίσασθαι τούτους τῷ
βασιλεῖ συνεβούλευσα. Καὶ δῆτα τὴν βουλὴν ἐπαποδεξά-
μενος, τελεστὴν τοῦ ἔργου καὶ διοριστὴν αὐτίκα ue προ-
εβάλετο. Οὐκοῦν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτοὺς καθορκώ-
σας, ἦ μὴν ἀνεπιβούλευτον τηρῆσαι τὴν εἰς τὸν βασιλέα
πίστιν καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, οὕτως αὐτοὺς ἀκριβεῖς τῶν
σπονδῶν διατέθεικα φύλακας καί γε τῶν κατὰ σκοπὸν οὐκ
διήμαρτον, οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐκ τούτων οὐδ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πολέμῳ
τοῖς πολεμίοις προσετέθη.
21 Ἔν ὅσῳ δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπράττετο καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται
κατὰ τάξεις καὶ λόχους ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ἐφίσταντο ἔνοπλοι,
πρέσβεις ἧκον ἐκ τοῦ σουλτάνου τὴν εἰρήνην ἀμφοτέροις
ἐπικηρυκευόμενοι. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐδέξατο μὲν αὐτοὺς καὶ
λόγων αὐτοῖς κατὰ νόμον τῶν πρέσβεων μεταδέδωκεν,
οὐ πάνυ δὲ τούτους φιλανθρώπως ἐδέξατο. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν
συνεπινεύσας, καὶ τὸ προσκυνούμενον σημεῖον αὐτοῖς

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to do battle against the enemy on the following day as

bravely as he could with the soldiers he had at hand. He had,
moreover, some hope that the others would not be delayed
beyond the next day, for he was unaware that their general,
upon learning of the sultan's attack against the emperor, had
taken all of his soldiers and shamefully retreated through
Mesopotamia until he came into Roman territory. The cow-
ard took no account of his lord or even his duty.
At any rate, the emperor, according to the agreement, 20

prepared for battle on the following day, and was making his
final arrangements while he was still sitting inside the impe-
rial tent. Wanting to lift the suspicion that hovered over the
Skythians, I myself advised [x59) the emperor to bind them
with an oath. He accepted my advice and right away ap-
pointed me to execute and oversee the matter. Therefore, I
had them swear oaths in their traditional manner that they
would observe genuine loyalty toward the emperor and the
Romans, and so I made them into firm guardians of the
agreement. Nor did I fail in my purpose, for not one of them
defected to the enemy during the battle.
While all this was happening, and the armed soldiers were 21

mounting their horses and lining up in their companies and

ranks, envoys came from the sultan stating that they wanted
peace for both sides. The emperor received them and en-
gaged in verbal exchanges in the tradition of diplomatic
missions, but he was not at all friendly in receiving them.
Nonetheless, he agreed and gave them the revered εἰρη,"

289
 THE HISTORY

ἐπιδέδωκεν, tva τῇ ἐπιδείξει τούτου ἀβλαβεῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν

ἐπανέλθοιεν, κομίζοντες ἀγγελίας ἃς ἂν ἐκ τοῦ σουλτάνου
διενωτίσοιντο, δεδήλωκε γὰρ τῷ ἀνελπίστῳ τοῦ μηνύμα-
τος ἐπαρθείς, iv’ ὁ σουλτάνος καταλιπὼν τὸν τόπον τῆς
παρεμβολῆς πορρωτέρω στρατοπεδεύσηται, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὁ
βασιλεὺς ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ τόπῳ ὃς τὰς τουρκικὰς εἶχε δυνά-
μεις πρότερον ἐπιθήσει τὸν χάρακα καὶ τηνικαῦτα πρὸς
συμβάσεις αὐτῷ παραγένηται. Ἔλαθε δὲ τὴν | νίκην διὰ
τοῦ νικητικοῦ σημείου τοῖς ἐναντίοις παραπεμψάμενος,
καθὼς οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα διακριβοῦντες συμβάλλουσιν, οὐ γὰρ
ἔδει, μάχης προκειμένης, τοιοῦτον σύμβολον ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ
πρὸς ἐναντίους μεταθεῖναι. Τὸ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦδε δυσάντητος
ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος διὰ τὸ ἐργῶδες τῶν ἀτυχημάτων καὶ λίαν
ἀπόφημον καὶ τὴν εἰς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπισυμβᾶσαν χαλε-
πωτάτην δυσκληρίαν.
22 Οὔπω τέλος ἔσχεν οὐδ᾽ ἀναβολὴν ἡ τῶν πρέσβεων ἄφι-
ξις καί τινες τῶν ἐγγυτάτων τῷ βασιλεῖ πείθουσιν αὐτὸν
ἀποβαλέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην, ὡς ψευδομένην τὸ ἔργον καὶ
ἀπατῶσαν μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ συμφέρον ἐθέλουσαν, δεδιέναι
γάρ, φασι, τὸν σουλτάνον διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀξιόλογον ἔχειν δύνα-
μιν καὶ περιμένειν τοὺς κατόπιν αὐτοῦ βαδίζοντας καὶ τῷ
προσχήματι τῆς εἰρήνης μετεωρίζειν τὸν χρόνον, ὡς ἂν
ἐπικαταλάβοι τὸ ὑστεροῦν τῆς δυνάμεως. Ταῦτα ῥηθέντα
διανίστησι τὸν βασιλέα πρὸς πόλεμον.
23 Καὶ οἱ μὲν Τοῦρκοι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης
ἐπραγματεύοντο, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς σαλπίσας τὸ ἐνυάλιον τὸν
μόθον παραλόγως ἐκρότησε. Καταλαβοῦσα δ᾽ ἡ φήμη
τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐξέπληξε. Τέως δ᾽ οὖν καθοπλισάμενοι καὶ

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by the display of which they would be able to return to him

safely and report to him the sultan's response, whatever it
was. Elated by the unexpected proposition, he declared that
the sultan should leave the area around the camp and settle
his men further away, while the emperor could set up his
own camp in that place where the Turkish forces had previ-
ously placed theirs; then they could meet to discuss a treaty.
But without realizing it, [160] he had handed the victory to
the enemy along with the victorious sign.?5 This, at any rate,
is the opinion of those who study such matters. For when
everything was set for battle, he should not have handed
over such a symbol of victory to the foe. From this point on
our narrative becomes less bearable on account of the terri-
ble misfortunes, extreme shame, and most grievous catas-
trophe that befell the Romans.
The mission of the envoys was not yet completed or sus- 22

pended when some of the emperor's closest associates per-

suaded him to reject the offer of peace as insincere and de-
signed to deceive rather than serve a useful purpose. The
sultan, they said, was afraid, since his army was not strong
enough, and he was waiting for his other forces to join up
with him. Under the guise of peace, he was simply stalling
for time until the remainder of his force could catch up with
him. These words persuaded the emperor to resume fight-
ing.
While the Türks, for their part, were trying to negotiate 23
for peace, the emperor had the war trumpet sounded and so
unreasonably opted for the battle din.?! When the news of
this reached the enemy they were astonished. The Turks

201
 THE HISTORY

αὐτοὶ τὸ μὲν ἄχρηστον πλῆθος εἰς τοὐπίσω προήλαυνον,

αὐτοὶ δὲ κατόπιν φαντασίαν ἐδίδουν πολεμικῆς ἀντιπαρα-
τάξεως, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον φυγή τις κατεῖχεν αὐτούς, συντε-
ταγμένας | ἰδόντας τὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων φάλαγγας ἐν τάξει
καὶ κόσμῳ καὶ πολεμικῷ παραστήματι: καὶ οἱ μὲν προήε-
σαν εἰς τοὐπίσω, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς κατόπιν αὐτῶν πανστρατιᾷ
ἐπεδίωκεν ἕως ἄρα δείλη ὀψία κατέλαβεν. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ βασι-
λεὺς τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους καὶ ἀντιπολεμοῦντας οὐκ εἶχε,
τὴν δὲ παρεμβολὴν ἐψιλωμένην στρατιωτῶν καὶ πεζοφυ-
λάκων ἐγίνωσκε διὰ τὸ μηδ᾽ εὐπορεῖν ἱκανοῦ πλήθους
ὥστε καὶ παρατάξεις ἐνταῦθα καταλιπεῖν, ἤδη προεξαν-
τληθέντων τῶν πλείστων, ὡς προδιείληπται, ἔγνω μὴ
πλεῖον ἐπιτεῖναι τὴν δίωξιν, ἵνα μὴ λόχον πεποιηκότες οἱ
Τοῦρκοι, ἀφυλάκτῳ ταύτῃ ἐπίθωνται, καὶ ἅμα διασκοπῶν
ὡς εἰ πλεῖον ἐκμακρυνθείη, καταλήψεται τοῦτον ἐν τῇ
ἐπανόδῳ ἡ νὺξ καὶ τηνικαῦτα οἱ Τοῦρκοι παλίντροπον
θήσουσι τὴν φυγὴν ἑκηβόλοι τυγχάνοντες. Διὰ ταῦτα καὶ
τὴν βασιλικὴν σημαίαν ἐπιστρέψας, νόστου ἐπιμνησθῆναι
διήγγελλεν. Οἱ δὲ πόρρω τὰς φάλαγγας ἔχοντες στρατιῶ-
ται τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν τῆς βασιλικῆς σημαίας ἰδόντες, φήθη-
σαν ἥττῃ τὸν βασιλέα περιπεσεῖν, ὡς δ᾽ οἱ πολλοὶ πληρο-
φοροῦσιν ὅτι τῶν ἐφεδρευόντων αὐτῷ τις, ἐξάδελφος ὧν
τῷ τοῦ βασιλέως προγόνῳ Μιχαήλ, προβεβουλευμένην
ἔχων τὴν κατὰ τούτου ἐπιβουλήν, αὐτὸς τὸν τοιοῦτον λό-
yov τοῖς στρατιώταις διέσπειρε καὶ ταχὺ τοὺς οἰκείους
ἀναλαβών, ἐμπεπίστευτο γὰρ παρὰ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως
καλοκαγαθίας οὐ μικρόν τι μέρος λαοῦ, φυγὰς εἰς | τὴν
παρεμβολὴν ἐπανέδραμε. Μιμησάμενοι δὲ τοῦτον οἱ

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were already armed and, after driving all their noncomba-

tants to the rear, gave the appearance of a warlike battle line
ready to resist attack. But for the most part they were in-
clined to flight when they saw the Roman phalanxes [161] all
drawn up in ordered, disciplined battle array. They fled to
the rear and the emperor pursued them with all his forces
until evening. When he found that no one was resisting or
fighting against him and realized that his camp was stripped
bare of soldiers, including foot sentries, because he simply
did not have a sufficiently large army so as to leave a protec-
tive force there too, and given that most of his soldiers were
exhausted, as already explained, he decided to bring the pur-
suit to a halt. He was afraid that the Turks would make an
ambush and attack the unguarded camp, and at the same
time he reasoned that if he extended the pursuit much far-
ther night would overtake their return, and then the Türks
would reverse their flight and shoot at them from a distance.
For these reasons, he ordered the imperial banner to be
turned around as a signal for the troops to return to the
camp. But when those soldiers who were far from the main
body saw the imperial banner being turned around, they
thought that the emperor had fallen in defeat. Many relate
that one of those who was waiting for a chance to get at him,
a cousin of the emperor's stepson Michael who had previ-
ously plotted against him,?" spread this report among the
soldiers. He quickly got his men together— for the emperor,
with his good heart, had entrusted a large contingent to this
man's command — and fled back [162] to the camp. The near-
est units followed his example and one by one they turned

295
 THE HISTORY

πλησιέστεροι λόχοι, εἷς καθένα τὴν φυγὴν ἀμαχητὶ διεδέ-

ξαντο, κἀκείνους ἕτεροι. Kal οὕτως ὁ βασιλεὺς ἰδὼν τὸ
παράλογον τῆς ἐξαγωνίου φυγῆς, ἔστη μετὰ τῶν περὶ
αὐτόν, τὴν τῶν οἰκείων φυγὴν ὡς ἔθος ἀνακαλούμενος, ἦν
δὲ ὁ ἐπακούων οὐδείς.
24 Τῶν δ᾽ ἐναντίων οἱ ἐπὶ λόφων ἱστάμενοι, τὸ τῶν Ῥω-
μαίων ἰδόντες ἐξαίφνης ἀτύχημα, τῷ σουλτάνῳ καταγγέλ-
Aovot τὸ γενόμενον καὶ τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν αὐτῷ κατεπείγου-
σιν. Εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπανελθόντος αὐτοῦ, μάχη τις ἀθρόον τῷ
βασιλεῖ προσρήγνυται: καὶ κελεύσας τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν μὴ
ἐνδοῦναι μηδὲ μαλακόν τι παθεῖν, ἠμύνατο μὲν ἐρρωμέ-
νως μέχρι πολλοῦ. Ἔν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων φυγῆς
περιαντλησάσης ἔξω τὸν χάρακα, συμμιγής τις ἦν ἐκ πάν-
των βοὴ καὶ ἄτακτος δρόμος καὶ λόγος οὐδεὶς ἀπηγγέλ-
λετο καίριος, τῶν μὲν λεγόντων ἰσχυρῶς ἀντιπαρατά-
ξασθαι τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ τῶν ὑπολελειμμένων αὐτῷ καὶ
τοὺς βαρβάρους τρέψασθαι, τῶν δὲ σφαγὴν ἢ ἅλωσιν
καταγγελλόντων αὐτοῦ καὶ ἄλλων ἄλλα συναιρόντων καὶ
παλίντροπον ἑκατέρου μέρους τὴν νίκην καταλεγόντων
ἕως ἤρξαντο καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ Καππαδοκῶν πολλοὶ κατὰ
μοίρας τινὰς ἐκεῖσε ἀποφοιτᾶν. Εἰ δέ τι καὶ αὐτὸς τοῖς φεύ-
yovotv ἀντίξους γεγονώς, πολλοὺς ἠμυνάμην τὴν ἀνάκλη-
σιν ἐπιτρέπων τῆς ἥττης, ἕτεροι λεγέτωσαν. Τὸ δὲ μετὰ
τοῦτο καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἱππέων πολλοὶ μετὰ τῶν | ἵππων
ἐπαναστρέφοντες μὴ ἰδεῖν τὸν βασιλέα τί γέγονεν ἐρωτώ-
μενοι ἀπεκρίναντο, καὶ ἦν σεισμὸς οἷος καὶ ὀδυρμὸς καὶ
πόνος καὶ φόβος ἀκίχητος καὶ ἡ κόνις αἰθέριος καὶ τέλος
οἱ Τοῦρκοι πανταχόθεν ἡμῖν περιρρέοντες, ὅθεν καὶ ὡς

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to flight without a fight, and others followed after them.

When the emperor saw this irrational flight and deser-
tion, he took a stand with his own men, trying in the usual
way to check the flight of his men, but nobody was listening
to him.
The enemy, who were stationed on the hills, saw the sud- 24
den misfortune that hit the Romans, told the sultan what
was going on, and insisted that he turn around. He immedi-
ately returned and charged with full force against the em-
peror. The latter ordered the men about him not to yield or
let up in the slightest and for quite a while he valiantly de-
fended himself. Meanwhile, the flight of the others had led
them to cluster outside the camp palisade and all were
shouting incoherently and running about in disorder; no-
body could say what exactly was going on. Some claimed
that the emperor was firmly resisting with what was left of
his army and that he had routed the barbarians. Others said
that he had been killed or captured. Everyone had some-
thing different to report, claiming victory for each side and
then alternately denying it. Finally, many of the Kappadoki-
ans who were with the emperor, one group after another, be-
gan to desert. Whether I myself was trying to stop many of
the soldiers from running away and getting chem to return
to their posts to save us from defeat, I leave it to others
to report. After this, many of the imperial cavalry returned
with their {163} horses, and when we asked them what hap-
pened, they replied that they had not seen the emperor.
It was like an earthquake with howling, grief, sudden fear,
clouds of dust, and, finally, hordes of Turks riding all around

295
 THE HISTORY

εἶχεν ἕκαστος ὁρμῆς ἢ σπουδῆς f| ἰσχύος, φυγῇ τὴν éav-

τοῦ σωτηρίαν ἐπίστευσεν. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐναντίοι κατόπιν διώκον-
τες, οὗς μὲν ἀνεῖλον, οὗς δὲ ζωγρίᾳ εἷλον, ἑτέρους δὲ συν-
ἐπάτουν. Καὶ ἦν τὸ πρᾶγμα λίαν ἐπώδυνον καὶ πάντα
θρῆνον ὑπερβάλλον καὶ κοπετόν. Τί γὰρ ἐλεεινότερον τοῦ
στρατόπεδον ἅπαν βασιλικὸν φυγῇ και ἥττῃ παρὰ βαρβά-
ρων ἀπανθρώπων καὶ ἀποτόμων ἐλαύνεσθαι καὶ τὸν βα-
σιλέα βαρβαρικοῖς ὅπλοις ἀβοήθητον περιεστοιχίσθαι καὶ
τὰς βασιλείους σκηνὰς καὶ τὰς ἡγεμονικὰς ἅμα καὶ στρα-
τιωτικὰς ὑπὸ τοιούτων ἀνδρῶν κυριεύεσθαι καὶ ἅπαν ἀνά-
στατον τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν καθορᾶσθαι καὶ βασιλείαν ἐν ἀκαρεὶ
κατανοεῖν συμπεσοῦσαν;
25 Καὶ τὰ μὲν τοῦ λοιποῦ πλήθους ἐν τούτοις, τὸν δὲ βα-
σιλέα περιστοιχίσαντες οἱ πολέμιοι, οὐκ εὐχείρωτον ἔσχον
εὐθύς, ἀλλ᾽ ἅτε στρατιωτικῆς καὶ πολεμικῆς ἐμπειρίας
εἰδήμων καὶ κινδύνοις προσομιλήσας πολλοῖς, καρτερῶς
ἠμύνατο τοὺς προσπίπτοντας καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνελών, τέλος
ἐπλήγη φασγάνῳ τὴν χεῖρα: τοῦ τε ἵππου βέλεσι κατα-
κοντισθέντος ἐκ ποδὸς μαχόμενος ἵστατο, καμὼν δ᾽ ὅμως
πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἁλώσιμος καὶ ὑπόσπονδος, φεῦ τοῦ πάθους,
ἐγένετο καὶ τῇ μὲν νυκτὶ | ἐκείνῃ ἐπίσης τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐπὶ
γῆς ἀτίμως καὶ περιωδύνως κατέδραθε, μυρίοις πανταχό-
θεν καὶ ἀφορήτοις περικλυζόμενος τοῖς ἐκ τῶν λογισμῶν
καὶ τῶν Kat’ ὄψιν ἀνιαρῶν κύμασι: τῇ δ᾽ ἐπαύριον ἀγγελ-
θείσης τῷ σουλτάνῳ καὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ἁλώσεως, χαρά
τις ἄπλετος ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀπιστία κατέσχεν αὐτὸν οἰόμενον ὡς
ἀληθῶς μέγα τι καὶ ὑπερμέγεθες εἶναι τὸ μετὰ τῆς ἥττης
τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον δορυάλωτον καὶ οἰκέτην

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us. To the extent that his speed, eagerness, and strength per-
mitted, each man sought safety in flight. The enemy chased
us, killing some, capturing some, and trampling others un-
derfoot. It was a terribly sad sight, beyond lament and
mourning. For what could be more pitiable than the entire
imperial army in flight, defeated and chased by inhuman and
cruel barbarians, the emperor defenseless and surrounded
by armed barbarians, and the tents of the emperor, the offi-
cers, and the soldiers taken over by men of that ilk, and to
see the whole Roman state overturned, and knowing that
the empire itself might collapse in a moment?
That was how matters stood with the rest of the army. 25
Meanwhile, the enemy surrounded the emperor but they
did not find it easy to capture him quickly, for he was an ex-
perienced warrior and general who had faced many dangers.
He vigorously defended himself against his attackers and
killed many of them, but in the end he was wounded on his
hand by a sword. His horse, moreover, had been shot with
many arrows and he was fighting on foot. Toward dusk
he tired, surrendered, and
— O to suffer such a thing! —was
taken prisoner. That night [164] he lay down on the ground
like all the others in shame and agony, buffeted on all sides
by the myriad waves of misery that were sent by his troubled
thoughts and the grievous sights that he beheld. On the next
day it was announced to the sultan that the emperor too had
been captured, and he was at once filled with boundless joy
but also with suspicion, for he thought that this was indeed
too good to be true, namely that the emperor himself should
be captured after being defeated and should be made his

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 THE HISTORY

λαβεῖν. Οὕτως ἀνθρωπίνως καὶ νουνεχῶς τὸ προτέρημα

τῆς νίκης οἱ Τοῦρκοι ἐδέξαντο, μήτε μεγαλαυχήσαντες,
οἷα φιλεῖ περὶ τὰς εὐτυχίας ὡς ἐπίπαν περιπολεῖν, μήτε τῇ
οἰκείᾳ δυνάμει τὸ γεγονὸς ἐπιτρέψαντες ἀλλὰ τὸ πᾶν τῷ
Θεῷ ἀναφέροντες, ὡς μεῖζον ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἰσχὺν
ἀποτελέσαντες τρόπαιον.
26 Διατοῦτο καὶ προσαχθέντος τῷ σουλτάνῳ τοῦ βασι-
λέως ἐν τῇ εὐτελεῖ καὶ στρατιωτικῇ ἀμπεχόνῃ, καὶ αὖθις
διαπορῶν ἦν καὶ μαρτυρίαν περὶ τούτον ζητῶν. Ὡς δ᾽
ἐπληροφορήθη παρά τε ἄλλων «αἰχμαλώτων» καὶ τῶν εἰς
αὐτὸν ἀφικουμένων ποτὲ πρέσβεων τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων βα-
σιλέα τυγχάνειν τὸν παριστάμενον, εὐθὺς ἐξανέστη καὶ
αὐτὸς καὶ περιπτυξάμενος τοῦτον, «Μὴ δέδιθι, ἔφη, «ὦ
βασιλεῦ, ἀλλ᾽ εὔελπις ἔσο πρὸ πάντων, ὡς οὐδενὶ προσομι-
λήσεις κινδύνῳ σωματικῷ, τιμηθήσῃ δ᾽ ἀξίως τῆς τοῦ κρά-
τους ὑπεροχῆς, ἄφρων γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ μὴ τὰς ἀπροόπτους
τύχας ἐξ ἀντεπιφορᾶς εὐλαβούμενος.» ᾽Ἐπιτάξας οὖν αὐτῷ
| σκηνὴν ἀποταχθῆναι καὶ θεραπείαν ἁρμόζουσαν, σύν-
δεῖπνον αὐτὸν αὐτίκα καὶ ὁμοδίαιτον ἀπειργάσατο μὴ
παρὰ μέρος καθίσας αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ σύνθρονον ἐν εὐθύτητι
τῆς ἐκκρίτου τάξεως καὶ ὁμόδοξον κατὰ τὴν τιμὴν ποιησά-
μενος. Οὕτω δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας συνερχόμενος τούτῳ καὶ συλ-
λαλῶν καὶ πρὸς παράκλησιν ἀνακτώμενος διὰ πολλῶν
ἐπᾳσμάτων ἀναγόντων εἰς τὴν βιωτικὴν περιπέτειαν, μέ-
χρις ἡμερῶν ὀκτὼ τῶν ὁμοίων αὐτῷ ἐκοινώνει καὶ λόγων
καὶ ἁλῶν, μηδὲ μέχρι καὶ βραχυτάτου λόγου πρὸς τοῦτον
ἐμπεπαρῳνηκὼς ἢ ὅσον τε δοκούντων τινῶν σφαλμάτων
ἐν τῇ ἐλάσει τῆς στρατιᾶς ὑπομνήσας, ὁπότε καὶ ἡ τοῦ

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prisoner. It was with such an awareness of their human falli-

bility and with levelheadedness that the Turks reacted to
their victory, neither boasting loudly, as people tend to do
when things go their way, nor ascribing the deed to their
own powers, but rather they ascribed the whole thing to
God, as a feat that surpassed their own power to accom-
plish.
Therefore, when the emperor was led before the sultan in 26
his simple military attire, the latter was still unsure and seek-
ing proof of his identity When he learned from other cap-
tives and from the envoys that had previously been sent to
him that this truly was the emperor of the Romans, he im-
mediately stood up and embraced him. "Do not fear," he
said, ^O emperor, and above all be of good hope that you will
suffer no bodily punishment and will, instead, be honored in
a manner worthy of your high station. For a man would be
foolish if he did not fear that sudden changes of fortune
might reverse a situation." He ordered that he [165] be as-
signed to a tent and given suitable attendants, and then in-
vited him to sup with him and share his table, not placing
him off to one side but made him sit next to him at an equal
station to his rank and share in the same honors. In this way
he would meet with him twice a day, talk with him, and raise
his spirits with words of consolation and with many maxims
regarding the vicissitudes of life. Eight days he spent in his
company in this way, sharing conversation and food, and in
that time the sultan did not utter even the slightest offen-
sive word to him or point out to him possible mistakes in the

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 THE HISTORY

Θεοῦ κρίσις μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων κἀνταῦθα δικαία xal ἀρρεπὴς

κατεφάνη, οὐ γὰρ οἱ ἄλλοι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ἁλω-
θεὶς βασιλεὺς ἄξιον εἶναι νικᾶν αὐτὸν ἀπεφήνατο, εἰ νό-
μον μὴ ἔχων ἀγαπᾶν τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἀνεπαισθήτως ποιεῖ
τὸν θεῖον νόμον ἐκ φυσικῆς καὶ ἀγαθῆς διαθέσεως. Οὐ
γὰρ τοῖς ὑπερόπταις ὁ παντέφορος ὀφθαλμὸς ἀλλὰ τοῖς
ταπεινοῖς καὶ συμπαθέσι τὸ κράτος χειροτονεῖ, ἐπεὶ «μὴ
ἔστι προσωποληψία», κατὰ τὸν θεῖον Παῦλον εἰπεῖν, «napa
τῷ Θεῷ.» Καὶ γὰρ ἔν τινι συλλόγῳ διερωτήσαντος τοῦ
σουλτάνου τὸν βασιλέα «Τί ἂν ἔδρασας εἰ οὕτως ἔσχες
αὐτὸς ἐμὲ ὑποχείριον;», ἀνυποκρίτως καὶ ἀθωπεύτως
ἐκεῖνος ἀπήγγειλεν ὅτι «Πολλαῖς ταῖς πληγαῖς κατεδαπά-
νησά oov τὸ σῶμα γίνωσκε.» Ὁ δέ' «Ἀλλ᾽ ἐγώ, φησιν, «οὐ
μιμήσομαί σου τὸ αὐστηρὸν καὶ ἀπότομον.»
27 | Διακαρτερήσαντες οὖν ἐν τούτοις ἀμφότεροι μέχρι
τῶν δηλωθεισῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ σπονδὰς ποιησάμενοι καὶ
συνθήκας εἰρηνικάς, εἴτα καὶ κῆδος ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις παισὶ
συστησάμενοι, μόνην δεξίωσιν ἁδρὰν τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῷ
προσομολογήσαντος, ἐκεῖθεν ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων διεχωρίσθη-
σαν, ἀπολύσαντος αὐτὸν τοῦ σουλτάνου σὺν πολλῇ τῇ
περιπλοκῇ καὶ τῇ συντακτηρίῳ τιμῇ πρὸς τὴν οἰκείαν βα-
σιλείαν, προσεπιδόντος δὲ καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁπόσους
ἠτήσατο καὶ πρέσβεις ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων.
28 Εἰς δὲ τὸ Μαντζικίερτ τὸ κάστρον φθάσαντες πολλοὶ
τῶν Ῥωμαίων καταφυγεῖν κατεῖχον αὐτό, ὡς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἐπανῆλθε, δι ἄλλης ὁδοῦ ἀφέντες τοῦτο ἐκεῖνοι νυκτὸς
ἐξέφυγον, ἀφ᾽ ὧν καί τινες πολεμίοις περιπεπτωκότες
διεκινδύνευσαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι πρὸς τὰ σφέτερα διεσώθησαν.

300
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management of the campaign. Thus God's will was shown

here as well to be just and infallible, for not only the others
but the captured emperor himself came to the opinion that
the sultan was worthy of victory. Even if the Turks do not
have a law of loving one's enemy, he unconsciously carried
out this divine law through his naturally virtuous disposi-
tion. For the All-Seeing Eye grants power not to those who
are arrogant but to the humble and compassionate, given
that God sbows no partiality for individuals, as the divine Paul
says.?? In one of their meetings the sultan asked the em-
peror, ^What would you have done if you yourself held me
in your power like this?" Without any dissimulation or at-
tempt to flatter, he answered him, "Know that I would have
inflicted much torture on your body" And the other one re-
plied, “But I will not imitate your severity and harshness."
[166] The two of them passed the days that I mentioned 27
in this way, and they made peace agreements and a treaty, ar-
ranging also for a connection by marriage through their chil-
dren. The only assurance the emperor gave him was a strong
handshake and then they parted, the sultan releasing him to
return to his own empire with many embraces and farewell
honors. He also gave him as many Romans as he requested
and sent along his own representatives.
Meanwhile, many of the Romans managed to reach the 28

fort of Mantzikert and sought refuge in it, holding it under

their power, but when the emperor returned they left it by
another road and escaped at night. Some of them ran into
the enemy and came to harm, but the rest safely reached

301
 THE HISTORY

Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς κατηντηκὼς εἰς Θεοδοσιούπολιν μετὰ

τουρκικῆς τῆς στολῆς καὶ ὑποδεχθεὶς φιλοτίμως, ἡμέρας
τινὰς ἐκεῖσε διεκαρτέρησε, θεραπευόμενος μὲν τὴν χεῖρα,
συνδιαναπαύων δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα καὶ ἀνακτώμενος,
ῥωμαϊκήν τε σκευὴν ἄρτι καινίζων καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἐκεῖσε
κατασκευάζων ἐπίτευξιν διὰ τὸ μέλλειν εἰς τὰ πρόσω τῆς
Ῥωμαίων χωρεῖν. Ἄρας οὖν ἐκεῖθεν μετὰ βασιλικῆς τῆς
σκευῆς τε καὶ προπομπῆς, διήει τὰς ἰβηρικὰς κώμας,
ὀλίγους πάνυ καταλαβὼν τῶν φυγάδων τῆς μάχης στρα-
τιωτῶν, οὗς καὶ αὐτοὺς μετὰ τῶν συνελευθερωθέντων εἶχε
μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος συνείλεκτο | παρὰ τῶν
προσοίκων τῶν ἐκεῖσε κωμῶν τε καὶ πόλεων, συνῆσαν δὲ
τούτῳ καὶ πρέσβεις παρὰ τοῦ σουλτάνου προσεφοδιασθέν-
τες αὐτῷ.
29 Ταύτης οὖν τῆς φήμης αὐτήκοοι καὶ ἡμεῖς γεγονότες
ἐν Τραπεζοῦντι, ἐκεῖσε γὰρ κατηνέχθημεν διαπόντιον τὴν
πορείαν ποιῆσαι σκεψάμενοι, ἀμήχανον ἅμα καὶ ἄπιστον
τὸ πρᾶγμα ἡγούμεθα καὶ διατοῦτο τὴν διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδὸν
ἠνύομεν ἀμεταστρεπτί, πλοιάρια τῶν ἐγχωρίων ἱκανὰ μι-
σθωσάμενοι. Συνῆσαν γὰρ καὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς ἄνδρες
ἐκ τῶν πρώτων τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς παραδόξως τὸν
κίνδυνον συνδιαφυγόντες ἡμῖν, ἕτεροι δὲ κατεκόπησαν ἐν
αὐτῷ τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τῷ δρασμῷ, μεθ᾽ ὧν καὶ Λέων ἐκεῖνος
ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν δεήσεων, ἀνὴρ λόγῳ καὶ γνώσει διαφανέστατος,
καὶ ὁ μάγιστρος Εὐστράτιος καὶ πρῶτος ἀσηκρῆτις ὁ Χοι-
ροσφάκτης: ἑάλω δὲ καὶ ὁ πρωτοβέστης Βασίλειος 6 Ma-
λέσης, τὰ πρῶτα φέρων τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὸ τοῦ λογοθέτου τῶν
ὑδάτων ὀφφίκιον περιεζωσμένος, λόγῳ καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ
πείρᾳ πολλῶν ὑπερκείμενος.
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their own lands. The emperor reached Theodosioupolis

wearing Turkish attire and was received with honors. He
spent some days there so that his hand could heal and al-
lowed his entire body to rest and regain its strength. He had
fashioned some new Roman attire and made the other nec-
essary arrangements so that he could march deeper into Ro-
man territory He departed from there in imperial regalia
and pomp, passing through the Iberian towns, but he came
across very few soldiers who were refugees from the battle.
These too he kept by his side along with the ones who had
been freed with him. The rest of his retinue was assembled
[167] among the residents of the towns and cities of that
area, and he was also accompanied by the envoys with whom
the sultan had furnished him.
We ourselves also heard this news when we were in Trebi- 29
zond. We had gone there thinking to make our return jour-
ney by sea and believed that what was being said was unlikely
and not to be trusted, and so we took the sea route without
even pausing to look back, renting a sufficient number of
small ships from the locals. For present with us were men of
the imperial court, among the first in the Senate, who had
against all hope escaped the danger with us, though others
had been cut down in the battle itself and the flight, among
whom was Leon, who was epi ton deeseon, a man notable for
his knowledge and speaking ability; also the magistros and
protasekretis Eustratios Choirosphaktes. Among those who
were captured was the protovestes Basileios Maleses, the
emperor's closest associate, invested with the office of the
logotbetes of the waters, who was also exceptional in terms of
his experience and speaking ability.

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 21

Mae. μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀσύγχυτος ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος Kai

οἷον ἀπερικτύπητος καὶ ὁμαλώτερον βαίνων, κἂν εἰ καὶ
προσάντεις εἶχε καὶ οἰκτρὰς τὰς ἐπεξηγήσεις. Τὸ δ᾽ ἀπὸ
τοῦδε, τίς ἂν κατὰ μέρος τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐπισυμβάντων
χαλεπῶν διηγήσαιτο; Οὐ γὰρ πρόσαντες ἡμῖν τὸ προ-
κείμενον μόνον ἀλλὰ | καὶ λίαν ἀπρόσβατον διὰ τὴν τῶν
γενομένων ἀπηνῆ σκυθρωπότητα.
"HAavve μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξ ἑῴας πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν
μέχρι Κολωνείας αὐτῆς, ἐπὰν δὲ γένοιτο ἐντὸς τοῦ Μελισ-
σοπετρίου, κάστρον δὲ τοῦτο ἐπί τινος λόφου κείμενον,
ἤρξαντο τούτῳ προσομιλεῖν τὰ δεινά, ὁ γὰρ σύμβουλος
αὐτῷ καὶ πρῶτα τῇ στρατηγίᾳ Παῦλος πρόεδρος, ὃν ἀπὸ
τοῦ κατεπανικίου τῆς Ἐδέσσης μεταπεμψάμενος ὁ βασι-
λεὺς ἐν τῷ πρὸς Πέρσας ἐλαύνειν, εὗρεν ἐν Θεοδοσιου-
πόλει σχεδιάζοντα τὴν ταύτης ἀρχήν, διὰ τὸ τὸν δοῦκα
προαλωθῆναι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ πάντα ἐδόκει αὐτῷ
συναιρόμενον, νύκτωρ διαδρὰς τὴν βασιλίδα κατέλαβε,
μαθὼν τὰ γεγενημένα κατ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ τὴν τῆς αὐγούστης
προαίρεσιν.
Αὕτη γὰρ ἀπογνοῦσα τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπόλυσιν, μετ-
ἐπέμψατο μὲν καὶ τὸν τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς καὶ βασιλέως

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The civil war and fall of Romanos IV

Diogenes (1071-1072)

Ua this point our account has been free of confusion

and distractions and has proceeded in a relatively smooth
way, though it has included both repugnant and pitiful as-
pects. From here on, however, who could itemize and re-
count the multitude of grievous events? For what followed
was not only repugnant but [168] extremely hard to tackle
on account of the cruelty and sadness inherent in the
events.
The emperor, then, was proceeding from east to west on
his way to Koloneia. But when he entered Melissopetrion, a
fort on a certain hill, the bad news began to reach him. His
adviser and chief of the campaign, the proedros Paulos, whom
the emperor had transferred from the position of katepano
of Edessa when he was marching against the Persians, he
found in Theodosioupolis acting in the place of its governor,
because its doux had been captured along with the emperor.
The emperor believed him to be his supporter in all things,
but now he escaped at night and went to the Imperial City,
having learned what was happening there and what the em-
press was planning.
For she, refusing to accept the emperor's release, called
upon the &zzszr Ioannes, the brother of her first husband

305
 THE HISTORY

ὁμαίμονα, Ἰωάννην τὸν καίσαρα, μετὰ δύο αὐτοῦ νἱῶν, ὧν

ὁ εἷς ὁ Ἀνδρόνικος νέηλυς ἦν ἐκ τῆς στρατιᾶς καταλαβὼν
ἐν φυγῇ, διεπέμψατο δὲ καὶ δόγματα πρὸς πάσας τὰς
ἐπαρχίας μὴ ὅλως δέξασθαι καὶ ἀπαντῆσαι τῷ Διογένῃ
διαταττόμενα καὶ τὴν βασιλικὴν τούτῳ προσκύνησιν
προσενεγκεῖν καὶ τιμήν. Ἀλλὰ τοῦ καίσαρος εἰσιόντος
μετὰ τῶν δύο υἱέων καὶ τῇ βασιλίδι προσμίξαντος ἐν τῷ
παλατίῳ, μεταστρέφεται κατ᾽ αὐτῆς ἡ βουλὴ τῆς τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς ἀποκηρύξεως καὶ διώξεως, διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν πρῶτον
υἱὸν αὐτῆς ὃν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Δοῦκα συναφείας ἀπέτεκεν,
αὐτοκράτορα καὶ δεσπότην ἀθρόως | φημίζουσιν: ἐν τῷ
τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου βασιλείῳ θρόνῳ καθιδρύσαντες av-
τόν, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐγχειρίζουσι μόναρχον: τήν τε δέσποι-
vav καὶ μητέρα τούτου καθαιροῦσι μετὰ σφοδρᾶς τῆς ἐπι-
φορᾶς, εἶτα καὶ πλοίῳ παραδόντες ὑπερόριον τίθενται
κατὰ τὸν ἑῷον πορθμὸν ὃν Στενὸν οἱ πολῖται κατονομά-
Covotv ἐκ τῆς θέσεως, ἐγκαταστήσαντες ταύτην τῷ παρ᾽
αὐτῇ συστάντι φροντιστηρίῳ καὶ λεγομένῳ Πιπερούδη,
μελαμφοροῦσαν ἐπαποδείξαντες καὶ κεκαρμένην τὰς τρί-
χας καὶ τῷ τάγματι τῶν μοναζουσῶν καταζεύξαντες. Ὁ δ᾽
οὖν Διογένης μέχρι τοῦ θέματος τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν προϊών,
ἐπεὶ τὰ Kar’ αὐτὸν ἐπληροφορήθη καὶ ὡς τοῖς πολίταις καὶ
τοῖς ἀνακτόροις ἐπικεκήρυκται, φρούριόν τι κατασχὼν
Δόκειαν κατονομαζόμενον, ἐκεῖσε κατεστρατοπεδεύσατο.
Ὁ δὲ καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ τὰ σκῆπτρα νέον ἐγχειρισθεὶς τούτου
ἀνεψιὸς μετὰ τὸ πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν βασιλεύουσαν δια-
θεῖναι κατὰ τὸ βεβουλευμένον αὐτοῖς" καὶ τοὺς μὲν τῆς
συγκλήτου βουλῆς οἰκειώσασθαι καὶ τιμᾶν αὐτοὺς

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 CHAPTER 2I

and previous emperor, along with two of his sons, one of

whom was Andronikos who had just returned after fleeing
from the army. She also sent orders to all the provinces that
they were not to receive or recognize Diogenes or offer him
imperial honors and make obeisance to him. But when the
kaisar and his two sons entered the palace and came to the
empress, her plan to renounce ber husband and persecute
him was turned against her, as they hurriedly acclaimed as
lord and emperor her first son from her marriage with Dou-
kas.?? [169] They seated him upon the imperial throne in the
Chrysotriklinos and made him the single possessor of impe-
rial authority. His mother the empress they deposed, treat-
ing her roughly in the process, and then they placed her on a
ship and sent her into exile to the eastern side of the straits
which the people of the City call Stenon on account of its
position.72? There they put her in the convent that she had
founded, the so-called Piperoude, dressing her in black and
forcing her to take the tonsure, so enrolling her among the
ranks of the nuns. Diogenes, meanwhile, proceeded as far as
the Armeniac tbema where he learned the news that con-
cerned himself, namely that he had been declared deposed
by the people and the palace. He took a fort called Dokeia
and encamped there.
The &aisar and his nephew, just now entrusted with the
scepters of power, arranged the affairs of the Reigning City
according to their will. They started winning over to their
side the men of the Senate by distributing honors among

307
 THE HISTORY

προκατάρξασθαι, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς τῆς ἀγορᾶς và συνήθη δη-

μηγορῆσαι, καὶ ὡς τὴν πατρῴαν βασιλείαν ψήφῳ Θεοῦ εἰς
ἑαυτὸν ἀνεκτήσατο, καὶ ὑποσχέσεσι φιλανθρώποις εὐέλπι-
δας τούτους ποιήσασθαι, στρατιὰν πέμψαι κατὰ τοῦ Διο-
γένους ἐσκέψαντο. Καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτοκράτορα προχει-
ρισάμενοι τῶν τοῦ καίσαρος υἱῶν ἕνα, Κωνσταντῖνον
ὀνόματι, τὸ ἀξίωμα πρωτοπρόεδρον, τοὺς παρατυχόντας
τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτῷ ἐγχειρίζουσι καὶ ταχέως | τῆς βασι-
λευούσης ἐκπέμπουσιν. Ὃς καὶ ἄλλους τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν συλ-
λεξάμενος, ods δὲ καὶ διὰ γραμμάτων βασιλικῶν ἑαυτῷ
συστησάμενος, ἁδράν τινα δύναμιν ἔδοξε συναγηοχέναι
καὶ πλησίον τοῦ κρησφυγέτου τῆς Δοκείας τὸν χάρακα
ἔθετο. Προσερρύησαν δὲ τῷ Διογένῃ τῶν Φράγγων οἱ
πλείους κἀκ τούτου ἔχειν τὸ ἰσχυρὸν προσεδόκασιν.
Ἔκτοτε οὖν παροδικαὶ μάχαι τοῖς μέρεσι διερρήγνυντο,
οὐδεμία δ᾽ αὐτοτελὴς τὴν ἔκβασιν ἔκρινε, συναπτομένων
ἀλλήλοις Kat’ ἄνδρας καὶ αὖθις ἀπαλλαττομένων τῶν
ἀντιθέτων στρατιωτῶν. Ὡς δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν Καππαδοκῶν
ὁ βασιλεὺς κηρύγμασί τε καὶ γράμμασι μετεπέμψατο ὧν
ἦρχε Θεόδωρος πρόεδρος ὁ Ἀλυάτης, ἀνὴρ γένους ἐπιφα-
νοῦς τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ θεαθῆναι θαυμασιώτατος, μεγέθει
καὶ ὄγκῳ τῶν πολλῶν διαφέρων, καὶ ἱκανῶς ἐν πολλοῖς
στρατευσάμενος, ἔδοξεν ὁ Διογένης πολὺ τῶν ἐναντίων
προέχειν καὶ ταχὺ τοῦ τῆς Δοκείας ἄρας φρουρίου, πρὸς
τὴν τῶν Καππαδοκῶν ἤλαυνεν, ἐξ ἧσπερ αὐτὸς τὴν γένε-
σιν ἔσχηκεν. Ἀλλ᾽ οἱ τῆς μοίρας τοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐν
Κωνσταντινουπόλει κατέχοντος παρὰ δόξαν προσθήκην
δεξάμενοι κατὰ τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην, οὐ πολὺ τὸ ἔλαττον

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them and they made the usual announcements to the peo-

ple, namely that Michael had regained for himself the au-
thority of his father with divine support. They gave much
hope to them by making attractive promises of benevolence.
Then they decided to send an army against Diogenes. As
sole commander they appointed one of the kaisar’s sons,
Konstantinos by name, by rank a protoproedros. They gave
him as many of the soldiers as happened to be present and
quickly sent him out of the Reigning City. {170} He mus-
tered more soldiers from the provinces, whom he gathered
to himself through royal decrees, and finally believed that
he had constituted a force that was strong enough and set
up his camp near the hideout at Dokeia. But the majority of
the Franks went over to Diogenes, and because of this they
expected that he would be in the stronger position.
From that point on, occasional battles took place be-
tween the two sides but no decisive one that would settle
the issue. Soldiers from each side would fight each other
one-on-one and then break it off and return. With his mis-
sives and letters, Diogenes called up many of the Kappa-
dokians whose commander was the proedros Theodoros Al-
yates, a man from a family distinguished in warfare and who
was impressive to behold, as he was exceptional in size and
height and had shown his mettle in many campaigns. Diog-
enes seemed to be getting the better of his enemies by far,
and he quickly left the fort of Dokeia and made for the prov-
ince of Kappadokia, which was his original homeland. But
those who were on the side of the emperor in Constantino-
ple received unexpected reinforcements during that night
and determined that now their forces did not fall far short

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 THE HISTORY

ἀπενέγκασθαι διεγνώκεσαν, κατέλαβε yàp αὐτοὺς μεθ᾽

ἑτέρων ἐκ τῆς βασιλίδος ἀποσταλεὶς σύμμαχος ὁ Φράγ-
γος ἐκεῖνος Κρισπῖνος, ὃν ὁ Διογένης μὲν ἐπ᾽ αἰτίαις ἀπο-
στασίας καθελὼν ἐκ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὑπερόριον εἰς Ἄβυδον
ἐποιήσατο, ὁ δ᾽ ἀντιβασιλεύσας ὕστερον Μιχαὴλ ἐκ τῆς
ὑπερορίας μεταγαγών, ἐυεργεσίαις καὶ τιμαῖς κατελάμ-
πρῦνε καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀνέρρωσεν εὔνοιαν. Οὗτος οὖν
γενναιότατος κατὰ χεῖρα τελῶν καὶ ἀλκιμώτατος εἴπερ τις
ἀνθρώπων δοκῶν διὰ τὸ πεῖραν δοῦναι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δοκι-
μότητος ἐκ τῶν φθασάντων αὐτοῦ ἀνδραγαθημάτων, πολ-
λὴν ἐνέσταξε προθυμίαν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐν ὥρᾳ κατα-
λαβὼν πολεμικῆς ἐπιδόσεως. Διὰ ταῦτα τοι καὶ ἄραντος
ἐκ Δοκείας τοῦ Διογένους, ἐπεφάνησαν καὶ οἱ τοῦ βασι-
λέως τὰς σημαίας ὑπερτεταμένας ἐκφέροντες. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Ἀλυ-
άτης τούτων κατεπαρθείς, πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν συν-
αγηοχὼς πόλεμον τούτοις προσέμιξεν, ἐρρωμένως δὲ
ἀντιταξαμένων αὐτῶν καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπιφημισθέντος τοῦ
Κρισπίνου παρεῖναι καὶ τοῖς Dpayyoıs τῇ πατρίῳ διαλε-
χθέντος φωνῇ, πρὸς φυγὴν οἱ τοῦ AAv&rov ἀτάκτως ὥρ-
μησαν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν τινὲς μὲν ἀκοντίοις ἀπέθανον, ἁλοὺς δ᾽
αὐτὸς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξεκόπη μετὰ σκηνικῶν σιδήρων
περιωδύνως τὰς ὁράσεις ἀποβαλών, ὅπερ πολλὴν ἐνῆκε
τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνίαν διὰ τὸ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐπίσημον κατὰ
γένος καὶ γενναιότατον.
Περιώδυνος δ᾽ ὁ Διογένης ἐκ τῆς φήμης γενόμενος,
ὅμως τὸ λοιπὸν ἄγων πλῆθος εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκῶν ἐνέ-
βαλε γῆν καὶ εἴς τι φρούριον ἀνιὼν Τυροποιὸν οὕτως ὀνο-
μαζόμενον ἐπὶ λόφου κείμενον ὀχυροῦ, ἐκαραδόκει τὸ

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of his. For that Frank, Krispinos, arrived along with some

others who were sent to them as allies from the Imperial
City. This was the man whom Diogenes had deposed from
his command on a charge of mutiny and had exiled to Aby-
dos.?! But the one who [171] replaced him on the throne,
Michael, recalled him from exile, distinguished him with fa-
vors and honors, and thereby strengthened his allegiance to
him. This man was extremely brave in hand-to-hand combat
and seemed to be the strongest man alive, having given proof
of his superior mettle in the noble deeds that he had accom-
plished. He greatly raised the morale of the soldiers by arriv-
ing at the moment when the conflict was reaching a climax.
For this reason, and with Diogenes having departed from
Dokeia, the emperor's men appeared holding aloft their
standards. But Alyates had nothing but scorn for them. As-
sembling many soldiers, he went into battle against them,
but they put up a strong resistance, especially as it was ru-
mored among them that Krispinos was present and speak-
ing to the Franks in their own language. Alyates' men fled in
disorder, and some of them were killed with spears. He him-
self was captured and his eyes were painfully cut out with
iron tent pegs, costing him his sight. This distressed the sol-
diers greatly on account of the man's noble family and brav-
ery.
When he learned of this Diogenes felt a deep sorrow.
Nevertheless he led the remainder of his army into the land
of the Kappadokians and he went up to a certain fort that is
called Tyropoios and is situated on a defensible hill. Here he

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 THE HISTORY

μέλλον πανταχόθεν ἐπικαλούμενος στρατιώτας εἰς τὴν

ἑαυτοῦ ἀρωγήν. |᾿ Ἐπεὶ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ τὴν Βύζαντος ἔχοντος
βασιλείαν μετεπέμφθη ὁ τῆς Μεγάλης Ἀντιοχείας κατε-
πάνω Χατατούριος ἐπονομαζόμενος, ἐξ Ἀρμενίων δ᾽ ἕλκων
τὸ γένος, καὶ προσετάγη πόλεμον τῷ Διογένῃ ἐπενεγκεῖν,
ἀφίκετο μὲν εἰς τὸν Τυροποιὸν μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς δυνάμεως
ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν, κατοικτισάμενος δὲ τὸν Διογένην
τῆς τύχης καὶ ἅμα χάριτας τούτῳ προσομολογεῖν ἔχων ὡς
παρ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Ἀντιοχείας λαβών, συνέθετο
τούτῳ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου μοίρας ἐγένετο καί τινας τῶν στρα-
τιωτῶν οἷς ἐκ βασιλέως διώριστο συνάρασθαι τούτῳ τῶν
κατὰ τοῦ Διογένους μόθων τῶν ἵππων ἀποστερήσας καὶ
τῆς ἄλλης ἀποσκευῆς, γυμνοὺς ἐκεῖθεν ἀπήλασεν. Εἴτα
μικρόν τι διαλιπὼν σὺν τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν
στρατιώταις εἰς τὴν τῶν Κιλίκων χώραν ἀνέζευξεν, ὁμοῦ
μὲν παραχειμασίαν ἐν αὐτῇ ποιησόμενος, παρήμειπτο γὰρ
τὸ φθινόπωρον, ὁμοῦ δὲ δύναμιν ἑτέραν ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ
συλλεξόμενος καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ σουλτάνου πεμφθησομέ-
vovg μετὰ διορίαν τοιαύτην καταλαβεῖν.
Ἔλαθον δὲ τὸ ἧττον αἱρετισάμενοι καὶ τὰ χείρω καθ᾽
ἑαυτῶν βουλευσάμενοι, τοῦ γὰρ τροπωσαμένου τὴν πρώ-
τὴν τὸν Διογένην ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸν Ἀλυάτην συμβολῇ τῇ
βασιλίδι ἐπαναστρέψαντος, διεσκορπίσθη ἅπαν τὸ σὺν
αὐτῷ στρατιωτικόν, ὡς τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐγγίσαντος, καὶ ἦν
εὐχερὲς τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Διογένην μετὰ τοσούτου πλήθους
εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐμβαλεῖν, | ὅση κατὰ Πισιδίαν καὶ Ἰσαυ-
ρίαν καὶ Λυκαονίαν εἰς αὐτήν τε τῶν Παφλαγόνων καὶ
Ὁνωριάδα, καὶ πάντας τῷ πλήθει βιάσασθαι γενέσθαι ὑφ᾽

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awaited future developments, calling upon soldiers to come

to his aid from all directions. {172} Meanwhile, the emperor
who held power in the City of Byzas called up the katepano
of Antioch the Great, a man named Chatatourios, an Arme-
nian by race, and ordered him to wage war against Diogenes.
Chatatourios reached Tyropoios with a great force of cav-
alry and infantry, but took pity on Diogenes' evil fortune
and also admitted that he was in his debt, as it was from him
that he had received the command of Antioch. So he joined
him and went over to his side, and some of the soldiers who
had been ordered by the emperor to assist him in the strug-
gle against Diogenes he deprived of their horses and sent
them away from there stripped of the rest of their equip-
ment. After staying there for a while with the emperor and
the soldiers on his side, he moved to the land of the Kiliki-
ans to winter there, for the autumn was coming to an end,
and also in order to gather another force in safety and to
meet with the men who would be sent by the sultan at the
end of that set period.
But they did not realize that they were choosing the worst
strategy, that what they decided would work against their
own interests. For the one who had defeated Diogenes in
that first battle against Alyates returned to the Imperial
City and his entire army dispersed, as winter was near, and it
would then have been easy for those on Diogenes' side, who
numbered a sizable force, to make inroads into Roman terri-
tory, (173] that is into Pisidia, Isauria, Lykaonia, and even to
Paphlagonia and Honorias, and force these regions to be-
come subject to their authority through the sheer size of

313
 THE HISTORY

ἑαυτόν, εἶτα καὶ εἰς Βυθυνίαν εἰσδῦναι xal πᾶσαν ἄδειαν

ἐμφράξαι τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Βύζαντος στρατιώτας κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ
συναγεῖραι καὶ πόλεμον ἐπεγεῖραι τούτῳ ἄξιον λόγου καὶ
πράγματος, οἱ γὰρ τῆς ἑσπέρας στρατιῶται τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ
ἐξωμόσαντο ἀπιστίαν διὰ τὸ προκατασφαλισθῆναι ὅρκοις
μὴ ἄν ποτε συμφρονῆσαι τοῖς Kat’ αὐτοῦ γενησομένοις.
Nov δὲ μὴ καλῶς βουλευσάμενος, κακοῖς ἀπλέτοις καὶ
περιωδύνοις περιεπάρη πράγμασιν’ ἐμβαλὼν γὰρ εἰς τὴν
τῶν Κιλίκων χώραν δυσδιοδεύτους αὐλῶνας ἔχουσαν ἐκ
τῶν Ταύρου ὀρῶν͵, ἔμενε κατὰ χώραν ὥσπερ ἑαυτὸν ἐγκαθ-
εἰρξας ἐπὶ τῷ μένειν ἀπρόϊτον, ἄδειαν δὲ τοῖς ἀντιτε-
ταγμένοις παρέσχεν ἀδεῶς στρατιώτας ἀγείρειν καὶ τὸν
πολεμικὸν ποιεῖσθαι κατάλογον.
᾿Εκπεμφθεὶς γὰρ ὁ ἕτερος τῶν υἱέων τοῦ καίσαρος Ἀν-
δρόνικος πρωτοπρόεδρος καὶ προβληθεὶς δομέστικος τῆς
Ἀνατολῆς, ἐν παρασκευῇ πάντας τοὺς στρατιώτας πε-
ποίηκε, σιτηρέσια διανείμας αὐτοῖς καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἅπαν-
τας προοικειωσάμενος, συναιρομένου τοῦ Κρισπίνου. Καὶ
οὕτως μετὰ τὸ συστῆσαι τὴν ὅλην σύνταξιν τῶν δυνάμεων,
προΐει κατὰ τοῦ Διογένους ὡς τῆς Κιλίκων ἐπιβησόμε-
voc: καὶ τὴν συνήθη κλεισοῦραν τὴν τοῦ λεγομένου κατα-
λιπὼν Ποδανδοῦ, διὰ τῆς τῶν Ἰσαύρων εἰς ταύτην | ἐνέβα-
λεν, οὐ πάνυ τι ἀπεχούσης τῆς τῶν Ταρσῶν πόλεως.
Δυσδιεξόδευτοι δ᾽ ὄντες καὶ τραχεῖς καὶ ἀνάντεις καὶ λίαν
στενόποροι οἱ διατειχίζοντες τῶν ὀρῶν αὐχένες τὴν Κι-
λικίαν, οὐ μετρίαν ἐποίουν οὐδ᾽ εὔοδον τῷ στρατῷ τὴν
εἰσέλευσιν, ὅθεν καὶ εἴ τινες τῶν τοῦ Διογένους τὰς ἀκρω-
ρείας κατεῖχον καὶ μᾶλλον ἑκηβόλοι καὶ τοῖς ποσὶν

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 CHAPTER 2I

their army. Then they could penetrate into Bithynia and

make it impossible for those in the City of Byzas to assem-
ble soldiers against him and wage war, at least not a war
worth the name or the effort. The soldiers of the west, for
their part, had denounced the breaking of faith with him,
for they had been secured with oaths in advance not ever to
consent to any acts done against him. But, as it was, he did
not plan well and so was entangled by vast and grievous
harm. For he invaded Kilikia through the difficult paths that
lead from the Tauros mountains, and he was staying put
there without making any move, as if he had imprisoned
himself, which gave his enemies the opportunity to freely
gather soldiers and muster an army.
The other son of the bazsar was then sent out, the proto-
proedros Andronikos, promoted to the position of domestikos
of the east. He made ready all the soldiers, distributed sup-
plies to them, and thus gradually brought them over to his
side with the help of Krispinos. Thus, after gathering and
organizing his entire force, he marched against Diogenes
with the intention of invading Kilikia. Passing as usual
through the &leisoura that is called Podandos, he entered
that land through that of the Isaurians, [174] which is not far
from the city of Tarsos. But the passes through the moun-
tains that enclose Kilikia are difficult of access, rough, steep,
and extremely narrow, and so the passage of the army was
neither convenient nor easy, so that if some of Diogenes’
men had held the peaks, advancing on foot and with bows,

315
 THE HISTORY

ἐπιβαίνοντες, οὐκ ἂν ἠδυνήθη ποτὲ τὸ τοῦ Ἀνδρονίκου

στρατόπεδον τὴν πορείαν διὰ τούτων ποιήσασθαι, εἰ μὴ
καὶ μᾶλλον δέους ἐπειγομένου τοῖς στρατιώταις πρὸς
φυγὴν ὥρμησαν. Τούτου δὲ παραμεληθέντος, εἰς κίνδυνον
περιέστη τῷ Διογένῃ τὰ πράγματα. Μετὰ γὰρ τὸ κατελ-
θεῖν εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸν σὺν τῷ Ἀνδρονίκῳ στρατόν, ὁ Χα-
τατούριος ἐπελθών, πόλεμον τούτοις συνέρρηξεν- οὐ διὰ
πολλῆς δὲ γενομένου τῆς ὥρας αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἂν τῶν ῥωμα-
ik@v δυνάμεων τῷ τε πλήθει καὶ τῇ ἀρετῇ ὑπερεχουσῶν,
πεσὼν ἐκ τοῦ ἵππου ὁ Χατατούριος πεζὸς ἑάλω καὶ τῷ
στρατηγοῦντι παρέστη γυμνὸς καὶ ἐλεεινὸς τῇ παρούσῃ
τύχῃ καὶ τῇ ἐλπίδι τῶν μελλόντων κακῶν. Τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων
συμφυγόντων εἰς τὸ τῆς Ἀδάνης κάστρον ἐν ᾧπερ ὁ Διο-
γένης ἐκάθητο, πολιορκία τὴν τοιαύτην πόλιν ἀκριβῶς
διεδέξατο: περικαθίσαντες γὰρ αὐτὴν οἱ μετὰ τοῦ
Ἀνδρονίκου Ῥωμαῖοι σπάνει τῶν ἀναγκαίων τοὺς ἔνδον
οὐκ εἰς μικρὰν τὴν ἀγωνίαν ἐνέβαλον. Τέως δ᾽ οὖν περὶ
σπονδῶν διαλεχθέντων ἀλλήλοις, συνέδοξεν ἀποθέσθαι
μὲν τὴν βασιλείαν τὸν Διογένην, συναποθέσθαι δὲ καὶ τὴν
τρίχα καὶ | οὕτω τὸν βίον ἕλκειν ἄχρι βιοτῆς ἁπάσης τοῖς
μοναχοῖς συγκαταλεγόμενον. Γέγονε τοῦτο καὶ μετὰ
μικρὸν ἐξῆλθε τοῦ κάστρου μελανειμονῶν καὶ τὰ καθ᾽
ἑαυτὸν ὡς ἔσχεν ἀποκλαιόμενος, ὅτε καὶ πολλοῖς εἰσήει
δριμὺς καὶ ἀκάθεκτος ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁρωμένοις φόβος καὶ ἔλεος,
λογιζομένοις τὸ ἄστατον τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ πρὸς ἐναντι-
ὀτητα περιπετὲς καὶ ὀξύρροπον: ἦσαν γὰρ ἅπαντες οἱ
τούτῳ πολλάκις συστρατευσάμενοι καὶ δορυφόρων τάξιν
πληρώσαντες καὶ τὸ κράτος αὐτῷ περιφημίζοντες ὄλβιον

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the army of Andronikos would never have been able to

march through them; in fact, his soldiers might well have
panicked and turned back in flight. But this opportunity was
overlooked, and so Diogenes' fortune hung in the balance.
For after Andronikos’s army came down into the plain,
Chatatourios came up and engaged them in battle.?? But it
did not last long, for the Roman forces were superior in both
number and valor. Chatatourios fell from his horse and was
taken on foot. He was brought before the general naked and
wretched both on account of his present condition and the
harm that he was about to suffer. The others fled to the fort
of Adane in which Diogenes was staying. The city was then
tightly besieged: the Romans with Andronikos surrounded
it and placed those inside in a critical situation because of
their lack of necessities. Finally, the two sides negotiated
with each other and they agreed that Diogenes would di-
vest himself of his imperial claim along with his hair, and
[175] thus he would live out the rest of his life as a monk. This
was done and shortly afterward he came out of the fort
dressed in black and lamenting the misfortunes that had
struck him. At that moment many who witnessed this sight
felt a horrible and irresistible fear combined with pity, real-
izing the uncertainty of events and how easily they can re-
verse to their opposites. For they were all men who had often
campaigned with him, made up the company of his body-
guards, had celebrated his reign as blessed, and considered

317
 THE HISTORY

Kal προσιτοὶ γενέσθαι τούτῳ δι᾽ εὐχῆς ὅτι μεγίστης ποι-

ούμενοι, εἶτα καὶ συνεξελθόντες αὐτῷ ἐκ Συρίας καὶ τῇ
Ἀδάνῃ ἐμβαλόντες βασιλικῶς, δουλικῶς προσεδρεύσαντες.
Ἀναπεμπαζόμενοι τοίνυν τήν τε προτέραν εὐτυχίαν καὶ
τὴν παροῦσαν ἀτυχίαν, ὅπως εἰς ἄκρον ἐναντιότητος
ἥκασι, κατηφιῶντες ἦσαν καὶ ἀμηχανοῦσιν ἐῴκεσαν.
Néotov δ᾽ ἐπιμνησθέντος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, ἐπανήρχετο
μὲν ἡ στρατιὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἐλαύνουσα, παρεπέμπετο δὲ
καὶ ὁ Διογένης εὐτελεῖ τῷ ὑποζυγίῳ καὶ μοναχικῷ κατα-
στήματι δι’ ἐκείνων τῶν κωμῶν καὶ τῶν χωρῶν πορευόμε-
νος, di ὧν τὸ πρόσθεν μετὰ βασιλικῆς τῆς δορυφορίας
ἰσόθεος ἐγνωρίζετο.
10 Μέχρι δὲ τοῦ Κοτυαείου τὴν πορείαν ὀδυνηρῶς ποιη-
σάμενος, καὶ γὰρ νοσηλευόμενος ἦν ἀπὸ κοιλιακῆς διαθέ-
σεως, ἥτις ἐκ κωνείου τούτῳ κατασκευασθέντος παρὰ τῶν
ἐναντίων ἐπιγενέσθαι ἐλέγετο, κατεσχέθη παρὰ τῶν
ἀγόντων αὐτὸν ἕως ἐκ βασιλέως πρόσταξίς τις ἐπιφοιτήσει
τὸ ποιητέον περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπιτάττουσα. Ἀλλ᾽ ἧκεν ἡμέραις
ὕστερον ἡ πάντων ἀπηνεστέρα καὶ ἀποφημοτέρα κατὰ
τοῦ τὰ τοιαῦτα δεδυστυχηκότος ἀπόφασις, διοριζομένη
τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τούτου παραυτίκα διορυγῆναι. Τί φής, ὦ
βασιλεῦ, καὶ οἱ σὺν σοὶ τὴν ἀνοσίαν βουλὴν κατα-
σκευασάμενοι; Ἀνδρὸς ὀφθαλμοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικήσαντος
ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ψυχὴν θέντος ὑπὲρ πάσης τῆς Ῥωμαίων
εὐετηρίας καὶ τοῖς πολεμικωτάτοις ἔθνεσιν ἀντιταξαμένου
μετὰ καρτεροῦ τοῦ συντάγματος, ἐξὸν ὃν αὐτῷ ἀκινδύνως
τοῖς βασιλείοις προσμένειν καὶ στρατιωτικοὺς πόνους
καὶ φόβους ἀποτινάσσεσθαι; Ἐκείνου οὗ καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν

418
 CHAPTER 2I

it the fulfillment of their greatest prayer just to be near him;

they had recently come out of Syria with him and entered
Adane with imperial pomp, and waited on him as his ser-
vants. Contemplating, then, his former happiness and pres-
ent misfortune, how one extreme had turned into the other,
they were saddened and seemed unable to explain it.
The general now wanted to return and so the army set out
on the road leading home. Diogenes was also taken along on
a wretched pack animal and dressed in monkish garb; he was
conveyed through those villages and regions where formerly
he had passed with his imperial retinue and been acclaimed
as equal to a god.
As far as Kotyaeion he made the journey in pain, for he IO

was ill with some disturbance of the stomach which, it was

said, was caused by hemlock that had been administered to
him by his enemies. [176] He was kept there by those in
charge of him until an imperial order could arrive decreeing
what should be done with him. And a few days later the
harshest and most execrable verdict of condemnation ar-
rived against a man who had suffered so much, ordering that
his eyes be immediately cut out. What do you have to say, O
emperor, you and those who crafted this unholy decision
along with you? The eyes of a man who had done no wrong
but risked his life for the welfare of the Romans and who
had fought with a powerful army against the most warlike
nations when he could have waited it all out in the palace
without any danger and shrugged off the toils and horrors
of the military life? Of a man whose virtue even the enemy

319
 THE HISTORY

πολέμιος αἰδεσθείς, ἠσπάσατό τε γνησίως xal λόγων kal

ἁλῶν ὡς ἀδελφῷ μεταδέδωκε καὶ σύνθρονον τὸν αἰχμά-
λωτον ἐποιήσατο καί, ὡς ἀγαθὸς ἰατρὸς φάρμακον ἀκεσώ-
δυνον, τὰς τοιαύτας παρηγορίας τῷ φλεγμαίνοντι τῆς λύ-
ang ἐπέθηκεν ὥστε δικαίως τὴν νίκην ὑπ᾽ ἀθλοθέτῃ Θεῷ
λαβεῖν ὁ σουλτάνος διαγινώσκεται τοιοῦτος ἀποδειχθεὶς
ἄνθρωπος καὶ τοσοῦτον ὄγκον φρονήσεως καὶ ἀνεξικακίας
ἐπιδειξάμενος;
II Σὺ δέ τί προστάττεις, ὦ βασιλεῦ; Ἀποστερηθῆναι καὶ
αὐτοῦ τοῦ φωτὸς καὶ τῆς δεδομένης αὐτῷ θεόθεν τῶν
ὁρωμένων κατανοήσεως τίνα; Τοῦτον τὸν πατρὸς ἐπὶ σοὶ
πρᾶξιν εἰληφότα καὶ νόμῳ καὶ πράγματι | tov ἀποβεβλη-
κότα τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ σοὶ ταύτην προέμενον, τὸν ἐκ πορ-
φυρίδος ῥακοδυτήσαντα, τὸν εἰς βίον μονήρη μεταλλαξά-
μενον καὶ τοῖς γηΐνοις πᾶσιν ἀποταξάμενον, τὸν ἀσθενῆ
καὶ παρειμένον καὶ ἀκεσωδύνου μᾶλλον θεραπείας καὶ
ψυχαγωγίας ἐπιδεόμενον, τὸν ἀπειρηκότα τοῖς ὅλοις
ἀσθενοῦντα καὶ κακουχούμενον, τὸν ὡς κάλαμον συντε-
τριμμένον καὶ ὄμβροις δακρύων ἐκτετηκότα τοὺς ὀφθαλ-
μοὺς καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον; Ἀλλ’ εἰ καὶ ταῦτα τοιαῦτα καὶ τοσ-
adra πρὸς πειθὼ παρακλήσεως, μᾶλλον δὲ πλείω τούτων,
ὅσῳ καὶ τὸ ἀγγελικὸν σχῆμα σιωπηρῶς σοι παρίσταται
πρὸς παράκλησιν, ἀλλὰ σὺ πάντως τῷ θυμῷ καὶ τῇ ἐπι-
θυμίᾳ τοῦ βασιλεύειν ἐπιμανῶς καὶ ἀκορέστως τὸ πλεῖον
τῆς ῥοπῆς ἐπιδώσεις, μήτε τὸ σχήμα αἰδούμενος μήτε τὴν
μητρῴαν θηλήν, ἧς οἱ παῖδες ἐκείνου καὶ σοὶ ἀδελφοὶ
κοινῶς μετεσχήκατε. Ὄψεται δὲ πάντως καί σέ ποτε ὄμμα
τιτανῶδες καὶ κρόνιον καὶ τὰς τύχας σοι πρὸς τὴν ὁμοίαν
παραστήσει κακότητα.
320
 CHAPTER 2I

respected when he embraced him genuinely and shared con-

versation and food with him as a brother, placing a prisoner
on a throne of equal status, and, like a good doctor, applying
words of consolation like a healing medicine to the open
wound of his grief, so that the sultan was recognized as hav-
ing justly received victory by the verdict of God, proving
himself to be humane and revealing such a depth of pru-
dence and forbearance?
As for you, O emperor, what was this order that you gave? II

Who exactly was to be deprived of light itself and the power

of visual perception that was given to him by God? This
man, who behaved toward you as a father in both law and
fact, [177] who set aside imperial power and yielded it to you;
who replaced the imperial purple with those rags; who re-
nounced every earthly ambition and converted to the mo-
nastic life; who was ill and helpless and who had need rather
of healing treatment and comfort; who had renounced ev-
erything and was sick and oppressed with misfortune; who
was a broken reed’? and wasted away by streams of tears run-
ning from his eyes and down his face? Despite all these many
and weighty pleas for compassion—in fact, there is more
than this, insofar as an angelic figure also stands silently be-
fore you and pleads? —you nevertheless will give in to your
rage and your frenzied and insatiable lust to rule and show
no respect either for his monastic status or for your moth-
er's breast, which you shared with his sons, your brothers.
One way or another, a day will come when an Evil Eye, Ti-
tanic and Kronian, will turn its gaze upon you and push your
fortunes to the same evil fate.

321
 THE HISTORY

Ὶ2 Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς £v τραγῳδίας τρύφει διὰ τὸ πάθος

παρεκβατικώτερον εἴρηται: ἐπιφοιτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ παγ-
κακίστου τούτου καὶ ἀνοσίου προστάγματος, δεύτερος
πάλιν ἀγὼν ὁ περὶ ψυχῆς καὶ φόβος οἷος καὶ κλόνος
ἀπαραμύθητος τὸν ἐν τοσούτοις κατέλαβε δυστυχήμασι.
Διὸ καὶ λιταῖς τοῖς ποσὶ τῶν ἐκεῖσε ἀρχιερέων ἐκυλινδεῖτο
καὶ τὴν ἐκ τούτων βοήθειαν ὅση τις ἡ ἰσχὺς μετὰ κατωδύ-
vov καὶ ἀφορήτου | τῆς συντριβῆς ἐξεκαλεῖτο θερμῶς,
παρῆσαν γὰρ ἐκεῖσε ὅ τε Χαλκηδόνος, ὁ Ἡρακλείας καὶ ὁ
Κολωνείας τὰς σπονδὰς αὐτῷ συντελέσαντες, ὑπεμίμνη-
ce δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ ὅρκων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ θείου veu£oewv-
οἱ δὲ καίπερ βοηθῆσαι τούτῳ βουλόμενοι, ὅμως ἀσθενῶς
ἔσχον, ἀνδρῶν ἀπηνῶν ἅμα καὶ ὠμηστῶν ἀναρπασάντων
αὐτὸν καὶ ὡς ἱερεῖον ἀγόντων ἐπὶ τὸ σφάγιον. Καὶ εἰς τὸ
κάστρον ἐγκλείσαντες θαμὰ πρὸς πάντας ἐπιστρεφόμενον
καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀρχιερέων κατόπιν παρουσίαν ἰδεῖν διηνεκῶς
ἐπευχόμενον, οἰκίσκῳ τινὶ παραπέμπουσι καί τινα Ἴου-
δαῖον ἀμαθῆ τὰ τοιαῦτα τὴν τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ δια-
χείρισιν ἐπιτρέπουσι. Δήσαντες οὖν αὐτὸν ἐκ τεσσάρων
καὶ τῷ στήθει καὶ τῇ κοιλίᾳ πολλοὶ δι’ ἀσπίδος ἐπιστηρίξαν-
τες, φέρουσι τὸν Ἰουδαῖον περιωδύνως ἄγαν καὶ ἀπηνῶς
σιδήρῳ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ ἐκταράττοντα, βρυχωμέ-
νου κάτωθεν καὶ ταύρειον μυκωμένου καὶ μηδένα τὸν
οἰκτείροντα ἔχοντος. Οὐ μὴν ἅπαξ τοῦτο παθὼν ἀφείθη
τῆς τιμωρίας, ἀλλὰ τριχῇ τὸν σίδηρον τοῖς τούτου κατέ-
βαψεν ὄμμασιν ὁ τῆς θεοκτόνου τυγχάνων σειρᾶς, ἕως καὶ
πληροφορίαν δι᾽ ὅρκου κείμενος ἔθετο πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκο-
νομίαν ἐκχυθῆναι καὶ ἀπορρεῦσαι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ὀφθαλμῶν.

322
 CHAPTER 21

All this, however, has been said in the manner ofattragic 1

digression to assuage our agony. When this execrable and
unholy decree arrived, the man, already afflicted by such
great misfortunes, again now faced unthinkable terror, tur-
moil, and anxiety for his very life. So he crumpled before the
feet of the archpriests who were present and, crushed by un-
bearable grief, fervently called on them with entreaties to
help him [x78] as much as was in their power; those present
were the bishops of Chalkedon, Herakleia, and Koloneia,
who had brokered the agreement with him. He reminded
them of their oaths and God's vengeance, and they were
willing to help him but were in a weak position. He was then
seized by rough and cruel men and led off like a sacrificial
animal. They took him off to be imprisoned in the fort, and
all the while he kept turning back toward everyone and pray-
ing constantly to see the archpriests behind him. They put
him in a small room and entrusted his blinding to a certain
Jew who was inexperienced in this kind of business.2? They
tied down his four limbs and many men held him down with
shields on his chest and belly. Then they brought in the Jew
who used an iron pin to destroy his eyes in an extremely
painful and cruel way while he roared and bellowed like a
bull, though no one took pity on him. Nor did this happen
once only, putting an end to his torment; no, three times
that man who belonged to the race of God-killers plunged
the iron into his eyes, until the prone man swore an oath
that his entire power of sight had poured out and had flowed

323
 THE HISTORY

Ἐγερθεὶς οὖν αἵματι διαβρόχους ἔχων τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς,

θέαμα δ᾽ οἰκτρὸν καὶ ἐλεεινὸν καὶ θρῆνον ἐπιφέρον τοῖς
ὁρῶσιν ἀκάθεκτον, ἡμιθνὴς ἔκειτο, προκατειργασμένος
μὲν καὶ τῇ νόσῳ, τότε δὲ | τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀπαγορεύων καὶ τῆς
βασιλικῆς ἐκείνης λαμπρότητος καὶ τῆς μέχρις οὐρανοῦ
φθανούσης δόξης, μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν Ῥωμαίων
ἀνδραγαθίας τοιαῦτα κομισάμενος τὰ ἐπίχειρα.
13 Προαχθεὶς οὖν ἐν εὐτελεῖ τῷ ὑποζυγίῳ μέχρι τῆς Προ-
ποντίδος αὐτῆς ὥσπερ πτῶμα σεσηπὸς εἵλκετο, τοὺς μὲν
ὀφθαλμοὺς κατορωρυγμένους ἔχων, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν σὺν
τοῖς προσώποις ἐξῳδηκυῖαν καὶ σκώληκας ἐκεῖθεν δεικνὺς
ἀποπίπτοντας. Ἡμέρας δ᾽ ὀλίγας διαλιπών, ἐπωδύνως τὸν
βίον καὶ πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς ὀδωδὼς ἀπολείπει, τῇ νήσῳ τῇ
Πρώτῃ τὸν χοῦν ἀποθέμενος κατὰ τὴν ταύτης ἀκρώρειαν,
ἔνθα νέον ἐκεῖνος ἐδείματο φροντιστήριον, κηδευθεὶς μὲν
πολυτελῶς παρὰ τῆς πρὶν βασιλίδος καὶ ὁμευνέτιδος
Evdoxiag τῆς τοῦ κρατοῦντος μητρός, ἐκείνη γὰρ αἰτησα-
μένη τὸν υἱὸν τὴν νῆσον ταύτην καταλαβεῖν, τούτῳ τὰ τῆς
ὁσίας φιλοφρόνως ἐτέλεσε: μνήμην δὲ καταλιπὼν τοῖς
μετέπειτα τῶν τοῦ Ἰὼβ ἐκείνου δυστυχημάτων ὑπερβαί-
vovoav τὴν ἀκρόασιν, τοῦτο δὲ θαυμασιώτατον ἅμα καὶ
γενναιότατον τοῖς πᾶσι διήγημα καταλέλοιπεν, ὅτι ἐπὶ
τοῖς τηλικούτοις πειρασμοῖς καὶ ἀπαραμίλλοις κακοῖς
οὐδὲν βλάσφημον ἢ μικρόψυχον ἀπεφθέγξατο, ἀλλ᾽ εὐχα-
ριστῶν διετέλει καὶ χρόνων προσθήκην ἐπιζητῶν ἐν κα-
κοῖς ἵνα εὐαρεστήσῃ, φησί, τῷ ποιήσαντι, τὸν τῆς ἀσκήσεως
δρόμον διανύων ἐπιπονώτερον.

324
 CHAPTER 2I

away. When he arose his eyes were drenched with blood, a

pitiable and pathetic sight that made everyone who saw it
cry uncontrollably He lay there half dead, as he had already
been weakened by his illness, [179] bidding farewell to arms,
for such was the reward that he had received for his earlier
imperial splendor and glory that reached to the heavens, or
rather for doing noble deeds on behalf of the Romans.
He was led on a wretched beast of burden as far as the 13
Propontis, dragged along like a rotting corpse with his eyes
gouged out, his head and face all swollen up and maggots
were visibly dropping off. A few days later he died in excru-
ciating pain,??° and even before his death he had begun to
stink. He was buried on the peak of the island of Prote,
where he had founded a new monastery, and the funeral was
lavishly organized by the former empress, his wife Eudokia,
the mother of the reigning emperor. She asked her son for
permission to go to this island and she dutifully carried
out this holy service for him.?" Romanos left to posterity a
record of sufferings exceeding those of Job, but the most
amazing and at the same time noble thing for which he is
remembered is that throughout all these enormous trials
and unparalleled evils he never uttered a blasphemous or
petty word but always gave thanks and asked to spend more
time in misfortune simply in order, as he put it, to be able to
please his Maker by traversing the path of self-denial in an
even more challenging way.

325
 22

>
Aw ὁ μὲν ἐν τοσούτοις ἀνιαροῖς τὸ ζῆν καταστρέψας
| πολλὴν τοῖς πειραζομένοις παρηγορίαν ἐνέσταξεν, ὅσῳ
γὰρ ἄν τις καὶ πειρασθείη, οὐκ ἂν τοῖς τούτου κακοῖς
παρισωθείη ποτέ: ὁ δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν διαδεξάμενος, ὁ τού-
του πρόγονος Μιχαὴλ τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν περιεζω-
σμένος, ἐπιεικής τις ἐδόκει καὶ γέρων ἐν νέοις διὰ τὸ παρ-
εἰμένον καὶ ἁπαλὸν ἐλογίζετο. Προσελάβετο γὰρ τῶν
κοινῶν πραγμάτων διοικητὴν ἄνδρα λόγῳ καὶ πράξει τῶν
πολλῶν διαφέροντα καὶ γνώμης περιχαροῦς καὶ ἀρετῆς
ἱκανῶς ἀντεχόμενον καὶ πᾶσιν ἱλαρῶς προσφερόμενον,
ἀρχιερέα μὲν τῆς ἐν Σίδῃ καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπάρ-
xovra, τὴν πρωτοπροεδρίαν δὲ τῶν πρωτοσυγκέλλων
ἐπέχοντα Ἰωάννης τοὔνομα, εὐνοῦχον δὲ τὴν κατάστασιν,
ὑπὲρ εὐνοῦχον δὲ τὴν ἀγαθότητα καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τὸ
μειλίχιον καὶ σωστικὸν καὶ εὐπρόσιτον ἐνδεικνύμενον.
Ὅθεν καὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἁπλότητι καὶ ἀφελείᾳ τὰς
οἰκείας προσθεὶς ἀρετάς, εὐχάριστον τοῦτον ἐποίει καὶ
τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις εὐάρεστον, ὅσον γε ἥκει κατὰ τοὺς
τότε καιρούς. Ἀλλ᾽ ἔμελλε πάντως τῷ εὐγενεῖ τοῦ σίτου
παραμιγῆναί τι καὶ ζιζάνιον ἢ τῇ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπιφοιτήσει
τὴν ἡμέραν ἀναγκαίως ὑποχωρῆσαι.
326
 Chapter 22

The regime of Michael VII Doukas

(1071-1078) and the rise of
the /ogothetes Nikephoros

H. then, ended his life in such grievous circumstances,

[180] offering ample solace to those who face hardship, for
as much as one may suffer it will never compare to the evils
that he endured. As for his successor to the throne, on the
other hand, his stepson Michael, once invested with the im-
perial authority of the Romans he appeared to be moderate
and was thought to be an old man amid the youths on ac-
count of his relaxed and gentle disposition. He took on as
the overseer of public affairs a man who excelled above the
rest in words and deeds, who had a friendly attitude and was
sufficiently virtuous and cheerful to everyone. He was the
archpriest of the cathedral church at Side and held the high-
est rank among the protosynkelloz. His name was Ioannes and
though he was a eunuch he showed himself superior to eu-
nuchs in his goodness, public virtues, gentleness, eagerness
to help, and accessibility. He thereby added his own virtues
to the emperor's simplicity and naiveté, making him gra-
cious and pleasing to his subjects, as much as this was possi-
ble at the time. It so happened, however, that a weed was
mixed in with the quality grain," or, put differently, that
when night arrived day necessarily had to retreat.

327
 THE HISTORY

2 "Hy γάρ τις εὐνοῦχος ὀνόματι Νικηφόρος, ἐκ Βουκελ-

λαρίων ἕλκων τὸ γένος, δεινὸς ἐπινοῆσαι καὶ ῥάψαι πρά-
γματα καὶ πολλὴν τῇ καταστάσει τὴν τρικυμίαν ἐπενεγ-
κεῖν, ὃς εἰς τάξιν τῶν σεκρετικῶν ὑποθέσεων τῷ πατρὶ τοῦ
Μιχαὴλ ὑπηρετησάμενος Κωνσταντίνῳ τῷ | Δούκᾳ, ἐπεὶ
καὶ σκαιὸς ἐφάνη καὶ διαβολεὺς καὶ σοφιστὴς τῶν κακῶν.
ὡς καὶ κατὰ τῆς αὐγούστης μοιχείας ἔγκλημα τῷ βασιλεῖ
ὑποψιθυρίσαι φθόνῳ τοῦ συνεξυπηρετουμένου καὶ συνδι-
ἐνεργοῦντος αὐτῷ Μιχαὴλ τοῦ Νικομηδέως, τῆς μὲν βα-
σιλικῆς παραστάσεως ἀπεπέμφθη, δοὺξ δὲ τῆς κατὰ
Κοίλην Συρίαν Ἀντιοχείας ἀποδειχθείς, οὐδὲ τοῖς ἐκεῖσε
μέρεσιν ἀπράγμονα καὶ ἀστασίαστον τὴν διαγωγὴν κατα-
λέλοιπε: προφάσεις πολέμων ἐκ κατασκευῆς φρουρίων
ἐπισυνείρων καὶ διανιστῶν τοὺς Σαρακηνοὺς ἀντιπο-
λίσματα συνιστᾶν εἰς τὴν τῆς ἄκρας ἐπίθεσιν καὶ πολεμεῖν
μὲν τούτοις ἢ καταπολεμεῖν μὴ δυνάμενος, ἀντιπολεμεῖν
τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ ἀνθιστᾶν προσοίκους πόλεις τοῖς ῥωμα-
ixoig ὁρίοις ἠρέθιζεν: οὐ μὴν δέ, GAN’ οὐδὲ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις
Ἀντιοχεῦσιν ἀνενόχλητον καὶ ἄλυπον τὴν διαγωγὴν συν-
ἐτήρησε, ποτὲ μὲν τὰς κτήσεις αὐτῶν ἀφαιρούμενος, ποτὲ
δὲ καταβαρύνων αὐτὰς ἀπαιτήσεσι παραλόγοις καὶ ἀπηνέ-
σιν ἐπιφοραῖς. Ὃς τῆς ἀρχῆς ταύτης παραλυθεὶς καὶ μετὰ
ταῦτα πάλιν, οἷα τὰ τοῦ κρατοῦντος τότε περιπετῆ καὶ
ἀκυβέρνητα ἐφευρήματα, πεμφθεὶς εἰς δευτέραν ἡγεμο-
víav, οὐκ ἐλάττω τῶν προτέρων τὴν μοχθηρίαν εἰσήνεγ-
κε.
Ἰοῦ δὲ βασιλεύοντος τεθνηκότος καὶ τῆς αὐγούστης
τὴν αὐτοκράτορα περιελομένης ἀρχήν, ἔσχε τις ἐναντία

328
 CHAPTER 22

For there was a certain eunuch by the name of Nike- 2

phoros,?? whose family was from the Boukellarioi thema and
who was most capable at devising and tailoring affairs and
bringing about great commotion in any situation. While
serving Michael's father, Konstantinos Doukas, as an impe-
rial secretary, [181] he showed himself to be a sinister plotter
and ingenious author of evils. He even whispered into the
emperor’s ear an accusation of adultery against the empress
out of sheer jealous hatred for his fellow secretary and col-
laborator, Michael of Nikomedeia.”° Dismissed from the
imperial retinue, Nikephoros was appointed doux of Anti-
och, the one by Koile Syria. Even in those lands, however, he
did not cease his intrigue and sedition, stirring up war by
erecting fortresses and agitating the Saracens to organize
counterbases from which to attack the border. Although he
was unable to make war against them or to defeat them,
he provoked them into attacking the Romans and building
their own strongholds along the Roman frontier. Not only
that, he did not even spare the people of Antioch but made
their lives more difficult by confiscating their properties
one day and, on the next, burdening them with unreason-
able fiscal demands and harsh exactions. He was relieved of
this command but was later assigned to a second posting
there as a result of the vacillating and chaotic governance of
the ruler of that time, and caused no less malicious damage
there than before.??!
When that emperor died and the empress was invested 3
with sole imperial authority,’ a piece of bad fortune befell

329
 THE HISTORY

τύχη τὸν πονηρότατον τοῦτον kal ἀδικώτατον, βασιλικὸν

γὰρ δόγμα καταλαβὸν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν τῇ τοῦ
αἵματος φρουρᾷ παραδέδωκε καὶ ἦν ἔμφρουρος ἐπὶ χρό-
νον τινὰ κατ᾽ | ἐκεῖνον τὸν χῶρον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ πρόσθεν περί-
δοξος ἐγνωρίζετο, τῆς προτέρας εὐετηρίας τοιαύτην
δυσκληρίαν ἀνταλλαξάμενος. Ἀναρρυσθεὶς δὲ τῇ τοῦ Διο-
γένους ἀναγορεύσει καὶ εἰς νῆσον ἐξορισθείς, ὑποσχέσεσι
δὲ χρημάτων δικαστὴς Πελοποννήσου καὶ Ἑλλάδος ἀπο-
πεμφθείς, τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἐκείνην διοικούμενος ἦν.
Τοῦτον ἐπὶ κακῷ τῆς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς μεταπεμψά-
μενος ὁ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐσχηκὼς Μιχαὴλ καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν
εἰς τὴν τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων διοίκησιν προστησάμενος
καὶ λογοθέτην ἀποδείξας τοῦ δρόμου, ταῖς ἐκείνου μαγγα-
νείαις καὶ περινοίαις ἁλώσιμος γέγονεν, οἷα φρονήματος
ἀμοιρῶν σταθηροῦ καὶ μειρακιωδῶν ἀθυρμάτων μὴ ἀπο-
δέων. Προσωπεῖον γὰρ εὐνοίας ὁ Νικηφόρος ἐπιδειξάμε-
νος, ἐξωθεῖ μὲν τὸν ἐπιεικέστατον ἄνδρα καὶ λογιώτατον
μητροπολίτην τῆς Σίδης τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ διοικεῖν, προφάσεις
διὰ παρενθέτων προσώπων κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐσκαιωρηκώς:
παραγκωνίζεται δὲ καὶ τὸν τοῦ βασιλεύοντος θεῖον, τὸν
καίσαρα, καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ περιφρονούμενον ἢ μᾶλλον εἰπεῖν
ὕποπτον ἀπεργάζεται. Καὶ ἁπλῶς πάντας τοὺς οἰκειοτά-
τους πολεμιωτάτους εἶναι συκοφαντήσας καὶ τῆς τοῦ βα-
σιλέως ἀποστερήσας ἐγγύτητος, ὅλον εἰς ἑαυτὸν ὑποποι-
εἴται τὸν μειρακίσκον ἄνακτα καὶ τοῦτο ἦν βασιλικὸν
ἐπίταγμα καὶ συντήρημα ὅπερ τῷ κακίστῳ τούτῳ Νικη-
φόρῳ συνέδοξεν. ᾿Ἐντεῦθεν κατηγορίαι καὶ ἀπαιτήσεις
ἀθώων ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἀποτίσεις ἀχρεωστήτων καὶ κρίσεις τῷ

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 CHAPTER 22

this most cunning and unjust man. For an imperial decree

reached him in Antioch ordering that he be placed in the
prison for murderers, and he remained under guard for some
time [182] in the very place where he had previously been
recognized as a man of eminence, having exchanged his past
prosperity for such a bad lot. With the accession of Diog-
enes, he was hauled out of prison and exiled to an island.
Subsequently, by promising money, he was dispatched as the
judge of the thema of Peloponnesos and Hellas, administer-
ing affairs in that province.
To the detriment of the Roman state, the emperor Mi-
chael recalled this man and entrusted him shortly thereafter
with the administration of public affairs, appointing him
logotbetes tou dromou. As the emperor lacked steady judgment
and showed no lack of childish immaturity, he was overcome
by that man's cunning tricks. By wearing a mask of goodwill,
Nikephoros sidelined the most moderate and erudite met-
ropolitan of Side from the management of state affairs by
contriving calumnies against him through third-party inter-
lopers. He also managed to elbow out the emperor's uncle,
the bazs275?? by making the emperor scornful of him, or
rather raising his suspicions about him. In general, he slan-
dered all of che emperor's closest associates by saying that
they were in fact extremely hostile to him and so he pre-
vented them from approaching the emperor, thereby fully
dominating the child emperor. As a consequence, whatever
the most evil Nikephoros wished became an imperial deci-
sion and order. Henceforth accusations and demands were
made against innocent men to pay up on dues they did not

331
 THE HISTORY

δημοσίῳ τὸ πλέον ἢ τῷ δικαίῳ προσνέμουσαι, ἀφ᾽ ὧν

δημεύσεις | καθολικαί τε καὶ μερικαί, κατηγορίαι συχναί,
φισκοσυνηγορίαι πολλαὶ καὶ θρῆνος τῶν πασχόντων καὶ
σκυθρωπότης οὔτι μικρά.

23

2
Ana τούτων οὕτω γινομένων καὶ κακῶς διαγινομέ-
vwv, θεήλατός τις ὀργὴ τὴν ἑῴαν κατέλαβεν. Οἱ γὰρ ἐκ
Περσίδος ἐπιφανέντες Τοῦρκοι τοῖς ῥωμαϊκοῖς ἐπιστρα-
τεύσαντες θέμασι, δεινῶς κατελυμαίνοντο καὶ κατήκιζον
ταῦτα ταῖς συνεχέσιν ἐπιδρομαῖς. Σκεψάμενος δ᾽ ὁ βασι-
λεὺς στρατιὰν ἐλάσαι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀξιόλογον, συναγείρει
μὲν στρατόπεδον, νεώτερον δὲ τούτοις ἡγεμόνα προβάλ-
λεται. Συνίστησι δ᾽ αὐτῷ καί τινα Λατῖνον Ῥουσέλιον ἐπο-
νομαζόμενον, Dpayyous αὐτῷ παραδοὺς τῶν τετρακοσίων
οὐχ ἥττονας. Ἔν δὲ τῷ Ἰκονίῳ γενομένου τοῦ στρατοπέ-
Sov καὶ φιλονεικίας συνενεχθείσης τινός, ἀποστατεῖ τηνι-
καῦτα προφανῶς ὁ Ῥουσέλιος καὶ τοὺς Φράγγους παρα-
λαβών, ἑτέραν ἐτράπετο καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν τῷ ἰδίῳ
ἐπιτρέπει βουλήματι. Ἀνελθὼν οὖν εἰς Μελιτηνὴν καὶ
Τούρκοις τισὶ συντυχών, ἀριστεύει κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐξεφόδου
τούτοις ἐπεισπεσών.

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 CHAPTER 23

in fact owe as well as judicial decisions that appropriated for

the public fisc more than was just, resulting in total or par-
tial confiscations, [183] frequent indictments, many fiscal
trials, and, of course, laments on the part of the victims and
no small amount of anger.

Chapter 23

The revolt of Rouselios

X hile these things were happening, and happening to

our detriment, a God-driven wrath fell upon the east. The
Turks who appeared from Persia marched against the Ro-
man themata, viciously looting and destroying them with
their constant raids. The emperor decided to dispatch a sig-
nificant military force against them, mustered the army, and
appointed a young commander over them.??* He also placed
beside him a certain Latin by the name of Rouselios,?5 to
whose command he gave no fewer than four hundred Franks.
But when the army reached Ikonion, some kind of rivalry
erupted as a result of which Rouselios broke into open re-
bellion, taking the Franks with him and going his own way,
making his own decisions about what he would do. Going
up to Melitene, he encountered some Turks and triumphed
over them with his first charge against them.

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 THE HISTORY

2 Τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἅπαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον τῇ Kat-

σαρέων μητροπόλει παραβαλόν, ἐν ταύτῃ τὸν χάρακα
τίθησι. Σκεψάμενος δὲ ὁ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τοῦ πολέμου ἐπέ-
χων, Ἰσαάκιος ὁ Κομνηνὸς οὗτος ἦν, ἐξεφόδου τοῖς ἐναν-
τίοις Τούρκοις συμμῖξαι, προήει μὲν τῆς νυκτὸς μετὰ
μοίρας τινὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ, ἀποτυχὼν δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, τὸ
ἐναντίον | πάσχει τῆς ἰδίας βουλῆς καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις παρ-
εσκευασμένοις περιπεσὼν ἀπαράσκευος, συρρήγνυσι μὲν
ἀκούσιον πόλεμον, ἡττᾶται δὲ περιγενομένων αὐτοῦ τῶν
ἐναντίων τῷ πλήθει. Αἰχμάλωτος δὲ γεγονὼς διὰ τὸ ἐρρω-
μένως ταῖς οἰκείαις χερσὶν ἀντιτάξασθαι καὶ μὴ δοῦναι
νῶτα τοῖς πολεμίοις, συναποβάλλει μετὰ τῆς ἄλλης ἀπο-
σκευῆς καὶ τὸν χάρακα, πολλῶν μὲν πεσόντων Ῥωμαίων
καὶ ζωγρίᾳ ληφθέντων, πλειόνων δὲ φυγῇ τὴν ἰδίαν σω-
τηρίαν ἐνεγκαμένων. Ἀλλὰ τῆς φήμης. ταύτης κατα-
λαβούσης καὶ προσπεσούσης τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἔδοξε μὲν σκυ-
θρωπόν τι παθεῖν, οὐ μὴν δὲ τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀδικημάτων
ἀπέσχετο, ταῖς τοῦ Νικηφόρου κακαῖς ὑποθημοσύναις
πειθόμενος, μηδὲ αὐτός, ὡς ἐφάνη, τὴν φύσιν ἔχων τοῖς
συμβουλευομένοις ἀντίθετον. Οἱ δὲ Τοῦρκοι τὴν ἑῴαν
ἔκτοτε κατέτρεχον ἀδεῶς.
Ἁδροῦ δὲ χρυσίου τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀνταλλαξαμένου τοῦ
ἡγεμόνος, καὶ αὖθις κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατὸν εὐτρε-
πισθῆναι καὶ πεμφθῆναι διεγινώσκετο καὶ προχειρίζεται
στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ ὁ καῖσαρ Ἰωάννης, ὁ τοῦ βασιλεύ-
οντος Μιχαὴλ πατράδελφος, ὃς διαπεραιωθεὶς καὶ μέχρι
τοῦ Δορυλαίου πανστρατιᾷ διελθὼν κἀκεῖσε τὴν στρα-
τοπεδείαν καταστησάμενος, ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν προσωτέρω

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All the rest of the Roman army arrived at the metropolis 2

of Kaisareia and set up camp there. The man who was in
charge of military operations—this was Isaakios Komne-
nos— decided to charge the enemy Turks and join battle
with them, so he set out at night with a portion of his army.
Failing, however, in his plans, he suffered the exact opposite
[184] of what he had anticipated, finding himself unprepared
before an enemy that expected him and thus fighting a bat-
tle he had not hoped for. He was defeated, overwhelmed by
the greater numbers of the enemy. He himself was taken
prisoner because he fought vigorously against them with his
own hands and did not turn his back to the enemy. Along
with the baggage train he lost the encampment, while nu-
merous Romans died or were captured. But most fled and
thus saved themselves. When a report of this arrived and
reached the emperor, it certainly seemed as though he was
upset, yet he did not refrain from his political injustices, be-
ing swayed by Nikephoros's evil influence. Nor was he, as it
turned out, opposed by nature to the kind of advice he was
receiving. As for the Turks, from that time on they began to
raid the east without any fear.
The general obtained his freedom in exchange for a huge 3
amount of gold. It was immediately decided to prepare and
dispatch an army against the enemy, and the kazsar Ioannes,
the brother of the emperor's father, was given sole com-
mand.?? He crossed the strait and marched with the entire
army all the way to Dorylaion, where he established his
camp; departing from there, he marched onward, going as

335
 THE HISTORY

ἐπεπορεύετο καὶ μέχρι τῆς γεφύρας τῆς τοῦ Ζόμπου κα-

λουμένης, ἥτις τὸν Σαγγάρην ποταμὸν ἐπικαθημένη τὴν
τῶν Ἀνατολικῶν καὶ Καππαδοκῶν ἐπιζευγνύει ἐπαρχίαν,
γενόμενος, πρὸ τοῦ ταύτην περαιωθῆναι, τὸν | Ῥουσέλιον
ἐμεμαθήκει πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέραν στρατοπεδεύσασθαι γῆν,
ἐκ τῆς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν ἄραντα μετὰ πολλῆς καὶ ἀγρύ-
πνου τῆς ἱππασίας καὶ ἐπιτάσεως. Πέμψας πρέσβεις δὲ ὁ
καῖσαρ περὶ συνθηκῶν αὐτῷ καὶ εἰρήνης ὡς εἰκὸς διελέ-
ξατο, οὐκ ἐν ἴσῳ δὲ τῷ τῆς τύχης ἀποτελέσματί τε καὶ συγ-
κυρήματι τὴν πρεσβείαν εἰσήνεγκεν οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ φιλοτίμοις
ἐπαγγελίαις καὶ δωρεαῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ταπεινώσει καὶ συμ-
βουλῇ τάχα τοῦ μὴ ἀπηνῶς καὶ χαλεπῶς διαχειρισθῆναι.
Ὁ δὲ Ῥουσέλιος ἅμα μὲν ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσὶ θαρρῶν, ἅμα δὲ
καὶ πολεμικοῦ φρονήματος καὶ γενναιότητος πνέων, οὐκ
ἐδέξατο τὴν πρεσβείαν ὡς ἀτιμάζουσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἰσχὺν
καὶ ἀπειλοῦσαν καὶ οὐχὶ δεξιουμένην αὐτὸν ὑποσχέσεσι.
Καὶ διατοῦτο πόλεμος ἀμφοῖν ἐπεκηρυκεύθη τοῖς μέρε-
σιν.
᾿Ἐπεχείρει μὲν οὖν ὁ καῖσαρ διὰ τῆς γεφύρας περαιω-
θῆναι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, συνεβούλευε δ᾽ ὁ συστράτηγος, ἦν δ᾽
οὗτος Νικηφόρος κουροπαλάτης ὁ Βοτανειάτης, ἀνὴρ ἐξ
ἐνδόξων γενόμενος καὶ προγονικὴν ἔχων τὴν στρατιω-
τικὴν γενναιότητα καὶ κατὰ χέρα καὶ φρένα πάντων
ὑπερφέρων καὶ ὑπερκείμενος καὶ γένους λαμπρότητι καὶ
περιουσίας ὀλβιότητι κατὰ πᾶσαν Ἀνατολὴν τυγχάνων
ἐπισημότατος, μὴ διαβῆναι τὸν ποταμόν, ἀλλὰ περιμεῖναι
καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ ἢ καταμαλάξαι τὸν βάρβα-
ρον ὑποσχέσεσιν ἐκ τῆς ὑπερθέσεως ἢ περαιούμενον ἐκ

336
 CHAPTER 23

far as the bridge that is called Zompos and that straddles the
Sangarios River, joining together the provinces of the Ana-
tolikoi and the Kappadokians. Before crossing the bridge,
[185] he learned that Rouselios had encamped on the other
side, having come all the way from the Armeniac thema after
long and sleepless marches on horseback. The Aazsar sent
envoys to him to negotiate terms and peace, as was only rea-
sonable. But when he sent out the embassy, he did not in-
tend it to respect the balance of their fortunes and circum-
stances, nor did he offer honorable terms and gifts, but
rather aimed to humiliate Rouselios and dispense advice
on how he could avoid being treated roughly and harshly.
Rouselios, on his part, trusting in the strength of his own
arms and filled with warlike fervor and courage, did not re-
ceive the envoys, considering their offers disrespectful of
his power, threatening, and failing to provide the appropri-
ate guarantees. As a result both sides gave battle orders.
The kaisar then attempted to strike against him by cross-
ing the bridge. But he was advised by his fellow general—
this man was the kouropalates Nikephoros Botaneiates, a
man of glorious origin, drawing military bravery from his
ancestral roots, surpassing and exceeding everyone in both
might and mind, and a man famous throughout the entire
east for the illustriousness of his family and his prosperous
fortunes — not to cross the river but to wait for the rest of
the army. He could then either appease the barbarian with
promises from a position of strength or else the latter would

337
 THE HISTORY

τῆς γεφύρας δέξασθαι ἀπαράσκευον f| μετὰ τὴν ἐπιδημίαν

τοῦ ἐπιλοίπου στρατεύματος μετὰ πλείονος τούτῳ τῆς |
παρασκευῆς ἐπελθεῖν. Ὁ δὲ παρακούσας τῆς ἀρίστης vav-
τησὶ συμβουλῆς καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν διαβὰς ἐπιπόνως διὰ τὸ
τῆς γεφύρας εὐόλισθον, πολέμῳ παραυτίκα τεθορυβημέ-
νος προσέπταισε καὶ τὰς παρατάξεις ἀντιτάξας τοῖς ἐναν-
τίοις καὶ δόξας αὐτοὺς καταπονῆσαι καὶ τρέψαι, μάχῃ καρ-
τερωτέρᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἐνέπεσεν. Ὁ γὰρ Ῥουσέλιος μετὰ
τῶν ἐπιλέκτων αὐτῷ ἐπελθών, κατακράτος τοῦτον νικᾷ
καὶ ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσὶν αἰχμάλωτον τίθησι, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τοῦ
στρατοῦ διασκεδασθέν, πρὸς φυγὴν αἰσχρῶς ὥρμησε. Καὶ
οὕτω τῶν ἀγώνων ἐκράτησεν ὁ Ῥουσέλιος, τοῦ δηλωθέν-
TOG συστρατήγου ἀτρέστῳ Kal ἀκαταπλήκτῳ φρονήματι
μετὰ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπανελθόντος εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν κατοικίαν
καὶ ἔπαυλιν.
Τί δὲ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε; Γέγονε μὲν ὁ Ῥουσέλιος μέγας καὶ
περιώνυμος λίαν τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ κατορθώματος, χωρῶν δὲ
κατευθὺ τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὸν καίσαρα σιδηροδέσμιον εἶχε
καὶ πολλοῖς ἀνιαροῖς περιέβαλεν. Ὡς δὲ προσηγγέλη τὸ
τοιοῦτον ἀτύχημα τῷ τε κρατοῦντι καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παντί,
πολλή τις ἐνέσκηψε μέριμνα πᾶσι τὴν τοῦ Φράγγου ἐπι-
δημίαν ὕποπτον ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἔνδον οἰομένου τοῦ βασι-
λεύοντος. Διὸ καὶ καθίσας εἰς τὸν βασίλειον δίφρον, τοι-
ade πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς κατηφείας
ἐδημηγόρησεν'
«Ἄνδρες πολῖται καὶ ὅσοι τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς, σκυ-
θρωπὴν ἀγγελίαν καὶ οἵαν οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινεν ἕτερος ἄρτι
καταλαβοῦσαν | ἐνωτισάμενος, μικροῦ δέω θανεῖν. Ἐγὼ

338
 CHAPTER 23

cross the bridge and find himself unprepared or even, after

the arrival of the rest of the army, the kazsar could attack him
[186] fully prepared. But the kaisar disregarded this excellent
advice and, crossing the river with great difficulty because of
the slipperiness of the bridge, he joined battle in a state of
confusion. Deploying his troops against the enemy, he
thought that he would defeat and rout them, but he encoun-
tered much tougher resistance than he had expected. For
Rouselios charged him with his best forces, soundly de-
feated him, and captured him with his own hands, while the
rest of the army scattered, rushing into ignominious flight.
Thus Rouselios prevailed in those contests, while the afore-
mentioned fellow commander, with intrepid and undaunted
spirit and along with his men, retreated to his country es-
tate.
What followed from all this? Rouselios, for his part, ac-
quired power and fame as a result of his great accomplish-
ment, and moved immediately against Byzantion, keeping
the baiser in chains and harassing him grievously. When
news of the misfortune reached the ruler and the entirety of
the people, everyone was very concerned, as the emperor
suspected that the Frank’s attack was part of an inside plot.
For this reason he sat on the imperial throne and with a
somber demeanor addressed those about him:
“Men of the City and members of the Senate, I have
heard dispiriting news such as no one has yet had to endure,
[187] and am on the brink of death. I am that Jonah of old, so

339
 THE HISTORY

γάρ εἰμι ἐκεῖνος ὁ Ἰωνᾶς, λοιπὸν ἄρατέ με xal βάλετε εἰς

τὴν θάλασσαν, διὰ γὰρ τὰς ἐμὰς πράξεις τὰ τοιαῦτα σκυ-
θρωπὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ συναντήματα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπισυμ-
βαίνουσιν.»
Καὶ ὁ μὲν λόγος μετάνοιαν τῶν κακῶς πραττομένων
ἠνίττετο, τὸ δ᾽ ἔργον οὐκ ἦν καὶ ἡ διόρθωσις ἐδείκνυτο
οὐδαμοῦ: ἦν γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ ταῖς κακίσταις ὑποθημοσύναις
ὡς ἀκυβέρνητος καταδουλούμενος ἑαυτόν. Τέως δ᾽ οὖν
προϊόντος τοῦ Ῥουσελίου, πρεσβεῖαί τινες ἐκ βασιλέως
πεμφθεῖσαι τούτῳ συνήντησαν, ἀξίωμα κουροπαλατικὸν
ὑπισχνούμεναι καὶ δωρεὰς φιλοτίμους, εἰ τὴν ἀποστασίαν
ἀφείς, ὑπόσπονδος τῷ βασιλεῖ γένηται. Ὁ δὲ μηδενὸς τῶν
λεγομένων ἀνήκοος γεγονώς, τῆς πρὸς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν
πορείας σπουδαιότερον εἴχετο.
Εἶχε γὰρ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ αἰχμάλωτον, ἐν τῇ τοῦ καίσαρος
τροπῇ τοῦτον προσειληφώς, Βασίλειον πρωτοβέστην τὸν
Μαλέσην, ἐκ τῆς τῶν Περσῶν αἰχμαλωσίας οὐκ ἐκ πολ-
λοῦ ἐπανιόντα, τῷ καίσαρι δὲ προσληφθέντα καὶ οἰκειω-
θέντα διὰ τὸ περιφανὲς τῆς τούτου φρονήσεώς τε καὶ γνώ-
σεως. Ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ δορυάλωτον τοῦτον ὁ Ῥουσέλιος ἔλαβεν,
ὅμως ἐν τιμῇ μεγίστῃ εἶχε καί, ὡς ἔμπρακτον ἄνδρα καὶ
λογιώτατον καὶ πεῖραν αὑτοῦ δεδωκότα διὰ τῶν προτέ-
ρων ἐπιστρατεύσεων, ἐν μοίρᾳ τῶν συμβούλων ἐτίθετο,
μᾶλλον δὲ πρώτιστον εἶχε καὶ ὡς γλώσσῃ καὶ χειρὶ τῷ τοι-
ούτῳ ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἐκέχρητο πράγμασιν. Οὗτος τὰ
πολλὰ μὲν ἑλέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην τῷ Ῥουσελίῳ ὑπετίβθει, εἰ
δὲ καὶ | μισῶν τὴν τυραννίδα τοῦ Μιχαὴλ ὡς καὶ πολλὴν
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δεξάμενος τὴν καταφοράν, καθότι αἰχμάλωτος

340
 CHAPTER 23

take me and cast me into the sea, for it is because of my ac-

tions that such horrid and dark misfortunes are befalling the
Romans."
His words implied a degree of regret for all that he had
done wrong, yet his actions failed to confirm that and no
change of course was to be seen, for he had surrendered
himself to the worst counsel, as if he were rudderless. As
Rouselios advanced, the emperor sent envoys, who met him
and offered him the rank of bouropalates along with generous
gifts, on condition that he end his rebellion and take an oath
of loyalty to the emperor. But he, paying no heed to any of
their proposals, accelerated his march toward the Reigning
City.
For he had by his side as a captive the protovestes Basileios
Maleses, whom he had captured when he routed the kazsar.
Maleses had only recently returned from captivity at the
hands of the Persians,?? only to be admitted into the kazsar’s
retinue in recognition of his esteemed judgment and practi-
cal wisdom. And even though Rouselios had taken him cap-
tive, still he treated him with the greatest honor as a man of
action and erudition whose experience was acquired in past
campaigns, and he placed him among his advisers, or rather
as the first among them, and relied on him in political mat-
ters as if he were his own voice and hands. Maleses generally
advised Rouselios to prefer peace, even though he himself
[188] hated Michael's tyranny, having been badly treated by
him; for while he had been a prisoner, instead of receiving

341
 THE HISTORY

ὧν ἀντὶ ἐλέους βασιλικοῦ δήμευσιν ὑπέστη δωρεὰν καὶ

τῶν ἰδίων τέκνων ἀπάνθρωπον γύμνωσιν, οἷα τὰ τῶν κρα-
τούντων τότε παρανομώτατα κολαστήρια, ὑπεσκέλιζε τὴν
τῆς εἰρήνης ἀπόβασιν ἵνα τοὺς ἀλιτηρίους ἀμύνηται.
Αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ οἶδα, λέγουσι δὲ οἱ πολλοί, ὁ δ᾽ ἄνθρωπος,
φίλος ἐμοὶ γνησιώτατος ὦν, ἐξώμνυτο τὴν τοιαύτην ὑπό-
θεσιν, εἰ δὲ xai τυραννοκτόνος ἐπεθύμει γενέσθαι, γενναι-
ότητος τοῦτο πάντως τεκμήριον.
Ἔν τῷ μέσῳ δὲ τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν τοῦ Ῥουσελίου διηνυκό-
τος καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς ἐν Χρυσοπόλει θεμένου καταντικρὺ
τοῦ τῆς βασιλίδος πορθμοῦ, φόβος ἔσχε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ
ἡ τοῦ Βύζαντος τῇδε κἀκεῖσε διεκυμαίνετο’ τῶν ἁπανταχῇ
γὰρ Φράγγων συναθροισθέντων καὶ συνελθόντων αὐτῷ,
στρατὸς ἀξιόλογος τὸ τούτου στρατόπεδον ἐγνωρίζετο,
ἐγγὺς γὰρ τῶν τρισχιλίων ἦσαν οἱ συνδραμόντες Φράγ-
γοι αὐτῷ. Ἡμέρας δέ τινας ἐν Χρυσοπόλει διακαρτερήσας
ἐν σιδηροπέδαις ἔχων τὸν καίσαρα, πῦρ ἐνῆκε ταῖς ἐν
Χρυσοπόλει τυγχανούσαις οἰκίαις καὶ ἡ φλὸξ ἀρθεῖσα
πολλὴν ἀνήγειρε τὴν βοὴν καὶ τὸν κωκυτὸν τοῖς ἀνθρώ-
ποις, ὡς ἂν τοῦ ἀνέμου μεταρριπίζοντος αὐτὴν καὶ κατα-
πληκτικὴν ἀφιέναι φωνὴν μονονουχὶ | τὴν τῶν πυρπολου-
μένων ὕλην παρασκευάζοντος. Καταμαλάξαι δὲ βουληθεὶς
ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν τοῦ βαρβάρου θρασύτητα, πέμπει τούτῳ
τὴν ἰδίαν γυναῖκα μετὰ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ, μεταπέμπεται
δὲ καὶ τοὺς Τούρκους λαθραίως ἤδη τῇ Ῥωμαίων προσβα-
λόντας ἐπικρατείᾳ καὶ πολλαῖς ὑποσχέσεσι πείθει τῷ Ῥου-
σελίῳ ἀνταγωνίσασθαι. Ὁ δὲ Ῥουσέλιος ἄρας ἐκ Χρυσο-
πόλεως, εἰς τὴν Νικομήδειαν σπουδαίως ὑπανεχώρησε.

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imperial mercy he had been "rewarded" with the confisca-

tion of his property and his own children had been despoiled
inhumanely. Such were the most criminal tortures imposed
by the rulers at that time. He thus undermined the path to
peace, wishing to avenge himself on those thugs. I myself do
not know this for a fact, but it is what the many claim. This
man was a true friend of mine, who denied these allegations
with oaths. But even if he had desired to become a tyranni-
cide, this would have been a mark of his bravery.
Meanwhile, Rouselios had advanced and pitched his tents
at Chrysopolis, just across the straits from the Imperial City.
Great fear now seized the emperor, and the City of Byzas
swayed back and forth. For the Franks had come together
from all regions and banded around Rouselios, and a formi-
dable army now occupied his encampment; there were close
to three thousand Franks who had come to his aid. While
waiting for a few days in Chrysopolis with the &zisar in
chains, he set fire to the houses in Chrysopolis he chanced
upon. The rapid spread of the flames caused the people to
cry out and wail, as the wind spread the fire and the burning
material [189] produced a terrifying sound. The emperor
wished to mollify the barbarian's insolence and so sent him
his wife and children. He also secretly contacted the Turks,
who were already raiding the territory of the Romans, and
with many promises convinced them to fight against Rouse-
lios. Rouselios, for his part, departed from Chrysopolis and
retreated in haste to Nikomedeia. He planned to suborn the

343
 THE HISTORY

Βουλεύεται τοίνυν τοὺς στρατιώτας τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὑπο-

ποιήσασθαι καὶ εἰς πλῆθος μέγα τὸν οἰκεῖον ἀγεῖραι στρα-
τόν. Καὶ διατοῦτο τῶν δεσμῶν ἀπολύσας τὸν καίσαρα καὶ
φιλανθρώποις δεξιώσεσι τὰς πρώην κακώσεις παρὰ πᾶσαν
θεραπεύσας ἐλπίδα, βασιλέα Ῥωμαίων τοῦτον ἀνίστησιν,
εὐφημίαις καὶ παρασήμοις βασιλικοῖς τὸ κράτος αὐτῷ
μεγαλοπρεπῶς συγκαταστησάμενος.
IO Ἐπεὶ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἀναγόρευσιν τούτου ἀγγελία τις τῶν
Τούρκων αὐτοῖς ἐπῆλθε, πανστρατιᾷ τὸν λεγόμενον Σό-
φωνα τὸ ὄρος ὑπερβάντες, ἀγχοῦ τοῦ φρουρίου τῆς Με-
ταβολῆς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἐποιήσαντο. Τῶν δὲ σκοπῶν
ἀπαγγεϊλάντων dg τινες πολέμιοι, οὐ πλείους τῶν πέντε ἢ
ἕξ χιλιάδων, αὐτοῖς ἐπεφάνησαν, εὐθὺς ὁ Ῥουσέλιος τὸ
ἐνυάλιον ἀλαλάξαι προσέταττε καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἅπαν
ἐξώπλιζε πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. Ἦσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ τούτῳ συ-
στρατευόμενοι Φράγγοι ἑπτακόσιοι καὶ δισχίλιοι, οὐδεὶς
γὰρ ἔτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοῖς προσερρύη, διὰ τὸ τὴν φήμην
τῆς | ἀναγορεύσεως τοῦ καίσαρος ἔτι μὴ πλατυνθῆναι καὶ
ἀκουσθῆναι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. Ὡς δὲ ἀνέστελλον αὐτοῦ τὴν
ὁρμὴν 6 τε καῖσαρ καί τινες τῶν ἐξοχωτέρων, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καθ-
αρῶς ἐπιγνῶναι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων, «Οὐκ ἀνεκτόν,»
εἶπε, «t@ Ῥουσελίῳ ἐστὶ τὸ πρὸς ἕξ χιλιάδας Τούρκων
ἀμφιγνωμονεῖν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἀναβάλλεσθαι.» Ὅθεν
καὶ ταχὺ τὰς τάξεις καταστησάμενος, ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς.
Σὺν πολλῇ δὲ ῥύμῃ καὶ βοῇ τῶν Φράγγων κατὰ τῶν ἐναν-
τίων καταπληκτικῶς ἐπεληλυθότων, ἐδέξαντο μὲν οἱ Τοῦρ-
κοι τούτους ἐπιόντας ἀντικαταστῆναι βουλόμενοι, μὴ
ἐνεγκόντες δὲ τὸ σφοδρὸν καὶ ἀνύποιστον τῆς ἐπιφορᾶς,

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Roman soldiers and thus to increase his own army into a

huge force. For this reason he released the kaisar from his
bonds and, ameliorating against all expectation his earlier
maltreatment with friendly overtures, proclaimed him em-
peror of the Romans, ostentatiously investing him with
power along with imperial acclamations and insignia.
But when, after this proclamation, news came to them re- 10

garding the Türks, they took the whole army over Mount
Sophonas and made their camp near the fort of Metabole.
When scouts announced that the enemy had appeared,??
no more, they thought, than five or six thousand, Rouselios
immediately gave the order for the war cry to be sounded
and equipped his entire army for battle. The Franks banded
around him were no more than two thousand seven hun-
dred, for none among the Roman soldiers had yet joined
him, as the news of the &aisar’s acclamation [190] had not
yet been widely circulated or heard among the Romans.
When the &aisar and some of the notables attempted to re-
strain his onrush so that they could more clearly ascertain
the numbers of the enemy, Rouselios retorted, "It is intoler-
able to Rouselios that we quibble and postpone a battle
against six thousand Turks.” At which point he swiftly
arrayed his ranks and rushed against them. As the Franks
fell upon the enemy with astonishingly great force and
noise, the Turks received their onrush and hoped to push
them back. But they failed to withstand the force of the

345
 THE HISTORY

ol μὲν ἔπεσον μαχαίρας ἔργον γενόμενοι, μηδενὸς τῶν

Φράγγων κενὴν ἐσχηκότος τὴν χεῖρα σφαγῆς, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι
πρὸς φυγὴν ὥρμησαν, κατόπιν δὲ διωκόντων τῶν Φράγ-
ywv, ἕτεροι πάλιν φονίᾳ χειρὶ παρεδίδοντο. Ἀλλὰ τῆς δι-
ὠξεως ἐπὶ πολὺ γενομένης, προῆλθον μὲν οἱ Τοῦρκοι τὴν
φυγὴν ἐπιτείνοντες, ἀκρατεῖ δὲ ῥυτῆρι τοὺς Φράγγους
παρασκευάζων ὁ Ῥουσέλιος φέρεσθαι, τόπον οὐκ ὀλίγον
παρήμειψε, πολλὰς δὲ τὰς ἀκρωρείας ἀνιών τε καὶ κατιών,
ἔλαθε τοὺς πλείστους τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὀπίσω παραλιπών.
Καὶ ner’ ὀλίγων ἀπολειφθεὶς σὺν τῷ καίσαρι ἐν ἵπποις
κεκμηκόσι τῷ συνεχεῖ τῆς διώξεως, εἶδε τὸ στῖφος τῶν
Τούρκων ἀπειροπληθὲς καὶ θαλάσσης ἀπλέτου μιμού-
μενον κύματα: ἦσαν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τὰς ἑκατὸν χιλιάδας οἱ βάρ-
βαροι, ὡς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐθεάθη καὶ διέκρινε καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν
μὴ ἀκίνδυνον εἶναι τὴν eic | τοὐπίσω φυγήν, ἅτε τῶν ἵππων
αὐτοῦ κεκμηκότων καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων τῇ ἀπονοστήσει θάρ-
cog λαβεῖν δυναμένων, μάχην καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν συρράξαι διέ-
γνωκεν. Ὡς δὲ προέγνων οἱ πολέμιοι τὴν τῶν ἰδίων κατα-
κοπήν, ἐν φόβῳ καὶ κυδοιμῷ γεγονότες, μικροῦ ἐδέησαν
αὐτοὶ τὴν φυγὴν προλαβεῖν, εἰ μή τινες τῶν Φράγγων τῶν
ἵππων καταβάντες ἐψυχαγώγουν αὑτοὺς τῇδε κἀκεῖσε
σχολαίῳ ποδὶ παρασύροντες, κατανοήσαντες δὲ τούτους
ἀπειρηκότας τῷ κόπῳ, ἔστησαν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. Τοῦ δὲ Ῥου-
σελίου μετὰ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν τὰ δόρατα τούτοις μετὰ
σφοδρᾶς τῆς ῥύμης ἐπιστηρίξαντος, ἀντέσχον μὲν οἱ
Τοῦρκοι, ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ τότε τούτων συχνοί. Περικυκλώ-
σαντες δὲ ὀλίγους ὄντας τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ῥουσέλιον τοσ-
οὔτοι καὶ τηλικοῦτοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες οἱ Τοῦρκοι βέλεσι

346
 CHAPTER 23

irresistible attack, and so some died by the sword — the hand

of no Frank was unbloodied by that slaughter— while others
rushed to flee. After that, when the Franks were in pursuit,
many others also fell to their killing hands. But the pursuit
dragged on and the Türks advanced even further as they
continued their flight, so Rouselios spurred his Franks into
an unbridled charge, and covered a great distance, going up
and down many mountain ridges, without noticing that he
had left most of his soldiers behind him. He was left with
only a few, along with the kaisar, their horses exhausted from
the relentless pursuit, whereupon he saw the mass of Turks,
boundless in their multitude and heaving like the waves of a
vast sea. For there were more than one hundred thousand
barbarians. When he was spotted and realized that a retreat
was not without danger for himself, [191] given the exhaus-
tion of their horses and the fact that the enemy would be
emboldened if he retreated, he decided to join battle by
himself. And as the barbarians realized that cheir own men
had been cut down, they were overcome with fear and would
have rushed into flight themselves had not a few Franks dis-
mounted to rest, dragging their tired feet here and there.
The Turks understood then that they were worn out to the
point of exhaustion and so held their ground. Rouselios and
his men set their lances against them in a great charge, but
the Turks resisted, despite still suffering heavy casualties.
After the Turks encircled Rouselios and his men, who were

347
 THE HISTORY

συχνοτάτοις αὐτοὺς κατετίτρωσκον τοῖς ἑκηβόλοις τόξοις

αἰεὶ κεχρημένοι καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἐκ τούτων ἀσυμφανῶς
κατασφάττοντες καὶ διὰ πολλῶν χειρῶν καὶ βελῶν τού-
τους ἐν κύκλῳ περισχόντες ἀδιεξοδεύτῳ καὶ παναλκεῖ,
πεζοὺς τῇ τῶν ἵππων σφαγῇ κατεστήσαντο.
II Καὶ οὕτω πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν Φράγγων μετὰ Τούρκων
πλειόνων τηνικαῦτα θανόντες κατέπεσον, ἥλω δὲ ζωγρίᾳ
ὅ τε καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ῥουσέλιος. Οἱ δ᾽ ὑπολειφθέντες τῶν
Φράγγων εἰς τὸ τῆς Μεταβολῆς φρούριον συμφυγόντες,
ἔνθαπερ ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ Ῥουσελίου ἐτύγχανε, 9v ἀκριβείας
ἐποιοῦντο τὴν τούτου φυλακὴν καὶ συντήρησιν. Οἱ δὲ
Τοῦρκοι τὸν μὲν Ῥουσέλιον ἐν ποδοκάκῃ βαλόντες ἰσχυ-
ροτάτῃ ἀσφαλῶς συνετήρουν, | τὸν δὲ καίσαρα διὰ τιμῆς
ἄγοντες, ἄνετον εἶχον καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις ἀμφίοις ἐπίτιμον.
Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ἀμφοτέρους χρυσίνων ἱκανῶν ἀνταλλάττε-
σθαι διεμήνυον: ἀγγελθείσης δὲ τῆς τούτων τροπῆς καὶ
ἁλώσεως τῷ κρατοῦντι, ἐκκλησιάσας οὗτος ἐπὶ παλατίου
πάσῃ τῇ γερουσίᾳ, ἔκπυστον καὶ φανερὸν ἐποίησε τὸ συμ-
βάν, τοῦ δὲ τιμήματος τῶν ἑαλωκότων τούτων ἐπιζητου-
μένου παρὰ τῶν Τούρκων, ἔσπευδεν ὁ βασιλεὺς 8v ἐξωνή-
σεως τούτους χειρώσασθαι.
12 ᾿ΕἘπικατέλαβε γὰρ καὶ ὁ τὰ πρῶτα φέρων παρὰ τῷ καί-
capt ὡς παιδείας λόγων καὶ πολυπειρίας ἀντεχόμενος,
Βασίλειος πρωτοβέστης ὁ Μαλέσης, ἐλευθερωθεὶς μὲν ἐκ
τῶν Τούρκων τιμῆς ἁδρᾶς πρὸ καιροῦ, προσληφθεὶς δὲ τῷ
καίσαρι στρατηγῷ τοῦ πολέμου ἔναγχος ἀποδεδειγμένῳ,
συμβουλεύων τῷ βασιλεῖ ταχέως πρίασθαι τούτους, ἵνα
μὴ οἱ Τοῦρκοι, ὡς ἔστι βεβουλευμένον αὐτοῖς, βασιλέα

348
 CHAPTER 23

few where the enemy were so numerous, they kept wound-

ing the Franks with arrows, always using their bows from a
distance. By invisibly killing the horses from under their rid-
ers, they forced the latter to fight on foot, having placed
them within a tight and unbreakable circle of arms and ar-
IOWS.
And so many of the Franks and even more Turks fell dead, II

while the kaisar and Rouselios ended up in captivity. As for

the remaining Franks, they fell back to the fort of Metabole,
where Rouselios's wife happened to be, and they diligently
undertook its maintenance and defense. The 'Turks placed
strong chains on Rouselios’s feet and a vigilant guard around
him, [192] while they led the &aisar about in honor and
granted him freedom of movement, allowing him to wear
his own clothing. They sent word that they were prepared to
exchange both men for a sufficient sum of gold. When this
turn of events and their capture were announced to the em-
peror, he assembled the entire Senate in the palace and
openly revealed what had transpired. Once the Turks set the
price to ransom the prisoners, the emperor rushed to get his
hands on them by paying.
Now, the protovestes Basileios Maleses had been the first I2

among the kaisar’s circle by virtue of his profound education

and extensive experience. After he had been released by the
Turks some time previously in exchange for a hefty ransom,
he had been recruited by the &zisar who had just been given
command of this campaign. He had just returned and ad-
vised the emperor to immediately ransom them so that the
Turks would not, as they were thinking of doing, proclaim

349
 THE HISTORY

Ῥωμαίων τὸν καίσαρα προχειρίσωνται Kal διατοῦτο μεγά-

λης ὠφελείας παρὰ τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν πόλεων καὶ κωμῶν καὶ
δυναστῶν ἀμαχητὶ ἐπιτεύξωνται: τοῦτο γάρ, φησιν, ἐμε-
μαθήκει μελετῶντας αὐτούς. Οὕτω δὲ συμβουλεύσας, κα-
λῶς οὐδὲν τῆς τοιαύτης ἀπώνατο συμβουλῆς, εἰ μὴ καὶ
μᾶλλον ἀδίκως ὑπερορίαν κατεκρίθη καὶ δήμευσιν, οἷα τὰ
τοῦ δεινοῦ καὶ πονηροῦ πολεμήτορος.
13 Ἁδρὰν οὖν καὶ βαρυτάλαντον χρυσίου ποσότητα συ-
στήσας, ὁ βασιλεύων τοὺς ἐξωνησομένους αὐτοὺς ἀπέ-
στεῖλεν. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἡ τοῦ Ῥουσελίου | γυνὴ τῷ κάστρῳ τῆς
μεταβολῆς ἐμφιλοχωροῦσα καὶ πλούτου ἱκανῶς ἔχουσα,
προεξωνήσατο τὸν ἴδιον ἄνδρα καὶ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν ἐχθρῶν
ἐλυτρώσατο, τούτου μὲν οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐκ βασιλέως ἀπέ-
τυχον, τὸν δὲ καίσαρα μόνον ἐξωνησάμενοι ἐπανῆγον εἰς
τὴν βασιλίδα τῶν πόλεων. Ἔν δὲ τῇ Προποντίδι γενομέ-
νων αὐτῶν, εὐλαβηθεὶς ὁ καῖσαρ ἴσως ἵνα μὴ ὡς ἀποστά-
τῆς καταγνωσθῇ καὶ ὕποπτος τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε τυγχάνῃ καὶ
περιεσκεμμένος ἢ καὶ ἀπόβλητος, οὐκ ἔκρινε μετὰ κοσμι-
κῆς τῆς περιβολῆς ἐπιστῆναι τῷ ἀνεψιῷ καὶ βασιλεῖ, ἀλλὰ
τὴν κοσμικὴν ἀποβαλόμενος τρίχα, μεταθέμενος εἰς τοὺς
μοναχούς, οὕτως ἐν εὐτελεῖ τῷ σχήματι τοῖς βασιλείοις
ἐνέμιξεν, ὁπότε καὶ τοῖς εὐσυνέτοις ἀνδράσι θάμβος ἐπήει
καὶ ἔκπληξις, περὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀφρονούντων καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα
μὴ διακρινόντων λόγος οὐδείς.

350
 CHAPTER 23

the kaisar emperor of the Romans and thus receive without

fighting great support from the Roman cities, villages, and
local notables. For he had learned that they were planning
this. That was his advice, but he did not in any way benefit.
from it; instead, he was unjustly condemned to exile and the
confiscation of his property. Such are the works of the terri-
ble and evil Enemy.
The emperor assembled a weighty and precious amount 1
of gold and sent men to ransom the captives. The wife of
Rouselios, however, [193] who was lodged in the fort of Me-
tabole and possessed abundant wealth, purchased her hus-
band's freedom before they did and thus saved him from
both enemies. Thus the men dispatched by the emperor
failed to get their hands on him and, after ransoming only
the kaisar, began their return to the Queen of Cities. When
they reached the Propontis, the Aaisar, perhaps concerned
that he might be condemned as a rebel and henceforth face
suspicions and be marginalized or even cast out because of
this, decided not to meet his nephew the emperor in secular
garb. Instead he divested himself of his secular hairstyle, be-
came a monk, and thus, in humble attire, entered the palace
grounds. Whereupon thoughtful men were overcome with
wonder and surprise, though nothing need be said about
thoughtless men and those who fail to discern the truth.

351
 24

Έ
J —/πήει ούν θάμβος τοΐς συνετοΐς όπως οί 'Ρωμαίων
αρχηγοί μετά τοσαύτης περιφανείας καί λαμπρότητος
κατά τών ομοφύλων έπιστρατεύοντες, ούτως άτίμως καί
γοερώς καί μετά τοιαύτης εύτελείας καί δυσθυμίας πε-
ποίηνται την επάνοδον, αντί του πριν τελούμενου τοΐς
πάλαι 'Ρωμαίοις λαμπρού καί στεφανηφόρου θριάμβου,
καταγέλαστον κατάγοντες καί πανευτελέστατον θέατρον,
την ήτταν ού τών συστρατιωτών μόνον, άλλα καί την
εαυτών κακοπάθειαν καί σκληροτυχίαν όδυνηρώς θριαμ-
βεύοντες. Τ ί τούτου γένοιτ’ àv I διαδηλότερον θεοβλα-
βείας ύπόδειγμα; Ό θεν καί θαυμάζειν μοι επεισι πώς οί
'Ρωμαίων βασιλείς τούς είδότας έχοντες πολλών ιστοριών
καί πράξεων έπιγνώσεις καί τύχας λαμπράς καί ταπεινός
γινομένας έξ αιτιών προφανεστάτων, ών μεν έκ θείου χό­
λου τοΐς άμαρτανομένοις σφοδρώς έπαναπτομένου, ών δέ
άπό βουλευμάτων γλίσχρων καί άγεννών καί άνοικείων
τοΐς πράγμασιν, ούδένα λόγον αύτών πεποίηνται ούδ’ άξι-
οΰσι τάς αιτίας μανθάνειν έξ ών τά τοιαΰτα δυστυχήματα
τή 'Ρωμαίων ήγεμονία προσπίπτουσιν, άλλ’ έξω πάσης
βουλής θεοφιλούς καί θεραπείας τού θείου καί τής τών
πατρίων νόμων έπανορθώσεως καθιστάμενοι, άβούλως

352
 Chapter 24
A comparison of ancient
and modern Romans

Specifically, thoughtful men were wondering how it was

that the leaders o f the Romans, who campaigned with such
pride and splendor against their own people, now came back
in such dishonor, lamentation, shabbiness, and ill temper,
and instead o f performing the glorious and wreathed tri­
umphs o f the Romans o f old, they put on a risible and thor­
oughly cheap charade, parading not only the defeat o f their
fellow soldiers but also painfully celebrating their own bad
fortune and misery W hat could offer [194} clearer evidence
of divine displeasure? As a result, I myself wonder how it is
that the emperors o f the Romans, having in their service
men who know well the history o f past deeds and under­
stand that good and bad outcomes have most evident
causes— some in divine wrath that falls violently upon those
who sin, others in faulty and ignoble decisions unsuited
to the circumstances— they nevertheless utterly disregard
those men and do not seek to learn the causes behind all the
misfortunes that befall the empire o f the Romans. Instead,
they distance themselves from any decision that would
please God, honor the divine, and restore the ancestral laws,
thoughtlessly and recklessly lead Roman forces into great
wars and dangers without having conciliated God in ad­
vance, and so suffer grievous harm and are soundly defeated,

353
 T H E H ISTO R Y

καί προπετώς εις πολέμους μεγάλους και κινδύνους, μή

πρότερον τον Θεόν ίλεωσάμενοι, τάς ρωμαϊκάς δυνάμεις
ε’ισάγουσι, και πάσχοντες κακώς καί ήττώμενοι άπηνώς,
αϊσθησιν ού λαμβάνουσι τής έκ τού θείου νεμέσεως. Ά λ λ ’
οίπάλαι'ΡωμαΤοι ούχ’ οϋτω ποιοΰντεςτάς φοβέρας έκείνας
καί μάχας καί στρατηγίας κατώρθουν, άλλα καίπερ την έκ
τού Θεού λόγου και τής έκ τής άρρητου καί υπερφυούς
σαρκώσεως αυτού και κατά τόνδε τόν κόσμον συνανα­
στροφής νομοθεσίαν μηκέτι λαβόντες έπΐ τό σέβειν τά
θεία καί άρετής άντιποιεΐσθαι καί τούς τής άγαθοεργίας
νόμους καί εύσεβείας καί καθαρότητος έκθύμως τηρεΐν,
όμως τή φυσική μεγαλοφροσύνη προς τάς τούτων παρα­
τηρήσεις νουνεχώς έπαιδεύοντο. Καί εϊπερ ποτέ συνέβη
τή 'Ρώμη είτε ήττης δυσκλήρημα Iείτε σημέϊον ούκ άγαθόν
έπεφάνη, πολλήν έποιούντο τήν έρευναν καί την ζήτησιν,
μή πού τι τών δεόντων καί άρμοζόντων παρελείφθη ή
παρθένος έκ τών φυλαττουσών τό άθάνατον πΰρ την παρ­
θενίαν έκλάπη ή παρανομίας έπράχθη όνείδισμα, καί χό­
λος έντεύθεν θείος τοίς 'Ρωμαίοις έπαπειλεί. Καί διερευ-
νώμενοι πολλάκις εΰρισκον τάς τών άτοπημάτων αιτίας
καί διορθούμενοι ταύτας καί τό θειον έξευμενίσασθαι πλη-
ροφορηθέντες, μετά τοιαύτης παρασκευής καί θάρσους
εις τούς πολέμους έχώρουν καί κατώρθουν αύτούς έπί με-
γάλοις τροπαίοις τάς νίκας έπαίροντες, έπεί καί τούτο τοίς
στρατηγοΐς διά σπουδής καί φροντίδος έγίνετο, τό καθ­
αρμόν ποιεΐσθαι τή στρατιά παντός άδική ματος καί ρυ-
πάσματος καί μετά τό καθήραι ταύτην τότε προκινδυνεύ-
ειν τής πατρίδος άμεινον είναι διελογίζοντο.

354
 CHAPTER 2 4

yet still they do not become aware that God is opposing

them. The ancient Romans, however, did not prove success­
ful in those awesome battles and campaigns by behaving in
this way Even though they had not yet received the Word of
God and the Law that sprang from his ineffable and super­
natural Incarnation and his coming to this world, and so
they could not honor the divine or be virtuous by holding
fast to the laws o f good deeds, piety, and purity, still they
managed, through their natural magnanimity, to be wisely
educated to observe them. And if it ever happened that
Rome suffered the misfortune o f a defeat, {195} or if an ill-
omened sign appeared, they made an extensive investigation
and inquired whether some necessary or proper practice
was being neglected, or if one o f the virgins guarding the im­
mortal fire had lost her virginity,239 or even if any shameful
criminal activity had taken place, and for any o f those rea­
sons the wrath o f God hung over the Romans. And investi­
gating these matters, they often found the causes o f the ca­
lamities, took corrective action, and ensured that they had
placated the divine, and so prepared and in high spirits they
set out for their wars which they brought to successful con­
clusions, raising up trophies for their great victories. Be­
sides, the generals did this too, carefully and zealously,
namely to purify the army o f any injustice and pollution, for
they believed that it was better to endanger oneself for the
good o f one’s country after such a purification.

355
 TH E H ISTO R Y

Τοίς δέ νΰν 'Ρωμαίοις ούδέν τούτων διά φροντίδος

έστίν, άλλ’ οί μέν αρχηγοί τούτων και βασιλείς προφάσει
δημοσιακής ώφελείας τα χείριστα και θεομισή καί παρά­
νομα διαπράττονται. Ό δέ τού στρατού προηγούμενος μή
προσανέχων τώ πολέμω μηδέ τή πατρίδι νέμειν τα όσια
προαιρούμενος καί την έκ τής νίκης δόξαν περιφρονών
προς τό κερδαίνειν όλον εαυτόν επιτείνει καί την στρα­
τηγίαν έμπορίαν κέρδους ούκ εύπραγίαν τού ίδιου έθνους
ούδ’ εύδοξίαν πεποίηται. Τό δέ λοιπόν πλήθος έκ τών ήγε-
μόνων τάς άφορμάς λαμβάνον τής αδικίας, άκαθέκτοις καί
I άναισχύντοις όρμαΐς τούς ομοφύλους κακώς καί άπαν-
θρώπως μετέρχονται άρπάζοντες καί βιαξόμενοι τα τού-
τοις προσόντα καί τα τών πολεμίων δρώντες έν τή ιδία
κατοικία καί χώρα καί μηδεμιάς κακοποιΐας ή λαφυρα­
γωγίας παραχωροΰντες τοίς λεγομένοις πολεμίοις, άφ’ ών
αί παλαμναιόταται τούτοις άραί παρά τών ομογενών έπι-
φέρονται, ώς τής ήττης αύτών άνεσιν παρεχομένης πάσαις
ταΐς τών 'Ρωμαίων κώμαις καί χώραις καί πόλεσι, τοιού-
των πράξεων δρωμένων.
Καί πάλιν τεθαύμακα τίνι θαρρούντες οί τών 'Ρωμαίων
προεστώτες προς άντιπαρατάξεις καί πολέμους έν οίς αγω­
νοθέτης άρρεπής καθέστηκεν ό Θεός τούς άμφ’ αύτούς
έξοπλίζουσιν, ή πάντως οίόμενοι λήσειν τόν άνύστακτον
όφθαλμόν καί κλέψαι την νίκην ώς τίνος οικοδεσπότου μή
έπαγρυπνοΰντος τοίς ίδίοις ούσίδιον; Λανθάνουσι δέ ού
μόνον τών έπί ταίς μάχαις έλπίδων άποτυγχάνοντες, άλλα
καί τόν βίον δυσκλεώς καταστρέφοντες καί τοίς έξ άδικίας
συμποριζομένοις προσαποβάλλοντες καί τά έκ δικαίων
πόρων τώ δημοσίω περιερχόμενα.
356
 CHAPTER 2 4

As for the Romans o f our times, they attend to none o f

that, and instead their leaders and emperors commit the
worst crimes and God-detested deeds under the pretext o f
the public interest. The commander o f the army cares not
one whit for the war nor does what is right and proper by his
fatherland, and even shows contempt for the glory o f vic­
tory; instead, he bends his whole self to the making o f profit,
converting his command into a mercantile venture, and so
he brings neither prosperity nor glory to his own people.
The rest o f the army, for their part, take the cue o f injustice
from their leaders and with an unstoppable and {196} shame­
less fervor they inhumanly maltreat their own countrymen.
They violently seize their property and act like the enemy in
what is their own home and country, falling short o f the
nominal enemy in no respect o f evildoing or plunder. For
this reason their own countrymen invoke against them the
most dire curses, as their defeat would bring relief to all the
Roman villages and lands and cities, given that they behave
in this way.
Again, I wonder in whom the leaders o f the Romans place
their hopes when they arm their soldiers for conflicts and
wars, matters in which God is the impartial referee? Do they
think that they will evade the Sleepless Eye and steal a vic­
tory as if cheating their host when he is not watching care­
fully over his own property? They do not realize that in this
manner they not only undermine any hopes that they may
have for battle but also shamefully destroy their own liveli­
hood, losing not only that which was accumulated unjustly
but also what the state had justly amassed from its proper
sources.

357
 T H E H ISTO R Y

Έ γωγε οΰν έν πολλοΐς συνεκστρατευσάμενος καν τοίς

βασιλείοις συνεχώς συναναστρεφόμενος, ούδέπω έγνών
έν πάσι βουλήν Θεώ άρέσκουσαν ούδ’, έπί στρατιωτικοΐς
ή πολιτικοΐς πράγμασι σκέψεως προβαινούσης ή διαγνώ-
σεως, εύλάβειαν προεπιμιχθεΐσαν τοΰ μή πώς ποτέ παρά­
νομόν τι συναναφαίνεται τή βουλή καί Θεώ άποτρόπαιον,
άλλα τό παν εις τό κέρδος του βουλεύματος καταντά, καν
ιερά βεβηλώνται καν άνθρωποι βλάπτωνται, I κάκεΐνο
προέχουσιν έν τοίς βασιλείοις οί τάς προφάσεις τοΰ άδικου
καί θεομισοΰς κέρδους έκ π:ονηρίας συλλέγοντες, άλλ’
ούδ’ έν πολλοΐς τούτων ό Θεός ήγείται τοΰ προβουλεύ­
ματος καί μνήμη τούτου συνανακέκραται. Διαταΰτα τήν
τών γινομένων έν τοίς ‘Ρωμαίοις καταστροφήν ές αύτήν
άναφέρω τήν έκ τοΰ θείου νέμεσιν καί τήν έκ τής άδεκά-
στου γνώμης άπόφασιν- ότι τοίς έθνεσι τιμάσθαι τό
δίκαιον λέγεται καί συντηρεΐσθαι τά πάτρια νόμιμα τού­
το ις άπαρεγχείρητα καί πάσαν τήν εύτυχίαν έκ τοΰ δημι­
ουργού καταπτάσαν αύτοΐς συνεχώς έπιλέγουσιν, άπερ
κοινά πάσι τοίς άνθρώποις είσί προτερήματα καί παρά πά-
σης άπαιτούνται θρησκείας. Ή γάρ άληθής καί άμώμητος
πίστις ήμών τών Χριστιανών, έπεί τών άρετών τυγχάνο-
μεν έκπτωτοι, κατάγνωσις μάλλον έστι καί κατάκρισις,
καθώς καί τώ θείω νόμω τών έντολών δοκεΐ φάσκοντι· «Ό
είδώς τό θέλημα τού κυρίου αύτοϋ καί μή ποιων, δαρήσεται
πολλάς.»
Καί μή μοί τις έπιτιμήση τής τοιαύτης τών ήμετέρων
καταδρομής· ού γάρ έπί λοιδορία τούτων απλώς καί άτιμία
ψευδό μένος γέγραφα, άλλ’ έπί ελέγχω τών κακώς πρατ-
τομένων, μήπου ποτέ άρα αιδώς καί φόβος ύπέλθη τού
35«
 CHAPTER 2 4

As for myself, having participated in numerous campaigns 4

and spent much o f my career in the palace, I never witnessed
a decision that was in every aspect pleasing to God, nor, in
the course o f deliberations or in the final decision about
military and civilian affairs, was any reverent care taken to
avoid any kind o f illegality, something loathed by God. In­
stead, every deliberation was about profit, regardless o f
whether churches were being desecrated or human beings
harmed, {197] and those who deviously offered the best ex­
cuses to justify this unjust and God-hated profit stood above
everyone else at court. Moreover, most o f the time, God is
not held to preside over their deliberations and decrees, nor
is he even mentioned. It is for this reason that I attribute
the disaster that has struck the Romans to divine nemesis
and the verdict o f his impartial judgment. For it is said that
justice is honored among the barbarian nations, that their
traditions are maintained uncorrupted by them, and that
they always assert that every piece o f good fortune comes
down upon them from the Creator, which behavior is re­
garded as advantageous among all people and required by
every religion. But the true and blameless faith that we
Christians hold is rather an indictment and an accusation,
given that we have entirely abandoned our virtues. After all,
the divine law o f the commandments says that he who knows
his Lord ’s w ill and does not do it w ill be severely beaten.240
Let no one fault me for being so critical about our people. 5
For I did not write these words in order to dishonor and vil­
ify them with lies but to correct evil practices, in case some­
how, some way, our leaders, generals, and even their subjects

359
 T H E H IS T O R Y

θείου τούς ηγεμόνας και στρατηγούς και αύτούς τούς

ύπηκόους αύτών και μεταβαλόντες έπ'ι τα κρείττονα, τής
άνωθεν εύμενείας και άντϊλήψεως τύχωσι καί τάς οίκτράς
έπανορθώσοντάι I τύχας. Περιέσχον γάρ ή μάς ώδινες θα­
νάτου, κατά τε πάσαν έφαν και την εσπέραν τών γοτθικών
και μιαρωτάτων επικρατήσάντων έθνών καί κατατρυφη-
σάντων τής ήμών εύηθείας ή άμελείας, ή τό γε άληθέστε-
ρον είπείν, θεοβλαβείας καί μανίας, δτι κατ’ άλλήλων
λυττώντες και άκρατώς τοΐς όμοφύλοις μαχόμενοι καί θα­
νάτου καταφρονούντες, έν τοΐς άλλοφύλοις πολέμοις δει­
λοί καί άνάλκιδες καί πρό πολέμου νώτα διδοϋντες φαινό-
μεθα. Α λλά ταΰτα μέν ικανά προς άνδρας πολλά έξ ολίγων
δυναμένους νοεΐν καί προνοεΐν τού συμφέροντος.

25

Ε ίσ ε λ θ ό ν τ ο ς δέ τού καίσαρος καί παραστάντος τώ βα-

σιλεΐ, έμεινε μέν ησυχία τοΐς βασιλείοις καί έδοξεν ό κρα­
τών ήδη κατωρθωκέναι τό παν, πλήν όσον άπέτυχε τού μή
τόν 'Ρουσέλιον έν χερσί λαβεΐν καί άμύνασθαι. Τήν γάρ
τών Τούρκων κατά τών 'Ρωμαίων έπιστρατείαν καί τό
 C H A P T E R 25

too will be overcome by shame and fear o f the divine and

change their behavior for the better, thereby earning the
goodwill and help o f God and restoring our pitiable {198} for­
tunes. For we are pressed on all sides by the pangs o f death,241
the Gothic and other most foul nations having prevailed
over the entire east and the west, preying on our simple-
mindedness or neglect, or, to speak more truthfully, on our
impiety and madness, given that we rabidly fight against one
another, our own countrymen, without restraint, showing
contempt for death, but when it comes to wars with foreign­
ers we are cowardly and unmanly and appear to turn our
backs to the enemy even before the batde begins. But all
this should be enough for men who can deduce a lot from a
little and can plan ahead for an expedient course.

Chapter 25
The policies of Nikephoros
and thephoundax

W ,
' hen the kaisar came in and presented himself to the
emperor, there was peace in the palace and the ruler thought
that he had achieved all there was to achieve, excepting his
failure to capture Rouselios and exact revenge from him. As
for the campaigns o f the Turks against the Romans, their

361
 T H E H ISTO R Y

σφάττεσθαι τοσοΰτον γένος Χριστιανών και δηοΰσθαι

κώμας καί χώρας καί άρδην άνάστατον την έφαν όράσθαι,
πη μέν σφαζομένων αναρίθμητων ανθρώπων, πή δέ αίχμα-
λωτιζομένων, έν δευτέρω έτίθετο.
2 Ό δέ γε 'Ρουσέλιος, εί καί οί Τούρκοι διεσπαρμένοι
προς πάντα τα ρωμαϊκά έτύγχανον θέματα, άλλ’ αυτός
άρας έκ του τής Μεταβολής φρουρίου μετά τών ύπολει-
φθέντων Φράγγων στρατιωτών καί τής συνεύνου καί τών
τέκνων καί τών ύπαρχόντων αύτφ, διά μέσης τής χώρας
άτρέστως I έβάδιζε. Καί τό θέμα τών Άρμενιακών καταλα-
βών, τοΐς προτέροις αύτοϋ κάστροις καί αΰθις άποκατ-
έστη καί οΰτως έκδρομάς κατά τών Τούρκων ποιούμενος,
άπεΐρξεν αύτούς τοΰ τφ τοιούτω θέματι προσβάλλειν καί
πολεμικοΐς περιβάλλειν κακοϊς. Ό δέ βασιλεύς θυμομαχών
κατ’ αύτοΰ έξ ύποβολής τοΰ προρρηθέντος εύνούχου τοΰ
Νικηφόρου, προηρεΐτο μάλλον τούς Τούρκους τα 'Ρω­
μαίων εχειν καί άγειν πράγματα ή τόν Λατίνον τούτον έν
ένί τόπω χωρεΐσθαι καί άπείργειν τάς έκείνων έπιδρομάς.
Διατοΰτο καί πολλάς μηχανάς καί συνθήματα καί ύποσχέ-
σεις τοΐς Τούρκοις δούς, εί τούτον ποιήσοιντο αύτώ ύπο-
χείριον, έξαπέστειλε τών έν ύπεροχαΐς άξιωμάτων ένα,
στρατιώτην μέν όντα, νέον δέ την ηλικίαν καί φρονήσεως
καί άνδρίας ούδενός άποδέοντα, Αλέξιον πρόεδρον τόν
Κομνηνόν, ός έν τφ άστει τής Άμασείας γενόμενος έκαρα-
δόκει τό μέλλον. Ό δέ 'Ρουσέλιος φιλίας καί συνθήκας
μετά τοΰ τών Τούρκων έξάρχοντος ποιησάμενος, συνήλθε
τούτοις πολλάκις έψιλωμένος στρατιωτών. Έν μια δέ σύν-
δειπνος τούτοις ύπάρχων, έπιβουλήν ύπέστη δεινήν, οί

302
 CHAPTER 25

slaughter o f so many Christians, the devastation o f villages

and lands, and the total turmoil visibly prevailing in the east,
with countless people being slaughtered or captured, all this
he considered o f secondary importance.
As for Rouselios, even though the Turks happened to be 2
dispersed in every Roman thema, he left the fort o f Metabole
with the remaining Frankish soldiers, his wife, children,
and all that he owned, and marched without pause through
{199] the country W hen he reached the Armeniac thema, he
immediately reclaimed his former castles and made raids
against the Turks, preventing them from attacking this
thema and inflicting on it the evils o f war. But the emperor
was enraged with him because o f the counsel he was receiv­
ing from the aforementioned eunuch Nikephoros, and pre­
ferred to have the land o f the Romans under the rule o f the
Turks than to see that Latin ensconced in one place and
blocking their raids. For this reason he used many strata­
gems and sent messages to the Turks with promises in case
they managed to capture him. He also dispatched a man
from among those holding high office, a soldier young in age
but inferior to none in intelligence and courage, theproedros
Alexios Komnenos.242He reached the city o f Amaseia where
he waited for events to unfold. Meanwhile, Rouselios, having
made a treaty o f friendship with the leader o f the Turks,243
met with them on numerous occasions without any soldiers
to guard him. On one occasion when he was their dinner

363
 T H E H IS T O R Y

γάρ Τούρκοι πάσαν φιλίαν προδιδόντες χρημάτων, κατ-

έσχον αυτόν καί δεσμώτην απέδειξαν, παράγγελμα νόμι­
μον έχοντες τό τούς 'Ρωμαίους άπαταν καί σφάττειν και
προδιδόναι καί μη δεδιέναι όρκον όσον τό κατ’ αυτούς.
Καί ό μέν κατείχετο δεσμώτης αΰτοΐς, ό δέ πρόεδρος
Αλέξιος έπραγματεύετο διά I δώρων την τούτου κατάσχε-
σιν καί άπόληι|ην, έν τώ μέσω τοΰ βασιλέως οίομένου είρη-
νεύειν τά πράγματα· την γάρ τών Τούρκων άπηνή έπικρά-
τειαν είς ούδέν έλογίζετο δι’ άναλγησίαν καί μίσος τό προς
'Ρωμαίους, ώς εοικεν.
3 Έν φ καί δικάζοντα πολλάκις, ώς εΐωθεν, άσυμβάτους
δίκας καί άπροσφυεΐς βασιλεί καί άνευλόγως καταδικά-
ζοντα τούς άνθρώπους ύποθήκαις τών συνηγορούντων
τοΐς χείροσι, φήμαι καταλαμβάνουσαι τούς Τούρκους λέ-
γουσαι περί Χαλκηδόνα καί Χρυσόπολιν κατατρέχειν, άρτι
πρώτον τη τοιαύτη πλησιοχώρω έπιφοιτήσαντας γη, ούδε-
μίαν ταραχήν ένεποίουν καί σύγχυσιν, άλλ’ ώς άλλοτρίας
χώρας πασχούσης αύτός άφροντις έμενεν. Ούτως ούν
αύτοϋ έχοντος, ό τα πρώτα παρ’ αύτφ φέρων, Νικηφόρος
ό λογοθέτης τοΰ δρόμου, την είς τόν βασιλέα εύνοιαν πολ-
λαχόθεν έπισεμνύνειν έαυτφ σοφιζόμενος, έπραττε μέν
όσα τούτω βουλομένω ένήν, άπετείχιζε δέ τής τοΰ βασι-
λέως άγάπης την τε μητέρα καί τούς όμαίμονας καί τούς
λοιπούς συγγενείς, ώς βασιλειώντας δήθεν καί τό συν-
οΐσον αύτφ μη θέλοντας καί ότι αύτός μόνος τό συμφέρον
αύτώ διασπουδάζων καθέστηκε. Διό δή καί μεγάλα παρά
τφ βασιλεί δυνηθείς, αύτός ήν ό τό παν διεξάγων τής βα­
σιλείας καί τώ βασιλεί έπιτρέπων τό πραχθησόμενον καί

3 6 4
 C H A P T E R 25

guest, he suffered cruel treachery: For the Turks, who will

betray any friendship for money, arrested him and kept him
as a bound captive, for their customary law is to deceive,
slaughter, and betray the Romans and not fear breaking any
oath they may have taken. And while Rouselios was their
captive, theproedros Alexios was negotiating {200] his rendi­
tion in exchange for gifts, while the emperor believed that
this would peacefully resolve the situation. It seems that
he paid no heed to the viciousness of the Turks, which is
spurred by their heartlessness and hatred for the Romans.
W hile he was presiding, as was his custom, over trials 3
unbefitting and unbecoming an emperor and condemning
people without good reason based on the worst recommen­
dations that were put forth, news arrived that the Turks
were raiding in the vicinity o f Chalkedon and Chrysopolis,
the first time that they had come so close. He was, never­
theless, utterly unperturbed or bothered, and remained in­
different as if it were some other country that was suffering.
W hile he was in this state o f mind, his most important offi­
cial, the logothetes tou dromou Nikephoros, often contrived
ways by which to showcase his loyalty to the emperor and so
gain his favor and do whatever it was that he wanted. He
walled o ff the emperor’s heart against his mother, brothers,
and other relatives, alleging that they wanted to rule in his
place, that they did not desire what was advantageous for
him, and that he alone was earnestly devoted to his inter­
ests. In this way he gained great power with the emperor,
controlling the entirety o f the imperial power and indicat­
ing to the emperor what was to be done. He distributed

365
 TH E H ISTO R Y

τάς τιμάς καί προνοίας οις έβούλετο χαριζό μένος διά λημ­
μάτων I ούχί μικρών- ήν γάρ μετά τών άλλων κακών καί
περί φιλοχρηματίαν δαιμονίως σπουδάζων καί κτήσεων
ακινήτων χανδόν ποιούμενος τήν έπίκτησιν, ών άκορέστως
έχόμενος, κέντρον καί ταμεΐον τής τών λοιπών αύτοΰ κτή­
σεων έπισυναθροίσεως τήν τοΰ Εβδόμου μονήν. Ταύτην
γάρ λαβών κατά δωρεάν, παρεσκεύαζε τόν βασιλέα πολλά
τών κτημάτων αύτώ προσκυροΰν όσημέραι καί προσόδους
άφθονους περιποιεΐν, ώς αύτοΰ τάχα διαγωνιζομένου ποι-
ήσαι τοΰτο μετά παρέλευσιν τώ βασιλεϊ πολύολβον ενδι­
αίτημα, σκεπτόμενος έκ μοχθηρίας οίκειοΰσθαι καί παρα-
κερδαίνειν τά νΰν προσφερόμενα καί τώ όνόματι τής
μονής πλοΰτον έπικτάσθαί ύπερφυή,9 τοΰ δέ μέλλοντος
είναι τόν λόγον άπόρρητον. Έν τούτοις δέ πάσιν ούδένα
κόρον λαμβάνων, καίτοι καί παρά πάντων τών έν τέλει καί
τών στρατιωτών καί τελωνών καί πρακτόρων δωροδοκού­
μενος καί κτήσεων ίδικών καί οϊκων έν περιλήψει μεγά­
λων καί πολλών καθιστάμενος, ούδέ τοΰ κερδαίνειν καί έκ
συκοφάντημάτων άπείχετο ούδέ τοΰ έπιβουλεύειν τή εύ-
θηνία καί τήν κοσμικήν άδημονίαν καί ένδειαν, οίκείαν
ποιείσθαι φιλοκέρδειας ύπόθεσιν.
Τώ τοι καί μαθών ώς έν τώ κάστρω τή 'Ραιδεστώ κατά-
γουσιν άμαξαι τόν σίτον πολλαί καί διαπιπράσκουσι δια-
σκεδαννύμεναι εϊς τε τά τών μοναστηρίων ξενοδοχεία καί
κατατόπια καί αύτής τής Μεγάλης Εκκλησίας καί πολλών
έγχωρίων καί άνετον ποιούνται τήν πράσιν Iπρός τόν βου-
λόμενον καί άκώλυτον καί ούτως οδεύει διά πάντων τό

36 6
 CHAPTER 25

honors and tokens o f solicitude244 to men o f his choice in

exchange {201} for not inconsiderable sums, for he was also,
in addition to his other vices, fervently dedicated to the love
o f money and greedily amassed land and real estate. He was
insatiable for these things and made the monastery o f the
Hebdomon the center and treasury for the hoarding o f his
other earnings.245 He had received this monastery as a gift,
and had generally arranged matters so that he procured
many plots o f land and abundant revenues from the emperor
on a daily basis, on the grounds that he was allegedly striving
to turn it into a most luxurious mansion for the emperor to
use during his visits, when in fact he was deviously planning
to appropriate and personally benefit from what was being
offered to the monastery, and so, in its name, come into the
possession o f enormous wealth; also, he thought that the
true reason for his actions would remain secret in the future.
In all this he could not sate his appetite, even though he was
being bribed by all those in office, by soldiers, and by cus­
toms and tax officials, and found himself in possession of
many and large houses and wide stretches o f private land.
He did not refrain from slander as a means for gain nor from
undermining the well-being o f the state in an effort to con­
vert the people’s distress and poverty into an opportunity
for personal profit.
Thus, when he heard that in the town o f Raidestos the 4
grain is brought in on numerous carts which then disperse
to sell it at the monastic hostels and outlets as well as at
those belonging to the Great Church and to many o f the lo­
cals, and sell it as a matter o f course and without hindrance
[202} to whoever wishes to buy it, and thus the benefits o f
abundance find their way to everyone, that most vile man

367
 T H E H ISTO R Y

αγαθόν τής εύθηνίας, φθονήσας τής εύετηρίας τώ κόσμω,

φούνδακα εκτός τοΰ άστεως ό παγκάκιστος έποικοδομει
κάν τούτω συναθροίζεσθαι τάς άμαξας έπισκήπτει, βασι­
λικά) γράμματι τοΰτο διορισάμενος, και μονοπώλιον τίθη-
σιν είς τό άναγκαιότατον χρήμα, τόν σίτον, μηδενός δυνα-
μένου εί μή άπό τοΰ φούνδακος έξωνήσασθαι, φούνδακος
τοΰ δολίου καί δαιμονιώδους πράγματος και ονόματος· έξ
ού γάρ εκείνος έπάγη, ή εύθηνία τών πόλεων ώχετο καί ή
τοΰ θείου οργή τά ύπό 'Ρωμαίους μειζόνως κατέλαβεν. Ού
γάρ ώσπερ τό πρότερον ήν, ό βουλόμενος έξωνεϊτο τον
σίτον και μετά τοΰ πωλοΰντος συνήλλαττε καί εϊπερ μή έν
τώδε τώ κατατοπίω ήρέσκετο, μετέβαινεν είς τό άλλο καί
αΰθις είς έτερον καί άπό τών αμαξών ή πράσις έγίνετο,
άλλ’ εισερχόμενα τά γεωργία έν τή τοΰ φούνδακος ειρκτή
σιτώνας είχον ένοικους τοΰ φούνδακος και σιτοκαπήλους
πολλούς. Καί ούτοι προαρπάζοντες τόν σίτον έξωνοΰντο
καί άπετίθουν καί διηγωνίζοντο κερδαίνειν έπί τώ νο-
μίσματι νομίσματα τρία, ήγόραζε δέ άπό τών άμαξών
ούδείς, οΰτε ναυτικός είσάγων αύτόν είς τήν βασιλεύου­
σαν ούτε άστικός οΰτε αγροίκος οΰτε άλλος ούδείς, άλλ’
άπό τών σιτοκαπήλων τοΰ φούνδακος ή πράσις προέβαι-
νεν ώς έκεΐνοι έβούλοντο. Καί ό προκαθήμενος αύτών
λυμεών φουνδακάριος, δς καινοτομών τούς τόν σίτον
καταβιβάζοντας I καί σίτον έκ τούτων κακώς άφαιρούμε-
νος καί βαρείας άπαιτήσεις ύπέρ τών τοπιατικών είσπρατ-
τόμενος, ήνάγκαζε τήν πράσιν διά τό καινοτομείσθαι πο-
λυειδώς ένδεεστέραν ποιείν.
Καί οΰτως τρεφομένου τοΰ φούνδακος, είς άδικίαν

368
 CHAPTER 2 5

envied the people’s well-being and built an entrepôt— a

phoundax— outside the town, ordering through an imperial
decree that all the carts had to assemble at that spot. He
thereby established a monopoly over this most essential o f
trades, that o f grain, as no one was able to purchase it except
from the phoundax, this most malicious and diabolical con­
traption and term.246For from the moment that it was built,
the prosperity o f the cities waned and the wrath o f God fell
harder than ever before upon the realm o f the Romans. The
way it used to be was that the person wishing to purchase
grain could have a transaction with the retailer, and if he
should be unhappy with one outlet he could move to an­
other and then yet another, and the sales were conducted
from the carts. Instead o f this, now the harvest was brought
in to the phoundax, as if to a prison, and the phoundax had
many resident public buyers o f grain. These traders seques­
tered the grain in advance, paid for it, and stored it, and then
competed to make three gold coins for every one that they
had paid. No one purchased from the carts anymore, neither
the captains importing the grain to the capital nor the urban
or rural residents, or anybody else. Rather, all transactions
went through the grain merchants o f the phoundax, on the
terms set by them. The corrupt supervisor o f the phoundax
made up new rules to exploit those bringing in the grain,
{203I wrongly taking it away from them, and by collecting
heavy fees for use o f the facilities he forced sales to yield a
much lower profit through all these innovations.
Thus the phoundax was “fed” in this way, and the previous 5

369
 TH E H IS T O R Y

άπαραμύθητον έξέπιπτε τά τής προτέρας εύθηνίας τή πο­

λιτεία και περιέστη άπό δέκα και οκτώ μοδίων10 είς ένα
μόδιον τού νομίσματος ή τοΰ σίτου πράσις· έκομμερκεύ-
οντο γάρ έκτοτε, φεϋ τής πλεονεξίας, ού μόνον αί πυρο-
φόροι άμαξαι άλλα και τά λοιπά ώνια όσα πλησίον έκείνου
παρώδευον. Άπείργοντο δέ καί οί τής περιχώρου εκείνης
καί οί τής 'Ραιδεστοΰ εποικοι πωλεΐν τά ’ίδια γεώργια έν
ταΐς έστίαις αύτών, άφηροΰντο δέ καί οί μέδιμνοι καί μό­
νος ό φοΰνδαξ τών μεδίμνων υπήρχε κύριος, όπερ ούδέ-
ποτε γέγονεν ούδ’ ό ήλιος είδε τοιοΰτον αδίκημα. Εί γάρ
προσηγγέλη τις πωλήσας οΐκαδε σίτον έξ ών έγεώργησεν,
ώς φονεύς ή βιαστής ή άτοπόν τι έτερον πεπραχώς, έδη-
μεύετο καίήρπάζετο παρά τοΰ έπιστατοΰντος τώ φούνδα-
κι. Παρήσαν γάρ τφ φουνδακαρίω έκ πάσης ιδέας κα­
κούργων, άχρι τών εκατόν ταξιώται ταττόμενοι παρ’ αύτοΰ
καί τούς έλεεινούς έμπορους καί γεωργούς πολλοΐς άνι-
αροΐς περιέβαλλον καί ούδείς ήν ό άντιστήναι τούτοις
δυνάμενος, τώ τε πλήθει δυσκαταγωνίστοις ούσι καί τή
δυναστεία τοΰ λογοθέτου τό θράσος άκάθεκτον εχουσι.
6 Καί ό μέν ξ' λιτρών τον φούνδακα μισθωσάμενος I ένη-
βρύνετο τώ έξ αύτοΰ πορισμώ, ή δ’ ένδεια τούς πάντας
έπίεζεν ού μόνον τοΰ σίτου αλλά καί τών άλλων ειδών·
έκείνου γάρ στενοχωρουμένου, ανάγκη καί τά λοιπά στε-
νοχωρεΐσθαι, ότι δι’ αύτοΰ τών άλλων ωνίων ή έπίκτησις
ή περιποίησις γίνεται καί οί μισθαρνοΰντες βαρυτέρους
τούς μισθούς διά τό ένδεές τής τροφής άπαιτοΰσι. Καί οί
μέν άξιολογώτεροι τών άνθρώπων καί οί τώ φούνδακι
πλησιάξοντες έγίνωσκον τήν αύτοΰ χαλεπότητα καί οθεν

370
 CHAPTER 2 5

prosperity o f society collapsed into this unmitigated injus­

tice, so that the purchase o f grain went from eighteen modioi
per gold coin to only one.247For from that moment on they
monopolized not only the grain carts—O the avarice o f it
all!—but also all other goods that circulated in the vicinity.
So the inhabitants o f that area and the citizens o f Raidestos
were barred from selling their own produce from their
homes. Even their weights and measures were confiscated,
the phoundax now becoming the sole arbiter o f measures.
Such a thing had never happened before, nor had the sun
ever looked down upon such an injustice. If it became known
that someone had sold at his house grain he had harvested
himself, his property was confiscated and plundered by the
phoundax supervisor as if he had been a murderer, a rapist, or
author o f some other such crime. The phoundax lord had
ranged under his command some hundred criminals o f all
backgrounds who submitted the poor merchants and farm­
ers to much harassment. No one was able to stand up to
them because their numbers were hard to match and their
insolence was backed by the power o f the logothetes.
He, then, farmed out the phoundax for sixty pounds o f 6
gold248 {204] and enjoyed the proceeds, while everyone else
was hard-pressed by a shortage not only o f grain but o f ev­
ery other good. For the dearth o f grain causes dearth in ev­
erything else, as it is grain that allows the purchase or prepa­
ration o f other goods, while those who work for wages
demand higher pay to compensate for the scarcity o f food.
The most respectable men and those who found themselves
in the phoundax’s orbit understood its harmful effects and

371
 T H E H IS T O R Y

τώ κόσμω τό δεινόν τής ένδειας άηδώς έπεπόλασε- τό δ'

άδικον κέρδος, ώς φάρμακον μέλιτι κατεσκευασμένον τε
και κλεπτόμενον, τούς κρατούντας άπειροκάλως κατέθελ­
γε μέχρις αν σύν τώ κέρδει τούτου καί τήν ουσίαν πάσαν
καί τήν σωτηρίαν άπέβαλε. Έν τούτοις οΰν τών βασιλικών
φροντισμάτων ύπόντων, μάλλον δέ τών τού Νικηφόρου
δεινών βουλευμάτων συναγομένων, ήρξατο μέν ύπορρεΐν
ό σίτος καί καταλήγειν τάτής εύθηνίας εις ένδειαν- ηϋξανε
δέ ό τών πολλών γογγυσμός καί μάλλον τών ακριβώς έπι-
σταμένων τό άτοπον καί όσοι τών γινομένων κακών έγγυ-
τέρω καθίσταντο.

20

ΙΕ θ ρ υ λλ εΐτο δέ καί τό περί τόν "Ιστρον κατοικούν μιξο-

βάρβαρον- παράκεινται γάρ τή όχθη τούτου πολλαί καί
μεγάλαι πόλεις έκ πάσης γλώσσης συνηγμένον εχουσαι
πλήθος καί όπλιτικόν ού μικρόν άποτρέφουσαι, προς αΐς
οί περαιωθέντες Σκύθαι τό I πρότερον τόν σκυθικόν έπι-
φέρουσι βίον, παρ’ ών καταληϊζόμεναι, καί τάς έκ τών βα­
σιλικών ταμιείων άποστελλομένας έτησίως φιλοτιμίας

372
 CHAPTER 2 6

the source o f the people’s suffering in scarcity Unjust gain,

like honey-coated poison hiding its true nature, seduced
those in power with its irresistible appeal until, eventually,
they lost their illegal profits along with their entire fortune
and even safety As a result o f the emperor’s planning or,
rather, o f Nikephoros’s evil designs, grain was in short sup­
ply and abundance turned into dearth. The people’s discon­
tent increased, especially among those who fully understood
the irrationality o f what was going on and those who were in
proximity to these evils.

Chapter 26
The end of the revolts of Nestor
and Rouselios (1074-1076)

T F h e re were also rumors from the region o f the semibar­

barians who dwell by the Danube. There are numerous and
large cities by its shores whose inhabitants constitute a mul­
tilingual crowd and support a large number o f soldiers. To
those cities the Skythians who had previously crossed the
river [205] have introduced their ways o f fife. Even though
they were being raided by them, the cities were also de­
prived, upon Nikephoros’s initiative, o f the yearly subsidies

373
 TH E H ISTO RY

σπουδή τοΰ Νικηφόρου περιεκόπτοντο καί κατά τοΰτό

τινες τών τοιούτων πόλεων είς αποστασίαν άπέβλεψαν και
είς τό έθνος τών Πατζινάκων παρήγγελλον.
Σκεψάμενοι δ’ οί περί τόν βασιλέα σατράπην στεΤλαι
τών οίκειοτάτων αύτφ, έγνωσαν κατεπάνω τής Δρίστρας
χειροτονήσαι Νέστορά τινα τφ τών βεσταρχών μέν άξιώ-
ματιτετιμημένον, άπό ’Ιλλυρικών δετό γένος ελκοντα καί
δοΰλον πατρφον γεγονότα τοΰ βασιλεύοντος, ον καί τή
τοσαύτη τιμή σας ό τηνικαΰτα κρατών αρχή, έξαπέστειλε
μετά τινων Δριστρηνών ύπισχνουμένων τώ βασιλεί τήν
είς τούτον τοΰ κάστρου μετάθεσιν. Άπελθών δέ καί τινα
χρόνον διηνυκώς, εΰρισκε μέν τούς έγχωρίους μικρόν τι
ή ούδέν τήν τοΰ βασιλέως τών 'Ρωμαίων κυριότητα έπι-
στρεφομένους, είς δέ τόν έξάρχοντα τούτων, Τατούς αύτφ
ή προσηγορία, τήν εξουσίαν τής άκρας όλοσχερώς άναφέ-
ροντας. Είτε δέ φόβω τούτων ό Νέστωρ κατασεισθείς, εΐτε
τφ όμοτίμω τοΰ γένους τής έκείνων έρασθείς προαιρέσεως,
εϊτ’ έκ τής καταλαβούσης αύτόν φήμης δηχθείς τήν ψυχήν,
ήτις ήν ώς τήν οικίαν αύτοΰ καί τήν ούσίαν τφ δημοσίω
έγγράφουσι προφάσει τοΰ μή καταναλώσαι τό δοθέν αύτφ
χρυσίον έκ τών βασιλικών θησαυρών είς δέον, και γάρ
δυσμενώς εχων προς αύτόν ό Νικηφόρος έπραττε τούτο I
κακώς, τφ φθόνψ καί τή κακοηθεία μή προτιμάν τό συμ­
φέρον είδώς καί τιμωρών έπισφαλώς τόν άκρίτην11 έν οΰτω
συγχύσει τών πραγμάτων ύπάρχοντα, καί πρό τοΰ δούναι
λόγον τής διοικήσεως, τής αύτής έκείνοις βουλής καί
γνώμης έπί συνθήκαις και ορκοις κοινωνός έχρημάτισε-
καί πρός τάς ομολογίας ταύτας καί τό τών Πατζινακών

374
 CHAPTER 2 6

that were sent to them from the imperial treasury For this
reason some o f the cities turned to rebellion and dispatched
messengers to the nation o f the Pechenegs.
The emperor’s advisers thought to send one o f his close 2
associates as governor and decided to appoint Nestor, kate-
pano o f Dristra, a man honored with the title o f vestarches.249
He was o f Illyrian origin and had been a servant o f the em­
peror’s father. The emperor, having honored him with such
a high rank, sent him off along with some Dristrians who
were promising the emperor to turn the allegiance o f their
fortified town back to him. So he left and, after spending
some time in the area, found that the locals had little if any
desire at all to return to the authority o f the emperor o f the
Romans. They had handed full command over their citadel
to their own leader, a certain Tatous by name. As for Nestor,
either because he was stricken with fear o f them, or em­
braced their purpose due to the equivalence o f their races,
or was deeply troubled by the report which reached him
that his house and wealth had been confiscated by the state,
allegedly because he had not spent the gold given to him
from the imperial treasury in a proper way—Nikephoros
did this out of malice as he disliked Nestor, {206} for his envy
and wicked nature did not allow him to discern and prefer
what was advantageous and so he recklessly punished the
guardian o f the frontiers even though affairs were in such a
confused state—Nestor, then, before he even had the op­
portunity to account for his administration, joined their
plans and goals by swearing oaths and making terms with
them. To these agreements he added the nation o f the

375
 TH E H ISTO RY

έθνος συναρμοσάμενος πολεμεΐν τοΐς 'Ρωμαίοις μετ’ αυτών

άσπόνδω τή μάχη συνέθετο. Συγκινήσεως ούν γενομένης
τοιαύτης, τά περί τόν πόλεμον καί τήν τής ρωμαϊκής χώ­
ρας επιδρομήν αύτοΐς έξηρτύετο.
Έν δέ τφ μέσω τοΰ 'Ρουσελίου τοΐς Τούρκοις κατεχομέ-
νου, πολλήν ό πρόεδρος Αλέξιος έποιήσατο τήν σπουδήν
τφ κάστρω τής Άμασείας ένδιατρίβων ύπό τήν ιδίαν χεΐρα
τούτον ποιήσασθαι. Καί μέντοι καί ταλάντων ικανών τι-
μησαμένων τών Τούρκων τον 'Ρουσέλιον, τή καταβολή
τών άπαιτουμένων ώνιον αύτόν άπειργάσατο καί ύπό τήν
ιδίαν ύπηγάγετο χεΐρα καί σιδηροδέσμιον άποδείξας, διά
πολλής είχε καί άγρύπνου τής φυλακής· ειτα πέμψας γράμ­
ματα πρός τόν βασιλέα καί παρ’ έκείνου πάλιν δεξάμενος,
διά τής Ποντικής θαλάσσης έπεπορεύθη καί τούτον είς
τήν βασιλεύουσαν μετά τής αύτής ποδοκάκης είσήγαγεν.
Ό δέ βασιλεύς μή προθέμενος είς όι|/ιν έαυτοϋ καί θέαν
τούτον έλθεΐν καί τι βουλεύσασθαι βασιλικής άνεξικακίας
καί μεγαλοφροσύνης I έπάξιον καί προθεΐναι κατ’ αύτού
δικαστήριον καί μετά διάγνωσιν καταδίκη μέν θανατη­
φόροι τούτον ύποβαλεΐν, άντιστήσαι δέ τφ δικαίω χόλω τό
ήπιώτατον καί φιλάνθρωπον καί ούτω φυλάξαι τή 'Ρω­
μαίων άρχή τηλικούτον στρατιώτην καί στρατηγόν, δυνά-
μενον έν τοΐς φλεγμαίνουσι κακοΐς τής έφας ίάσασθαι
πολλά τών αύτής συντριμμάτων, ώστε χάριτας όμολογη-
σαντα τής σωτηρίας τφ βασιλεί καί άνυπερβλήτους εύχα-
ριστίας πεποιηκότα, δπερ πάντως άνάγκη τούτω ποιήσαι
ήν, λογικφ τε όντι καί φρονήσεως ούκ άμοιρούντι στερράς,
λαβεΐν τήν ήγεμονίαν τού πολέμου καί τής πιεζούσης

37 6
 CHAPTER 2 6

Pechenegs, to fight at his side in a traceless war against the

Romans. Having put these affairs in motion, they began to
prepare for war and for raids on the lands o f the Romans.
Meanwhile, Rouselios was in the hands o f the Turks, and 3
the proedros Alexios Komnenos, who was based in the fort
o f Amaseia, took great pains to get his hands on him. And
though the Turks priced Rouselios at a high sum o f money,
he paid the required sum and secured his release, placing
him in his own custody and keeping him in chains and under
heavy guard day and night. Then, sending a letter to the em­
peror and receiving the latter’s response, he sailed on the
Black Sea and brought Rouselios to the Imperial City with
chains on his feet.250
The emperor had no intention o f bringing the captive be- 4
fore his presence and into his sight, nor did he reach a de­
cision worthy o f imperial benevolence and magnanimity,
{207] which would have been to bring legal proceedings
against him, and, after the verdict had been reached, to con­
demn him to death, all in order to be able, at that point, to
temper his righteous wrath with gentleness and compassion
and thus to preserve for the Roman Empire a soldier and
commander o f his caliber, who was capable o f healing many
o f the wounds festering in the east. Thus the latter would
have acknowledged an immense gratitude toward the em­
peror for his salvation and would express endless thanks—
which it would have been necessary for him to do in any
case, as he was a reasonable man with firm judgment— and
then he would assume command o f the war and free the east

377
 TH E H ISTO RY

επιδρομής έλευθερώσαι τα έώα, όσον γε ήκει κατ’ άνθρω-

πίνην έννοιαν έκ τής τών προτέρων αύτοΰ κατορθωμάτων
και τολμημάτων κατανοήσεως. Μή πεποιηκώς ούν ούτως
ό βασιλεύς, άλλά τώ θυμώ τό πλεΐον άπονείμας τοΰ
πράγματος, έλαθε μεγίστης ισχύος και εύπραγίας άπο-
στερήσας τήν 'Ρωμαίων άρχήν, ώς καί μετά ταΰτα τά
πράγματα παρεστήσαντο. Παραδούς ούν αύτόν τοίς βα-
σανισταΐς, ξεσμοΐς άνηκέστοις διά βουνεύρων, ώς τινα
δοΰλον δραπέτην, αύτόν καθυπέβαλε καί είς ένα τών πύρ­
γων κατακλείσας ζοφώδη καί άφιλάνθρωπον, άτημέλητον
είχε καί σχοίνοις σιδηροίς δέσμιον.
ί Έφθη ούν ό Νέστωρ τήν μελετωμένην έκπληρώσας
βουλήν καί μετά τών Πατζινάκων είς τήν Μακεδονικήν
έμβαλών καί ταύτην κακώς άγαν καί άπηνώς διαθείς, ούδέ
Iγάρ είς πόλεμον άντεπεξελθεΐν αύτώ οί έν Άδριανουπόλει
συλλεγέντες στρατιώται έτόλμησαν ούτως Θράκάς τε
περιήλθε καί μετά πλήθους άξιολόγου τής Βύζαντος έγγύς
έστρατοπεδεύσατο, τό S’ άλλο πλήθος έπαφήκε τάς λοιπάς
πόλεις καί χώρας άποκείρειν τε καί δηοΰν. Θέρους δ’ ώρας
ένισταμένης καί τών καρπών ήρτημένων, ού μικρά τις τών
άναγκαίων σπάνις κατείχε τήν βασιλεύουσαν καί τάς λοι­
πός έσπερίας πόλεις, ώς καί αύτοΐς τοίς κτήνεσι τάς τροφάς
έπιλείπειν καί πανταχόθεν έπιστυγνάζειν τοίς δλοις τό
άπορον. Ούτε γάρ αξιόλογος στρατιά τή βασιλίδι παρήν
τούς πολεμίους δυναμένη άπώσασθαι, οΰτ’ άλλη τις μη­
χανή εύέλπιδας τούς πολίτας έποίει πρός τήν τού έθνους
απαλλαγήν, άλλ’ ούδ’ ό βασιλεύς λόγω καί φρονήσει καί
πολυπειρία διαφέρων ήν ώστε διά τής οικείας όξύτητος

37«
 CHAPTER 2 6

o f the raids that pressed upon it, at least insofar as human

discernment is able to surmise on the basis o f the examina­
tion o f his prior deeds and accomplishments. But the em­
peror did not do this; instead, he let anger take over and so,
without realizing it, he deprived the Roman Empire o f the
greatest level o f strength and prosperity, as events later dem­
onstrated. Surrendering him to the torturers, he inflicted
cruel wounds on him by flogging as if he were a runaway
slave. He then confined him in a dark and inhumane tower,
where he was kept in iron fetters without proper care.
Meanwhile, Nestor brought his plans to fruition and in- 5
vaded the land o f Macedonia with the Pechenegs,251 damag­
ing it mercilessly {208} as the soldiers who had assembled in
Adrianople did not dare to face him in battle. He therefore
went through Thrace and set up camp in the vicinity o f the
City o f Byzas with a sizable host. As for the rest o f his army,
he let it loose on the other cities and countryside, to plun­
der and pillage. As summer was beginning and the fruit was
still hanging unpicked from the trees, there was no small
shortage o f food in the Reigning City and the other western
cities. Even the livestock did not have enough feed and the
lack o f resources afflicted everyone. Nor was there a signifi­
cant military force present in the Imperial City able to repel
the enemy or some plan that would make the citizens hope-
fid that they would rid themselves o f that foreign nation.
Nor was the emperor superior in his reason, judgment, and
experience so that he could find a solution to this affliction

379
 TH E H IS T O R Y

λύσιν εύρεΐν τινα τού δεινού. Μ ία δέ πάσιν έδόκει τών τοσ-

ούτων κακών απαλλαγή, ή τοΰ άπό λογοθετών Νικηφό­
ρου προς τούς πολεμίους έκδοσις· τούτον γάρ ΐσχυρώς
έπεζήτουν λαβεΐν και κολάσαι ώς τών όλων δυσχερών αί­
τιον, καί αύτίκατής βασιλευούσης άπαναστήναι καί δούναι
τήν προτέραν άδειαν τοΐς 'Ρωμαίοις καί κατακληρώσαι τά
εαυτών.
6 Α λ λ’ ό βασιλεύς πάντα προέσθαι καί παθεϊν έτοιμος ήν,
ή τόν ζητούμενον12 έκ μέσου ποιήσασθαι. Καί τούτο γάρ
έζητεΐτο καί έζυγομαχεΐτο τοΐς πλείοσιν, ώστε καν μή
έκδοτος τοΐς έναντίοις δοθή, παραλυθήναι τέως αύτόν τής
I τοΰ λογοθέτου άρχής, καί ίδιωτεύσαι καί οϊκαδε κατα-
στήναι ώς άπρακτον πάντη καί πάσιν άπόβλητον, ϊνα καί
τούτο άρκούν ήγησάμενοι πρός τιμωρίαν αυτού οί πολέ­
μιοι τής στρατοπεδείας άπόσχωνται. Έπεί δέ ούδ’ είς
τούτο κατανεύων ό βασιλεύς έτύγχανεν ούδ’ ένός άνδρός
άπραξίας σωτηρίαν τού γένους παντός τών 'Ρωμαίων
άνταλλάξασθαι πρόθυμος ήν, βοηθεΐ τούτοις άνωθεν ή
θεία άντίληψις ταΐς άκλινέσι πρεσβείαις τής Παναχράντου
δεσποίνης ήμών Θεοτόκου. Ο ί γάρ άποσταλέντες πρέ­
σβεις παρά τών Πατζινάκων άναπεμφθέντες πάλιν είς αύ-
τούς, ύπωπτεύθησαν έκ τίνος άπροόπτου αίτιας ώς λάθρα
διαχειρίσασθαι μέλλοντες τον πρωτοσύμβουλον αύτών
καί συστράτηγον Νέστορα. Καί φοβηθείς εκείνος τόν άπό
μηχανής κίνδυνον, ταχέως έκεΐθεν άναστήσας τήν στρα­
τιάν, όπισθόρμητος ήλαυνε· καί διελθών τήν Μακεδο­
νικήν καί τοΐς άλλοις Πατζινάκοις συμμίξας, οΐ τήν χώραν
πάσαν κατέτρεχον καί κατεληΐζοντο, ούτως είς τά περί τόν

380
 CHAPTER 26

by using his natural ingenuity. Everyone in fact thought that

there was only one possible redemption from such troubles,
namely that the logothetes Nikephoros be surrendered to the
enemy. For the latter were vociferously demanding that he
be handed over to them to be punished as the cause o f all
these misfortunes, claiming that they would immediately
depart from the Reigning City and allow the Romans to en­
joy their previous freedom and reclaim their own property
The emperor, however, was prepared to allow or to en- 6
dure anything rather than remove the man they were re­
questing. For this is what was being demanded and aggres­
sively sought by the majority o f people, that, if Nikephoros
were not to be surrendered to the enemy, then at least he
should be demoted from [209] the office o f logothetes to that
o f a private individual, to stay completely inactive at home,
repudiated by all, so that the enemy would consider that to
be sufficient punishment and hold o ff from their military
invasion. But the emperor would not agree even to this, as
he was unwilling to exchange the retirement o f but one man
for the salvation o f the entire nation o f the Romans. Yet di­
vine succor came to their aid from above through the per­
sistent intercessions o f our entirely immaculate Lady, the
Mother o f God. For the envoys dispatched by the Pechenegs
were sent back to them, and for some unknown reason they
were suspected o f secretly conspiring to murder Nestor,
their chief adviser and fellow commander. And fearing the
danger o f such a plot, he swiftly moved the army away from
its position and marched in retreat. After crossing Macedo­
nia and joining the rest o f the Pechenegs, who had been rav­
aging and plundering the entire land, he returned to his

381
 THE HISTORY

Ἴστρον χωρία xal τὰς ἐπαύλεις ἀνέδραμε, πολλὴν ἐπαγό-

μενος λείαν ἀνθρώπων τε καὶ κτηνῶν καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀπο-
σκευῆς. Ἐκείνου δὲ ταχέως ἀναχωρήσαντος, ἀνακωχὴν τὰ
πράγματα ἔλαβον καὶ τῶν γεωργημάτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
χορτασμάτων ἀδεῶς ἐποίουν οἱ πρὸς ταῦτα τεταγμένοι
τὴν εἴσοδον. Καὶ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν οἱ πλεῖστοι θαυμασίως
ἑώρταζον, τῷ Θεῷ καὶ τῇ τούτου πανυπερτίμῳ μητρὶ τὰ
χαριστήρια νέμοντες.
| Μοῖρα δέ τις τῶν ἑσπερίων στρατευμάτων ἐξ Adpıa-
νουπόλεως ἄρασα τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελήλυθεν εἰπεῖν τε καὶ
ἀκοῦσαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ σπεύδουσα τὴν τῶν ἐπιζητουμένων
αὐτοῖς ἀπόκρισιν, ἐπενεκάλουν γὰρ στέρησιν τῶν στρατι-
cv ὀψωνίων καὶ κακοπαθείας τινὰς ἐξ ἀπρονοησίας
τῶν κρατούντων καὶ ἀπληστίας. Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν βασιλέα
ἀδίκως αὐτοὺς μετελθόντες, στρατιωτικόν τι πλῆθος εἰς
ἐνέδραν αὐτῶν προητοίμασαν καὶ ὅτε τούτους ἔγνων τῶν
ἵππων καταβάντας ἐπὶ τῷ ποιῆσαι τὴν ἔγκλησιν, κατ᾽
αὐτῶν ἀφῆκαν τοὺς ἐφεδρεύοντας καὶ οἱ περιχυθέντες
τοὺς ὁμοφύλους σφοδρῶς καὶ πολεμίως κατήκιζον- οἱ μὲν
ῥάβδοις σιδηραῖς αὐτοὺς κατατείνοντες, οἱ δὲ ξίφεσι τε-
λείοις ἀναιροῦντές τινας, οἱ δὲ τὰς σκηνὰς αὐτῶν διαρπά-
ζοντες καὶ τοὺς ἵππους συναφαρπάζοντες. Tobtov δὲ γε-
νομένου, πολὺς ἔλεος ἐπῆλθε τοῖς Βυζαντίοις ὑπὲρ τῶν
ἀναιτίως παθόντων στρατιωτῶν καὶ κατέγνων τοῦ βασι-
λέως καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐλαχίστην τὴν ἄνοιαν, ὥστε
καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον μετάμελον δέξασθαι καὶ ἀνασῶσαι τού-
τοις τινὰ τῶν διαρπαγέντων, μὴ μέντοι δέ τι πρᾶξαι τὴν
τοιαύτην παροινίαν καὶ βλάβην ἀνακαλούμενον μήτε

382
 CHAPTER 26

lands and estates in the Danube area, bringing with him

much plunder, including captives, livestock, and other
goods. His precipitous departure brought relief to the situa-
tion, as those who were entrusted with the task could now
without fear import to the capital agricultural produce and
other foods. The majority were struck with wonder at their
deliverance and celebrated, offering thanks to God and to
his most honored Mother.
[210] A unit of the western armies came to the emperor
from Adrianople to speak out and receive from him a re-
sponse to their demands, for they were protesting delays in
the payment of army salaries and other problems that were
the result of the greed and lack of foresight of those in
power. The men around the emperor, however, wrongfully
attacked them by preparing an ambush of many soldiers to
receive them: when they ascertained that they had dis-
mounted in order to present their petition, they unleashed
those lying in wait so that the latter rushed out at their fel-
low countrymen, striking them vigorously as if they were
enemies in war. Some struck them with iron maces, others
killed them with long swords, and yet others grabbed their
tents and snatched their horses. When this happened, the
citizens of Byzantion took great pity on the soldiers who
had thus suffered through no fault of their own, and con-
demned the huge folly of the emperor and his associates, so
that he too felt some remorse and returned some of the pil-
fered goods. But he did nothing to make good on this mad

383
 THE HISTORY

φιλοτιμίαν τινὰ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀποδοῦναι, ἀλλ᾽ ol γε

πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα λύπης οὐ μικρᾶς ἀνάμεστοι ἐπαναστρα-
φέντες, οὐκ ἤθελον ἐπὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μένειν ἀλλὰ τοὺς πολε-
μιωτάτους ἀμύνασθαι διεσκέπτοντο.
Ι᾿ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ἔτει καὶ τέρατά τινα κατεφάνησαν εἰς
τὴν Βύζαντος: τρίπους τε γὰρ ὄρνις ἐγεννήθη καὶ παιδίον
ἐτέχθη κατὰ μέτωπον ἔχον τὸν ὀφθαλμόν, καὶ τοῦτον ἕνα
καὶ μόνον, τραγοσκελὲς δὲ τοὺς πόδας: καὶ προτεθὲν ἐν
τῇ τῶν Διακονίσσης δημοσίᾳ παρόδῳ κλαυθμὸν ἠφίει παι-
δικῷ προσεοικότα. Δύο δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθανάτων στρατιωτῶν
πλησίον τοῦ δυτικοῦ τῆς Πόλεως τείχους ἐν δημοσίῳ
τόπῳ κεραυνόβλητοι γεγόνασιν. Οὐ μὴν δὲ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν
οὐρανῷ κομῆταί τινες παρετείνοντο. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἑῴαν
οἱ ἐκεῖσε καταναλίσκοντες ἦσαν βάρβαροι καὶ πορθοῦντες
καὶ καταβάλλοντες, πλῆθος ἐκεῖθεν ὁσημέραι τῇ βασιλίδι
προσέφευγεν, ὅτε λιμὸς ἐστενοχώρει πάντας τῇ ἐνδείᾳ
τῶν ἀναγκαίων καταπιέζων αὐτούς. Entyevopévov δὲ καὶ
χειμῶνος, ἐπείπερ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀφιλότιμος ὧν καὶ σφόδρα
φειδωλίας ἐχόμενος, οὐδὲν ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν ἢ
τῆς ἄλλης προνοίας εἰσῆγεν ἢ τοῖς ἐν τέλει f| τοῖς δημο-
τικοῖς παραμύθιον καὶ ἕκαστος περὶ ἑαυτοῦ στυγνάζων,
οὐδὲ χεῖρα πλουσίαν εἶχε πρὸς τὸ τοῖς δεομένοις ἐπαρκεῖν
καὶ παρέχειν τὰ τῆς ζωῆς ἐφόδια, διὰ γὰρ τούτων τοῖς πε-
νεστέροις ὡς ἐπίπαν τὰ χρειώδη προσάγονται. Πολὺς καὶ
ἀμύθητος θάνατος οὐ τῶν ξένων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν τῆς
Πόλεως δήμων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐγίνετο, ὡς καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς
αὐτῶν σωρηδὸν ἔν τε τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐμβόλοις καὶ τοῖς
ὑπαίθροις | ἀνακεῖσθαι καὶ φοράδην κομίζεσθαι πολλάκις.

384
 CHAPTER 26

violence and harm, nor did he grant the soldiers any gifts. As
for them, they returned home full of sorrow and, unwilling
to leave things at that, were already planning revenge upon
their bitter enemies.
[211] In that year a number of portents were observed in
the City of Byzas. A three-legged chicken was born as well
as a baby with an eye on its forehead (and having a single eye
at that) and the feet of a goat. When it was exposed in the
public avenue in the area of Diakonissa,?? it uttered the
cries of a human baby. Two soldiers of the Immortals were
struck by lightning in a public place close to the western
walls of the City. Not only that but certain comets streaked
across the sky Meanwhile, because the east was being
wasted by the barbarians there who were ruining and sub-
jecting it, large multitudes were fleeing those regions on a
daily basis and seeking refuge in the Imperial City, so that
hunger afflicted everyone, oppressing them because of the
lack of supplies. When winter arrived, because the emperor
lacked generosity and was extremely stingy, he offered no
succor from the imperial treasuries or any other form of
provident welfare either to those in office or to the people
of the City, and so each person wallowed in his own misery,
nor did he hold out an abundant hand that could assist the
poor and provide them with daily provisions, for it is through
these means that the poor are normally supplied with neces-
sities. There were many, indeed countless deaths every day,
not only among the refugees but also among the people of
the City, so that their dead bodies were heaped both in the
so-called porticos and in open spaces, [212] and they were

385
 THE HISTORY

ἐν μιᾷ καὶτῇ αὐτῇ κλίνῃ πέντε καὶ ἕξ νεκροὺς ἀτημελήτους

καὶ πανταχόθεν ἐπιρρέειν τὰ σκυθρωπὰ καὶ πάσης κατη-
φείας πληροῦσθαι τὴν βασιλεύουσαν.
Τῶν δὲ καθημερινῶν ἀδικημάτων καὶ παρανόμων κρι-
μάτων οὐδεμία τις ἀναστολὴ τοῖς κρατοῦσιν ἐγίνετο, ἀλλ’
ὥσπερ μηδενὸς τὸ παράπαν ἐνοχλοῦντος τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις,
ἀλλοφύλου πολέμου ἢ θείας ὀργῆς ἤ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους
κατατρεχούσης ἐνδείας καὶ βίας βιωτικῆς, οὕτως ἀδεῶς
ἔπραττον τὰ θεομισῆ καὶ τυραννικά. Καὶ πᾶν προβού-
λευμα βασιλικὸν καὶ ἐννόημα εἰς τὸ τοὺς οἰκείους ἀδικεῖν
καὶ κατασοφίζεσθαι καὶ θηρεύειν τοὺς βίους αὐτῶν καὶ
τὴν ἀφορμὴν τῆς ζωῆς κατεγίνετο.

27

Ti οὖν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν; "HoyaAAov πάντες καὶ ἐδυσχέραι-

νον καὶ διηνεκῶς ἐποτνιῶντο πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν ἐπιβλέψαι
πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ κληρονομίαν διαπαντὸς ἱκετεύοντες καὶ
προχειρίσασθαι ἄνδρα, ἅμα μὲν καὶ τοὺς τυράννους αὐτοὺς
δυνάμενον καθελεῖν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὰς τύχας τῶν Ῥωμαίων
πρὸς τὸ εὐθυμότερον ἐπαναγαγεῖν φρονήσει καὶ γενναι-
ότητι καὶ φιλοτίμῳ καὶ φιλοίκτῳ ψυχῇ. Καὶ μέντοι καὶ

386
 CHAPTER 27

carried on stretchers, each one of which was often stacked

with five or sixbodies piled up in a random heap. Everywhere
you saw sad faces and the Reigning City was filled with
misery.
The rulers did not let up on their daily injustices and ille-
gal trials, but acted as though the Romans were not being
afflicted by anything out of the ordinary, be it foreign war,
divine wrath, or poverty and violence oppressing the people;
it was with such nonchalance that they practiced all their ty-
rannical impieties. Every imperial scheme and plan, in fact,
was preoccupied with some injustice against their own sub-
jects, at the ingenious looting of their livelihoods and their
resources for living.

Chapter 27

The rise and origin of

Nikephoros Botaneiates

As so what came of all this? Everyone was suffering and

facing difficulties and ceaselessiy praying to God that he
look after his chosen people, begging him with all their
hearts to appoint a man who, with judgment, courage, love
of honor, and a compassionate soul, would be able to topple
the tyrants on the one hand and on the other to return the
fortunes of the Romans to a happier state. Well, it just so

387
 THE HISTORY

τετυχήκασιν οὐκ eig μακρὰν τῶν κατὰ σκοπόν: προσδε-

ξάμενος γὰρ τὴν αἴτησιν αὐτῶν ὁ ἐν ἐλέει ἀμέτρητος Κύ-
ριος, ἀνίστησιν ἄνδρα κρείττονα τῆς εὐχῆς τῶν φοβουμέ-
νων αὐτὸν καὶ τοσοῦτον εἰς ἀρετὴν καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνην
καὶ γενναιότητα καὶ στρατιωτικὴν μεγαλοδοξότητα, ὅσον
ὁ πρώην βασιλεύων: εἰς κακίαν καὶ μικρολογίαν καὶ ἀγενῆ
πολιτείαν διεγινώσκετο. .
"Hv δὲ οὗτος ὁ τὸ κράτος δηλονότι ἐκ τοῦ ἐπουρανίου
βασιλέως μνηστευθεὶς καὶ ἄξιος αὐτῷ λογισθείς, Νικηφό-
ρος κουροπαλάτης ὁ Βοτανειάτης, ὃν πολλαχοῦ τῆς γρα-
φῆς ὡς τρισαριστέα καὶ δοκιμώτατον διελάβομεν. Οὗτος
γὰρ εὐγενὴς τῶν ἀφ᾽ ἡλίου ἀνατολῶν καθεστὼς καὶ τῆς
τῶν Ἀνατολικῶν ἐπαρχίας τυγχάνων πρώτιστος πλούτῳ
καὶ γένει καὶ παλαιῶν ἔργων καὶ νέων λαμπρότησι. Καὶ
τὴν στρατηγίαν ἔχων τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέματος, περίλυπος ἦν
ταῦτα ὁρῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἔφερε, φύσιν ἔχων εὐσεβῆ καὶ φιλό-
θεον, ζῆν καὶ τοιαῦτα καθορᾶν ἀνοσίως πραττόμενα καὶ
πᾶσαν τὴν ἑῴαν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀνάστατον καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν
μεγάλην Κωνσταντινούπολιν πολεμουμένην τοῖς τῶν κρα-
τούντων ἀκρατῶς ἀδικήμασι καὶ τὴν ἑσπερίαν γῆν κατα-
κειρομένην τοῖς ἔθνεσιν καὶ τοῖς βλαπτικοῖς ἐννοήμασιν,
AAN ἀναφέρων εἰς τὴν τοῦ γένους ἐπισημότητα καὶ διανο-
ούμενος ἀκριβῶς ὡς πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀριστευμάτων
καὶ βοηθημάτων ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀπέλαυσε γῆ παρὰ τῶν προ-
γόνων αὐτοῦ κατὰ διαφόρους καιροὺς καὶ χρόνους καὶ
δεύτερος φανῆναι τούτων ἀνάξιον λογισάμενος εἰ μὴ
βοηθήσαι τοῖς κάμνουσιν ὀρθοδόξοις, δι᾿ οὖς Χριστὸς ὁ
Θεὸς ἡμῶν τὸ οἰκεῖον αἷμα ἐξέχεε, ζηλωτὴς διαπυρώτατος

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happened that their prayers were not long left unanswered,

for the Lord, whose mercy knows no bounds, accepted their
plea and lifted up a man even better than those God-fearers
had hoped for, a man who was as great in virtue, magna-
nimity, courage, and martial glory as the previous emperor
[213] was in malice, pettiness, and an ignoble way of life.
This man, whom the Heavenly King espoused to the state
and who was deemed worthy by him to rule it, was the kouro-
palates Nikephoros Botaneiates, whom we have on multiple
occasions in our account described as a triple champion and
most able man. He was of noble origin from the regions of
the rising sun, surpassing everyone else in the province of
the Anatolikoi in wealth, lineage, and the splendor of noble
deeds both past and present. He held che military command
of that province and was saddened by what he saw. As he had
a pious, God-loving nature, he could not endure the fact
that in his own lifetime he had to witness the perpetration
of such unholy acts, while the whole of the east was turned
upside-down by the enemy, the great City of Constantinople
itself was besieged by the unchecked crimes of its rulers, and
the lands of the west were desolated by the barbarians and
by destructive plots. Hearkening to the nobility of his fam-
ily and considering the many surpassing feats and assistance
that the Jand of che Romans had enjoyed at different times
and occasions from his ancestors, he concluded that he
would be thought inferior to them were he not to assist che
suffering Orthodox people for whom Christ our God shed

389
 THE HISTORY

γίνεται Kal τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ τίθησιν ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ Xpr-
στοῦ ποίμνης καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου ἔθνους αὐτοῦ.
Καὶ τῆς Τούρκων ἔτι ζεούσης | ἐπιφορᾶς καὶ πολέμων
πανταχόθεν ἀναρριπιζομένων σφοδρῶς, εὐθαρσῶς καὶ
γενναίως ἀνθίσταται τούτοις αὐτὸς καὶ ἀνθοπλίζεται κρα-
ταιῶς οὐχ ὅπλοις καὶ πλήθει θαρρήσας στρατιωτῶν, ἦσαν
γὰρ προκατειργασμένοι πάντες καὶ καταβεβλημένοι ταῖς
συνέχεσιν ἐπιδρομαῖς καὶ σφαγαῖς καὶ ἥτταις, οἱ δὲ καὶ δε-
διότες ἔτι καὶ τούτῳ μὴ συνερχόμενοι, ἀλλὰ τῷ θείῳ σθέ-
νει πᾶσαν ἀναθεὶς τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ ζήλῳ τὴν δε-
ξιὰν ὁπλίσας, κατὰ πασῶν τῶν ἀντικειμένων δυνάμεων
παρρησιάζεται τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ Kat’ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κρατοῦν-
τος, οὐχ ὡς βασιλικῶς διαγινομένου περὶ τὰ πράγματα
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς τυραννικῶς καὶ ἀθέσμως καὶ ἀπρονοήτως χρωμέ-
νου τῇ διοικήσει τῶν ὅλων καὶ εἰς κακὸν βάραθρον συνω-
θοῦντος τοὺς Αὔσονας.
"Exel γὰρ γράφων τὸ δέον πολλάκις καὶ συμβουλεύων
τῷ βασιλεῖ μεταβαλεῖν πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον καὶ δικαιοσύνης
ὅπλοις καὶ στρατιωτικοῖς μηχανήμασι καὶ δοράτων προ-
βλήμασι καταστρατηγήῆσαι τῶν ἐναντίων, οὐ μόνον οὐκ
εἶχε τοῦτον καταπειθῆ καὶ ὁμόδοξον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυσμενῶς
πρὸς αὐτὸν διακείμενον καὶ μισοῦντα τοῦτον διὰ τὴν εὐ-
σχήμονα συμβουλήν, αὐτὸς τοὺς τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας καὶ
τὰ κατὰ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων παλαίσματα καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν
Χριστιανῶν φροντίδα μόνος ὑπέρχεταί τε καὶ ἀναδύεται.
Καὶ μέσον Θεοῦ καὶ ἀνθρώπων τὴν ἀγαθὴν προαίρεσιν
καὶ τὸν ἐμφωλεύοντα τούτῳ σκοπὸν εὐσεβῆ προβαλλό-
μενος, ἄρχεται τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκθύμως ἀντιλαμβάνε-
σθαι, πόρρω θέμενος τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως βαθεῖαν ταύτην
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 CHAPTER 27

his own blood. He thus became a fiery zealot and risked his
soul for the flock of Christ and his holy nation.
While the Türks' invasions were still at their peak,
[214] and with wars being waged violently in every direc-
tion, he himself put forth a robust and brave resistance. He
was not emboldened to resist them by the weapons and
numbers of the soldiers, for the men were already exhausted
and dejected by the continual raids, slaughters, and defeats,
and failed to respond to his summons out of fear; rather, he
placed every hope in divine strength. He armed his right
hand with righteous zeal and became a defender of the truth
against all forces that stood opposed to it, and against the
emperor himself too, who was not managing affairs in a truly
imperial manner, but rather tyrannically and illegitimately
and, by administering affairs in an improvident way, was
leading the Ausonians over a sheer cliff.
After repeatedly writing to the emperor and telling him
what had to be said, advising him to change his ways for the
better and defeat our enemies with the weapons of justice,
military stratagems, and an array of lances, he not only failed
to convince him to accept his ideas but even turned him
against him and made him hate him on account of his good
advice. So he then accepted and took upon himself alone
these great contests, I mean the struggle against the barbar-
ians and the concern for the Christians. Revealing to both
God and men his noble intention and the pious purpose that
was lodged in his heart, he began ardently to take command
of the affairs of the [215] Romans, putting the emperor's deep

391
 THE HISTORY

ἀπόνοιαν. Οἱ δὲ συνελθόντες αὐτῷ μὴ θαρρεῖν αὐτῷ παρ-

εγγυησάμενοι εἰ μὴ καὶ τῶν παρασήμων τῆς βασιλείας
ἐπενδύσηται τὴν 'λαμπρότητα, ποιεῖται καὶ τοῦτο τῆς
αὐτοῦ μεγαλοφροσύνης καὶ κοινωφελοῦς ὑπακοῆς ὑπό-
δειγμα κράτιστον καὶ περιβάλλεται μὲν χλαμύδα καὶ βύσ-
σον καὶ ἁλουργίδα, τὴν δ᾽ εὐφημίαν τοῦ κράτους παρὰ
πάντων εἰσδέχεται, δευτέραν ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἰουλίου μηνὸς
τῆς πρώτης ἰνδικτίωνος, ὁπόταν ὁ ἑωσφόρος ἥλιος τὸν
ἰσημερινὸν κύκλον ἐλαύνων καθαρώτερον ἅμα καὶ λαμ-
πρότερον τὸν περίγειον κόσμον ἐργάζεται καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώ-
ποις τὴν ἡμέραν μεγίστην καὶ χαρίεσσαν καὶ ὑπερβλύζου-
σαν τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀποδείκνυσι καὶ κόσμον ὅλον χαρίτων
ἀρρήτων ἐμπίπλησιν.
Ἄρχεται τοιγαροῦν τῶν κοσμικῶν ἔργων ὁ νέος οὗτος
δεσπότης καὶ βασιλεὺς καὶ πρῶτον μὲν καταπλήττει τοὺς
Οὔννους ἅπαντας ὅσοι τὴν ἑῴαν κατέτρεχον καὶ θάμβους
καὶ ἀπορίας πληροῖ καὶ ἤρξατο συρρεῖν én’ αὐτὸν πλεῖστον
ὅσον τουρκικὸν πλῆθος ἐν δουλικῷ τῷ φρονήματι. Παρῆ-
σαν γὰρ τούτῳ αὐτόμολοι τήν τε δουλείαν ὁμολογοῦντες
καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁμιλίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ θέαν εὐεργεσίαν
μεγίστην εἶναι κατατιθέμενοι. Ἣν γὰρ θεαθῆναι μὲν φο-
βερώτατος ὁμοῦ καὶ ἡδύτατος τῷ τε καταπληκτικῷ τοῦ
μεγέθους καὶ τῇ ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς ῥώμης καὶ τῷ τῆς ὄψεως
χαροπῷ καὶ ἀστραπηβόλῳ: | διαλάμπουσαν γὰρ ἔχων τὴν
ὄψιν ἀκράτοις τοῖς ἐρυθήμασι, τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐδείκνυ
χαρίτων μεστούς, τὸ μέλαν ἄκρατον ἔξωθεν ἐπιτρέχον
ὑποδεικνύοντας καὶ κάλλος ἄρρητον ἔνδοθεν ἀποστίλβον-
τας, τήν τε ὀφρὺν ὑπεραιρομένην δίκην ἁψῖδος ἐν ὁμοίᾳ

392
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madness far out of mind. His advisers, however, suggested

that he not proceed without investing himself first with the
glorious insignia of imperial office. So he did this too, a
mighty example of his magnanimity and submission to the
public good, donning the imperial cloak, the linen and man-
tle, and receiving the acclamations of his authority by all on
the second day of the month of July, of the first indiction,???
when the light-bringing sun, following an equatorial orbit,
makes the earthly realms clearer and brighter, and bestows
upon mankind the longest and most joyous day, overflowing
with bounty, and fills che entire world with ineffable grace.
This new lord and emperor immediately began to deal
with these worldly concerns. First, he stunned all the Huns
who were overrunning the east, filling them with shock and
awe, so that throngs of Turks started flocking to him in the
humble obedience of servants. For there were already by his
side some of them who had changed sides, declaring their
submission to him, who deemed that mere association with
this man and seeing him was the greatest benefaction. He
was, in fact, most fearsome to behold and at the same time
extremely pleasant, with his impressive height, obvious
strength, and his joyous and radiant countenance. [216] His
face glowed with a pure rosy color, his eyes were full of
charm, the pure black on their outside underlining the inef-
fable beauty that shone from the inside. His eyebrows
soared like arches above them in the same true black color.

393
 THE HISTORY

καὶ ἀψευδούσῃ βαφῇ καὶ τὸ μέτωπον φεγγοβόλοις προσε-

οἰκὸς ταῖς μαρμαρυγαῖς καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ προσώπου
κατάστασιν ἀναλογοῦσαν τῷ κάλλει καὶ δεύτερον ἥλιον
χειροτονοῦσαν ἐπίγειον. Καὶ θεαθῆναι μὲν τοιοῦτος ἦν καὶ
κρείττων ἤπερ ἐκπέφρασται, ὁμιλῆσαι δὲ τοσοῦτον χαρίεις
καὶ εὔθυμος καὶ περιδέξιος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ὡς σειρῆνας μι-
μεῖσθαι τοὺς φθόγγους αὐτοῦ πάντας ἕλκοντας πρὸς
ἀκρόασιν καὶ τῶν οἴκοι ποιοῦντας ἐπιλανθάνεσθαι καὶ
μόνῳ προσανέχειν αὐτῷ. Οὕτως ἐκ πρώτης ἐντεύξεως
ἅπασι σχεδὸν πόθος τοῦ βασιλέως ἐνέσκηψεν, οὐ μόνον
Ῥωμαίοις ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἐναντίοις καὶ μαχιμωτάτοις
ἀνδράσι καὶ ὧν ἡ πρᾶξις τῶν ἀγριωτάτων θηρίων οὐκ
ἀποδεῖ, αἰδεῖται γάρ, φησιν, ἀρετὴν καὶ πολέμιος, of δὲ οὐκ
αἰδῶ μόνον ἔσχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φόβον καὶ πόθον τῆς τοῦ βα-
σιλεύοντος θεοειδοῦς ἀναβάσεως.
Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν περὶ τοῦ κράτους αὐτοῦ λόγος ἀναμεινάτω
μικρόν: ἐπεὶ δὲ περὶ τῆς τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ μεγαλειότητος
ἐπεμνήσθημεν, βραχύ τι περὶ τούτου διαλεξώμεθα, ἵνα
γνῶσι πάντες οἵων αὐτῷ τῶν προγόνων ὄντων εἰς περιφά-
vetav | ἀνδραγαθίας καὶ δόξης ὅσον οὗτος ὑπερηκόντισεν,
ὡς μήτε τοῦτον ἄξιον εἶναι προγόνους ἑτέρους ἔχειν ἢ
ἐκείνους μόνους, μήτ᾽ ἐκείνους ἀπόγονον ἕτερον ἢ τὸν νῦν
εὐφημούμενον, ὅπερ δὴ καλῶς ποιοῦν καὶ συνέδραμεν. Ἢ
μὲν οὖν τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ ἀνωτάτω καὶ πρώτη σειρὰ ἐκ
τῶν Φωκάδων ἐκείνων ὥρμηται, Φωκάδων ὧν κλέος εὐρὺ
κατὰ πᾶσαν γῆν τε καὶ θάλασσαν: οὗτοι γὰρ ὑπερφυῶς
τῶν ἄλλων τὸ κράτος ἐν βασιλείοις ἐκέκτηντο, στρατηγί-
αις τε καὶ δημαγωγίαις καὶ ἀνδρείῳ βραχίονι καὶ γένους

394
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As for the forehead, it appeared to emit sparkling light,

while the remaining features of his face were of equal beauty,
crowning him like a second, earthly sun. That is what it was
like to behold him, in fact he was superior to my description
of him. In speech he was so graceful, cheerful, and skillful
that his utterances sounded like the song of the Sirens, draw-
ing everyone in to pay attention and making people forget
their domestic affairs and desire only to listen to him. Thus
from the first encounter almost all had a passionate admira-
tion for the emperor, not only the Romans but also his very
enemies, the most warlike of men, whose actions differ little
from those of wild beasts; for it is said that even the enemy
respects virtue.254 And they not only respected him, but
both feared and desired the emperor's divine ascent to the
throne.
Let us postpone our account of his reign for a little while;
given that we have already mentioned the illustriousness of
his family, we should say a few words about it so that all may
know how great his ancestors were in pride [217] of valor and
glory, because in these respects he surpassed them, so much
so that it was neither fitting for him to have any kind of an-
cestors other than them alone, nor for them to have any de-
scendant other than the one now being praised, as in fact it
happily turned out. His family's first rank sprang originally
from the Phokades,*® those very Phokades whose fame is
great over the entire earth and all the seas, for they had
attained power greater than anyone else's in the palace, eas-
ily surpassing all others with their military might, political

395
 THE HISTORY

ἐπισημότητι πάντας ἐπιεικῶς ὑπεραίροντες. Ἔνενήκοντα

γὰρ καὶ δύο γενεὰς εὐημεροῦντες κατὰ τὸ συνεχές, κατὰ
πάντων εἶχον τὰ νικητήρια, μηδενὸς ἀνθαμιλληθῆναι δυ-
ναμένου καὶ συγκριθῆναι τῷ γένει τῶν Φωκάδων ὑπὲρ
ἀνδρίας ἢ ἀνδραγαθίας τινὸς ἣ ὑπατείας μεγίστης καὶ
στρατηγίας ἐπιφανοῦς.
Εἰ δέ τις ἀναδράμοι πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἐνενήκοντα καὶ δύο
γενεῶν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀκρότητα, μέχρι γὰρ τοῦ τῆς ἀοιδίμου
λήξεως βασιλέως κυρίου Νικηφόρου τοῦ Φωκᾶ τὸ ποσὸν
τῶν τοιούτων συνεψηφίζετο γενεῶν, εὑρήσει κατηγμέ-
νους αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τρισμάκαρος καὶ μεγάλου Κων-
σταντίνου, τοῦ πάντων βασιλέων ὑπέρτερον ἐσχηκότος
κράτος ἐν ὑπεροχαῖς ἀγωνισμάτων πολεμικῶν καὶ τοῦ
ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐσεβείας ζήλου, ὡς καὶ ἰσαπόστολον λογισθῆναι
καὶ τῆς Χριστιανῶν ἀμωμήτου πίστεως κρηπῖδα τελεσθῆ-
vat καὶ πρόβολον. Οὗτος γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς | πρεσβυτέρας Ῥώ-
μῆς μεταθεὶς τὴν βασιλείαν εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον, ἀφότου τὸν
Μαξέντιον περὶ τὰς κάτω Γαλλίας κατετροπώσατο τῇ ἐπι-
δείξει τοῦ σταυρικοῦ σημείου τὴν νίκην ἄνωθεν μνηστευ-
θείς, τοὺς ἀξιολογωτέρους τῶν εὐπατριδῶν καὶ τιμίων ἐν
ταύτῃ τῇ Νέᾳ Ῥώμῃ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ παραλαβών, μετῴκισέ τε
καὶ συμπολίτας ἑαυτοῦ ἀπειργάσατο, λαμπρὰς οἰκίας τού-
τοις ἐπιδειμάμενος κατὰ τὴν ἐμφέρειαν τῶν ἐν τῇ παλαιᾷ
Ῥώμῃ πολυτελῶς κατεσκευασμένων οἴκων.
Ἐκ τούτων οὖν, ὡς ὁ λόγος αἱρεῖ καὶ ἡ τοῦ γένους ἀνα-
φορὰ περιάγει, οἱ Φωκάδες αὐτοὶ καταγόμενοι τήν τε
περιφάνειαν ἄνωθεν ἔσχον καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀνδρίας ἀλκιμώτα-
τον καὶ ἀνύποιστον ἐκ τῶν ὀνομαστῶν ἐκείνων Φαβίων,

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leadership, manly strength of arms, and family distinction.

They prospered for ninety-two continuous generations,
maintaining supremacy over all the others, as no one could
compete with or compare to the family of the Phokades in
bravery, martial feats, the greatest consular appointments,
and notable military commands.
Now, if one were to go back to the very source and begin-
ning of those ninety-two generations —a total time span of
generations that takes us down to the reign of the blessed
emperor, lord Nikephoros Phokas***—one will find that
they descend from the thrice-blessed Constantine the
Great, who prevailed in power over all other emperors for
his superb military exploits as well as for his zeal on behalf
of religion, so much so that he is considered equal to the
apostles, a foundation stone and bulwark of the Christians'
spotless faith. When he moved [218) the seat of imperial
power from Elder Rome to Byzantion, after routing Maxen-
tius in lower Gaul by wooing victory from on high to his side
with the display of the sign of the Cross,?5’ Constantine took
with him to New Rome the most notable and honorable pa-
tricians and installed them there, making them his fellow
citizens and building resplendent mansions for them in the
image of the luxurious houses that existed at Elder Rome.
Based on all this, as the story goes and as can be surmised
from the family ancestry, the Phokades are the descendants
of those most famous Fabii, and draw from them their fame
and valiant, irresistible courage; it is they who are the source

397
 THE HISTORY

ὥς που διὰ βίβλου τινὸς παλαιᾶς ἐχειραγωγήθην ποτέ,

τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ γένους ἐφέλκοντες. Οὗτοι δὲ οἱ Φάβιοι ἐν
τῇ παλαιᾷ Ῥώμῃ τὰς πρώτας ἔσχον ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμὰς καὶ
ῥίζα πάντων τῶν εὐγενῶν καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα καρτερῶν
ἐγνωρίζοντο καὶ οὐδεὶς τούτων ἐσφάλη ποτὲ περὶ πολέ-
μους καὶ κινδύνους ἀγωνιζόμενος: ἀλλὰ τὸ εὐγενὲς καὶ
ἐπίδοξον οὐκ ἐν τῇ τοῦ γένους εἶχον ἐπισημότητι μόνῃ,
ἀλλὰ κἀν τῇ τῶν πράξεων διέφερον λαμπρότητι καὶ πολ-
λῶν ἀναγκῶν καὶ κινδύνων ἀφύκτων σχεδὸν τὴν Ῥώμην
διὰ τῆς οἰκείας ἀρετῆς καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνης καὶ ἀνδρίας
ἐρρύσαντο.
Ἔκ τούτων οἱ Σκηπίωνες καὶ ὁ Ἀφρικανὸς Σκηπίων, ὁ
τὸν ἀκαταμάχητον ἐκεῖνον Ἀννίβαν τὸν καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν
Ῥώμην πολιορκῆσαι | μέλλοντα περιφανῶς τροπωσάμενος
καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐκείνου τὴν Καρχηδόνα μεγάλην καὶ πολυ-
ἄνθρωπον καὶ ἀνθρώποις νομιζομένην ἀνάλωτον ἄρδην
καταστρεψάμενος, ἥτις καὶ Aoptkr] κατωνόμασται, ὃς τῆς
τοιαύτης πόλεως καταστρεφομένης παρὰ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτόν,
οὐ μόνον μὴ ἐπαρθῆναι τῇ νίκῃ λέγεται ἀλλὰ καὶ δακρύων
πληρῶσαι τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ἐνθυμηθέντος τὸ ὁμηρικὸν
ἐκεῖνο ἔπος, καὶ γλώσσῃ περιλαλεῖν τὸ «ἔσσεται ἧμαρ ὅταν
ποτ᾽ ὀλώλῃ Ἴλιος ἱρή» καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. Kal διερωτώμενος τοῦ
χάριν τοῦτο λαλεῖ, ἀπεκρίνατο ὡς: «Ἔσται καιρός ποτε
ὅταν ἴσως καὶ ἡ πατρὶς ἡμῶν πολιορκίας περιπέσῃ δει-
voig.» Οὕτως οἱ παλαιοὶ στρατηγοὶ τὰς τοῦ μέλλοντος
εὐλαβοῦντο τύχας καὶ τοσαύτην φροντίδα ὑπὲρ τῆς σφῶν
πατρίδος ἐτίθεντο.

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 CHAPTER 27

of their line, as I was led to believe from a certain old book.

These Fabii, then, held the highest offices and honors in El-
der Rome and were recognized as the root of the entire no-
bility and of all men mighty at arms. None of them ever
failed while contending in war or danger. Nonetheless, their
nobility and love of glory was not simply a function of the
family’s prominence; rather, it stemmed also from the ex
ceeding splendor of their actions for, through their innate
virtue, magnanimity and courage, they delivered Rome
from many a dire situation and nearly inescapable dangers.
The Scipiones issued from them, more specifically Scipio
Africanus, who gloriously (219) defeated the invincible Han-
nibal, the man who was planning a siege of Rome herself,
and then utterly destroyed his city, Carthage, which was
great, populous, and believed among men to be impregna-
ble, and is now called Africa. When a city of such size was
being destroyed by his men, it is said that not only did he
not relish the victory but, rather, his eyes filled with tears
when he recalled and recited the Homeric verse according
to which “There will be a day when sacred Ilion will fall,” and
the passage that follows. And when he was asked the reason
why he was saying that, he answered that "there will be a
time when perhaps our own country will fall victim to a ter-
rible siege.”*5* Thus did the generals of old respect the future
and its turns of fortune, and showed such great concern for
their own country.

399
 THE HISTORY

IO Ἔκ τούτων, τῶν Φαβίων φημί, kai ὁ Ἀσιατικὸς Σκηπίων

ἀνέθηλεν ἐπεὶ καὶ ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Ἀφρικανοῦ ἦν. Ἐκλήθη δὲ
Ἀσιατικὸς ὅτιπερ εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης διαπεραι-
wOeic μετὰ δυνάμεως μετρίας ῥωμαϊκῆς, Ἀντίοχον ἐκεῖνον
τὸν ἐπικληθέντα ᾿Επιφανῆ μυριάνδροις στρατιαῖς γεγαυ-
ρωμένον γενναίως κατηγωνίσατο καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πάσης
ῥωμαλέως κατεκυρίευσε καὶ ὑπόσπονδον τοῦτον τοῖς Ῥω-
μαίοις πεποίηκε καὶ θρίαμβον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ κατήνεγκεν
ἐπινίκιον.
11 Ἔκ τούτων ὁ Αἰμίλιος Παῦλος, ὃς τὸν Μακεδόνων βα-
σιλέα Περσέα καλούμενον, ἀπόγονον δὲ τοῦ Μεγάλου
Ἀλεξάνδρου τυγχάνοντα, πολέμῳ νικήσας δι᾿ ἡμερῶν
εἴκοσι, τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ὑποχείριον σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις
ἀπέδειξε καὶ | τὸν περσικὸν πλοῦτον ἐντεῦθεν συναγαγών,
οὐδὲ μέχρι καὶ ἐκπώματος χρυσοῦ ἢ ἀργύρου εἰς τὸν ἴδιον
βίον εἰσήγαγεν, ἀλλὰ πάντα τῇ πόλει καὶ τῷ φίσκῳ προσ-
ἤνεγκε, δι᾽ ἁμαξῶν δισχιλίων τὰ λάφυρα πάντα τοῖς πολί-
ταις καθυποδείξας καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς προεκκομίσας εἰς τὸ
δημόσιον καὶ τοῦτο μόνον κερδήσας τῶν τοιούτων τρο-
παίων, τὸ μετὰ δίφρου βασιλικοῦ κατὰ τὸ εἰθισμένον
λαμπρῶς θριαμβεῦσαι, προπορευομένων αὐτοῦ τῶν τοσ-
ούτων λαφύρων καὶ προσεχῶς τοῦ ἅρματος τῶν τε ἄλλων
ἐκκρίτων Μακεδόνων καὶ τοῦ αἰχμαλωτισθέντος βασι-
λέως αὐτοῦ δὴ τοῦ Περσέως μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικός.
Οὐ γὰρ πρὸς ἀργυρίου καὶ πλούτου ἐπίκτησιν οἱ εὐγενέ-
στατοι Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦ Kar’ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ ἠγωνίζοντο, ἀλλὰ
du εὔκλειαν μόνην καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν καὶ τῆς ἰδίας
πατρίδος σωτηρίαν τε καὶ λαμπρότητα.

400
 CHAPTER 27

From them, I mean the Fabii, stemmed also Scipio Asiati- τὸ

cus, who was a brother of Africanus. He was called Asiaticus
because he crossed over to Asia from Europe with a modest
Roman force and bravely defeated Antiochos, who was
called Epiphanes and was boasting of the swarms of his
armies. Thus he vigorously conquered all of Asia, making it
subject to the Romans, and then he celebrated a victory tri-
umph in Rome.??
Also from them stemmed Aemilius Paulus, who in a n
twenty-day war defeated the king of the Macedonians
named Perseus, who was a descendant of Alexander the
Great, and displayed him to the Romans as a captive, along
with his wife and children. [220] Gathering Perseus’s
wealth after the war, he kept for himself not a single gold or
silver cup, but rather handed everything over to the city and
treasury. He paraded all chis booty before the citizens on
two thousand carts and delivered it, through the market-
place, to the state coffers. One thing alone he gained from
all these trophies, namely the customary right to an ostenta-
tious triumphal parade on a royal chariot, the vast amounts
of loot processing before him, while behind his chariot were
the noble Macedonians as well as the captured king himself,
Perseus, with his children and wife. For the noble Romans
of that time did not strive for money and the acquisition of
wealth but simply for renown, the demonstration of their
manliness, and their country's safety and splendor.

401
 THE HISTORY

12 Ἰοιούτους κλάδους ἡ τῶν Φαβίων ῥίζα περιφανεῖς ἀνα-

δεδωκυῖα, χρόνοις ὕστερον οὐκ ὀλίγοις καὶ τοὺς Φωκά-
δας ἡμῖν ἐπιδέδωκεν, ὥσπερ μεταφυτευθέντας ἐξ ἑτέρας
γῆς εἰς ἑτέραν ἐπίτοκον ἄρουραν: ἡ γὰρ διὰ πάντων ἀκρό-
τῆς καὶ τὸ τῶν πράξεων συμφυὲς καὶ ὁμόζηλον καὶ ἡ τῶν
ὀνομάτων παρίσωσις ἀπαράγραπτον αὐτοῖς μαρτυρίαν
τοῦ γένους καὶ ἀναμφίβολον δείκνυσιν. Εἰ δὲ καὶ ἰβηρικὴν
συμφυΐαν ἐξ ἑνὸς μέρους τοῖς Φωκάσι παρομαρτεῖν λέγε-
ται, καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον πιστότερον τὸν λόγον ἡμῶν δια-
τίθησιν: οἱ γὰρ Ἴβηρες ἐκ τῆς Κελτικῆς ἀνεφάνησαν | γῆς,
^ γὰρ Ἰβηρία κυρίως καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ Κελτιβηρία πρὸς τὰ
δυσμικὰ μέρη τῆς Ῥώμης διάκεινται πρὸς τὸν ἑσπέριον
ὠκεανόν, ἥτις νῦν Ἱσπανία κατωνομάζεται. Τῆς Ῥώμης
γὰρ ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἰταλίαν κειμένης, τὰ μὲν πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχον-
τα μέρη ἄνω Γαλλίαι διονομάζονται, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἥλιον δύ-
vovra μέχρις Ἄλπεων ὀρῶν κάτω, ὅπου νῦν ἡ Νεμιτζία
γνωρίζεται, τὸν ἴδιον ἄρχοντα ῥῆγα κατονομάζουσα, τὰ
δὲ πρὸς ἐγκάρσια μέρη τῶν Ἄλπεων ὡς πρὸς νότον ἄχρι
τοῦ ἑσπερίου ὠκεανοῦ Ἰβηρία καὶ Κελτιβηρία ἐλέγοντο,
τῶν εἰσρεόντων ἐκεῖσε ποταμῶν τῇ χώρᾳ χαρισαμένων
τουτὶ τὸ ὄνομα. 'ExeiOev γὰρ τὸν μὲν βουλόμενον τὴν μὲν
παρακειμένην ἀκτὴν παραπλεῦσαι πρὸς τὰς κάτω Γαλλίας
ὁ τῶν Ἡρακλειῶν στηλῶν πορθμὸς ἐκδέχεται, τὸν δὲ πρὸς
ἀνατολὰς ἐνδοτέρω δηλονότι τῆς χώρας ἐπεκτεινόμενον
τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ, πρὸς τὰ μέρη τῶν Βρεττανικῶν νήσων καθ-
οδηγεῖ καὶ προτρέπεται, τῷ δὲ βουλομένῳ πρὸς τὰς τῶν
μακάρων νήσους ἀπᾶραι ὁ ἀπόπλους ἀχανὴς παρατείνε-
ται, ἀπέχουσι γὰρ τῆς γῆς μέτρον μιλίων χιλίων. Δύο δὲ

402
 CHAPTER 27

Such were the glorious branches that sprang from the 1

root of the Fabii, which, after quite a few years, gave us the
Phokades also, as if transplanting them from one plot of
land to another, fertile one. And their excellence in every
field, the like nature of their acts and zeal as well as the simi-
larity in their names?! offer irrefutable and undeniable
proof of their lineage. And if indeed it is said that an Iberian
connection attaches on one side to the Phokades, this is all
the more in support of my argument. For the Iberians origi-
nated in the Celtic lands, [221] and Iberia proper along with
Celtiberia lies to the west of Rome by the western ocean and
they are now both called Spain?9 As Rome lies above It-
aly?9 those lands looking to the rising sun are called upper
Gaul, while those facing the setting sun, all the way to the
limits of the Alps, are called lower Gaul, where today one
finds Nemitzia,?54 whose king is known as the rex. The lands
transverse to the Alps to the south, extending all the way to
the western ocean, are known as Iberia and Celtiberia, tak-
ing their names from the rivers that flow through that land.
From these lands, whoever wishes to sail along the adjacent
coast all the way to lower Gaul goes through the strait of che
Pillars of Herakles, while he who moves toward the east, as
the coast extends inward, will be led toward and eventually
reach the British isles. The one who wants to sail toward the
Islands of the Blessed must sail over a vast distance, for they
are some thousand miles distant from the land. There are

403
 THE HISTORY

ai νῆσοί εἰσιν, οὐ πολὺ ἀλλήλων ἀπέχουσαι, παντοίων

ἀγαθῶν καὶ ποικίλων διηνεκῶς βρίθουσαι καὶ πόαν μα-
λακὴν καὶ εὐώδη Sv ὅλου τοῦ ἔτους τρέφουσαι. Ἀπῳκισμέ-
vat γὰρ οὖσαι τῆς κοσμικῆς ἰλύος καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀέρος ἐπι-
μιξίας, ἥτις ἐκ τῶν δυσόδμων τῆς γῆς αὐχμῶν ἐπιγίνεται,
οὐδόλως μεταλαμβάνουσαι, ὑγιεινότατον καὶ ἄλυπον τοῖς
ἐκεῖσε ἀνθρώποις | καὶ κτήνεσι τὸν βίον πεποίηνται καὶ
διατριβὴν ἡδίστην καὶ ἀπράγμονα καὶ χαρίεσσαν πάντῃ
καὶ εὐζωΐαν παρέχουσιν.
13 Οἱ οὖν τὴν Ἰβηρικὴν οἰκοῦντες ἄνδρες ἀνδρειότατοί τε
ὄντες καὶ ἰσχυρῶς παλαμώμενοι διαπαντὸς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
ἀντεπολέμουν καὶ καρτερίας ἔργα καὶ ἀρετῆς κατ᾽ αὐτῶν
ἐπεδείκνυντο. Καὶ δυσχερῶς αὐτῶν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι μεγίστῳ
καὶ ἀνυποίστῳ θάρσει καὶ ἀνεκδιηγήτοις ὁρμαῖς ἐκυρίευ-
σαν ὡς διὰ χρόνου σπονδὰς ἐπιτελεσθῆναι τούτοις καὶ
ἀναμὶξ σύνθεσιν ἐξ ἐπιγαμβρείας καὶ μετοικιῶν πρὸς
ἀλλήλους. Διὸ καὶ ὁ μέγας ἐν βασιλεῦσι καὶ παναοίδιμος
Κωνσταντῖνος μοῖραν οὐκ ἐλαχίστην ἐκεῖθεν ἐκ τῶν ἑσπε-
ρίων Ἰβήρων ἀποτεμόμενος, εἰς τὴν ἑῴαν μετῴκισεν ἐν
τοῖς τῆς Ἀσσυρίας μέρεσι καὶ ἔκτοτε τὴν κλῆσιν τῆς
Ἰβηρίας ἡ δεξαμένη τούτους χώρα προσέλαβε. Πρότερον
γὰρ Ἀσσύριοι καὶ ταύτην ᾧκουν τὴν χώραν, ἔπειτα Μῆδοι,
μετὰ δὲ χρόνους ἱκανοὺς οἱ Ἀρμένιοι, καὶ οὐκ ἂν εὕροι τις
ἐπὶ τῶν ἄνω χρόνων Ἴβηρας μνημονευομένους ἐνταῦθα
ἐν παλαιαῖς ἱστορίαις, εἰ μὴ ἐξ οὗπερ ὁ Μέγας Κωνσταν-
τῖνος τούτους αὐτόθι κατῴκισεν.

404
 CHAPTER 27

two of these islands, not too far from each other, teeming
with all manner of goods and covered throughout the year
by soft and fragrant grass. As they are located at a distance
from the world's filth and the air's pollution, which is gener-
ated by the foul and dry odors of the earth, they are not
affected by them and offer the people [222] and animals
that live on them a healthy life devoid of sorrow, so that be-
ing there is most pleasant, carefree, joyous in all ways, and
happy.
The men who live in Iberia are most brave and mighty, 13
and they had in the past been in continual and total war with
the Romans, performing feats of endurance and bravery
against them. The Romans managed only with great diffi-
culty to conquer them through their own irresistible brav-
ery and unrivaled impetus. Eventually they made treaties
and their people mixed through intermarriage and mutual
emigration. It is for this reason that the greatest among the
emperors, the most celebrated Constantine, selected a not
inconsiderable portion of the western Iberians and resettled
them in the east, in the regions of Assyria. Henceforward
the country that received them has been called Iberia. Pre-
viously this country too had been inhabited by the Assyri-
ans, then by the Medes, and after numerous years by the Ar-
menians, and one cannot find any reference to the Iberians
in the old histories except after the period when Constan-
tine the Great settled them there.?%

405
 28

2
E. τούτων οὖν εἴπερ oi ἐκ τοῦ γένους τοῦ Φωκᾶ μετά-
Antv. εἶχον γένους, ὡς ὁμοχώρων γενομένων ποτὲ καὶ
αὐτοχθόνων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ συμφυΐας καὶ συναυλίας,
οὐδεμία διαφορὰ εὐγενῶν ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ ἀνδρείων συν-
εληλυθότων εἰς μιᾶς συμπλήρωσιν κοσμιότητος. | Kal τὰ
μὲν τοῦ γένους τῶν Φωκάδων, ὅσα γε ἥκει κατὰ τὰς προσ-
EXEIS ἡμῶν γενεάς, περίφημά τε καὶ περιβόητα καὶ μαρτυ-
ρεῖ τούτοις τά τε τῶν ἄνωθεν διηγήματα καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς
κῦρις Νικηφόρος ὁ Φωκᾶς, ὃς τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα
κατειληφὼς ἐν στενῷ κομιδῇ καὶ ἀπόρῳ περιϊστάμενα τῇ
τῶν Σαρακηνῶν καὶ Ἀράβων ἐπιστρατείᾳ, καὶ πρὸ τῆς βα-
σιλείας ἀνεκτήσατό τε καὶ ἀνεζώωσε, πολλοῖς πόνοις καὶ
ἀγῶσι πολεμικοῖς καταστρατηγήσας τῶν ἐναντίων ἄχρι
Νικαίας ληϊζομένων τὴν ἑῴαν καὶ εἰς τὴν τῶν Κιλίκων
κατακλείσας αὐτούς: εἶτα καὶ τὴν μεγίστην νῆσον τῆς
Κρήτης ἀνασώσας τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ, πρᾶγμα δυσμετα-
χείριστόν τε καὶ δυσκατόρθωτον, εὐσεβὴς δὲ ὧν τὰ πρὸς
τὸν Θεὸν καὶ βουλεύσασθαι διαγνωστικώτατος καὶ στρα-
τηγὸς ἀνδρειότατος, τὰ μὲν ἐκ Θεοῦ καὶ θείας δυνάμεως,
τὰ δὲ συμβουλίαις ἀρίσταις καὶ στρατιωτικαῖς γενναιότη-
σιν, εἰς τέλος εὐκταιότατον καὶ μακάριον συνεπέραινεν.

406
 Chapter 28

Nikephoros Phokas's conquest

of Crete (961)

I: indeed, it is from them that the family of Phokas drew

its origin, then, as they had once lived in the same land and
became autochthonous based on their grafting onto Rome
and cohabitation, there is no difference in nobility and cour-
age between them, for they had come together into one har-
monious and complementary union. [223] As for the family
of the Phokades, those from the generations closest to us
are celebrated and known to all. As witnesses to this we may
cite both the old accounts and the emperor lord Nikephoros
Phokas himself,2% who took charge of the affairs of the Ro-
mans when they were in a tight spot because no solution was
in sight to the invasions of the Saracens and Arabs. Even be-
fore he became emperor, he reconquered lands and breathed
new life into the state with his many toils and military strug-
gles by which he defeated enemies who had been rampaging
in the east all the way to Nikaia, and hemmed them in the
land of the Kilikians. He then restored the great island of
Crete to the rule of the Romans, a most difficult feat to un-
dertake and accomplish. He was pious in all affairs that per-
tained to God, most discerning in his decisions, and most
brave as a general. Some of his achievements he brought to a
most desirable and felicitous conclusion through God and
divine power, while others he accomplished through his

407
 THE HISTORY

"Iva δὲ γνοῖεν oi ἐντυγχάνοντες τοῖσδε τοῖς γράμμασι ví

βούλεται ἡμῖν τὸ τῆς εὐσεβείας ἐγκώμιον ἐν τοῖς στρατι-
ὠτικοῖς παραγγέλμασι, προσθήσομέν τι τῷ διηγήματι.
Μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ διαπεραιωθῆναι στόλῳ βαρεῖ πρὸς
τὴν Κρήτην κἀκεῖσε τὸν ἀπόπλουν ποιήσασθαι, συνῆλθον
ai τριήρεις καὶ τὸ τῶν ὁλκάδων πλῆθος εἰς τὸ τῶν Φυγέλ-
λωνλεγόμενον κατατόπιον. Καὶ γενομένης τῆς ἐμπλωΐσεως
ἐνταυθοῖ, | ἠρώτησεν ὁ Φωκᾶς δομέστικος ὧν πάσης Ava-
τολῆς τηνικαῦτα καὶ τῷ τῶν μαγίστρων ἀξιώματι ἔντιμος,
πῶς ὁ τόπος ἀφ᾽ οὗπερ ἐξορμῆσαι μέλλει κατονομάζεται.
Καὶ ἐπείπερ ἐμεμαθήκει ὄτι Φύγελλα τούτῳ τὸ ὄνομα, οὐ
κατεδέξατο τοῦτο ποιήσασθαι ὁρμητήριον, ἀλλὰ πέραν ἐκ
πολλοῦ διαστήματος ἀκρωτήριον τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς ἐπελ-
θών, ἐπύθετο περὶ τούτου ποῖον τοῦτό ἐστι καὶ ὅπως προσ-
αγορεύεται: καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι Ayla τῷ ἀκροθινίῳ τὸ ὄνομα,
τὰ μὲν ἐμβεβλημένα πάντα τοῖς πλοίοις ἐν τοῖς Φυγέλλοις
πάλιν ἀπερεύξασθαι τὰ πλοῖα πεποίηκε, τὸν δὲ στόλον
ἅπαντα τῇ γῇ Ἁγίας προσοκεῖλαι, διαταξάμενος ἐκεῖσέ τε
τὴν ἐμπλώϊσιν καὶ τὴν ἐξόρμησιν τῆς ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως,
συμβόλῳ χρηστῷ καὶ ἀγαθῷ χρηστηρίῳ τῷ τόπῳ τῆς
ἁγιωσύνης χρησάμενος καὶ τὸ Φυγέλλων ὡς φυγὴν προ-
αινιττόμενον ἀποτιναξάμενος.
Διατοῦτο καὶ χρονίσας ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τῇ Nn@ λεγομένῃ
μετὰ τοῦ στόλου παντός, οὐδένα μὲν εἶχε τὸν ὁδηγήσοντα
πρὸς τὴν νῆσον τὴν Κρήτην, διὰ τὸ ἀγνοεῖν πάντας τὴν
ὁδὸν ἐκείνην ἐκ τοῦ χρόνοις πολλοῖς μὴ παροδεῦσαι ἐκεῖσε
πλοῖον ῥωμαϊΐϊκόν. Ἀοράτως δὲ νῆαι καρπαθικαὶ δύο τὸν
κατάπλουν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ποιησάμεναι προωδοποίησαν αὐτῷ

408
 CHAPTER 28

excellent plans and military valor. And so that those who

happen to read these lines may understand the contribution
that an encomium for piety makes to a discussion of military
affairs, I will add the following story.
When he was about to cross over to Crete with a large 2
armada and was preparing to depart, the triremes and nu-
merous transports were assembled at the entrepót known
as Phygella. And when the vessels had assembled there,
[224] Phokas, who was then domestikos of the entire east and
honored with the title of magistros, asked the name of the
place from where they were about to depart. And when he
learned that its name was Phygella, he refused to use it as a
launching point for the operation, but turned his eyes to a
distant promontory and inquired about that, what it was
like and what its name was. When he heard that the peak's
name was Hagia, he had everything that had been loaded
onto the ships at Phygella taken back out and had the entire
fleet moor in the area of Hagia, ordering that it should be
the place from which the naval force would embark and de-
part. In this way he used the sanctity of the place as a potent
sign and auspicious omen, rejecting Phygella for it hinted at
flight.267
Later he was delayed with the entire fleet on the island of. 3
Neos?$? because he lacked a pilot to guide him to the island
of Crete, given that no one knew that sea lane as for many
years no Roman ship had sailed in that direction. Just then,
out of nowhere, two Karpathian vessels approached him
with information about the route and led him toward Crete,

409
 THE HISTORY

τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν καὶ εἰς Κρήτην ἀπήγαγον, τοῦ Θεοῦ πάν-

τως τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν διϊθύνοντος, ὡς εὐαρεστουμένου τῇ
εὐλαβείᾳ τῆς πίστεως. Καὶ ὅπως μὲν μετὰ τὸ τῇ νήσῳ
προσμῖξαι καὶ οἵαις ἐχρήσατο μηχαναῖς καὶ στρατηγικαῖς
ἐμπειρίαις πρὸς τὴν τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τὴν τῶν ὁλκάδων
διάσωσιν, μὴ ὄντος λιμένος τῇ Κρήτῃ, ἀλιμένευτος γὰρ
πᾶσά ἐστι, μακρὸν ἂν εἴη διεξελθεῖν, ὃ δὲ παραδοξότατόν
ἐστι καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐσέβειαν λέξων ἔρχομαι.
Περιταφρεύσας τὰ ἴδια πλοῖα πλησίον τοῦ κάστρου τοῦ
Χάνδακος, τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τῆς Κρήτης τὸ ἰσχυρότατον
καὶ ἡγεμονικώτατον φρούριον, ἐκάθητο πρὸ τῆς πόλεως
ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων τριῶν. Δημηγορῶν τοῖς ὄχλοις καὶ τοῖς
συστρατιώταις καὶ συνταγματάρχαις καὶ ναυάρχαις ὅσα
τῷ καιρῷ καὶ τοῖς περικειμένοις ἀγωνίσμασι πρόσφορα, ἐκ
μηχανημάτων δὲ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐπικαθημένων σφενδονη-
θεῖσα πέτρα μέσον τούτων μετὰ πολλοῦ τοῦ ῥοίζου κατέ-
πεσε, μηδένα μὲν ἀδικήσασα τῶν Ῥωμαίων, φόβον δὲ καὶ
ἔκπληξιν οὐ μετρίαν τοῖς ὅλοις ἐνστάξασα. Ὁ δὲ Φωκᾶς
οἰκείαις χερσὶ τὸν ἀπορριφέντα λίθον ἀνακουφίσας καὶ
δείξας τοῖς παροῦσιν ὡς εὐμεγέθης ἡ χερμάδης ἐστὶ καὶ
τοσοῦτον ἀπέπτη διάστημα ὅσον οὐδενὶ τῶν πετροβόλων
ὀργάνων ἐν τοῖς καταπονηθεῖσι περὶ Κιλικίαν κάστροις
ἐκλακτίσαι προσγέγονε, παρηγγύησε πᾶσιν ἀνδρικώτερον
διατεθῆναι καὶ συντονώτερον ὡς εἰς ἄνδρας ἐληλακόσι
Λαιστρυγόνας ἢ Κύκλωπας, πρώτην δὲ φυλακὴν καὶ ἀν-
δρίαν ἀκαταγώνιστον ἔθετο καὶ ἄγκυραν ἀσφαλεστάτην
ὑπέδειξε τὴν εἰς τὴν θεομήτορα καὶ πάναγνον δέσποιναν |
καταφυγὴν καὶ παράκλησιν, καὶ αὐτίκα μηδὲ βραχύ τι

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 CHAPTER 28

although it was God who was really guiding him, pleased

with the reverence of his faith. And if I were to recount how
they landed on the island and the [225] devices and strata-
gems he used to secure the army and the transports, given
that there is no harbor on Crete as this whole island is with-
out a harbor, it would take me a long time. Instead, I will
mention only the most wondrous event, which speaks to the
man's piety.
Having enclosed his ships with a moat in the vicinity of 4
the fort of Chandax— for this is the most powerful and com-
manding castle on Crete—he camped before the city at a
distance of three stadia. While he was addressing the host,
his fellow soldiers, commanders, and admirals, on what was
advantageous at that moment for the coming struggle, just
then a rock, hurled from the engines sitting atop the walls,
landed with a great thud in their midst. Even though it did
not harm any of the Romans, it frightened and astounded
everyone to a not inconsiderable degree. As for Phokas, he
lifted the catapulted rock with his own hands and showed to
those present how large a boulder it was and how great a dis-
tance it had covered, greater, in fact, than the distance that
any of the catapults of the castles they had conquered in Ki-
likia had ever covered, and he entreated them all to be more
manly and alert, for they were campaigning against men who
were like Laistrygonians or Kyklopes.* And he suggested
to everyone that their first line of defense, their invincible
courage, and most secure anchor was to seek refuge with the
Mother of God, the All-Pure Lady, [226) and plead with her.
Immediately, without any delay, he ordered that a church be

4n
 THE HISTORY

μελλήσας ναὸν ἐκεῖσε τῆς Παναχράντου δεσποίνης καὶ

Θεοτόκου δομηθῆναι προσέταξε. Kal πολλῶν ὄντων τε-
χνιτῶν ἐν τοῖς πλοίοις καὶ χειρῶν ἐν μυριάσιν ἀριθμου-
μένων, ναὸς ἀπηρτίσθη διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν περικαλλὴς καὶ
σεβάσμιος, σφαιροειδῆ τὸν ὄροφον ἔχων καὶ περιπτέροις
κεκοσμημένος καὶ κίοσι καὶ προνάοις καὶ κόσμῳ διηνθισμέ-
νος μαρμάρων καὶ μορφαῖς ἁγίων περιαστράπτων καὶ
ὅλως ἀπηρτισμένος εἰς ὡραιότητα, καὶ προσέταξε σημῆναι
τὸ ἐπαγωγὸν πρὸς εὐσέβειαν. Καὶ καταμαθόντες οἱ ἐν τῷ
ἄστει τὴν τοῦ ξύλου φωνήν, ἐθαύμασάν τε τὸ ταχὺ καὶ
σύντονον τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος καὶ τὸ προσφώνημα τῆς εἰς
δοξολογίαν ἀγούσης σάλπιγγος καὶ θορύβου πλησθέντες
καὶ ταραχῆς, μερίδα τὴν νῆσον τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς δυνάμεως
npoünetönacav ἔσεσθαι.
Τούτοις τοῖς ἔργοις τῆς εὐσεβείας παρακληθεὶς ὁ Θεὸς
τὴν ὑποκρυπτομένην τῶν Σαρακηνῶν «ἐπιβουλὴν» καὶ
ἄρδην ἀπολέσαι μέλλουσαν αὐτὸν σὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ φα-
νερὰν ἀπειργάσατο. Ἢν γὰρ συγκείμενον τοῖς τε τοῦ Χάν-
δακος Σαρακηνοῖς καὶ τοῖς τὴν χώραν οἰκοῦσι, πολλὴ γὰρ
ἡ χώρα τῆς Kprirng καὶ πολυάνθρωπος, ἑβδοματικῶν ἡμε-
ρῶν δρόμον καὶ πλείω τὸ μῆκος ἔχουσα εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί, διὰ
μιᾶς ἡμέρας ὀρθριώτερον ἀπὸ συνθήματος ἐπιτεθῆναι
τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ μέσον αὐτοὺς | ἐμβαλεῖν ὡς μηδὲ πυρ-
φόρον, ὃ δὴ λέγεται, πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπανελθεῖν. Καὶ
ἦν τοῦτο εὐχερὲς μὲν τοῖς ἐναντίοις καὶ κράτιστον, ἄφυ-
κτον δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς ἧτταν παντελῆ καὶ κατακοπήν.
Ὁ δὲ ποιῶν τὸ θέλημα τῶν φοβουμένων αὐτὸν Θεός, ἕτε-
ρον τοῦτο παθεῖν ἀσεβῆ καὶ ἀσυλλόγιστον στρατηγὸν

412
 CHAPTER 28

built there in honor of the all-immaculate Lady and Mother

of God. As there were numerous craftsmen on the ships and
willing hands numbering in the thousands, a beautiful and
holy church was erected in three days. It had a domed roof
and was adorned with lateral aisles, columns, and antecham-
bers, decorated with marble and the shining images of saints,
and altogether arranged to produce a beautiful effect. Sub-
sequently, he ordered the wooden gong to be struck that
called everyone to prayer. When the inhabitants of the city
heard the sound of the wood, they marveled at the speed
and intensity of the construction as well as at the sound of
the trumpets that introduced the liturgy. They were filled
with concern and commotion, as they surmised that the is-
land would become part of the Roman domain.
God, entreated by those pious works, openly revealed the
secret plan of the Saracens, which would have resulted in
the complete destruction of both Nikephoros and the army.
For there was an agreement between the Saracens of Chan-
dax and those living in the countryside — Crete is a large
land, populous, taking a lightly encumbered man a week or
more to walk its length— that they should attack the Ro-
mans early in the morning at a previously agreed-upon sig-
nal, [227] and surround them so that not even the fire priest,
as the proverb goes,””” would escape back to the land of the
Romans. And it would have been easy for the enemy to im-
plement this effectively and impossible for the Romans to
avoid total defeat and destruction. God, however, who does
the will of those who fear him, judged that it was fitting
for this to befall some other, impious and imprudent

413
 THE HISTORY

ἄξιον εἶναι ἐδίκασεν, εὐλαβῆ δὲ καὶ δίκαιον οἷος ἦν ὁ Φω-

κᾶς, οὐδαμῶς. Διατοῦτο καί τισι τῶν Σαρακηνῶν δύο
σκοπὸν ἐντίθησιν αὐτομολῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ
τῷ Φωκᾷ καταμηνῦσαι τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιβουλήν, οἵ καὶ
προσελθόντες αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ ἀπόρρητον φανερώσαντες,
ἐπιεικέστερον πεποιήκασι.
μηδαμῶς οὖν ὑπερθέμενος, ἀνίστησι τὸ στρατόπεδον
κἀκεῖθεν ἄρας, νυκτὸς ἀθρόως ἐπεισπίπτει τοῖς ἔξωθεν
κατεστρατοπεδευμένοις ἔτι τυγχάνουσι καὶ καταπλήξας
αὐτοὺς τῷ ἀλαλαγμῷ καὶ τῇ ἐκτάξει τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ ταῖς
ἑκατέρωθεν προσβολαῖς, φυγεῖν ἀτάκτως ἠνάγκασε: καὶ
πολὺν φόνον αὐτῶν ἐργασάμενος καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν παν-
οπλίαν αὐτῶν καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀπολωλεκώς, διέλυσεν ἅπαντα
τὸν ἐκεῖθεν φόβον καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν τῆς νήσου παρέ-
λυσεν. Ἀγνοούντων δὲ τῶν ἐντὸς τὸ συμβεβηκός, πόλεμον
αὐτοῖς πολιορκητικὸν εὐθὺς ἐπανέσεισεν, οἱ δὲ τῆς βεβου-
λευμένης" αὐτοῖς φυγῆς ἀντεχόμενοι καὶ τῶν ἐκτὸς προσ-
δοκῶντες τὴν ἔφοδον, παρεσκευάζοντο πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον,
ὡς δὲ καὶ ὁ Φωκᾶς πετροβόλοις ὀργάνοις τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν
τειχῶν ἀντημύνατο κἀκεῖνοι λίθους | ἔβαλλον κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ,
προστάξας αὐτὸς κεφαλὰς τῶν κατακοπέντων ἔναγχος
ἀνταπέστελλεν. Οἱ δὲ ταύτας ἰδόντες καὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ
καταπεπληγμένοι, ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ γνωρίσαντες συγγενῶν ἢ
φίλων καὶ ὁμογνίων τυγχάνειν τὰ κάρηνα καὶ τὸ πάθος μὴ
ἐνεγκόντες, τὰς τρίχας κατέτιλλον καὶ τὸ θράσος εἰς θρῆ-
νον μετέβαλον. Εἴτα πολλοῖς στρατηγήμασι καὶ σοφίσμασι
καὶ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν παραστησάμενος ὁ Φωκᾶς, οὕτω
πᾶσαν τὴν νῆσον ὑποτελῆ καὶ ὑπόφορον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις

414
 CHAPTER 28

commander, but in no way a just and pious one, like Phokas.

For this reason, he inspired two of the Saracens to desert to
the Romans and inform Phokas of this plan. Having come
to him and revealed this secret, they made him more cau-
tious in his approach.
Without any delay he roused the army and left, attacking
suddenly and in the middle of the night those who were still
camped outside, and he surprised them with battle cries, the
arrangement of the army, and with attacks on all sides, forc-
ing them to flee in disorder. He killed many of them and de-
stroyed all their equipment along with them, utterly dispers-
ing the threat from that direction and paralyzing all the
forces of the island. As those within the walls were unaware
of what had happened, he immediately rejoined the siege.
But they were sticking by the plan to sally forth on which
they had decided, expecting the attack of those who were
outside the walls, and so they prepared for their sortie. As
for Phokas, he assailed those on the walls with his stone-
throwing engines while they threw rocks [228] at him, at
which point he ordered that the heads of those who had
been killed previously be hurled back. When they saw these
and were struck by the stunning event, realizing that the
heads belonged to relatives and friends and compatriots,
they were unable to endure the grief and began tearing their
hair, and their boldness turned to despair. Then with many
stratagems and crafty devices he conquered that city too;
Phokas thus subjected the entire island to the yoke and fisc

> 415
 THE HISTORY

ἀπέδειξε καὶ Χριστιανῶν xai ὀρθοδόξων ἀντὶ Σαρακηνῶν

πεποίηκεν οἰκητήριον.
Καὶ νῦν ἔστιν ὁ κατασκευασθεὶς παρ᾽ ἐκείνου περικαλ-
λὴς ναὸς καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τῆς Θεοτόκου τιμώμενος καὶ τοῦ
Μαγίστρου λεγόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Φωκᾶς ἀνεστηλωμέ-
voc ἐν τούτῳ νικητὴς καὶ τροπαιοῦχος, δεῖγμα τῆς ἀνδρίας
αὐτοῦ καὶ εὐσεβείας, τῆς τηλικαύτης νήσου παριστῶν τὴν
κατάκτησιν. Καὶ εἶδον τοῦτον ἐγὼ τῇ νήσῳ ἐπιδεδημηκὼς
καὶ ἔστιν ἐμφερὴς πάντῃ τῷ προμνημονευθέντι βασιλεῖ
κῦρ Νικηφόρῳ τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ, πίστεως ἀκριβοῦς σύμ-
βουλον τοῦ εἶναι τοῦτον ἐκείνου ἀπόγονον. Εἰ δὲ μὴ διὰ
τὴν εὐσέβειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ εὐλάβειαν συνῆν αὐτῷ ἡ θεία
ἀντίληψις, πάντως ἄπορος ἂν ἐγεγόνει καὶ ἡ πρὸς τὴν
Κρήτην ὁδὸς καὶ ἡ τῶν βεβουλευμένων τοῖς ἐναντίοις φα-
νέρωσις καὶ ἢ ἄπρακτος ὑπεχώρησεν ἢ κατάβρωμα τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐγεγόνει καὶ καταπάτημα: ἔχων δὲ δι᾽ ἀρετῆς |
τὸ θεῖον συναντιλαμβανόμενον, τά τε τῶν ἐναντίων ἐμυ-
ἤθη ἀπόρρητα καὶ κατορθωμάτων καὶ αὐχημάτων ἀπή-
Aavoe.
Τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν αὐτοῦ προτερημάτων ποιεῖσθαι κατάλο-
γον περιττὸν πάντως τῇ παρούσῃ γραφῇ, πλήρης γὰρ
τούτων πᾶσα γραφή τε καὶ ποίησις: ὅπως ἑκατοντάχειρας
μυριάδας Ἀράβων δύο ἀκαταμαχήτων, ὥσπερ τις ἀσώμα-
τος, καταστρέψας πόλεις ἀμυθήτους ὑποσπόνδους πε-
ποίηκε, τήν τε Μεγάλην Ἀντιόχειαν καὶ Μελιτηνήν, Ταρ-
σόν τε καὶ Γερμανίκειαν καὶ τὴν ἐν ταῖς Μόψου κρήναις
καὶ αὐτὴν Ἄδαναν καὶ τὰς περιοίκους πάσας, al λόγῳ
συντετμημένῳ ῥηθῆναι οὐ δύνανται: ἐκεῖνα δέ μοι ἐρρήθη,
ὡς τοῖς πολλοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν ἀδιεξόδευτα.
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 CHAPTER 28

of the Romans and made it a home for Orthodox Christians

rather than for Saracens.
The beautiful church that he built is still standing and is
honored in the name of the Mother of God; it is called “of
the Magistros." Phokas himself is represented in it as a vic-
tor and winner of trophies, a monument to his courage and
piety making an offering of the conquest of that great is-
land. When I visited the island, I saw the image myself,
which in all ways resembles the aforementioned emperor,
the lord Nikephoros Botaneiates, perfect proof that he is in
fact the descendant of that man. And had Divine Providence
not assisted Phokas because of his piety and fear of God, the
route to Crete would have remained completely closed to
him, the plans of the enemy would not have been revealed,
and he would have either retreated, having accomplished
nothing, or fallen victim to our enemies and been trampled
by them. But having [229] God on his side because of his vir-
tue, he was initiated into the enemy's secrets and accom-
plished noteworthy feats.
It is altogether unnecessary in this account to catalogue
the rest of his achievements. Every work of prose and po-
etry is full of them, as for instance when he, like some incor-
poreal force, destroyed twenty thousand indefatigable Ar-
abs, who were like hundred-armed giants, and subjected
countless cities, the great Antioch as well as Melitene, Tar-
sos, Germanikeia, Mopsoukrene, and Adana itself along
with all their surrounding regions, which cannot be pre-
sented here in summary fashion. I have presented those
events which have been missed by most writers.

417
 29

>
Ax οὗτος μὲν πάρεργον γενόμενος γυναικὸς καὶ τοῦ
ἰδίου ἀνεψιοῦ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Τζιμισκῆ, οἷα τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ
κρίματα, πολλὴν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀφῆκεν ἀνίαν καὶ τῇ Ῥω-
μαίων ἐπικρατείᾳ στυγνότητα: οἱ δὲ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ
ἐδιώχθησαν μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν μετέπειτα βασιλέων διὰ τὸ βάρος
τῆς τύχης καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀνδρίας ἀξίωμα περιώνυμον. Ἔμεινε
δὲ τῇ μετέπειτα γενεᾷ, ὥσπερ τις σπινθὴρ ὑπαυγάζων, τὸ
γένος τῶν Βοτανειατῶν ἐν τῷ στρατῷ διαλάμπων τοῦ κῦρ
Βασιλείου τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου, ὃς τεσσαρακοστὸν
ἔτος τοῖς Βουλγάροις ἀντιτασσόμενος καὶ μυρίοις πόνοις
καὶ ὅπλοις ἀντιπαραταττόμενος, | ἕνα μόνον εἶχε βοηθὸν
καὶ συλλήπτορα, βουληφόρον ἅμα καὶ στρατηγὸν καὶ
ἱππότην καὶ δεξιὸν ἀρχιστράτηγον, τὸν Βοτανειάτην Νι-
κηφόρον, ὃς πάππος ἦν τῷ προλελεγμένῳ βασιλεῖ.
Τέλος δὲ τοῦ πολέμου, μετὰ τὸ καταπολεμηθῆναι καὶ
ἡττηθῆναι τὸ τῶν Βουλγάρων ἔθνος ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτοῦ δεξιᾶς,
ἦν γὰρ τηνικαῦτα τῷ περιβλέπτῳ τῶν βεστῶν ἀξιώματι
τετιμημένος, ἐλαμπρύνετο δὲ καὶ τῇ τοῦ δουκὸς περιφα-
νεστάτῃ ἀρχῇ, τὸν εὐγενῆ καὶ ἀληθέσι στρατιώταις ἐρά-
σμιον θνήσκει μαχόμενος θάνατον. Τρεψάμενος γὰρ τοὺς
Βουλγάρους καὶ διώκων ἐν τῇ κλεισούρᾳ τῇ λεγομένῃ τοῦ

418
 Chapter 29

The father and grandfather of

Nikephoros Botaneiates

Protas, however, was done in by his wife and his own

nephew, loannes Tzimiskes?! —such was the judgment of
God!— which left people in great sorrow and created sad-
ness in the lands of the Romans. His relatives were perse-
cuted by the succeeding emperors because of the burden of
their good fortune and the notable fame of their bravery Yet
the family of Botaneiates survived like slow-burning embers
among the ensuing generations, resplendent in the armies
of the lord Basileios who was born in the purple.?”? He
fought the Bulgarians for forty years and confronted them
in his myriad toils and armed contests, [230] having only one
assistant and partner, the counselor, general, knight, and
skilled field marshal Nikephoros Botaneiates, grandfather
of the aforementioned emperor.
Toward the end of the war, when the Bulgarians had been
outmarshaled and defeated by his mighty hand—he was
honored at that time with the conspicuous rank of vestes and
distinguished by the most illustrious command of a doux—
he died in battle a death most noble, coveted by true sol-
diers. For after routing the Bulgarians and pursuing them in

419
 THE HISTORY

Κλειδίου, οὐκ ἀνίει σφάττων καὶ κατατιτρώσκων αὐτοὺς

ἕως εἰς ἀκρωρείας ἀνελθών, ἔνθα καὶ ἑτέρους ἑώρα Βουλ-
γάρους καταφυγόντας, ἐσφάλη τῆς ἱππασίας τοῦ ἵππου
κατολισθήσαντος ἐν πλαξὶ λιθίναις καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ κατα-
κρημνισθέντος, ὥστε καταπλαγέντας τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν
ἀνυπέρβλητον ὁρμὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς μηκέτι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
τολμῆσαι εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἄρχοντα τούτων,
Σαμουὴλ κατονομαζόμενον, σύντρομον φυγεῖν καὶ ἀποθα-
νεῖν ἐν τῇ λιμνίᾳ νήσῳ τῆς Πρέσπας, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς
ἅπαντας ὑποσπόνδους ἑαυτοὺς ἐγχειρίσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ
γενέσθαι δούλους Sr ἀρετὴν ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς καὶ γενναιότη-
τος μέγεθος.
Ἔπεὶ καὶ ὁ τούτου υἱὸς Μιχαὴλ καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ βασιλέως
μέγα τι καὶ ὑπεράνθρωπον ἐνεδείξατο καρτερίας καὶ ἀν-
δραγαθίας | kata τῶν ἀντιπάλων προτέρημα. IIArdovs
γὰρ ἀμυθήτου Βουλγάρων ἐπιστρατεύσαντος τῇ Θεσσα-
λονικέων μητροπόλει, οὐ κατεπλάγη πρὸς τὰς τοσαύτας
δυνάμεις αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν τειχῶν ἐντὸς ἑαυτὸν περιέστειλεν
ἀλλ᾽, οἷά φασιν εἰπεῖν αὐτὸν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ὡς εἷς μά-
γειρος πολλῶν προβάτων ἀγέλας οὐ δέδοικε, ταῦτα δια-
νοησάμενος καὶ εἰπών, ἐξῆλθε μετ᾽ ὀλίγων τῶν παρατυ-
χόντων αὐτῷ συστρατεύεσθαι. Ἔχων γὰρ τὴν τοιαύτην
ἡγεμονίαν πατρῴαν καὶ τῷ ζήλῳ μονονουχὶ ἐκπυρακτω-
θεὶς καὶ ἅμα μένους καὶ φρονήματος εὐγενοῦς καὶ ἀκατα-
μαχήτου πνέων καὶ τοσοῦτον νικῶν τῷ τῆς ἰσχύος διάρ-
ματι, ὅσον οἱ ἀντικείμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς πανοπλίαις
ἐδόκουν ἁβρύνεσθαι, πρὸς μάχην ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος αὐτοῖς
ἀντιπαρετάξατο καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς ῥύμης καὶ τοῦ

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the narrow pass known as Kleidion,?” he did not let up in

his slaughter and killing of the enemy until he reached a
summit, where he saw some other Bulgarians who had fled
there. At that point his horsemanship failed him and his
borse slipped on the stone slabs, bringing him down with it,
so that the enemy, amazed at the man's irrepressible charge,
no longer dared to engage the Romans in hand-to-hand
combat. And their leader, who was called Samuel?”* fled in
terror to the lake island of Prespa where he died, while the
rest of them all submitted to the yoke of the emperor and
became his subjects, all because of the great courage and vir-
tue of one man.
Moreover, his son Michael, the father of the emperor,
performed an incredible and even superhuman feat of stead-
fastness and bravery [231] against the enemy. For when a vast
host of Bulgarians marched on che metropolis of Thessalo-
nike, he did not shut himself behind the walls, surprised by
the size of those forces, but rather remembering and repeat-
ing the saying that Alexander is said to have uttered, accord-
ing to which a cook does not fear many flocks of sheep, he
sallied out with a few of those who happened to be cam-
paigning with him. Holding his command on account of his
father and fired up in his zeal, breathing warlike ardor and
noble, indefatigable will, and surpassing them in the power
of his charge to the same degree that his opponents boasted
of their numbers and armaments, he immediately joined the
enemy in battle with a great charge, giving free rein, which

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 THE HISTORY

ἀκρατοῦς ῥυτῆρος εἰς μέσους τοὺς πολεμίους γενόμενος,

ἅπαν τὸ πεδίον ἐκεῖνο σωμάτων νεκρῶν κατεσφαγμένων
ἐπλήρωσε, μηδενὸς δυνηθέντος ἀθάνατον πληγὴν ἐκ
τῆς τούτου χειρὸς ἀπενέγκασθαι. ᾿Επήρχοντο μὲν γὰρ
αὐτῷ κατὰ φάλαγγας οἱ πολέμιοι, πανταχόθεν τῷ σώματι
τούτου τὰς ἀκμὰς τῶν ξιφῶν ἐπερείδοντες, οὐδαμῶς δὲ
τῆς ἱππικῆς ἕδρας αὐτὸν ἀποκρούσασθαι ἴσχυον, ἀλλὰ
φασγάνῳ τὰ δόρατα τούτων ἀποτέμνων καὶ τὰς σαρίσσας,
οὕτω τοὺς πολεμήτορας ὑπὸ γῆν κατηκόντιζεν, οὗ μὲν κε-
φαλὴν ἐν μιᾷ πληγῇ σὺν τῇ χειρὶ διατέμνων, ἄλλον δὲ δει-
κνύων ἡμίτομον, τὸν δὲ καὶ καρατομῶν, καὶ μυρίοις εἴδεσι
πληγῶν καταστρέφων καὶ καταπλήττων | αὐτούς. Οἱ δὲ
Βούλγαροι πλῆθος ὄντες ἀνεξερεύνητον καὶ ἀριθμῷ καθ-
υποβληθῆναι μηδόλως δυνάμενον, περισχόντες αὐτὸν εἰς
μέσον, ὥσπερ ὑδάτων πολλῶν ἀχανὲς πέλαγος, οὕτως
αὐτὸν ἀποπνῖξαι καὶ εἰς ἀδιεξόδευτον βυθὸν καταποντίσαι
διηγωνίζοντο, olanép τισι κύμασι, τοῖς τύμμασι τῶν δορά-
τῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολεμικῶν ὀργάνων συνεχῶς αὐτὸν
ἐπιπλήττοντες: ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος βρυγμῷ λέοντος kat’ αὐτῶν
ἐξορμῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπεισπεσόντας ἐξαισίοις ἀναχαιτίζων
πληγαῖς, ὁδὸν ἑαυτῷ ἐποίει καὶ πρόσβασιν ἑκατέρωθεν.
Καὶ μετὰ τὸ γνῶναι πάντας τὸ τούτου ἀκρατὲς καὶ πρὸς
τὰς ἀνδραγαθίας εὐσταθὲς καὶ ἀνίκητον, οὐκέτι πρὸς ἀντι-
καταστάσεις ἀγχεμάχων ἀπὸ χειρῶν εἰς χεῖρας πρὸς μάχην
αὐτῷ συνίσταντο, ἀλλὰ χορείαν μονονουχὶ συστησάμενοι
σὺν θαύματι μεγάλῳ δι᾽ ἑκηβόλων ὀργάνων τὸν πόλεμον
συνερρήγνυον, ἕως αὐτὸς τοῖς ὑποχωροῦσιν ἐπιφερόμε-
voc, ἧτταν αὐτῶν μεγίστην καὶ τροπὴν ἀπειργάσατο καὶ

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brought him into their very midst. He filled that entire bat-
tlefield with the bodies of the slain, as no one struck by his
hand was able to avert death. The foes kept coming against
him in serried phalanxes, attempting to pierce his body from
all sides with the tips of their swords, but none managed to
unseat him from his horse, for he cut through their spears
and pikes with his sword, throwing his enemies to the
ground. Some lost their head and arm to a single one of his
blows, others he cut in half, and some he cut into pieces, de-
stroying and terrorizing them with a huge variety of wounds.
[232] But the Bulgarians, whose innumerable host could not
be reduced to a mere number, surrounded him like the wa-
ters of a boundless sea and strove to drown him and drag
him to the bottomless abyss, the blows from their spears
and other weapons of war continuously assailing him like
waves. Yet he, with the roar of a lion, rushed against them
and repulsed his attackers with stupendous blows, opening a
path for himself and access for his retreat on either side.
And when they all came to recognize his irresistible will and
invincible and unwavering heroism, they no longer at-
tempted to come into direct contact with him in hand-to-
hand combat. Instead, in their amazement, they virtually
formed a circle and continued the fight with long-distance
weapons until he came against those who were retreating
and brought defeat to them and put them to flight. This

423
 THE HISTORY

τοσοῦτον ὅτι μετὰ τὴν νίκην ἀπιδὼν πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν

πεσόντων καὶ τῶν φευγόντων καὶ οἷον αὐτῷ ἔργον ὑπὲρ
ἀνθρωπίνην ἰσχὺν ἐξείργαστο, σκοτοδινίας πλησθεὶς καὶ
φύσεως ῥευστῆς εἶναι τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις δεινοῖς καὶ πάθεσι
κατακλινομένης ὑποδεικνύς, αὐτομάτως ἐκ τοῦ ἵππου
πρὸς γῆν καταρρεύσας, συννένευκε διάβροχος μὲν καὶ λε-
λουμένος ὧν τῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἀπλέτῳ καὶ ποταμίῳ αἵματι,
οὐχ ἧττον δὲ καὶ τῷ οἰκείῳ «all μαρτυρικῷ περιρρεόμενος
λύθρῳ. Ἐθαύμασαν αὐτὸν ὑπερφυῶς καὶ ὑπερηγάσθησαν
τό τε πολέμιον καὶ πᾶν τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν καὶ δῆμοι πάντες
ἀνθρώπων πρὸς τοῦτο ἐξεθαμβήθησαν.
Τὸ δὲ γένος τῶν Θετταλῶν ἑώρτασε μὲν ὑπὲρ ἅπαντος
τὴν τῆς πόλεως λύτρωσιν, ἔθυσε δὲ Θεῷ καὶ τῷ μεγαλο-
μάρτυρι Δημητρίῳ τὰ σῶστρα, ἔθυσε δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ τού-
του θεράποντι Μιχαὴλ τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ τὴν ἐξ ἰσοθέων
ἀγώνων ἐπινίκιον εὐφημίαν καὶ εὔκλειαν. "Elite δὲ τὸν
ἀθλητὴν ἡ σωθεῖσα πόλις δι’ αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ σπουδῆς ἐποι-
eito τὴν τούτου εὕρεσιν καὶ ζητοῦσα σὺν ἐπιμελείᾳ καὶ
διαδρόμῳ πολλῷ εὗρεν αὐτὸν κείμενον ἐν ὡπλισμένῳ καὶ
ἀνδρείῳ φρονήματι καὶ τὸ ξίφος τοῖς δακτύλοις περιεχό-
μενον καὶ μηδαμῶς ἀφιέμενον, ἕως μετὰ πολλῆς θεραπείας
καὶ τεχνικῆς ἐπιστήμης ἀφῆκε μὲν τὸ ξίφος ἡ χείρ, τῶν
ὀνύχων τῇ παλάμῃ προσηλωθέντων αὐτοῦ τῷ ἐμμανεῖ τῆς
κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπείξεως: αὐτὸς δὲ δορυφορούμενος
καὶ μεγίσταις εὐφημίαις καὶ κρότοις καὶ δορυφόρων ἀλα-
λαγμοῖς καὶ ἐγκωμίων πλοκαῖς καταστεφόμενος ὡς ἀρι-
στεὺς ἀπαράμιλλος, εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐθριάμβευσε, τοῦ κάρου
ἤδη ἀνενεγκών, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων χαρᾶς καὶ θυ-
μηδίας πεπλήρωκεν.
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defeat was so great that when he saw after this victory the
mass of the dead and the number of those in flight, he real-
ized that he had performed a superhuman deed, was struck
by dizziness, and, proving that he possessed a vulnerable na-
ture, sensitive to human pain and suffering, he suddenly col-
lapsed from his horse to the ground, bowing his bead,
drenched and bathed in the abundant blood of the enemy
which was running in rivers, and no less covered in his own
[233] martyrial bloody gore. The enemy, along with every Ro-
man and all communities of men, marveled at him and loved
him exceedingly, and were astonished at this.
The people of Thessalonike celebrated more than anyone
else the deliverance of their city, making thanksgiving offer-
ings to God and to the great martyr Demetrios, and they
also prayed and sang victory hymns for the glory and fame of
the servant of God, Michael Botaneiates, for his Godlike
battles. And the city that had been saved by his hand eagerly
sought its champion and organized a diligent search which,
after covering much ground, found him lying in full armor
and manly demeanor, clutching his sword with his fingers
and utterly unwilling to part with it. His hand was able to
release the sword only after much tending and application
of skill, for his nails had dug into his palm in his mad attack
against the enemy. Escorted by a retinue and with the loud-
est acclamations, cheers, the ululations of his guards, and
adorned with words of praise as an unparalleled hero, he
processed in triumph to the city, having recovered from his
dizziness, and filled the land of the Romans with joy and
mirth.

425
 THE HISTORY

5 Ὁ δὲ τὰ σκῆπτρα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐγκεχειρισμένος κῦρ Ba-

σίλειος ἀναφέρων μὲν καὶ πρὸς τὸ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ ἐπί-
σημον καὶ περίδοξον, ἀναφέρων δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὰς πατρῴας
ἀνδραγαθίας καὶ τὴν τοῦ | παρόντος κατορθώματος ἐκ-
πληττόμενος ἀσύγκριτον ἔπαρσιν, υἱὸν αὐτὸν ἀπεκάλει
καὶ μέλος ἴδιον καὶ τὸ ὄνομα τούτου διὰ γλώττης εἶχε καὶ
ὁρῶν ἐπόθει τοῦτον καὶ ποθῶν ἐτίμα καὶ πιστότατον ἅμα
καὶ οἰκειότατον καὶ στρατιώτην ἀκαταγώνιστον εἶχε καὶ
ἐλογίζετο καὶ διαλλακτήρα τῶν μεγίστων καμάτων καὶ
πολέμων ἐτίθετο ἀσφαλῆ, ὡς τῇ παρουσίᾳ τούτου φευγόν-
τῶν τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ νῶτα διδόντων εὐθύς. Ὅθεν καὶ σὺν
αὐτῷ μὲν καὶ τῷ πατρὶ τὴν κατὰ τῶν Βουλγάρων ἤρατο
νίκην καὶ τῆς Βουλγαρίας, δυσκαταμαχήτου καὶ πολλῆς
καὶ δυσαλώτου γινωσκομένης παντάπασι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν
βασιλέων ὑποταγείσης ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ παρὰ τοῦτο μὴ ἀνι-
εἰσης τῇ Βύζαντος τὸ ἀνέσιμον καὶ τὴν χορηγίαν τῶν
ἀναγκαίων, λαμπρῶς καὶ σὺν πολλῇ τῇ ἀκμαιότητι
ἐκυρίευσε. Καὶ κατέστη τῇ Ῥωμαίων βασιλείᾳ πρὸς ἑσπέ-
ραν ἐν εὐπραγίᾳ καὶ γαλήνῃ τὰ πράγματα καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς
πρὶν ἐνδείας δαψιλῆ τὴν ἀφθονίαν καὶ τὴν εὐκληρίαν eb-
θύμως ἀπείληφεν.
Ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ἑῴας διακυκωμένων τῶν Ἀβασγῶν καὶ ἀντι-
δοξούντων τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ προφανῶς ἀνταιρόντων, ἐθάρ-
povv γὰρ οὐ τῷ πλήθει μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς τῶν ὅπλων
ἰσχυροτάτοις προβλήμασιν, ὡς μὴ ἑαυτοὺς μόνον ἀλλὰ
καὶ τοὺς ἵππους τεθωρακισμένους καὶ ἀτρώτους πανταχό-
θεν περικαλύπτοντες, πάλιν αὐτὸς ὁ Βοτανειάτης πρωτα-
γωνιστὴς καὶ πρόμαχος ἐγνωρίζετο καὶ τοῦ κρατοῦντος

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The lord Basileios, who was entrusted with the scepters 5

of power, thinking of this man's nobility and the glory of
his family, thinking also of his father's feats of courage, and
[234] struck by the incomparable scale of the present feat,
addressed him as his son, a limb of his own body, had his
name always on his tongue, loved him when he saw him, and,
in his love, honored him. He treated him as a most loyal sol-
dier, his own man, invincible, and considered him a reliable
guarantor in the greatest contests and wars, for in his pres-
ence the enemy fled and immediately turned their backs. As
a result, with his help and that of his father, Basileios accom-
plished the victory over the Bulgarians, brilliantly conquer-
ing Bulgaria with a supreme effort, though the land was large
and had proven difficult for anyone to defeat and conquer
and had succumbed to none of the emperors for some time,
as a result depriving the City of Byzas of peace and the pro-
visioning of essential goods. The Roman Empire in the west
thereby found its affairs restored to good order and peace,
and in place of their former poverty they now happily en-
joyed abundant plenty and prosperity.
Meanwhile, in the east, the Abasgians?5 were growing 6
restless, opposed themselves to the emperor, and openly re-
belled, taking courage not only in their numbers but also
in the most powerful defense provided by their arms, given
that not only they themselves but their horses too were ar-
mored to the hilt and impregnable, caparisoned on every
side. At this time that same man, Botaneiates, was once
more marked as a leader and as the ruler's first defender and

427
 THE HISTORY

ὑπέρμαχος. | Τοῦ yàp βασιλέως κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τὰς ῥωμαϊκὰς

δυνάμεις ἐλάσαντος, καταπληκτικοὶ μὲν ἀγῶνες καὶ μάχαι
περιφανεῖς καὶ πανημέριοι συνερράγησαν, οὐδεμιᾶς δὲ
τούτων ὁ Βοτανειάτης ἐναπολέλειπτο ἀλλ᾽ ἠγωνίζετο μὲν
ὥσπερ τις ἑκατοντάχειρ καὶ δεύτερος Ἡρακλῆς ἢ ὑπὲρ
τὸν Ἡρακλέα ἐκεῖνον τοῖς ἄθλοις ἐπιγαννύμενον, οὐ γὰρ
τρισκαιδέκατον ἄθλον ἀλλ᾽ ἑκατονταπλάσιον fjvvev, ἔνθα
δὲ κάμνον ἑωρᾶτο καὶ καταπῖπτον κέρας ῥωμαϊκόν, ἐκεῖσε
καταλαμβάνων αὐτὸς ἀνεκτᾶτο τὸ ἀνιώμενον καὶ θάρσους
πληρῶν εὐτολμότερον ἐποίει καὶ νικᾶν παρεσκεύαζε.
Ἰαῦτα οὐκ ἐπὶ μιᾶς ἐκστρατείας τῆς κατὰ τῶν Ἀβασγῶν
αὐτῷ διηγώνιστο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ δευτέρας, δὶς γὰρ ὁ βα-
σιλεὺς τοῖς Ἀβασγοῖς τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιτέθεικε. Καὶ τῇ
μὲν πρώτῃ μαχησμὸς ἁπλῶς περιγέγονε καὶ ἧττα τῶν
Ἀβασγῶν, οὐ παντελὴς δὲ καταστροφή, τῇ δευτέρᾳ δὲ
σφοδρᾶς γενομένης καὶ φιλοτίμου τῆς παρατάξεως, οὐδεὶς
μὲν Ῥωμαίων θανάτῳ περιπέπτωκεν, ἢ ὅσον εὐαρίθμητοι
καὶ τῶν ἀσήμων τινές, τραυματίαι δὲ πολλοὶ κατεφάνη-
cav, τῶν δ᾽ Ἀβασγῶν φόνος ἀπείριτος γέγονε, τῶν μὲν ἐν
τῇ συμπλοκῇ τοῦ πολέμου θανατωθέντων, τῶν δὲ ἐν τῷ
φεύγειν πεσόντων: παντελοῦς γὰρ γενομένης αὐτῶν τρο-
πῆς καὶ διώξεως, ἀκορέστως οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι δίκην ἀγρίων
προβάτων τούτους κατέθυον. Ὁπότε καὶ ὁ τούτων ἐθνάρ-
xns, Γεώργιος ἡ κλῆσις αὐτῷ, ἐπὶ λόφου ἱστάμενος καὶ τὸ
τῶν Ῥωμαίων καταπλαγεὶς σύνταγμα καὶ συγκίνημα καὶ
παρ᾽ | ἐλπίδας τὴν ἧτταν τῶν ἰδίων θεώμενος, ἐν χερσὶ γὰρ
ἔχειν ἐδόκει τὴν νίκην καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν παρήνει ζωγρίαν
πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλέα κομίσαι καὶ μὴ

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champion. [235] The emperor led the Roman forces to this

area, which initiated an outbreak of massive contests and
glorious battles lasting for entire days. Botaneiates was
not absent from a single one, but instead fought like the
hundred-armed giants of legend or ἃ second Herakles or,
rather, even superior to that Herakles who boasted of his Ia-
bors, for he did not perform just the thirteenth labor but
rather hundreds of them. When he saw that the Roman
wing was retreating in exhaustion, he instantly rushed to the
spot and revived the distressed army, filling it with courage,
making it more daring, and setting it up for victory.
He did not accomplish these feats in the course of this
single campaign against the Abasgians, but also during a sec-
ond one, for the emperor waged war twice against them.?”
On the first occasion there was one clash and a defeat of the
Abasgians, but no complete annihilation, while on the sec-
ond there was a violent and glorious engagement in which
no Roman was killed, with the possible exception of a few
men from the lower ranks, yet many were wounded. On the
side of the Abasgians, however, there was infinite carnage,
some dying in the course of the battle and others falling in
flight, for when their rout and pursuit was complete the Ro-
mans kept slaughtering them insatiably like wild sheep.
Whereupon the leader of their nation, by the name of Geor-
gios,?”’ who was standing on a hill, was stunned by the disci-
pline and organized movement of the Romans [236] and,
watching the defeat of his people, something that he had
not anticipated— for he felt that he had victory in hand, and
had even commanded his men to capture and bring to him
the Roman emperor and not cut him down with their

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 THE HISTORY

σιδήρῳ τεμεῖν, ἀμεταστρεπτὶ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς φυγὴν ὥρμησε

δρομαίῳ καὶ ἀελλόποδι ἵππῳ, τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πιστεύσας σω-
τηριώδη καταφυγήν, τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Παγκράτιον ἐνέχυ-
pov δοὺς τῷ βασιλεῖ δοῦλον. Ἐντεῦθεν τὰ χρηστὰ πάντα
τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις κατά τε Ἀσίαν καὶ Εὐρώπην συνήντησεν,
ἐντεῦθεν τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ τὸ περιβόητον καὶ περίλαμπρον
ὄνομα καὶ ἡ πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια φιλία περιποιεῖται καὶ χάρις
ἐπίμονος.
Τί δέ; Οὕτως ἔχων εὐκλείας καὶ εὐπραγίας ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ
παρὰ πάντων θαυμαζόμενός τε καὶ δοξαζόμενος καὶ τοῖς
ἐξ ἔργων μεγαλουργήμασι σεμνυνόμενος, μέγα φρονῶν
ἦν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ κατορθώμασι καὶ ἀλαζονείᾳ κατεπαι-
ρόμενος τῶν πολλῶν καὶ τοῖς ἀστικοῖς ὡς ἀγοραίοις τισὶ
καὶ ἀόπλοις μὴ εὐθύμως καὶ προσηνῶς ὁμιλῶν καὶ συναυ-
λιζόμενος ἀλλ᾽, ὥσπερ τινὲς τῶν κεκρατημένων τῷ πάθει
τῆς κενοδοξίας, ἑαυτὸν ὑπεραίρων καὶ τῷ κόμπῳ τερατευ-
μενος τὸ ἀνόμοιον, οἷα φιλεῖ τοὺς πολλοὺς ποιεῖν τῶν
στρατιωτῶν; Οὐμενοῦν. Οὐδ᾽ εἶδέ τίς ποτε Μιχαὴλ τὸν
Βοτανειάτην πολίτου κατεπαιρόμενον ἢ μυκτῆρα τοῦτον
τινὸς καταχέοντα ἢ ἔξω αὑτὸν ποιοῦντα τῆς τῶν πολιτῶν
συναυλίας καὶ συμφυΐας ἢ ἀστειότητος ἀποδέοντα ἢ κα-
λοκαγαθίας καὶ γαλήνης καὶ μειδιάματος | μεστοῦ χαρίτων
ἑαυτὸν ἀποξενοῦντά ποτε, ὡς εἶναι θαῦμα μέγιστον τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις καὶ ἀξιέραστον: ὅσον γὰρ τοῖς στρατιωτικοῖς
ἀγῶσιν ἀνύποιστος ἦν καὶ θυμοειδὴς καὶ καταπληκτικὸς
τὴν ὁρμήν, τοσοῦτον ἐν ταῖς ἀνέσεσι καὶ ταῖς λεγομέναις
ἐκεχειρίαις" καὶ ταῖς κατὰ τὴν βασιλίδα διατριβαῖς ἡδύτα-
τος καὶ μειλίχιος καὶ φιλόστοργος πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους,

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weapons —he, then, also rushed headlong into flight, en-

trusting his escape and deliverance to his swift storm-footed
horse,?? leaving his son Pangratios as a hostage and servant
to the emperor.?? From then on, all was well with the Ro-
mans in both Asia and Europe, while Botaneiates was graced
with a famous and glorious name along with continuous fa-
vor and influence at the court.
What then? Did this man, who enjoyed such repute and
success, was admired and celebrated by everyone, and ex-
alted by the greatness of his feats, think highly of himself on
account of his achievements and act arrogantly toward ordi-
nary people? Did be address the residents of the City and
treat them as if they were vulgar market types and unarmed
civilians, without courtesy or respect? Or did he, like those
who are held fast by the vice of vainglory, exalt his own per-
son and emphasize his special status with boasts, as many
soldiers like to do? Not at all! No one ever saw Michael Bot-
aneiates behave arrogantly toward another citizen, look
down his nose at anyone, remain aloof from the normal
company and gatherings of the citizens, or lack urbanity, a
noble bearing, a calm demeanor, and the [237] gracious smile
that was part of his nature. Thus he was regarded by all peo-
ple as a great marvel, worthy of adoration, for inasmuch as
he was invincible, spirited, and stunning in his momentum
when it came to military contests, so much more was he
pleasant, gentle, and affectionate toward the people of

431
 THE HISTORY

καὶ λόγους ἀστείους φιλῶν καὶ τοὺς ἀστεϊζομένους

προσοικειούμενος καὶ ἀπαξιῶν ἑαυτὸν ἑτέρῳ καλεῖσθαι
ὀνόματι ἢ τῷ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν παρέχοντι αὐτῷ ἐκ τῆς Πό-
λεως. Διατοῦτο καὶ παρὰ πάντων ἠγαπᾶτο διαφερόντως
καὶ κοινὸν ὄφελος καὶ ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ ἐγινώσκετο πανδαισία
τε καὶ εὐφημία κοινή, στρατιώτης τε ἀπαράμιλλος καὶ
πολίτης ἀσύγκριτος: ἦν γὰρ πρὸς τούτοις καὶ μεγέθει
διαλάμπων καὶ ὄψει, ταπεινώσει τε φρονήματος καὶ συνα-
ναστροφῆς κοσμιότητι καὶ μειδιάματος ἱλαρότητι, εἰς
ἄκρον δόξης καὶ περιλάμψεως ἑαυτὸν ἀνυψῶν τῇ κοινῇ
τοῦ πλήθους εὐλογίᾳ καὶ συντονίᾳ τῆς ἀνυμνήσεως.

20

3
E. δὴ τούτων τῶν ἀρίστων xai μεγίστων ἕξεων αὐτοῦ
καὶ ἐντεύξεων καὶ ὧν pet’ αὐτὸν ὁ τούτου ὡραιότατος
κλάδος ἔν τε τοῖς στρατιωτικοῖς ἀγωνίσμασι καὶ τροπαίοις
καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς διακοσμήμασι καὶ ἀρρήτοις ἐγκαλλω-
πίσμασι, συγγενῆ γὰρ πάντα καὶ ὁμότροπα καὶ ὁμοφυῆ τῷ
πατρὶ ὁ υἱὸς ἐπεδείκνυτο, διπλοῦν τὸ τῆς ἀγάπης καὶ τὸ
τῆς ἐρασμιότητος | ταῖς τῶν ἁπάντων ψυχαῖς ἐγένετο καὶ

432
 CHAPTER 30

Byzantion in times of leisure, when he was, as they say, "off

duty,” and spent time in the Imperial City. He liked urbane
conversation, made friends with those who had a sense of
humor, and thought it unworthy to be addressed by any
name other than the one he derived from the City??? It is for
this reason that he was exceedingly loved by everyone and
was both called and known to be a benefit for all, a feast of
all good things and an object of universal praise, an incom-
parable soldier and inimitable citizen. Moreover, in addition
to all this, he was distinguished for his great stature and ap-
pearance, his modest composure, the elegance of his man-
ners, and the mirth of his smile. And he raised himself to the
heights of glory and resplendence with the blessings of all
the populace, who sang hymns for him with all their heart.

Chapter 30

The revolt of Nikephoros Botaneiates

Because of these most excellent and great attributes and

manners, and also those wondrously displayed by his most
beautiful offspring in both military contests and victories
as well as in civic excellence and ineffable adornments — for
the son proved to be like his father in all respects, sprung as
he was from the same source—the love and affection that
everyone held for him in their souls [238] was doubled. This

433
 THE HISTORY

παγκόσμιος ἦν πόθος καὶ μία γλῶσσα τὸ στέφος αὐτῷ τῷ

υἱῷ τῆς βασιλείας ἀξίως ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ χρόνου ἐπιφημίζου-
σα. Καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰδότες αὐτὸν καὶ ἄκρως ἐξησκημένοι τὴν
ἄκραν αὐτοῦ εὐτολμίαν τε καὶ ἀνδρίαν καὶ αὖθις πάλιν τὴν
ἀγαθότητα καὶ πλουτοποιΐαν καὶ τὸ πρᾶον καὶ τὸ ὁμιλη-
τικὸν καὶ ἀστεῖον καὶ εὔχαρι, ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν εἶχον τὴν μαρ-
τυρίαν, κεχηνότες ἀεὶ καὶ δι᾿ εὐχῆς ποιούμενοι τὸ τῆς βα-
σιλείας τούτῳ περίοπτον κράτος ἔσεσθαι, οἱ δὲ μὴ εἰδότες
ἢ πρὸς ὀλίγον γινώσκοντες ἐξ ἀκοῆς τυγχάνοντες ἐρα-
σταὶ οὐχ ἧττον ἐκείνων τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ τὴν
διάθεσιν ἔτρεφον.
Ὡς δ᾽ ἡ φήμη τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀναρρήσεως τὴν βασιλίδα κατ-
ἔλαβε, μετέωροι πάντες γεγόνασι καὶ χαρμονῆς ἐνεπλή-
σθησαν καὶ ἦν ἰδεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους πτερὰ περιθεῖναι
ἑαυτοῖς, εἰ οἷόν τε ἦν, βουλομένους, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπο-
πτῆναι καὶ παίδων ἐπιλαθέσθαι καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ αὐτῶν
οἰκιῶν, ὃ δὴ καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀστικῶν πεποιήκασιν: ἀλο-
γήσαντες γὰρ καὶ φόβου παντὸς τοῦ τότε κρατοῦντος εἰς
τὸ Βυζάντιον καὶ τιμωρίας δι᾽ αἵματος καὶ οὐσιῶν καὶ τῶν
τοῦ γένους φιλτάτων καὶ τῶν ἐν μέσῳ τῆς ὁδοῦ κόπων καὶ
μηδὲ τῶν ὁδοσκοπούντων καὶ τῆς ὑπαίθρου κρατούντων
Τούρκων τὸ πλῆθος δείσαντες, συχνοὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἀπηυ-
τομόλουν πρὸς αὐτόν, πρᾶγμα πρὶν γενέσθαι μὴ πιστευό-
μενον. Οὐδέπω γάρ τινά τις εἶδεν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλευούσης
| εἰς ἐπαρχίαν προσρυέντα τινὶ ἀντάραντι καὶ τότε ὅτε
μηδὲ πολέμιοι τὴν πᾶσαν χώραν κατεῖχον καὶ ταῖς ὁδοῖς
ἁπάσαις ἐφήδρευον, μᾶλλον δὲ an’ ἐκείνων εἰς τοὺς κατὰ
τὴν βασιλίδα κρατοῦντας πολλοὺς εἰσρέοντας.

434
 CHAPTER 30

affection for him was universal and spoke with one tongue,
long since acclaiming the son as worthy to wear the imperial
crown. As for those who knew him, who were exceedingly
well acquainted with his exceptional daring and courage as
well as his goodness, generosity, gentleness, conversational
skill, urbanity and grace, they were firsthand witnesses of
his character and thus always gaped in eager expectation and
even prayed that the most conspicuous authority of impe-
rial power would be given to him. Those who did not know
him, on the other hand, or knew him but a little, became his
admirers just by hearing about him and nurtured for him, no
less than the others, a longing and favorable disposition.
When the news of his proclamation reached the Imperial
City, everyone's hearts were lifted, filled with joy. And it
seemed that people would have put on wings, were such a
thing possible, so willing were they to fly toward him, for-
getting about their children, wives, and their households,
which many of the inhabitants of the City actually did. For
setting aside all fear of che emperor who then reigned in
Byzantion, the punishments that would be paid in blood and
property and the reprisals against their closest relatives,
fearing neither the travails of the journey nor the multi-
tude of Türks who held the rural areas and watched the
roads, many people defected to him on a daily basis, a thing
that people would not have believed before it actually hap-
pened. For no one had ever seen someone leaving the capital
[239] for the provinces to join a rebel, even in the days when
the enemy was not in control of the entire countryside, set-
ting ambushes on all the roads. Rather it was from the rebels
that many usually defected to those holding power in the
Imperial City.

435
 THE HISTORY

3 Nov δὲ ἄνω ποταμῶν τὸ πρᾶγμα κεχώρηκε. Τοῦ χάριν;

Ὅτι τοὺς μὲν κρατοῦντας τυράννους ἔγνων οἱ ἄνθρωποι
καὶ ἀδίκως καὶ ἀφελῶς τὴν βασιλείαν ἰθύνοντας, τὸν δ᾽
ἐκτὸς ἀρετῇ διαλάμποντα καὶ ἀληθείᾳ καὶ πραότητι καὶ
δικαιοσύνῃ κατακοσμούμενον καὶ ἱκανὸν βασιλείας κρά-
τος ἐν καιροῖς ἀνωμάλοις ἀσφαλῶς διακυβερνῆσαι, κρά-
τος τῇ τῶν κρατούντων κακονοίᾳ πρὸς ὄλισθον οὐ μικρὸν
καὶ βάραθρον ἀπωλείας ἤδη συννεῦον καὶ ἀνωθούμενον.
Τῶν τοίνυν ἀνθρώπων οὕτως ἐχόντων γνώμης καὶ προαι-
ρέσεως, συνεπεψηφίζετο καὶ Θεὸς ἄνωθεν καὶ δεξιὰ πάντα
τούτῳ καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐπιδημίας θαυμαστὰ διετίθετο, ὡς καὶ
αὐτὴν τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἅπαντας τοῦ κρα-
τοῦντος ἐκείνῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπιτρέπειν συγκατατίθεσθαι
καὶ διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ ἐπιβατήρια ψάλλειν
αὐτῷ καὶ διαδονεῖν μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς τῶν πολιτῶν ὁμηγύ-
ρεως..
Τὸ δὲ δὴ κρεῖττον καὶ λόγου παντὸς ὑψηλότερον ἢ
παραδοξότερον ὅτιπερ οἱ Τοῦρκοι τῆς Ἀνατολῆς πάσης
κυριεύσαντες ἤδη, τοῖς αὐτομολοῦσι πρὸς τὸν Βοτανειά-
τὴν πολίταις ἅμα καὶ ἀγροίκοις ἐμποδὼν οὐ καθίσταντο,
ἀλλά τινες μὲν | ἀοράτῳ δυνάμει τοὺς πολεμίους ἐλάνθα-
νον, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἐνέπιπτον μὲν αὐτοῖς, πρὸς δὲ τὸν νῦν
βασιλέα μανθάνοντες αὐτοὺς κατεπείγεσθαι, συνεχώρουν
αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀβλαβεῖς διετίθουν, εὐλαβῶς καὶ φιλίως πρὸς
τὴν αὐτοῦ βασιλείαν καὶ προσηγορίαν παρὰ πᾶσαν ἀνθρω-
πίνην ὑπόνοιαν διακείμενοι.
Καὶ ἡ μὲν Κωνσταντινούπολις καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐκτὸς ἐπιεικέ-
στεροι οὕτω κραδαινομένας εἶχον τὰς οἰκείας ψυχὰς καὶ

436
 CHAPTER 30

But things were now topsy-turvy^*!! And why was that? 3

On the one hand, the people knew the rulers to be tyrants,
who reigned in an unjust and irresponsible fashion, while on
the other hand, the one outside the walls shone with virtue,
was adorned all over by truth, gentleness, and justice, and
was deemed capable of steadily ruling the state in such tur-
bulent times, a state that, as a result of the malice of those in
charge, had declined not a little and was teetering on the
brink of a deep precipice of ruin. These thoughts and opin-
ions that people held were ratified by God from above, who
had always wondrously made everything smooth for that
man even before his arrival to the point where he disposed
even the emperor’s mother??? and all his relatives to consent
that the throne pass to him; and they sent a delegation to
him to accompany his arrival with hymns and to celebrate it
along with the rest of the throng of City residents.
And the greatest and most inexplicable event—at any 4
rate, it was utterly unforeseen
—was that the Turks, who had
by then conquered the entire east, did not hinder the City
residents and the farmers who were defecting to him. Some
[240] escaped the notice of the enemy with the help of an
invisible power, while most did come upon them, but when
the Turks heard that they were rushing toward the one who
was now emperor, they let them pass unharmed, for they
were, against all human expectation, reverently and fondly
disposed toward his rule and name.
As for Constantinople and the most reasonable of those 5
who were outside it, their souls were in a tumult and

437
 THE HISTORY

συννενευκυίας πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπικράτειαν, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς

οὐδὲν τῶν θείων κριμάτων καὶ δοξοποιῶν εἰς νοῦν βαλλό-
μενος, οὔτε τῶν κακίστων ἀπείχετο πράξεων: καὶ μήτε τὸ
τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀξίωμα καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἔργων ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν
ἄκραν εὐγένειαν αἰδούμενος ἦν καὶ ἐννοῶν κοινωνὸν τῆς
βασιλείας λαβεῖν καὶ τοὺς θύραθεν πολεμίους κατατρο-
πώσασθαι δι᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν
περιποιήσασθαι, ἀλλὰ τῶν Τούρκων ὡς οἰκειοτάτων καὶ
φιλίων ἀντιποιούμενος, διεπέμπετο πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ δώ-
ροις ἀμέτροις καὶ παντοδαπαῖς ὑποσχέσεσι διηρεθίζετο
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ὥστε παντὶ σθένει καὶ μηχανῇ καταγωνίσασθαι
τοῦτον καὶ ἢ μαχαίρας ἔργον ποιήσασθαι εἴτ᾽ αἰχμάλωτον
θέσθαι καὶ ὦνιον τοῖς μισοῦσιν αὐτόν. Ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἦν πρὸς
Θεοῦ τὸ τηλικοῦτον ἄνδρα τοῖς κρείττοσιν ἔργοις κεκο-
σμημένον ἐπιεικῶς τοῖς ζητοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμίας ἀδίκου
παραστῆσαι ὑπόθεσιν. Διατοῦτο καὶ ταῖς μὲν ὑποσχέσεσι
τοῦ βασιλέως ἐθέλγοντο καὶ παρεκινοῦντο οἱ Τοῦρκοι, ἡ |
δὲ θεία ἀντίληψις ἄλλως αὐτοῖς διετίθει τὴν ἔκβασιν,
προσήρχοντο γὰρ μᾶλλον τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ καὶ τὴν δούλω-
σιν ἐπηγγέλλοντο καὶ συμμαχεῖν ὑπισχνοῦντο καὶ τῇ
μοίρᾳ τούτου συνέταττον ἑαυτούς" ὅσοι δὲ πρὸς ἀντικατα-
στάσεις καὶ μάχας ἐτράποντο, παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἰδίων
στρατιωτῶν ἐξόχως ἡττώμενοι, πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν οἰκείων
ἀπέβαλον, ἄλλοι δὲ φόβῳ βληθέντες φυγῇ τὴν σωτηρίαν
αὐτῶν ἐπραγματεύοντο, πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀντικατα-
στῆναι τούτῳ θελήσαντες, αὐτοῖς φρουρίοις ἑάλωσαν.
Τρίτην δὲ ἄγοντος τοῦ Ὀκτωβρίου μηνὸς καὶ μέλλον-
τὸς τοῦ Βοτανειάτου τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐπιστῆσαι σκηνὴν καὶ

438
 CHAPTER 320

consented to the prospect of his rule. The emperor, how-

ever, was not mindful of the glorious judgments of God nor
did he refrain from committing the most evil acts. He did
not even respect the man's rank, the power that he had
gained through his deeds, and his exceedingly noble origins,
and had no intention to associate him with his imperial
power so that he could defeat the empire's external enemies
with his help and secure freedom for his subjects. Rather, he
treated the Türks as if they were his friends and allies and
dispatched to them innumerable gifts and all kinds of prom-
ises, instigating them against him so that they would fight
against him with all their forces and stratagems. His aim was
that they would either kill him by the sword or take him into
captivity and then sell him to those who hated him. It was
not, however, God's will that such a great man, so impecca-
bly adorned with the most magnificent deeds, be surren-
dered over to those who sought to subject him to their un-
just desires. Thus, even though the Turks were tempted and
incited by the promises of the emperor, [241] Divine Provi-
dence altered the outcome of the matter for them. For they
approached Botaneiates instead and declared their submis-
sion to him, promising an alliance, and they joined them-
selves to his side. As for those Turks who opted for confron-
tation and battle, they were soundly defeated by him and by
his personal retinue, losing many of their men, while others,
struck by fear, sought salvation in flight. Moreover, many
Romans who tried to stand up to him were captured them-
selves along with their forts.
On the third day of the month of October, as Botaneiates
was about to erect his imperial tent and had given orders for

439
 THE HISTORY

ταύτης σκηνοπηγίαν προτρεψαμένου γενέσθαι διὰ τὴν

ἔξοδον καὶ τὴν εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν πρόοδον, ἐν πε-
ποιθήσει γὰρ ἦν ὡς δρομαίως τῆς βασιλευούσης βασι-
λικῶς ἐπιβήσεται, θαῦμά τι καὶ τέρας ἐξαίσιον ἐν ὀφθαλ-
pots καθωράθη πάντων: ἄδλον γὰρ πῦρ, ὡς ἀπὸ πηγῆς
ἀναβλύζον καὶ πρὸς ἀέρα χεόμενον, πρὸς τὴν ἑῴαν κατε-
φάνη περὶ πρώτας νυκτὸς φυλακὰς καὶ ἦν ὁ ἀὴρ φλογὸς
καθαρᾶς πεπλησμένος καὶ φέρων τὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ῥεῦμα μέ-
χρι Χαλκηδόνος καὶ Χρυσοπόλεως, καταπληκτικὸν καὶ
λίαν ὑπερφυές: οὐδέπω γὰρ οὐδεὶς εἶδε πῦρ ἄῦδλον ἐπὶ γῆς
ὡς ἀπὸ πηγῆς ἀναβλύζον καὶ τὸ περιέχον ἅπαν ἐκπυροῦν
καὶ ἀποσπινθηρίζον οὐχ ἥκιστα. Ἀπὸ δὲ Χρυσοπόλεως
τὸν τοῦ Στενοῦ πορθμὸν ὑπερβεβηκός, πῇ μὲν τὰ Ev | BAa-
χέρναις ἀνάκτορα περιέλαβε, πῇ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρκτικὴν
ἐπιφάνειαν, καὶ περιεσώθη μέχρι πολλοῦ, πᾶσιν ἀναφανδὸν
ἐπικηρυκευόμενον παρουσίαν ἐκ τῆς ἑῴας μεγάλης δυνά-
μεως. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐπιστημονικώτεροι τῶν θεωμένων καὶ συμ-
βολικῶς τὸ δέον ἐπιγινώσκοντες, ἀπὸ Λάμπης λαμπτῆρα
φωσφόρον ἐπιδημῆσαι τοῖς βασιλείοις προεσήμαινον,
ὥστε χρηματίσαι τοῖς μὲν ἀγαθοῖς καὶ τὰ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ φρο-
νοῦσι φῶς καὶ θυμηδίαν καὶ χαρὰν ἀνεκλάλητον, τοῖς δὲ
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ μελετῶσι καὶ ἀντιταττομένοις αὐτῷ, φλόγα τῷ
ὄντι πυρὸς κατατήκουσαν τούτους καὶ κατακαίουσαν' καί
γε τῆς συμβολικῆς προρρήσεως οὐ διήμαρτον, δηλώσει δὲ
προϊὼν ὁ λόγος.

440
 CHAPTER 30

the tent to be set up on account of his departure and ad-

vance toward the capital—for he had confidence that he
would reach the capital quickly and in imperial style—a
wondrous omen and marvelous occurrence was witnessed
by everyone. Àn immaterial fire, as if gushing out of a spring
and spilling into the air, appeared in the east at the time of
the first night watch. The air was filled with a pure flame
that it then carried like a fiery stream all the way to Chalke-
don and Chrysopolis, an amazing and extraordinary thing,
for no one had ever seen immaterial fire on earth, gushing
out as if from a spring and burning everything around it and
emitting a great spray of sparks. From the area of Chrysopo-
lis it crossed the narrow straits, and part of it engulfed the
[242] palace at Blachernai while another part covered the ar-
eas to the north. The phenomenon lingered for a long time
and it was a most public omen declaring the arrival from the
east of a great force. But those observers who were more
knowledgeable and attempted to understand the event in
symbolic terms saw it as a sign of the arrival at the palace of
a luminous light-bringer from the area of Lampe;?? who
would bring light, mirth, and unspeakable joy to the virtu-
ous and those who were favorably disposed toward him,
while himself becoming the flame of a true fire that would
utterly burn and consume those who plotted and took a
stand against him. In this symbolic interpretation they were
not wrong, as the account will show.

441
 31

Ts δὲ Ὀκτωβρίου μηνὸς παρεληλυθότος, ἀποστατική

τις κακόνοια τὴν ἑσπέραν αἰφνιδίως περιεδόνησεν. Εἰς
γὰρ Ἐπίδαμνον, τὸ νῦν κεκλημένον Δυρράχιον, τὴν δου-
κικὴν ἔχων ἀρχὴν Νικηφόρος πρόεδρος ὁ Βρυέννιος καὶ
ταύτης παραλυθείς, βασιλέως ἑαυτῷ περιέθηκεν ὄνομα
καὶ τοῖς ἐκεῖσε στρατιώταις καὶ ὀπαδοῖς καὶ συστρατιώ-
ταις χρησάμενος, ἔξεισιν ἐκεῖθεν πρὸς Ἀδριανούπολιν. Ὁ
τούτου αὐτάδελφος, Ἰωάννης ὀνομαζόμενος, τινὰς τῶν
ἑσπερίων δυνάμεων εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἐπιβουλὴν καταρτίσας,
μεθ᾽ ὧν ἦσαν Βαράγγων καὶ Φράγγων πλήθη πολλά,
τῷ αὐταδέλφῳ συνθέσθαι παρέπεισε, σὺν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ
τὸν κατεπάνω τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως, συγγενέα | τούτου καὶ
συμφυλέτην ὑπάρχοντα. Καὶ πρὸ τοῦ καταλαβεῖν εἰς Adpı-
ανούπολιν, τὴν εὐφημίαν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προδιε-
γράψαντο ἀνοήτως πάντως καὶ πάσης ἀσφαλοῦς παρα-
τηρήσεως ἄνευθεν: f| γὰρ ἄν, εἰ μὴ καὶ οἱ κρατοῦντες ἐν
Βυζαντίῳ ἀνοητότεροι ὑπῆρχον, ταχέως ἂν παρελύθη καὶ
κατεπολεμήθη τὰ τῆς τοιαύτης ἐπιβουλῆς, αἱ γὰρ ἄλλαι
θρακῷαι πόλεις καὶ μακεδονικαὶ πλήν τινων συνετήρουν
ἔτι τοῦ πάθους αὑτὰς ἔξω καὶ παρὰ βασιλέως ἐπαγγελίας
ἐγγράφους καὶ παραγγελίας προσέμενον ἐπὶ καταστροφῇ
τῶν ἀποστατῶν, διὰ τὸ καὶ τὸν Βρυέννιον ἔτι μακρόθεν

442
 Chapter 31

The revolt of Nikephoros Bryennios

X hen the month of October had come to an end,”* a

malicious rebellion suddenly shook the west. For at Epidam-
nos, which is now called Dyrrachion, he who held the au-
thority of doux, the proedros Nikephoros Bryennios, upon
being discharged, assumed for himself the title of emperor
and with the help of the soldiers there, his supporters, and
his own fellow soldiers, departed from there and marched
toward Adrianople. His brother Ioannes inducted into the
rebellion some of the forces of the west, among whom were
great numbers of Varangians and Franks, whom he con-
vinced to side with his brother. Furthermore, along with
them he recruited the Aatepano of that city, who was a rela-
tive [243] and compatriot of his.?® Even before he arrived
in Adrianople,?*6 they declared him emperor and acclaimed
him without much thought or concern for careful planning.
For had the rulers in Constantinople not been even more
naive, this rebellion would have been speedily countered
and overcome, as the other cities of Thrace and Macedonia,
but for a few, kept their distance from this trouble, expect-
ing from the emperor the dispatch of written statements
and orders for the crushing of the rebels, especially as

443
 THE HISTORY

καθεστάναι τῆς τοῦ Ἀδριανοῦ. Ἢν δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ

στρατὸς ἰδιαίτατος ἀπὸ συγκλύδων ἀνδρῶν ἀθροισθεὶς
καὶ τῇ γυμνασίᾳ προσλαβὼν τὸ εὐδόκιμον, οὗς καὶ Ἀθα-
νάτους ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος ὠνόμασε. Καὶ διαπάντων εὐχερῶς
εἶχεν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς γε ἐν τῇ Ἀδριανουπόλει χωρὶς τοῦ
προσδοκωμένου ἡγεμόνος καθυλακτοῦσι καὶ ἢ τρέψασθαι
τούτους καὶ εἰς ἀσφάλειαν ἑαυτῷ περιστῆσαι τὰ πράγματα
ἢ τάς γε λοιπὰς πόλεις εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κατοχυρώσασθαι
πίστιν καὶ ἀντίξουν ἔχειν ἐν τῇ ἑσπέρᾳ κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων
βοήθημα. Ὁ δὲ ἀνοίᾳ καὶ ἀμελείᾳ καὶ τὸ κατασκευαζόμε-
vov διὰ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ἐγγύθεν αὐτοῦ ἠγνόησεν ἀπειρο-
κάλως σκαιώρημα, τριῶν γὰρ ἡμερῶν οὐ πόρρω τῆς Πό-
λεως ἡ Ἀδριανούπολις ἀπέχει διάστημα, καὶ μετὰ τὸ
γνῶναι ἀναπεπταμένως καὶ μετ᾽ εὐηθείας διατεθείς, τοὺς
ἐναντίους ἰσχυροὺς ἀπειργάσατο, ὡς εἶναι τὰ πλείω τῶν
τοὺς | ἐχθροὺς ἐπαιρόντων καὶ μεγαλυνόντων εἰς ὕψος ἐξ
ἀμελείας καὶ ὑστερήσεως τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων αὐτοῖς,
καθὰ προδιείληπται. Εἰ δὲ δεῖ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, δι᾿ ἑτέρων
καμάτων καὶ ἀντιπαρατάξεων ἑτέρῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ παν-
τέφορος ὀφθαλμὸς ἀξίῳ ταύτης ἐπραγματεύετο.
Ἔγωγε οὖν ἐν τῇ Ῥαιδεστῷ τηνικαῦτα παρατυχών,
ἐπίσκεψιν ἐκεῖσε καταλαβὼν τῶν κτημάτων μου, τὰς μὲν
γινομένας φήμας ἀκοῇ παρελάμβανον, ἠπίστουν δὲ τοῖς
λεγομένοις ὅτι διὰ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ἐφημίζοντο, συμ-
βάλλων κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν ὅτι ἐπείπερ ἡ Ῥαιδεστὸς τοσοῦτον
ἀπέχει διάστημα τῆς Ἀδριανουπόλεως ὅσον ταύτης ἡ με-
γαλόπολις, πάντως ἄν, εἰ ἀληθὲς ἐτύγχανε τὸ θρυλλούμε-
voy, ἐμεμαθήκει ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῦτο καὶ τάχεως ἐποιήσατο

444
 CHAPTER 31

Bryennios was at the time still far from the city of Hadrian.
Moreover, the emperor had his own army, which was formed
from men of diverse origin and had gained, through rigorous
training, a good reputation. These the emperor named the
Immortals. He was therefore well placed to attack those
who were howling in Adrianople in the absence of their still-
anticipated leader and either to rout them and so secure his
position, or at least to confirm the loyalty of the rest of the
cities to himself and use them as a bulwark in an offensive
against his enemies in the west. Yet because of his naiveté
and carelessness he foolishly remained unaware of the plot
that was being hatched over the course of many days in close
proximity to himself— for Adrianople is no more than three
days distant from the City—and even when he was apprised
of it, he made his enemies stronger by his clumsy and stupid
response. Consequently, as we already remarked, most of
one's [244] enemies' advantages and sources of growth are
due to the deficiencies and carelessness of those who op-
pose them. If we were to tell the truth, however, the All-
Seeing Eye was directing the imperial office to a different
person, one worthy of it, through the struggles and confron-
tations of other people.
As for myself, I happened to be in Raidestos at the time,
visiting my lands in the area, and though I heard the rumors,
I could not believe what was being said, because the news
was being bandied about for many days. I thus thought to
myself that Raidestos is as far away from Adrianople as Adri-
anople is from the capital and so, if the story were true, the
emperor would certainly have been informed of it and would

445
 THE HISTORY

τὴν διόρθωσιν, πανταχοῦ γραμμάτων βασιλικῶν ἐπιφοι-

TWVTWY ταῖς πόλεσι. Καὶ κατατοῦτο ἔμενον ἀτρεμής, εἶτα
καὶ θαρρῶν τῇ πίστει τῶν ἐν τῇ Ῥαιδεστῷ πολιτῶν, ὡς
φυλαττούσῃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τὰ τῆς εὐγνωμοσύνης ἐνέ-
χυρα. Ἔλαθον δὲ περιπεσὼν ἀπροόπτως διὰ τῶν εἰκότων
συλλογισμῶν μικροῦ δεῖν μεγίστῳ τινὶ παραπτώματι.
Γυνὴ γάρ τις ἐν τῇ Ῥαιδεστῷ τὰ πρῶτα φέρειν κατὰ
πάντων σπουδάζουσα, συγγένειαν ἐκ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς πρὸς τὸν
Βρυέννιον τοῦτον συνάπτουσα, λαθραίως πολλοὺς ὑπέσυ-
pe τῶν Ῥαιδεστηνῶν δώροις τούτους καὶ ὑποσχέσεσιν, ὡς
εἰς αὐτὴν μεταθέσθαι συμπείσασα καὶ συνωμοσίαν ἐξ ἰδι-
οχείρων | καὶ ὅρκων συστήσασθαι. Ὅτε δὲ τὸ ἔργον τῆς
συνωμοσίας ἐπλήρωσε καὶ εἰς τὸ αὔριον ἀναγορεῦσαι τὸν
Βρυέννιον τὰ τῶν συναραμένων αὐτῇ διεσκέψατο, εἷς τού-
των χάριτας ἔκ τινων προηγησαμένων χρηστῶν ὁμολο-
γεῖν ἔχων μοι, προσῆλθεν ἀωρὶ τῶν νυκτῶν καὶ τὴν ἐπι-
βουλὴν ὑπεσήμανεν. Αὐτὸς δὲ πολλὰ δυσχεράνας καὶ
πολὺν ὀνειδισμὸν τούτων καὶ μυκτῆρα καταχεάμενος ὡς
καταπροδόντων τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν καὶ τὸ τῆς πίστεως
σύμβολον, ἀνυπονοήτως μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ μετ᾽ ἐπιεικείας
ἀπεπεμψάμην, μελετήσας δὲ παραυτίκα τὴν πόλιν ταύτην
καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκφυγεῖν, ὥρμησα μὲν ὡς εἶχον ἡμιό-
vov καὶ ἵππων καὶ ἀνθρώπων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης παρασκευῆς,
ἐκ ταύτης ἀποφοιτῆσαι σπουδαίως κατὰ τὸ λεληθός: οὐ
μὴν ἠδυνήθην δὲ διὰ τὸ προκατασφαλισθῆναι τὰς πύλας
τῆς πόλεως μοχλοῖς σιδηροῖς καὶ ὁπλίταις παρὰ τῆς τοῦ
Βατάτζη γυναικὸς ἣν ὁ ἀνωτέρω λόγος ἐδήλωσεν, ἕως δι’
ἀπειλῶν πολλῶν καὶ μηνυμάτων καταπείσας αὐτὴν ὅτι

446
 CHAPTER 31

have speedily taken corrective measures, sending imperial

missives to all of the cities. For this reason I remained un-
perturbed, as I also trusted in the loyalty of the citizens of
Raidestos, that the town would remain firm in its loyalty to
the rulers out of gratitude. However, I fell victim to my own
rational thinking, and was almost led unawares to take a ma-
Jor misstep.
For a certain woman, who sought to stand above every-
one else in Raidestos and was related to Bryennios through
her husband;?? managed to furtively convince many of the
citizens of Raidestos with gifts and promises to side with
her and join the conspiracy with [245] statements written in
their own hand and with oaths. When she had found the
men for her conspiracy and considered having those who
had joined with her declare Bryennios emperor on the next
day, one of them, who owed me a favor on account of some
services I had previously rendered him, came to me in the
middle of the night and revealed the plot. I was personally
much aggrieved and cast much opprobrium upon them,
pouring out my contempt for their betrayal of their salva-
tion and the symbol of our faith.?99 Then, without raising
any suspicion in him I sent him off politely. Planning to flee
immediately from that city and the plot, I rushed off with
whatever mules, horses, men, and other equipment that I
happened to have with me, seeking to escape in haste with-
out being noticed. This, however, proved impossible be-
cause the city gates had been secured in advance with iron
bolts and soldiers by the wife of Batatzes, whom I just men-
tioned. In the end, after many threats and arguments I

447
 THE HISTORY

πρὸς πόλεμον αὐτῇ συρραγήσομαι, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιφοιτώ-

ons συνεχωρήθην τὴν ἔξοδον, τὸ ἄδηλον φοβηθείσης μετὰ
τῶν ταύτης υἱέων τῆς τοῦ πολέμου ἐκβάσεως.
Ἐξῆλθον οὖν ἐκεῖθεν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὴν βασιλίδα φερού-
ons ἁψάμενος, πάντα τὰ ἔμπροσθεν εὗρον γαλήνης μεστὰ
καὶ τοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιώτας διεσκεδασμένους εἰς
παραχειμασίαν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι καὶ μηδένα κυδοιμὸν
ὑποπτεύοντας. Σπουδαίως οὖν | εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν βασιλεύ-
ovoav, πρὸ τοῦ τὴν ἰδίαν οἰκίαν καταλαβεῖν, παρῆλθον εἰς
τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τῷ λογοθέτῃ Νικηφόρῳ πρὸς λόγους
ἐλθών, πάντα τὰ συνενεχθέντα προσήγγειλα καὶ τὸ ποιη-
τέον αὐτῷ συνεβούλευσα καὶ ὡς ὅτι τάχιστα χρὴ τήν τε
Ῥαιδεστὸν χρυσοβούλλῳ λόγῳ κατακοιμίσαι καὶ φιλαν-
θρώποις δεξιώσεσιν οἰκειώσασθαι καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις
ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἐς ταὐτὸν συναθροῖσαι καὶ
παραλῦσαι τὴν τῶν πλείστων πρὸς τὸν ἀποστάτην συν-
άθροισιν. Ἀπῆν γὰρ ἔτι τῆς Ἀδριανουπόλεως οὐ μικρὸν
ἄποθεν, ὅτε καὶ τῷ Βασιλάκῃ, τῷ ἀποσταλέντι μετ᾽ αὐτὸν
δουκὶ Δυρραχίου, παρατυχὼν ἐντὸς τοῦ ἄστεος τῆς Θεσ-
σαλονίκης περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἠμφισβήτησε: καὶ εἴπερ δεξιῶς
τοῖς πράγμασιν ὁ Βασιλάκιος τῷ τότε ἐχρήσατο, κατεπο-
λέμησεν ἂν τοῦτον ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἀποστασίας σαλεύοντα. Ὁ
δὲ λογοθέτης ἐν μειδιάματι ποιούμενος τὰ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ τούτῳ
μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰσηγούμενα, μετεωρισμοῖς τισὶ καὶ ἀναβο-
λαῖς τὰ μηδὲ μικρᾶς ὑπερθέσεως δεόμενα παραδέδωκεν,
ἕως τοῦ πάθους φλεγμαίνοντος τὴν ἰατρείαν ἐπεχείρησε
μέν, ἔγνω δὲ μάτην παρακινῶν τὰ ἀκίνητα καὶ τότε πάλιν
ἠσθόμην ὡς καλῷ" τὸ κακὸν ἰᾶσθαι ὀλίγοι τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν
ἀνθρώπων δεδύνηνται.
448
 CHAPTER 31

convinced her that I would start a war against her, and she
permitted me to leave in the morning, out of her fear for the
uncertain outcome of the war and for her sons.
I thus left that place and, keeping to the road that leads
toward the Imperial City, found everything in that direction
to be peaceful and the emperor's soldiers scattered among
the different cities for the winter, unsuspecting of any dis-
turbance. I therefore [246] hurried into the Reigning City
and, before I even set foot in my own home, went to the pal-
ace and spoke with the /ogotbetes Nikephoros. I reported all
that had happened and advised him what to do: that he
should speedily bring calm to Raidestos with a chrysoboullon
and secure its loyalty with displays of compassion and un-
derstanding, and to do likewise with the other cities, all the
while calling up the army for the same purpose, to stem the
flow of so many people toward the rebel. For he was still far
from Adrianople, and, when in the city of Thessalonike he
ran into Basilakes, the man sent to replace him as doux of
Dyrrachion,?# they quarreled over the position. And if Basi-
lakes had handled the matter skillfully at that time, he would
have overpowered this man at the very inception of his re-
bellion. But the /ogothetes, responding with a smile to all that
I had earnestly proposed to him, procrastinated and put off
matters that could not be afforded even a short postpone-
ment, so that by the time he tried to apply a remedy the
disease was most inflamed. Then he realized the futility of
trying to move the immovable,?” and at that point I again
sensed that few of the men among us were able to use good
in order to cure evil.??!

449
 THE HISTORY

5 Καταλαβὼν οὖν εἰς Τραιανούπολιν ὁ Βρυέννιος, συν-

ηντήθη παρὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ τῶν συναραμένων αὐτῷ
Φράγγων καὶ μακεδονικῶν παρατάξεων. Παρήχθησαν δ᾽
αὐτῷ καὶ | τὰ τῆς βασιλείας παράσημα, οἵ τε ἵπποι μετὰ
τῶν δίφρων καὶ τὰ ἐρυθρὰ καὶ βασίλεια πέδιλα. Καὶ
κατασφαλισάμενος πάντας ὅρκοις καὶ συνθήκαις συχναῖς
μὴ ἂν ἀθετῆσαι τοῦτον ἄχρι καὶ τελευταίας πνοῆς, οὕτω
τὴν ἁλουργίδα pet’ εὐφημίας καὶ δορυφορίας ἀπειλήφει
πολλῆς καὶ τοὺς πόδας τοῖς ἐρυθροῖς μεταμείψας πεδίλοις
καὶ εἰς αὐτοβαφὲς ἐπαναβὰς ὄχημα, μετὰ πολλῆς ἀγε-
ρωχίας καὶ φρονηματισμοῦ καὶ τῆς τοῦ στρατοῦ βοῆς καὶ
ἠχῆς εἰς Ἀδριανούπολιν ᾧχετο, ἄρτι τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς
ἐπιστάντος, ὅτε κατηφὴς ὁ ἀὴρ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ μεγάλου
φωστῆρος ὑποχωρήσεως πρὸς τὸ ταυρικὸν ζώδιον ἀπιόν-
τος καὶ στυγνὸς καταφαίνεται.
Αἰχμάλωτος δὲ τηνικαῦτα ληφθεὶς ὁ πρόεδρος Κων-
σταντῖνος ὁ Θεοδωροκάνος, ἀνὴρ ἔνδοξος καὶ γένους ἐπι-
σημότητι καὶ βίου λαμπρότητι καταφανὴς καταγινωσκό-
μενος, οὐ καλῶς μὲν οὐδὲ δικαίως παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ προσεδέχθη
καὶ ὡς εἷς τῶν ἀγενῶν παρωράθη, οὐ μὴν δὲ σωματικὴν
τιμωρίαν ὑπέστη, καίτοι γε ταύτην ὑποπτεύων διὰ προ-
ηγησαμένας ἔχθρας καὶ μάχας κεφαλικάς. Φυγαδευθεὶς δὲ
πρός τινα τῶν μακεδονικῶν πόλεων, pet’ οὐ πολὺ τῷ
χρεὼν ἐλειτούργησεν, εἴτε φυσικῷ θανάτῳ εἴτ᾽ ἐξ ἐπι-
βουλῆς κερασθέντος οὐδεὶς ἀκριβῶς ἐπίσταται.
Ἔν δὲ τῷ μέλλειν εἰσελάσαι τὸν Βρυέννιον εἰς Ἀδρια-
νούπολιν, πᾶσα σχεδὸν ἡ πόλις τὴν προεκκειμένην περίχω-
ρὸν κατελάμβανε καὶ ἦν τὸ πλῆθος ἀγεληδὸν διακεχυμέ-

450
 CHAPTER 321

Arriving at Traianoupolis, Bryennios met up with his ;

brother and the Franks and the Macedonian regiments
which had joined his rebellion. The [247] insignia of imperial
power were produced for his use, both the horses with the
triumphal chariots and the purple imperial sandals. After he
secured everyone's loyalty with oaths and multiple agree-
ments, to the effect that they would not abandon him even
to their very last breath, he then donned the purple mantle
in the midst of great acclamations and a large surrounding
crowd. Slipping the purple sandals onto his feet, he mounted
the chariot of the same color, standing proud with spirits
high, and, in the midst of the army's roar and clamor, he set
out for Adrianople. The month of November had already set
in, a time when the sky appears downcast and sullen as a re-
sult of the great light-giving star's retreat toward the sign of
Taurus.
At that time the proedros Konstantinos Theodorokanos 6
was captured,” a glorious man widely recognized for the
nobility of his family and the brilliance of his career. But he
was not treated nobly or even with justice by Bryennios and
he was disregarded as if he were an ignoble commoner. He
did not suffer bodily harm, however, though he feared it on
account of old enmities and personal disputes. Finally he es-
caped to one of the Macedonian cities, and soon afterward
he completed his allotted time, either dying a natural death
or a victim of poison, no one really knows.
When Bryennios was about to enter Adrianople, almost 7
the entire city came out and occupied the areas flanking the
approach. The crowd standing dispersed on the [248] plain

451
 THE HISTORY

vov εἰς τὸ | πεδίον, τὴν πρόοδον αὐτοῦ ἐκδεχόμενον. Ὡς

δ᾽ ἀνεφάνησαν τὰ σημεῖα καὶ προεχώρουν αἱ παρατάξεις
αὐτοῦ βαρεῖαν ἀπαγγέλλουσαι τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπιφοίτησιν καὶ
τὰ κέρατα πανταχόθεν φοβερόν τι καὶ καταπληκτικὸν
ἐπεσήμαινον, κἀκεῖνος ἐν παρασήμοις παρὰ πλείστων
δορυφορούμενος κατελάμβανε. Διατάξαντες δὲ ἑαυτοὺς
στοιχηδὸν οἱ πρὸς θέαν ἐξιόντες πολῖται, οἵ τε στρατιῶται
τὰς ἀσπίδας προτείνοντες καὶ τὰς αἰχμὰς τῶν ὅπλων ἐπι-
συναίροντες, ἠχή τε τῶν βυκίνων καὶ τῶν σαλπίγγων
ἐγίνετο καὶ τὸ τῆς εὐφημίας ἤρθη παρὰ πάντων περί-
οπτον. Ἔδοξαν οἱ πλείους τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ βασιλέως
μεγίστου καὶ δυνατωτάτου καθίστασθαι, κἀκεῖνος ὑπερ-
ἄνω παντὸς λόγου ἑαυτὸν λογισάμενος, μεστὸς ἐλπίδων
καὶ αὐχήματος εἰς τὴν ἐνεγκαμένην αὐτὸν εἰσελήλυθε πό-
λιν. Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα, ὡς ὕστερον τὸ πρᾶγμα τὸν ἔλεγχον
δέδωκε, πιθήκων ἢ γεράνων ὁρμήματα καὶ νεανιεύματα'
ἔνθα γὰρ Θεὸς οὐ συνευδοκεῖ καὶ ψηφίζεται καὶ πρᾶξις
εὐθυτάτη καὶ θεοφιλὴς διάνοια τὴν ἄνωθεν οὐκ ἐκκαλεῖται
βοήθειαν, φροῦδον ἅπαν καὶ ἀσθενὲς τὸ παρ᾽ ἀνθρώπων
γενόμενον.
Ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥαιδεστῷ, πρὸ τοῦ τὸν Βρυέννιον καταλαβεῖν
εἰς Ἀδριανούπολιν, ἐπικρατησάσης τῆς Βατατζίνης, ἐδιχο-
vóovv γάρ τινες πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπιχείρησιν, ἀνηγορεύθη
ὁ Βρυέννιος. Καὶ πρῶτον ἔργον τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις ἐγένετο
τὸ καθελεῖν καὶ καταβαλεῖν εἰς γήν τὸ κοινὸν ἀτόπημα
καὶ ἀδίκημα | καὶ τοῦ ἀπὸ λογοθετῶν δύστηνον ἐπινόημα
καὶ τῇ εὐθηνίᾳ ἐπιβουλεῦον, τὸν καινουργηθέντα φημὶ
ἐκτὸς τοῦ ἄστεος φούνδακα καὶ κατεπόθη μέχρις ἐδάφους

452
 CHAPTER 31

resembled a large herd as it awaited his arrival. When his

pennons came into view and his regiments advanced an-
nouncing his imposing arrival, and when the horns blared
from all sides presaging something awesome and wondrous,
at that point he appeared in full regalia, surrounded by a
large escort. When the townspeople who had come out to
witness the event arranged themselves in rows, the soldiers
extended their shields and lifted the points of their weapons
into the air in unison, the horns and trumpets blared, and
acclamations were loudly chanted by everyone. The major-
ity thought that his appearance was that of a great and most
powerful emperor, and he believed himself to be superior to
anything words can describe. Full of hopes and pride, he en-
tered the city of his birth. But the sequel to these events
proved that all of this was nothing but the impetuousness
and immaturity of monkeys or cranes. For where God
does not give his approval and support, and where a most
correct plan of action and pious disposition does not invoke
help from above, all human action is futile and weak.
As for Raidestos, where Batatzina had taken charge be-
fore Bryennios reached Adrianople, even though some dis-
agreed with his plans, he was acclatmed emperor there too.
And the first deed of the locals was to destroy and pull to
the ground that universal insult and injustice, [249] the
logothetes’ horrible invention, that threat to the common -
good. I am referring to the phoundax recently constructed
outside the city, which, indeed, was torn down to the very

453
 THE HISTORY

διαρρυείς. Tod δὲ κάστρου IIaviov ἔτι μὴ συναπαχθέντος

αὐτοῖς, ἐπεστράτευσαν οἱ τῆς Ῥαιδεστοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ
Sv ἡμερῶν τινῶν παραστησάμενοι αὐτό: τινὰς μὲν τῶν
ἔνδον ἠμύναντο, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐπὶ χώρας κατέλιπον.
Ἔκτοτε δὲ οὐ διέλιπον ἐκ τῆς ἀποστατικῆς μοίρας εἰς τὴν
Ῥαιδεστὸν παραβάλλοντες στρατιῶται, καὶ μᾶλλον ἀλλο-
γενεῖς, καὶ τοὺς περικύκλῳ ἀγροὺς λυμαινόμενοι προφά-
cei τάχα τῆς τοῦ κάστρου φυλακῆς καὶ διατειχίσεως: ἤθελε
γὰρ καὶ αὐτοὺς ἡ Βατατζῖνα 8v ὄγκον ὑπερηφανίας καὶ
ἀποτροπὴν τῆς ὑποπτευομένης αὐτῇ ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ παρα-
κινήσεως. Συνετηρήθη δὲ καὶ ὁ ναύσταθμος τοῦ τοιούτου
κάστρου σκόλοψι καὶ περιπάτοις ξυλίνοις καὶ ἄλλοις ὀργά-
νοις τῶν ἀλλοτρίων νεῶν ἀποτρεπτικοῖς: πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων
ἐν τῷ αἰγιαλῷ οἰκημάτων, καταστροφὴ τούτων δι᾽ ὑπονο-
ουμένην κατεπράχθη ἐπίθεσιν καὶ ἁπλῶς πάντα ταραχῆς
ἐπέπληστο καὶ συγχύσεως. 'HiOóunv δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τῶν
τοιούτων κακῶν ὡς τὴν ἀποστασίαν ἀποφυγών, τῆς ἐντὸς
τοῦ κάστρου οἰκίας καὶ τῶν ἀγροτικῶν μου κτημάτων δι-
αρπαγὴν τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς οὐ τὴν τυχοῦσαν ὑποστάντων.
Ὁ δὲ Βρυέννιος τάξεις καὶ ἀρχὰς τῇ βασιλικῇ δορυ-
φορίᾳ ! χρειώδεις ὑποστησάμενος καὶ τιμὰς ὅσαι τούτῳ
_ ἐδόκουν ὁσημέραι καταπραττόμενος, ἐφαπλῶσαι τὴν χεῖρα
καὶ μέχρι Βυζαντίου διεμελέτησε καὶ ἑαυτῷ προεκκαθᾶραι
καὶ λειῶσαι τὴν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια εἴσοδον. Τιμήσας οὖν τὸν
ἴδιον αὐτάδελφον Ἰωάννην τῷ τῶν κουροπαλατῶν ἐπιφα-
νεῖ ἀξιώματι, δυνάμεις ἁδρὰς ἐνεχείρισε καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ τὸ
Βυζάντιον ἐξαπέστειλε, πίσυνος ὧν ὡς ἐπείπερ οἱ πολῖται
τὸν βασιλέα σὺν τῷ λογοθέτῃ δι’ ὀργῆς καὶ μίσους ἀτενοῦς

454
 CHAPTER 3I

ground. Moreover, given that the fort of Panion had not yet
sided with them, the forces at Raidestos marched against it
and within a few days they had captured it. Some of the in-
habitants they fought with, but the rest who were in the
country they left alone. After that there was no shortage of
soldiers from the regiments of the rebel arriving in Raides-
tos, especially foreigners, who plundered the surrounding
fields with the excuse that they were guarding the fort and
building up the ramparts. Batatzina desired their presence
also because of her excessive pride and in order to ward
off the threats and plots that she suspected were directed
against her. Moreover, the harbor of that fort was repaired
with posts, wooden walkways, and other contraptions to re-
pel enemy ships. As there were many dwellings by the shore,
these were destroyed because of the expected attack. Sim-
ply put, everything was in great turmoil and confusion. And
as one who had fled the rebellion, I myself suffered these
evils, for my house inside the fort and my estates in the
country with everything on them were heavily plundered.
Bryennios then granted advantageous ranks and offices
to his imperial bodyguard [250] and every day awarded such
titles as he thought necessary. He next thought about how
he could extend his reach all the way to Byzantion, to clear a
path for himself and smooth out his entry into the palace.
Honoring his own brother Ioannes with the conspicuous
dignity of kouropalates, he entrusted him with ample forces
and sent him to the said Byzantion, trusting that the citi-
zens were angry at and even deeply hated the emperor and
the /ogothetes and would go over to their side when his

455
 THE HISTORY

ἔχουσι, προσέξουσί τε αὐτῷ μετὰ τηλικαύτης στρατιᾶς

παρατεταγμένῳ καὶ προσδέξονται σὺν ὁμολογίαις ἐντὸς
καὶ οὕτως ἀδεῶς ἐπιφοιτήσει αὐτὸς ἐν ἑτοιμασίᾳ βασιλικῇ
καὶ ἀποδοχῇ. Ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ὁ σκοπὸς ἔξω τῆς τοῦ μέλλοντος
ἀποβάσεως. Τῆς μὲν γὰρ στρατιᾶς τὸ συγκεκροτημένον
καὶ πολυάνθρωπον εἶχέ τινα πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτὸς φοβερὰν ἐπι-
φάνειαν καὶ μᾶλλον ὅτι καὶ τῇ Περίνθῳ, τῇ νῦν Ἡρακλείᾳ
καλουμένῃ, προσπαραβαλὼν ὁ τοῦ Βρυεννίου αὐτάδελ-
φος, μὴ συγκατανευούσῃ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ Βρυεννίου ἀνάρ-
ρησιν διὰ τὸ καὶ στρατιώτας ἔνδον ἔχειν βασιλικούς, κατα-
κράτος εἷλε καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνεῖλεν αὐτῆς καὶ τὰ ἐκτὸς μετὰ
τῶν ἔνδον ἐδήωσεν. ὙὝπεχώρησε γὰρ καὶ ὁ £v Σηλυμβρίᾳ
ἐφεδρεύων Ἀλέξιος πρόεδρος ὁ Κομνηνός, δομέστικος
ὕστερον τῆς Δύσεως προβληθείς, μετὰ τῶν συνόντων
αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῇ βασιλευούσῃ σπουδαίως ἐπανε-
λήλυθεν. Οἱ δὲ τὴν βασιλίδα οἰκοῦντες οὐδαμῶς πρὸς τὴν
τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπιφοίτησιν κατεπλάγησαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως εἶχον
περὶ αὐτὴν ὡς ἂν εἴ τινες κριοὶ καὶ βουκολίων ἀγέλαι
πρὸς κολωνοὺς ἢ σεμιράμια τείχη τὰς ἰδίας προσαράττουσι
κεφαλὰς ἢ κηφῆνες περιβομβοῦσιν ἄνδρας γιγαντολέτο-
ρας. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ τὴν ἀρχὴν καταλαβόντες τῷ βασιλεῖ κατ-
ἐφάνησαν τὴν £v Βλαχέρναις προκαταλαβόντες ἀκρόπο-
λιν καί τινας ἀκροβολισμοὺς καὶ προσβολὰς ἐκ τῶν τόξων
καὶ πετροβόλων ὀργάνων εἰργάσαντο, ἔπραξαν δὲ οὐδὲν
ἢ ὅσον ἐπίδειξίν τινα τῆς ἀνταρσίας προενεγκεῖν. Ὀπι-
σθόρμητοι δὲ γεγονότες, τραυματισθέντων καί τινων ἐξ
αὐτῶν, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τείχεσι πλησιάσαντες, ὑβριστικὰς
φωνὰς ἢ παροινίας παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ἠνωτίσαντο καὶ

456
 CHAPTER 31

brother arrived at the head of such a large army in forma-

tion, and that they would receive him into the City, after
coming to an agreement with him. And thus, without any
anxiety on his part, he too would arrive and preparations
would have been made to receive him in a way fitting for an
emperor. But the future did not turn out the way he in-
tended. Certainly, the sheer size and order of his army hor-
ribly intimidated those who were outside the City, especially
when Bryennios's brother seized Perinthos, which is now
called Herakleia and had not accepted Bryennios's accession
because it had imperial soldiers in it. He took it by force,
killing many of its people and looting both its environs and
the city itself. Moreover, the proedros Alexios Komnenos,
who was to be promoted later to domestikos of the west,??*
and was lying in wait at Selymbria, retreated and, with che
soldiers under his command, returned in haste to the Reign-
ing City. As for those dwelling in the Imperial City, they
were in no way surprised by the arrival of that army, but
rather treated [251] it as if a few rams or herds of cattle were
butting their heads against the columns or the walls of Semi-
ramis,?” or as if they were drone bees buzzing around men
who were giant-killers.2?° Those who had usurped authority
appeared to the emperor when they seized in advance the
acropolis at Blachernai,??” but they staged only a few skir-
mishes, shooting from their bows and stone-throwing en-
gines, making little more than a display of tbe rebellion.
When a few of them were injured, they retreated and ap-
proached other sections of the walls, but here they heard
the citizens issue insulting cries and violent taunts, and they

457
 THE HISTORY

ἀκοντίοις xai λίθοις ἀπεσοβήθησαν kal μίμοις γελοίων

καθυπεβλήθησαν καὶ τῆς ἀποκηρύξεως ἐν πολλαῖς ἡμέ-
patg πρὸ τῆς πόλεως στρατοπεδευσάμενοι πληροφορίαν
ἐδέξαντο: εἶχε γὰρ ἅπαντας ἔρως ἐπιμανὴς τοῦ Βοτανειά-
του καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου βασίλειον ἐπιδημίαν ὡς ἐπιδημίαν
Θεοῦ προσεδέχοντο.
IO Μηδὲν δὲ τῶν ὧν ἤλπισεν ὁ τοῦ Βρυεννίου αὐτάδελφος
εὑρηκὼς καὶ τὴν εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν εἴσοδον ἀπογνούς,
διεπεραιώθη τὴν τοῦ Ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος γέφυραν καὶ
θέμενος ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Στενοῦ μέρεσι τὴν παρεμβολήν, παρ-
NAde συντεταγμένος ὡς τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς
πολίταις ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς διοπτικώτερον φανησόμενος,
καὶ τὸν αὐτάδελφον εὐφημίαις κατὰ διαδοχὴν ἑκάστου
λόχου ἐτίμησεν. [Ὡς δὲ τὸν ἀέρα πλήττων μόνον ἐδείκνυτο
καὶ ὄνος ἦν πρὸς λογικοὺς καὶ λογισμῷ κρείττονι κατε-
στρατηγημένους ὀγκώμενος, ὀργῇ καὶ θυμῷ τὴν ψυχὴν
ἐκκαυθεὶς καὶ βακχικόν τι καὶ σιληνιακὸν πεφρονηκώς,
πῦρ ἐνῆκε ταῖς παρακειμέναις οἰκίαις ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἁγίου IIav-
τελεήμονος μέχρι τῶν Ἀναπλεομένων μερῶν τοῦ Στενοῦ.
Καὶ ἡ φλὸξ ἀρθεῖσα πάσας σχεδὸν τὰς οἰκίας πλὴν ὀλίγων
κατεδαπάνησεν, ὡς καὶ εὐκτηρίους οἴκους καὶ περικαλλεῖς
οἰκίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐπισήμους πυρὸς γενέσθαι θεομισοῦς
παρανάλωμα, καὶ μᾶλλον τῶν ἰουδαϊκῶν, διὰ τὸ ξύλοις
κατηρτίσθαι πάσας, οὐδεμία διέφυγε τὴν τοῦ πυρὸς ἐρωήν.
Ἔφκει δὲ οὗτος τῷ μέλλοντι μὲν ἀποσβέσαι πῦρ, ἐλαίῳ δὲ
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρωμένῳ καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν ἐντεῦθεν μεῖζον ἐπαί-
ροντι: μισοῦντας γὰρ αὐτὸν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τὸν τούτου
αὐτάδελφον, εἰς πλεῖον μῖσος ἐκ τῆς ἀτοπωτάτης ἠρέθισε

458
 CHAPTER 31

were driven away with javelins and stones, and were made a
laughingstock, as in a mime performance. After camping
before the City for many days, they understood how thor-
oughly they had been rejected. For everyone was gripped
with a mad longing for Botaneiates, and they all awaited his
imperial advent as if it were the advent of God himself.
Finding nothing of what he had hoped for and despairing IO

of even entering the Reigning City, Bryennios's brother

crossed the bridge of Saint Panteleémon??? and placed his
camp in the region of the straits, marching past in forma-
tion in order to be more visibly conspicuous to the emperor
and rest of the people. He then honored his brother with
acclamations from each company in order. [252] But as it
was evident that he was only beating against the air, like an
ass puffing himself up before rational beings marshaled by a
superior reason, his soul burned with anger and wrath and
his mind was overcome by a bacchic and Silenic frenzy, so he
set fire to the houses in the vicinity from Saint Panteleémon
all the way to the Anaplous region of the straits. Once the
flames were fanned, they consumed almost all the homes ex-
cept for a few, so that places of prayer, elegant mansions, and
distinguished churches became the fuel of this loathsome
fire. Above all, not one of the Jewish houses escaped the
force of the fire, as they were all built with timber. He was
like a man who wishes to extinguish fire by pouring oil on it,
thereby dramatically increasing its strength. The citizens al-
ready detested him and his brother, but now he earned an
even greater hatred with this thoughtless act. Realizing that

459
 THE HISTORY

πράξεως. Ὡς δ᾽ ἔγνω ἑαυτὸν μάτην ἐπὶ κακοῖς αὐλιζόμε-

νον καὶ διαύλους σκηνὰς ἐργαζόμενον καὶ τῷ χειμῶνι
δεινῶς μετὰ τῶν συστρατευομένων αὐτῷ πιεζόμενον, ἀνα-
στήσας τὴν στρατιὰν πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐβάδιζε. Kai αὐτὸς
μὲν σὺν δυσὶ παρατάξεσιν εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ἀθύρα πολίχνιον κατ-
ἐσκήνωσε, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς παραχειμασίαν διέδω-
κεν. ᾿
II ‘Ove δὲ καὶ βραδέως ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπεμνήσθη τοῦ Ῥου-
σελίου καὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ γενναιότητος, πύματον ἄρα καὶ ἔξω-
ρον τὸ λυσιτελοῦν προστησάμενος. Ἔχων γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐν
παραφυλακῇ | καὶ δεσμοῖς διὰ τὸ καὶ πρὸ ἡμερῶν τινῶν
ἁλωθῆναι, φυγαδείαν ἑλόμενον ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς τὸν Βοτανειά-
τὴν αὐτομολῆσαι τῇ Λάμπῃ ἐνδιατρίβοντα, ἠναγκάσθη
τότε ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν πραγμάτων ὥσπερ ῥευμάτων θα-
λαττίων ἐπικεχυμένων αὐτῷ, βοηθὸν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ συλ-
λήπτορα προσλαβεῖν. Τῆς οὖν φρουρᾶς αὐτὸν ἐξελὼν καὶ
πολλοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπαγωγοῖς χρησάμενος ῥήμασι καὶ
ἀμνηστίαν τῶν προτέρων κατασκευάσας καὶ πολλαῖς ὑπο-
σχέσεσι καὶ δώροις καὶ τιμαῖς καταμαλάξας τὴν τούτου
ψυχὴν καὶ πρὸς εὔνοιαν μεταθέσθαι καὶ πίστιν παρασκευ-
άσας ἀπόρθητον, εἰς τὴν κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀντιπαράτα-
ξιν διηυτρέπισε. Καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν μὲν διαλεχθῆναι πρό-
τερον τοῖς συνοῦσι Φράγγοις τῷ Βρυεννίῳ πεποίηκεν, ὡς
δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπεισε τούτους καὶ προεχώρουν εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω πρὸς
τὰ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἐνδότερα: ὅτε φήμη τις προσήγγειλε τὸν
τοῦ Βρυεννίου αὐτάδελφον ἀφυλάκτως ἐντὸς τοῦ AO0bpoc
ἐπισκηνοῦν, συμβούλιον γέγονεν ἐπελθεῖν αὐτῷ ἐξεφό-
δου, στρατηγοῦντος τοῦ προέδρου Ἀλεξίου σὺν τῷ

460
 CHAPTER 31

he was pointlessly wasting his time there and doing harm,

with his tents in a constricted space, and as winter was press-
ing hard on those enlisted under his command, he decamped
and marched his army to the west. He encamped with two
regiments at the small town of Athyra, while the rest of the
army was dispersed to winter quarters.
Slowly, and late in the game, the emperor remembered II

Rouselios and the man's courage, finally, and in the nick of

time, deciding to do what was to his advantage. For he had
him in chains and under surveillance, [253] as he had been ar-
rested just a few days previously, caught as he was escaping
toward Botaneiates, who was quartered at Lampe. The em-
peror was then compelled by the state of affairs, like sea cur-
rents swelling around him, to take this man on as his helper
and assistant. He thus brought him out of prison, used on
him many flattering words, arranged an amnesty for what
had previously happened, and softened his soul with many
promises, gifts, and honors, thereby turning him to a favor-
able disposition and instilling in him unshakable loyalty. He
thereby prepared him for the clash with the enemy First, he
made him speak from atop the walls with the Franks who
were with Bryennios, but he did not persuade them and so
they marched deeper into the western hinterland. When the
news was announced that Bryennios's brother had dropped
his guard while billeted at Athyra, it was decided to attack
him suddenly, with the proedros Alexios in command along

461
 THE HISTORY

Ῥουσελίῳ, μετὰ τῶν £v τῇ βασιλίδι στρατιωτῶν. Ὅρκοις

οὖν φρικωδεστάτοις τὰ πιστὰ δεδωκὼς τῷ βασιλεῖ ὁ Ῥου-
σέλιος ἐν τῷ πανσεβάστῳ σηκῷ τῶν Βλαχερνῶν αὐτῷ
συνδυάσαντι, νυκτὸς ἐξῆλθε τῆς πόλεως.
12 Ῥωσικὰ δὲ πλοῖα τὴν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης παραγγελθέντα
ἐπίθεσιν, σύνθημα παρέσχον τοῖς κατ᾽ ἤπειρον στρατιώ-
ταις tv’ ὀρθριώτερον ἅμα τῷ Adüpq προσβάλωσι, | καὶ
κατακλείσαντες ἔνδον τὸν ἀντικείμενον μετὰ τῶν συν-
ὄντων αὐτῷ πάντων καὶ καταγωνισάμενοι τρέψωσι καὶ
ὑπὸ τὴν σφῶν αὐτῶν χεῖρα ζωγροῦσαν ἢ φονεύουσαν
ἅπαντας ὡς ἐν δικτύῳ ποιήσωσι. Καὶ ἦν ἡ μελέτη στα-
θηρὰ καὶ στρατηγικὴ καὶ τοῦ θηράματος σύνοχος, εἰς τέ-
λος δὲ μὴ περισωθεῖσα τὸ τῆς νίκης διέφθειρε τρόφιμον.
Συνήρχοντο μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταὐτῷ τό τε πεζικὸν καὶ ναυτικὸν
στράτευμα, προελθόντες δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος οἱ τῆς πεζικῆς
μοίρας στρατιῶται καὶ ἀποπλανηθέντες ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ κατα-
σκοπῇ καὶ καταλήψει δῆθέν τινων Μακεδόνων αὐλιζομέ-
νων ἐν πορρωτάτω ἀγροῖς, ἐκείνων μὲν οὐκ εὐστόχησαν
καὶ ἀπέτυχον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, τοῖς δὲ Βαράγγοις οὐ συν-
εδύασαν ὅτε τῷ Ἀθύρᾳ προσέβαλον. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν οἱ μὲν
Bäpayyoı τὰς πύλας αὐτοῦ βιασάμενοι ἐντὸς εἰσεπήδησαν
καὶ πανόπλοις ἐπιφοραῖς, ἔτι πρωΐας οὔσης, τοὺς τοῦ Βρυ-
evviov κατηγωνίσαντο. Ἱππότες δὲ ὄντες ἐκεῖνοι, τῶν
ἵππων ἐπιβάντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐξωρμήκασι, μὴ ὄντων δὲ τῶν
ἐν ἠπείρῳ στρατιωτῶν κατ᾽ ὄψιν αὐτῶν καὶ ὑπάντησιν,
διέφυγον τὴν πανωλεθρίαν. Ὕστερον δ᾽ ἐπιφανεὶς ὁ Ῥου-
σέλιος σὺν τῷ προέδρῳ Ἀλεξίῳ, ἐδίωξαν μὲν κατόπιν, βου-
λόμενοι δὲ τὸν διωγμὸν ἐπιτεῖναι καὶ πολλοὺς σφῆλαι τῶν

462
 CHAPTER 31

with Rouselios, leading the soldiers from the Imperial City.

Joining the emperor in the all-venerable church of Blacher-
nai and offering him the most dreadful oaths to confirm his
loyalty, Rouselios left the City at night.
The Rus' ships that had been deputed to the naval assault 12

gave the signal to the soldiers on land to attack Athyra early

in the morning [254], so that by blocking their opponent in-
side with all his supporters, overcoming and routing them,
they would with their own hands either capture or kill them
all, as if they had cast a net. And the plan was solid, tactically
sound, and appropriate to the prey, but by not being carried
through to its conclusion it marred the benefits of victory.
For as the infantry and naval forces came together, the sol-
diers of the infantry units arrived first before the city but
were distracted at that point by scouting and, supposedly,
arresting certain Macedonians who were billeted in some
distant estates. But they missed that other target and failed
in their plan, and so did not join up with the Varangians
when they attacked Athyra. The Varangians, however, forced
the gates and hurled themselves inside the city in full gear,
and so defeated Bryennios's forces while it was still morn-
ing. The latter, being cavalry, jumped on their horses and
rushed into flight, and as the ground forces were not there
to meet and confront them, they evaded total defeat. Then,
as Rouselios appeared along with the proedros Alexios, they
gave chase, for they wished to press the rout and kill many

463
 THE HISTORY

ἐναντίων κατασεσεισμένους τῷ φόβῳ καὶ φεύγοντας ἀμε-

ταστρεπτί, παρὰ τῶν ἰδίων οὐκ εἰσηκούσθησαν δεδιότων
τὸ ἀποτέλεσμα. Ἔπεσον δέ τινες Μακεδόνες ἐν τῷ κάστρῳ
παρὰ τῶν ‘Pac, ἄλλοι δὲ ζῶντες ἠχμαλωτίσθησαν, ὁμοίως
δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἱπποτῶν. Συνηθροίσθη δὲ καὶ λαφυρα-
γωγία ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀποσκευῆς καὶ τοῦ αὐταδέλφου τοῦ
Bpvevviov ὀχήματα πράσινα καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σήμαντρα.

32

>
Ἢ κἀνελθόντων δὲ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιωτῶν εἰς
αὐτόν, χαρά τις τοῦτον καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν περιέλαβε,
τοῖς δὲ Βυζαντίοις οὐδὲν τούτων θεραπεῦον ἐδείκνυτο, ὅτι
τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως μάχην καὶ τοῦ Βρυεννίου κινάριν ἔλο-
γίζοντο. Ete γὰρ πάντας κατ᾽ ἄκρας ὁ πόθος τῆς τοῦ
Βοτανειάτου χρηστότητος, ἐπείπερ ἐγίνωσκον αὐτοῦ τὸ
γένος περιφανὲς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμικοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐπίδο-
£ov καὶ χρηστὸν τοῖς πολίταις καὶ σύντροφον, καὶ αὐτὸν
δὲ παραπλησίαν ἔχοντα τῷ γένει τὴν γνώμην καὶ τὴν
ἀνδρίαν καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ ὑγιὲς ἐγκαλλώπισμα' οὐδεὶς

464
 CHAPTER 32

of the enemy who were shaking in fear and were in headlong

flight. They were, however, not heeded by their own sol-
diers, who still feared che outcome. Some of the Mace-
donians were killed by the Rus' in the fort, while others
[255] were taken alive. Likewise with the cavalry. Loot was
thus gathered from their baggage train as well as the green
carts, weapons, and standards of Bryennios's brother.

Chapter 32

The fall of Michael VII Doukas

and the accession of Nikephoros ITI
Botaneiates (1078)

X hen the emperor’s soldiers returned to him, he and

his associates were filled with joy, but to the citizens of Byz-
antion this appeared to offer no solace, as they cared about
the clash between the emperor and Bryennios as much as
they cared about eating artichokes.??? For all were overcome
by an extreme longing for Botaneiates' goodness, since they
knew his family to be illustrious and full of glory in martial
contests, kindly and close to the citizens, and knew that he
himself was like the rest of his family in his attitude, cour-
age, and the healthy beauty of his soul. For no tough and

465
 THE HISTORY

yàp πόλεμος ἀγωνιστικὸς καὶ βαρὺς εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἔξω τῶν

en αὐτῷ ἀνδραγαθημάτων, οὐδεμία παρασκευὴ τῶν
ἄκρων ἀπείρατόν τε καὶ ἄγευστον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δουκικὰς
ἀρχὰς καὶ αὐτὰς μεγίστας φρονήσει καὶ ἀνδρίᾳ καὶ ἀγα-
θότητι κατεκόσμησε, καὶ ἡ Πόλις αὐτὸν ἠγάπα διὰ τὴν
ἄγαν ἐπιείκειαν καὶ πραότητα καὶ τὸ τῆς χειρὸς ἐν πολέ-
μοις καὶ ὅπλοις ἀκαταγώνιστον καὶ ἐν δώροις ἀσύγκριτον
καὶ τὸ δεξιὸν καὶ εὔχαρι καὶ τὸ πάσης ἀλαζονείας καὶ ὑπερ-
ηφανίας τυγχάνειν αὐτὸν ὑψηλότερον καὶ τὸ δὴ μεῖζον,
ἀνέγκλητον, οὐδέπω γὰρ ἀδικίαν κατενεκλήθη παρά τινος
nap’ ὅλαις ταῖς | αὐτοῦ πράξεσι. Καὶ μάρτυς αὐτὸς ὁ συγ-
γράφων, ἐγώ, ὅτι δικαστὴς διὰ χρόνων πολλῶν γενόμενος
καὶ πᾶσι, στρατιώταις καὶ πολίταις καὶ ἄρχουσι, κατά τε
τὴν βασιλεύουσαν κατά τε τὰς βασιλικὰς ἐκστρατείας δι-
κάσας περὶ διαφόρων φάκτων καὶ ὑποθέσεων, ἐν οὐδενὶ
δικαστηρίῳ τοῦτον εὗρον ἁλώσιμον περὶ μικροῦ ἢ μεγί-
στου κατηγορούμενον πράγματος. Ἄπαγε, ἀλήθειαν ἐπὶ
μάρτυρι Θεῷ καὶ οὐ ψεῦδος κολακικὸν ἀποφθέγγομαι.
Πρὸς τοῦτον οὖν ἀποβλέπον τὸ τῆς πολιτείας συνά-
θροισμα, πρᾶγμά τι τολμᾷ τῶν πώποτε γενομένων ὑπερ-
φέρον καὶ μέγιστον: τοῦ γὰρ βασιλεύοντος εἰς τὰ ἐν Βλα-
χέρναις ἀνάκτορα κατὰ τὴν Κυριακὴν προκαθημένου καὶ
χρηματίζοντος καὶ πάσης τῆς συγκλήτου παρισταμένης
αὐτῷ, οἱ ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ τεμένει τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ Σοφίας ἐκ-
κλησιάζοντες, πάντα φόβον τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσεισάμενοι
καὶ δημοκρατουμένους ἑαυτοὺς οἰηθέντες, πείθει γὰρ ὁ
πόθος καὶ τῶν ἀνεφίκτων κατατολμᾶν, ἀναγορεύουσι τὸν
Βοτανειάτην βασιλέα λαμπρᾷ τῇ φωνῇ, τῇ ἐπαύριον τῆς

466
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hotly fought war ever saw him perform below his level of
heroism, nor was he in any way unprepared to serve in the
highest offices; rather, he had adorned the position of a doux
and even higher offices with his prudence, courage, and vir-
tue. The City loved him for his extreme mercy and gentle-
ness as well as for his manly hands, which were invincible in
wars and in weapons and incomparable in handing out gifts.
He was well disposed, graceful, and superior to all pride and
arrogance. What was even greater, he had never been ac-
cused of anything: in all his deeds he had never been charged
with injustice by anyone. [256] I myself who am writing this
am a witness to this, having been a judge for many years and
having presided over trials of all manner of people, namely
soldiers, citizens, and magistrates, both in the Reigning City
and in the course of imperial campaigns, and also regarding
different types of cases and proceedings. In no court did I
find him convicted or accused of either a small or a more se-
rious affair. Forsooth, I speak the truth, God be my witness,
and not sycophantic lies.
All elements of the state and society had their eyes set
upon him, and they dared something great that surpassed
anything that had happened before. While the emperor was
at the Blachernai palace on Sunday, presiding and holding
court with the entire Senate in attendance, those who were
attending services in the great temple of God's Wisdom
threw off all fear of the emperor and, imagining themselves
inastate of democracy— for fervent desire can convince one
to attempt the impossible—in a loud voice they declared
Botaneiates emperor; this was on the day after the candlelit

467
 THE HISTORY

λαμπαδηφόρου τῶν Θεοφανίων, ἤτοι τῶν Φώτων ἑορτῆς,

ἔτι τούτου ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ καθημένου πολίσματι κατὰ τὴν τῶν
Ἀνατολικῶν ἐπαρχίαν καὶ μηδεμιᾶς ἐκ τούτου προσδοκω-
μένης τῆς ἐκδικήσεως. Οἰηθείη δ᾽ ἄν τις ὅτι χρυσοβούλ-
λιον ἀναγνωσθὲν τούτου καὶ τὰ θυμήρη καθυπισχνούμε-
vov διεθέρμανε τοὺς πολίτας πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀναγόρευσιν.
Οὐκ ἔστι τοῦτο, οὐκ ἔστι. Προλαβὼν γὰρ ὁ κρατῶν | Μι-
χαὴλ τοῦτο πεποίηκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαναγνωσθὲν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ
οὐ μόνον εὐχαριστίαν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὕβριν αὐτῷ
πρὸς πάντων καὶ ἀναισχύντους φωνὰς προσεξένησε. Kai
ὁ Βρυέννιος δὲ τοιαῦτα πολλὰ διεπέμψατο, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδεὶς
προσέσχεν αὐτοῖς, καίτοι τῆς πόλεως ἀγχοῦ καθισταμέ-
νου αὐτοῦ ἐν ἰσχύϊ καὶ δυναμένου τοῖς ἔνδον παραβο-
ηθῆσαι ταχέως εἰ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀποκλίνοιεν. Ὅπου δὲ τὸ
θεῖον συνεπινένευκε διὰ τὴν τούτου ἀρετὴν καὶ χρηστό-
τητα, ἐκεῖσε καὶ ἡ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁρμὴ καὶ θέλησις βέβη-
κεν, ἀπλανεῖς ἐχόντων τοὺς χαρακτῆρας τῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς
φύσεώς τε καὶ πράξεως.
Πρὸς ταῦτα συνῆκε μὲν ὁ κρατῶν οὐδαμῶς, οὐδὲ τὰς
παραδοξοποιῖΐας ταύτας εἰς νοῦν ἀνήνεγκεν ἰσχυρότερον
καὶ θείαν ὀμφὴν ἢ κρίσιν τῶν οὕτω συντρεχόντων ἡγήσατο
τὴν ἐπίρροιαν, ἀλλὰ μύων ὡσανεὶ τοὺς τῆς διανοίας
ὀφθαλμοὺς ἰταμώτερός πως ἐγίνετο καὶ ἀντίξους τοῖς
πράγμασι, μᾶλλον δὲ ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ θείου συμβολικαῖς ἐπι-
δείξεσι. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὅσα μειρακιωδῶς διεσκέπτετο,
συντρέχοντος ἐν πᾶσι Νικηφόρου τοῦ λογοθέτου τοῦ δρό-
μου, μηχανορράφοις τισὶν ἢ ἀστρονόμοις καὶ διοσημίας
τινὰς ἐπαγγελλομένοις καὶ ἀφιδρυμάτων προρρήσεσιν ἐκ

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procession of Epiphany, that is, the Feast of Lights,3°° even

though he was still in his hometown in the province of the
Anatolikoi and they could not expect to be defended by
him. One might think that some chrysoboullon of his was read
out that made pleasing promises and inflamed the citizens
to proclaim him. Yet that was not the case, it simply was not.
Instead it was the one in power, [257] Michael, who rushed
to do exactly that, but when it was read out in the church
not only did it not please anyone, it instead caused everyone
to hurl insults at him and shameless slurs. Bryennios also
had sent many of these missives, but no one paid any atten-
tion, even though he was in close proximity to the city with
his forces and could have swiftly assisted those within, had
they inclined toward him. Wherever, then, the divine dis-
played its approval of a man's virtue and honesty, there also
the inclination and desire of all people were directed, as they
had reliable signs of the man's nature and deeds.
But the ruler drew no conclusions from all chis, nor did
he ponder these paradoxical developments more intently in
his mind or understand that a divine voice and judgment
were guiding the flow of such events; rather, as if he had shut
his mind's eye, he became more reckless, contrary to what
was appropriate to the situation or, rather, to the ominous
signs of God's intention. As for all the rest that he consid-
ered in his childish state of mind, with the support always of
Nikephoros, the /ogothetes tou dromou, Y believe it is now re-
dundant and pointless to recount, namely his consultation
of crafty schemers, astronomers, peddlers of divine signs

469
 THE HISTORY

τελετῶν προσανέχων καὶ δημοκόποις ἢ δεισιδαίμοσι, Aé-

γειν νῦν περιττὸν καὶ ἄκαιρον ἥγημαι, ὅσα δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ προ-
φανοῦς ἐτυράννει καὶ βιαιότερον ἢ κατὰ | βασιλέως χρη-
στότητα συνεκρότει, ταῦτα τῷ λόγῳ παραδιδόναι καὶ
μνήμης ἀξιοῦν οὐκ ἀνάξιον.
Τῆς γὰρ κοινῆς γλώσσης ἀπαρεσκομένης πρὸς τὴν τοῦ
βασιλεύοντος ἀγνωσίαν καὶ ἀκυβέρνητον ἔπαρσιν καὶ δι᾽
αὐτῆς πανταχόθεν ἐπισυρρεῖν τὰ δεινὰ διαλεγομένης, ὡς
ἑκατέρωθεν τὴν βασιλίδα τῶν πόλεων περιηχεῖσθαι ταῖς
τῶν σιδήρων αὐγαῖς καὶ τομαῖς καὶ τῇ σπάνει τῶν ἀναγ-
καίων τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τὸ ζήν ἀπορρήγνυσθαι, τριῶν
γὰρ νομισμάτων ὁ τοῦ σίτου μέδιμνος ἐπιπράσκετο, καὶ
τῶν θανόντων οὐκ ἦν εὐχέρεια πρὸς τὸ θάπτεσθαι, συν-
ἦλθον εἰς ταὐτὸ οἱ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς ἀξίας τῷ ἀρχιποίμενι
τούτων καὶ πατριάρχῃ Κοσμᾷ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων ὡς
τὸ εἰκὸς ἐβουλεύοντο καὶ τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ τὴν νικητήριον
ψῆφον ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχειν βασιλικῶς προσετίθεσαν, οὐ προ-
δήλως μέντοι καὶ προπετῶς διὰ τὸ ἐκ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος
δέος, AAN ἐκ συλλογισμῶν καὶ λογικῶν παραθέσεων καὶ
τρόπων ἐπιεικῶν συναγόντων εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν ἔννοιάν τε καὶ
ξύρροιαν τὸ προτιθέμενον βούλευμα. Εἷς δὲ τῶν ἄλλων
γνώσει διαφέρων καὶ λογιότητι καὶ τὸ παρρησιαστικὸν
κεκτημένος ἐκ φύσεως, τὴν προεδρίαν μὲν ἔχων τῆς τοῦ
Ἰκονίου καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας, Ἀσκάλωνα δὲ πατρίδα τῆς
Φοινίκης αὐχῶν καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄνωθεν ὡς κορωνίδα κεκτη-
μένος τὸ εὐσεβές, τρανότερόν τε καὶ διαλεκτικώτερον τῷ
βουλευτηρίῳ τὴν οἰκείαν γνώμην ἐνσημηνάμενος, | ἔχθι-
στος ἐλογίσθη τῷ τε λογοθέτῃ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ αὐτίκα

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 CHAPTER 32

and ritual oracular prophecies, demagogues and supersti-

tious men. But his conspicuous tyrannical acts, those that
were more violent than befit [258] the benevolence of an em-
peror, these I will put into words, as I deem them not un-
worthy of remembrance.
Public opinion was displeased with the emperor's igno-
rance and unbridled arrogance and believed that he was at
fault for the evils that poured in from all sides, so that the
Queen of Cities resounded on both sides from the blows
and the glare of iron weapons, and the greater part of the
population was dying because of the dearth of necessities, as
one medimnos of grain was being sold for three gold coins,”
and it was no longer easy to bury the dead. The archpriests
assembled and consulted as was appropriate with their arch-
shepherd, the patriarch Kosmas,?? regarding what was hap-
pening, but they also added their deciding vote in favor of
Botaneiates, that he should rule as emperor. They did not
do this in a flagrant or hasty fashion, out of fear of the em-
peror, but rather they were led to one and the same con-
clusion by reasoned consideration, rational debate, and a
proper mindset, which converged in their proclaimed deci-
sion. One of them who surpassed the others in wisdom and
erudition, being by nature bold in speaking—he presided
over the cathedral church at Ikonion though his origins
were in Phoenician Askalon?® — having inherited the crown
of piety from his ancestors, declared his opinion in a clearer
and more argumentative form before the council, [259] thus
immediately marking himself as the worst enemy of the
logotbetes and the emperor, who immediately dispatched

47:
 THE HISTORY

τοὺς ἄξοντας αὐτὸν ἀνάρπαστον ἐξαπέστειλαν. Ὁ δὲ προ-

γνοὺς τὸ τῆς ὀργῆς ἀκατάσχετον, ἐντὸς εἰσέδυ τῆς δευτέ-
pac σκηνῆς τοῦ μεγάλου ναοῦ τῆς Ἁγίας Σοφίας, ἥτις
ἅγια μὲν ἁγίων τοῖς πάλαι κατωνομάζετο, ἡμῖν δὲ τοῖς τῆς
νέας διαθήκης πρὸς τούτῳ καὶ θυσιαστήριον καὶ ἄδυτον
καὶ ἱλαστήριον, καὶ τῶν θείων ἀπρὶξ ἐχόμενος, τόπον
ἀσυλίας τὴν θείαν ἐποιεῖτο ἀντίληψιν. AAN οἱ πεμφθέντες
εἴτ᾽ ἐξ ἰδίας ἀσεβείας καὶ θηριωδίας εἴτ᾽ ἐκ παραγγελίας
τοῦ πέμψαντος, μηδὲν εὐλαβηθέντες μηδ᾽ ὑποπτήξαντες
τὴν ὄντως θεότευκτον σκηνὴν καὶ τῶν οὐρανίων ἀντίτυ-
πον, ἀλλὰ τῷ θυμῷ μεθυσθέντες καὶ βακχικόν τι καὶ ἀρει-
μάνιον συμφρονήσαντες, ἢ τό γε ἀληθέστερον εἰπεῖν,
ἀφρόνως ἐπινοήσαντες, εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ καὶ ἀγγέλοις αἰδέσι-
μον φονίως εἰσελαύνουσιν ἱλαστήριον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα
ξιφήρεις ὄντες ἀνάρπαστον ποιησάμενοι, τῷ βασιλεῖ παρ-
ιστῶσιν- ὁ δὲ ἀνήκεστον μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς αὐτὸν διεπράξατο,
τήν τε παρρησίαν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αἰδεσθεὶς καὶ τὸ ἐν λόγοις
εὐδόκιμον καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ θείου νέμεσιν καὶ τὸν ἐκ τοῦ
θυσιαστηρίου καταπλαγεὶς ἕλκυσμόν, τὸ δὲ τῆς παρα-
νομίας καὶ ἀτοπίας ἐκληρώσατο μῖσος ἐκ πάσης ἡλικίας
καὶ τύχης καὶ φύσεως.
Καὶ ὡς μὲν οἱ ἀρχηγοὶ ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου μύσους δίκας |
οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἔτισαν, μὴ δυνηθέντες τὴν θείαν ταύτην
αὐλὴν σωτηρίας ὁδὸν καὶ εἴσοδον ἑαυτοῖς ὑπογράψγαι καὶ
πόρρω ταύτης ἀποκρουσθέντες, τιμωρίας θεοσύλαις πρε-
πούσας ἠνέγκαντο, κατὰ καιρὸν ὁ λόγος δηλώσει σαφέ-
otepov: ἕτερον δὲ πάλιν παρηνομήθη τῷ βασιλεῖ, παφλα-
ζούσης τῆς ἀκμῆς τοῦ κινδύνου, τῆς τοιαύτης ἀτοπίας οὐκ

472
 CHAPTER 32

men to arrest him. But he foresaw the implacable nature of

their rage and entered the second tabernacle of the great
church of Holy Wisdom —which used to be called the Holy
of Holies in the past, while we, the people of the New Testa-
ment, refer to it also as the altar, sanctuary, and mercy seat—
holding fast to the holy altar, then, he made God's succor his
place of sanctuary. But those who had been dispatched, ei-
ther because of their own impiety and brutishness or follow-
ing the command of the one who sent them, showed no rev-
erence nor cowered before that tabernacle which was truly
made by God, that replica of the heavens; they grew drunk
with anger and turned their minds over to bacchic brutality,
or, to be more precise, made up their minds without think-
ing, and burst with murderous intent into this place of mercy
revered even by the angels. With swords in hand, they ar-
rested the archpriest and brought him into the presence of
the emperor?! The latter did no harm to him, respecting
the man’s fortitude in speaking out, his reputation for learn-
ing, and the vengeance of God, and, besides, he was stunned
at the way he had been dragged from the altar. Neverthe-
less, for his illegal and inappropriate behavior he earned ha-
tred from people of all ages, status, and sex.
In time my account will more clearly explain how the rul-
ers came to justice for such a defilement [260] not long after,
as they were unable to turn that sacred court into a gate
and pathway of salvation for themselves, but were instead
pushed far away from it, a fitting punishment for their sacri-
lege. The emperor then committed another crime while the
danger was reaching a boiling point, one not inferior to the

473
 THE HISTORY

ἔλαττον. Tí δὲ τοῦτο; Τοὺς δοκοῦντας εὐπορωτέρους εἶναι

τῶν ἄλλων θείους σηκοὺς ἀπεσύλησε, τὰ τούτων ἱερὰ
σκεύη σὺν αὐτοῖς τοῖς θείοις εὐαγγελίοις διὰ τὸν περι-
κείμενον αὐτοῖς κόσμον ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος ἀσεβοῦς ἀφελό-
μενος, μήτε τῶν τῆς φρικτῆς ἱερουργίας καὶ μυστικῆς
τραπέζης ἀποσχόμενος κρατήρων ἢ κανῶν f| λοιπῶν
περιρραντηρίων μήτε πέπλων καλυπτόντων τὰ ἱλαστήρια
μήτ᾽ ἄλλης σκευῆς θείων πραγμάτων φεισάμενος. Καὶ
ταῦτα τῷ παλατίῳ μετενεγκών, θησαύρισμα πυρὸς κατα-
φλέγοντος καὶ κρίμα θανάτου ἑαυτῷ ἐθησαύρισε, μηδὲν
γὰρ ἀπονάμενος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἢ ὅσον ἀμοιβὰς ἀπαισίους καὶ
θεήλατον ὀργὴν καὶ παρακοπὴν ἐπισπάσασθαι καὶ τἄλλα
πάντα τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου μετ᾽ ἤχου συναπεβάλετο.
To γὰρ πρόσχημα τῆς ἀπορίας οὐκ εἶχεν αὐτῷ συμβαλλό-
μενον, ὅτι καὶ χρυσὸς αὐτῷ καὶ ἄργυρος κατακεκλεισμένος
οὐκ εὐαρίθμητος ἦν. Kal ὁ pet’ αὐτὸν βεβασιλευκὼς περι-
ῃρημένον ἅπαντα τὸν τοῦ παλατίου πλοῦτον εὑρὼν καὶ
διηρπασμένον ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τῆς ἀποκηρύξεως τούτου καὶ
ἀπελάσεως, τὴν μεγάλην οὐκ ἠμβλύνθη καὶ βασιλικω-
τάτην προαίρεσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφθόνοις χερσὶ καὶ μεγαλοδώροις
πάντας ὑπὲρ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα ἰσχυρῶς κατεπλούτισε καὶ φι-
λοτίμοις δεξιώσεσι καὶ ῥόγαις μυριοταλάντοις στρατὸν
κατὰ τοῦ ἀντικειμένου Βρυεννίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τυράν-
vov μέγιστον παρεκίνησε καὶ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ ἄπορον ἢ ἐνδεὲς
τὸ παράπαν συνήντησεν, ὡς εἶναι δῆλον καὶ ἀληθῆ τὸν
παλαιὸν καὶ συνετώτατον λόγον, ὅτι ὅπου προαίρεσις
ἀγαθή, τὸ κωλῦον οὐδέν, μάλιστα δὲ βασιλεῖ τῶν ἄλλων
ὑπερφέροντι τὸ πλούσιον. Καὶ οὐδεὶς εἶδέ ποτέ τινα

474
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previous one. What was it? He plundered those sacred tem-

ples that were thought to be wealthier than the others, re-
moving through an impious decree their sacred vessels along
with their Holy Gospels on account of their valuable deco-
rations. Nor did he refrain from taking the lamps of the
awesome liturgy and the mystical altar, or spare the chalices,
or the instruments for sprinkling, or the cloth drapes of the
holy altar or any other sacred vessel. These he transferred to
the palace, storing up for himself a treasure?: of burning fire
and a judgment of death. For he drew no profit from this
other than horrible rewards as well as divine wrath and
frenzy against him, which caused him to lose the whole of
the imperial wealth with a resounding crash. For he did not
have the excuse of a lack of funds to cite in support of his
actions, as he had locked up vast amounts of silver and gold.
The one who ruled after him? found all the wealth of the
palace looted and taken away at the time when this one?”
was denounced and expelled, [261] yet this did not dull his
great and most imperial intention, which was to significantly
enrich everyone by opening up his bountiful hands with
magnificent gifts beyond anyone's wildest dreams. With his
graceful overtures and salaries worth a myriad talents, he
put into motion a massive army against his opponent Bryen-
nios and the other rebels, facing no shortage of funds what-
ever or penury. Thus was confirmed the ancient and most
wise maxim, that “where there is good will there is also no obsta-
cle,”3°8 which is even truer for an emperor, who is richer than
éveryone else. No one has seen such a man in penury; rather,

475
 THE HISTORY

τούτων πενόμενον, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἐξάντλητα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δι᾽ εὐ-

ποιίΐας τὰ χρήματα καὶ χρεωλυσίας πεποίητο, τοσοῦτον
παρὰ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἄνωθεν ἐπιχορηγεῖται τούτῳ,
πηγὴ καὶ ποταμὸς χρυσῶν ἀνεξάντλητος. Ἀληθινὴ γάρ
ἐστιν ἄμπελος ὁ τῆς ἀφθόνου μεταδόσεως Κύριος, τοσοῦ-
τον ἐπαυξανόμενος ὅσον περιτέμνει τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ
σκορπίζει 9v ἀγαθότητα.
Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ τοῦ σοφοῦ βασιλέως κατὰ καιρὸν λέ-
ξεται ὕστερον, ὅτε τοῦτον ἡ Πόλις λαμπρὰ λαμπρῶς ὑπο-
δέξεται καὶ μυρίαις τιμήσει ταῖς εὐφημίαις καὶ πανηγύρε-
σιν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μέρεσι φεύγων μὲν ὁ τοῦ Βρυεννίου
αὐτάδελφος μετὰ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν τῇ Ῥαιδεστῷ προσεπέ-
λασε καὶ ταύτης ἐντὸς εἰσελήλυθεν, οἱ δὲ Πατζινάκοι τὴν
τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀποστασίαν ἰδίαν εὐπραγίαν καὶ εὔνοιαν
λογισάμενοι, μετὰ πλήθους οὐκ ἐλαχίστου τῇ Ἀδριανου-
πόλει | προσήγγισαν καὶ ταύτην περικαθίσαντες, τὸν παρὰ
τῶν Μακεδόνων προχειρισθέντα βασιλέα πατάξειν ἠπεί-
Àovv μετὰ τῶν συναραμένων καὶ συνδραμόντων αὐτῷ,
ἄλλους δέ τινας ταχυδρομεῖν ἠσκημένους κατὰ τῆς χώρας
ἐξέπεμψαν, οἱ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ κατελωβήσαντο καὶ διήρπασαν,
φόνον μὲν πολὺν τῶν ἐν ἀγροῖς ποιησάμενοι, κτηνῶν δὲ
ἀμυθήτων ἀγέλας ἐλάσαντες καὶ οὐδὲ ἕν εἶδος κακώσεως
παραλιπόντες τοῖς κάμνουσιν. Ὁ δὲ Βρυέννιος ἐν πλήθει
καὶ ἀγερωχίαις τὸ πρόσθεν καυχώμενος, ἀγενὴς ἐφάνη
πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ ἄτονος καὶ τὸ τεῖχος τῆς τοῦ
Ἀδριανοῦ καταφυγὴν εἶχε μόνην, οὐ τὴν τῶν ὅπλων ἀντί-
θεσιν, ἕως λιμὸς βαρύτατος ἐντὸς κατατρύχων αὐτὸν καὶ
τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ μετὰ πάσης τῆς ἵππου καὶ τῶν ὑποζυγίων

476
 CHAPTER 32

to the degree that he spends his money on good deeds and

debt relief, to that same degree does the Emperor on high —
a spring and inexhaustible river of gold — furnish him with
what he needs. For the Lord, who gives amply, is a veritable
grapevine? growing to the measure that one prunes the
wealth and spreads it with a good intention.
But all that pertains to this wise emperor will be de-
scribed in time, once the splendid City has received him in
splendor and honored him with a myriad acclamations and
celebrations. Meanwhile, in the western parts, the brother
of Bryennios and those who were with him fled to Raidestos
and entered it. But the Pechenegs considered that the rebel-
lion of the Macedonians was a boon and benefit for them-
selves and so in great numbers they approached [262] Adri-
anople, camped around it, and threatened to crush the
emperor put forward by the Macedonians and all those who
were sworn to his cause and had joined him. They also sent
out others, who were trained in making rapid forays, into
the hinterland, and they looted and destroyed everything,
killing many rural folk, taking away countless herds of ani-
mals, and generally not neglecting to inflict any kind of evil
on the poor wretches. As for Bryennios, who previously
boasted of his numbers and feats of heroism, he appeared to
the barbarians as ignoble and idle; he used the wall of the
city of Hadrian as his sole refuge, rather than the clash of
arms, until a grievous famine in the city afflicted him along
with his men and all their horses and pack animals. This

477
 THE HISTORY

αὐτῶν, ἠνάγκασε τοῖς βαρβάροις συνθέσθαι καὶ πάντα

πρᾶξαι τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν προσταττόμενα. Συναθροίσας οὖν
χρυσίον ἁδρὸν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν συναποστατησάντων
αὐτῷ, τοῖς Πατζινάκοις ἀντίλυτρον δέδωκεν οὐ μεῖον τῶν
εἴκοσι ταλάντων ἤτοι κεντηναρίων περιϊστάμενον, σὺν
αὐτῷ δὲ καὶ ὑφασμάτων καὶ ἀργυρῶν σκευῶν οὐκ ἐλάχι-
στον χρῆμα καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀπαναστῆναι τοὺς
Ilaxttvákovg ἐκ τῆς πολιορκίας διέθετο. Μένων δὲ κατὰ
χώραν ἠργυρολόγει τοὺς πειθομένους αὐτῷ, πρὸς μὲν
τοὺς ἐναντίους καὶ ἀλλοφύλους οὐδὲν γενναῖον ἐπιδειξά-
μενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τις πτὼξ ἐν ὕλῃ, οὕτως ἐν τοῖς τείχεσι
τῆς Ἀδριανουπόλεως κρυπτόμενος, πρὸς | δὲ τοὺς ὁμοφύ-
λους ἐπιγαυρούμενος ἀκρατῶς καὶ πολυειδεῖς ἀπαιτήσεις
καὶ τιμωρίας κατασκεδάζων αὐτῶν καὶ μᾶλλον τοὺς EE-
νους ξεσμοῖς ὑποβάλλων ἵν᾽ ἐκ τῶν σωμάτων αὐτῶν οὐχ
αἱμάτων ἀλλὰ χρημάτων ἀνερευνήσῃ πηγάς.
Ὁ δὲ Βοτανειάτης οὐχ οὕτως, ἀλλὰ τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸν
εἰσρέοντας ξένους ἢ ἄλλοθέν ποθεν αὐτῷ παρεμπίπτοντας
οὐ μόνον ἀτιμωρήτους καὶ ἀναφεῖς κατελίμπανεν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ δώροις ἐτίμα καὶ μεγίστοις καὶ περιλάμπροις τοῖς
ἀξιώμασι καὶ σιτήσεις ἐχορήγει, τὴν χρείαν ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ
περιόντος νικώσας αὐτῶν. Ὅθεν καὶ ὁ δικάζων ἀδεκάστως
Θεὸς δεξιὰν τὴν ψῆφον τῷ δεξιῶς χρωμένῳ τοῖς πράγμα-
σιν ἐπεβράβευσε καὶ ὅπως, ἤδη ῥητέον.
Ἔν τοιούτοις τῶν πραγμάτων ἀμφιδοξούντων ἔξεισι τῆς
ἰδίας πόλεως ὁ Βοτανειάτης, τῆς πρὸς τὴν βασιλίδα φερού-
σῆς μετ᾽ εὐψυχίας ἁπτόμενος. Δύο δὲ τῶν ὑποστρατήγων
αὐτοῦ κράτος ἔχειν πολεμικὸν καὶ πλῆθος στρατιωτικὸν

478
 CHAPTER 32

forced him to come to an agreement with the barbarians

and do everything that they commanded. Collecting a siz-
able amount of gold from his own reserves and from his fel-
low rebels, he offered the Pechenegs aransom that amounted
to no fewer than twenty talents, or kentenaria, to which he
added numerous fabrics and silver vessels, and in this way he
disposed the Pechenegs to raise the siege. Remaining in this
region, he squeezed silver out of those who remained loyal
to him but did nothing brave against his enemies and the
foreigners. Instead, like a hare in the bushes, he remained
hiding within the walls of Adrianople, [263] boasting to his
own people without restraint, heaping all manner of de-
mands and punishments on them, and submitting foreign-
ers especially to lashes of the whip, as if money would flow
from their bodies rather than blood.
Botaneiates, however, did not behave in this fashion. In-
stead, he not only left unharmed and untouched the foreign-
ers who flocked to him, or anyone who came to him for
some reason, but he also honored them with gifts and be-
stowed upon them the greatest illustrious offices and public
salaries, so that he met and even exceeded their actual needs
by far. Hence God, who judges impartially, rewarded the
man who handled affairs properly with his support. How he
did so, I will now explain.
With matters hanging in the balance like this, Botanei-
ates came out of his hometown and set out in high spirits
upon the road leading to the Imperial City. However, two of
his lieutenants, who boasted of their military might and the

479
 THE HISTORY

βρενθυόμενοι, τὴν ὑποχώρησιν ἔκλεψαν καὶ λιποταξίου

γραφὴν ἀπηνέγκαντο, πανταχόθεν ἄπιστοι καὶ ἀχάριστοι
καὶ ἀγνωμοσύνης φανέντες ἀνάμεστοι: οὐ γὰρ φήθησαν
οἱ κακοδαίμονες οὐδ᾽ εἰς νοῦν ἔβαλον τὸ τῆς θεηγορίας
διάταγμα, ὡς οὐ σώζεται βασιλεὺς διὰ πολλὴν δύναμιν,
ἀλλὰ δειλιάσαντες πρὸς τὰς τῶν Τούρκων παρατάξεις ai
τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ ἐφήδρευον, τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν στοργὴν ἐξω-
μόσαντο καὶ παραβάται | τῶν ὅρκων καὶ τῶν συνθηκῶν
ἐχρημάτισαν. Ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος ἀτρέστῳ καὶ εὐγενεῖ τῷ φρονή-
ματι, τῇ θείᾳ ψήφῳ τὰ Kat’ αὐτὸν ἐπιτρέψας, οὐδένα λό-
γον τούτων πεποίηκεν, ἀλλὰ συμβαλὼν τὰς πονηρίας καὶ
ἀτασθαλίας αὐτῶν καὶ ὡς ἄλλους Ἀλωέας καὶ λωβητῆρας
εὐθύμως τούτους ἀποσεισάμενος, ἵνα μὴ καυχήσωνται
συμβαλέσθαι τούτῳ πρὸς τὸ προκείμενον σπούδασμα καὶ
τὴν τῆς βασιλείας ἀνάβασιν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς εὐεργεσίας
ἀναξίως κομίσωνται, τῆς ὁδοιπορίας ἀπάρχεται.
Οἱ δ’ ἐφεδρεύοντες, πολλοὶ καὶ πανταχόθεν συρρέον-
τες, ὠρύοντο μὲν ὡς σκύμνοι καὶ καθυλάκτουν ὡς κύνες,
εἰς χεῖρας δὲ τούτῳ ἐλθεῖν καὶ πόλεμον συρράξαι φόβῳ καὶ
φρίκῃ συνείχοντο, καίτοι πολλάκις εἰς τοῦτο μεταβῆναι
μετακαλούμενοι. Ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τῶν Ἰσραηλιτῶν γέγρα-
πται τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς τμηθείσης θαλάσσης ἀβρόχως αὐτοὺς
διαπεραιωθῆναι διὰ ξηρᾶς, ὡς τείχους ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ τείχους
ἐξ εὐωνύμων ἱσταμένου τοῦ ὕδατος, οὕτως ἐνταῦθα τεθαυ-
ματούργηται: ὡς γὰρ ῥεῦμα πανταχόθεν συντρέχοντες
καὶ παρατειχίζοντες αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι, ψαῦσαι τούτου
καὶ πόλεμον θαρρῆσαι οὐκ ἀπετόλμησαν, ἐν ὁμοιώσει
δὲ δορυφόρων τὰς παραπομπὰς ἐπεποίηντο. Ὅσοι δὲ

48ο
 CHAPTER 32

number of their troops, abandoned him stealthily and so

earned the charge of desertion, proving themselves in the
eyes of everyone to have been disloyal and ungrateful and ill
advised. For they did not understand, the wretched ones,
nor keep in mind the divine commandment according to
which the emperor is not saved because of his great strength.
Instead, fearing the Turkish forces, which were waiting to
ambush Botaneiates, they betrayed their affection for him
and became [264] the transgressors of their oaths and agree-
ments. Yet he, with unshaken and noble conviction, submit-
ted his fate to the divine verdict, paying no attention to
those men, for he recognized their malice and wickedness
and cheerfully renounced them as latter-day Aloeis and de-
stroyers,?? so that they could not boast of having contrib-
uted to the plan at hand and his elevation to the throne, and
thereby accrue benefactions unworthily. And so he began
his march.
As for those lying in ambush, who were numerous and
had assembled from every direction, they raged like wild
cubs and howled like dogs, and yet they refrained from en-
gaging him in hand-to-hand combat and war out of fear and
awe, even though they were ordered many times to do just
that. But as is written about the Israelites, that the Red
Sea parted with the waters standing like a wall both to che
right and to the left, so that they could cross on dry land
without even getting wet, such a miracle occurred in this
case too; for the enemy flowed in a stream from all sides and
walled him in, but did not dare to touch him or brave battle
with him, escorting him with the formation of a personal

481
 THE HISTORY

πολεμήσοντες ἤλασαν, ἢ πίπτοντες οἰκτρῶς τὴν ψυχὴν

ἀπεβάλοντο ἢ τὴν ἧτταν ὡς ἐξ ἀκαταμαχήτου δυνάμεως
ἀνελόμενοι, οὐκέτι δευτέρως ἐπιχειρεῖν ἐδοκίμασαν. Πᾶσα
δὲ πόλις ἐπερχόμενον αὐτὸν ἐν | ὑψηλῷ καὶ θείῳ βραχίονι
ἀσπασίως καὶ σὺν πολλῇ τῇ εὐφημίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἀλαλαγμοῖς
ὑπεδέχετο.
IO Μισθοφορικὸν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀντιθέτου βασιλέως ἀπο-
στολῆς τῇ κατὰ Βιθυνίαν Νικαίᾳ ἐπιξενούμενον καὶ συν-
τηροῦν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν πόλιν δῆθεν ἀπερικτύπητον, πρὸ
τριῶν ἡμερῶν καταλιπὸν τὸ ἐπίταγμα καὶ τῆς τοῦ πέμψαν-
τος εὐηθείας κατορχησάμενον, μετὰ δουλικοῦ καὶ συν-
τάγματος καὶ σχήματος ἀπήντησε τούτῳ τῷ Κοτυαείῳ
προσμίξαντι καὶ τὴν δουλείαν ὁμολογῆσαν καὶ τὸ τῆς
πίστεως τρανολογῆσαν ὑπόδειγμα, προεπορεύετο καὶ προ-
εκινδύνευε τούτου μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων ὅπλων καὶ ἵππων καὶ
τῆς ἄλλης παρασκευῆς. Διὰ θαύματος δ᾽ ἐποιεῖτο πῶς οἱ
θρασεῖς καὶ πολεμικώτατοι Τοῦρκοι τιθασσοὶ καὶ χειρο-
ndeıs γεγόνασι καὶ τὴν δουλικὸν ζυγὸν ὑπελθεῖν κατατίθεν-
ται καὶ περινοστοῦσι μὲν ἱππαζόμενοι, δορυφόρων δὲ τά-
ξιν ἀποπληροῦντες εἰσί.
II Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐθαυματουργοῦντο μέχρι Νικαίας αὐτῆς,
τοῦ προσκυνουμένου σημείου ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τοῦ Ἀρχιστρα-
τήγου προηγουμένου πάντων καὶ προφυλακτικῶς τὰς
ὁδοὺς ὑπανοίγοντος καὶ τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν πίστιν τοῦ βασιλεύ-
οντος στερρὰν καὶ ἀκλόνητον ὑπεμφαίνοντος καὶ τὴν χά-
piv διδόναι θαυμασίαν ἐξ ἔργων παραδεικνύοντος" τῇ δὲ
Νικαίᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσεγγίσαντι, χορεία τις ἐναρμόνιος
τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις συνέστη καὶ κρότος εὐφημίαις ὑπέρσεμνος,

482
 CHAPTER 32

bodyguard. And those who closed to fight him either fell

and pitiably gave up the ghost, or accepted defeat as if struck
by an irresistible force, and they did not attempt tbe same
thing a second time. And every city received him gladly and
with many acclamations and ululations as he marched by,
[265] supported as he was by the lofty arm of God.
A mercenary force that had been sent by the opposing IO

emperor Michael to quarter in Nikaia, in Bithynia, and sup-

posedly keep the city unharmed for the emperor, abandoned
its mission before three days had passed and made a mock-
ery of the naiveté of the one who had sent them.?!! Tn a for-
mation that signified submission, they greeted his rival in-
stead when he reached Kotyaeion and swore service to him,
conspicuously displaying their loyalty. They marched in the
vanguard and took on the risk of that position with their
own arms, horses, and other equipment. He deemed it a
miracle that the insolent and most warlike Türks had be-
come tame and manageable, had agreed to accept the yoke
of service to him, and ranged around him on horseback,
constituting a new rank of bodyguards.
This miracle persisted all the way to Nikaia itself, with II

the adored sign of the Cross preceding the entire column in

the name of the Supreme Commander?” and, in a protective
fashion, opening up the roads, broadcasting the solid and
unshakable faith of the emperor in him, and demonstrating
the miraculous grace that had been granted to him on ac-
count of his actions. When the emperor approached Nikaia,
a harmonious choir was constituted by the locals and a most

483
 THE HISTORY

πάντων xapuócvva θυόντων καὶ χαριστήρια Kal τῆς σω-

τηρίας προκηρυττόντων | τὰ σύμβολα, ὡς καὶ αὐτοὺς
ἐκπλαγῆναι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τότε βεβαιοτέραν τὴν
ὁμολογίαν ἐπισυντάξασθαι τῆς δουλώσεως. Καὶ γὰρ ἐπι-
βάντος αὐτοῦ τῆς τοιαύτης πόλεως μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας δυ-
νάμεως καὶ τὰς βασιλικὰς εὐεργεσίας καὶ στρατηγίας σα-
φῶς διατιθεμένου καὶ διατάττοντος καὶ τιμαῖς περιβλέπτοις
καταγεραίροντος τοὺς ἀστικούς τε καὶ ξενικοὺς καὶ ὅσοι
τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τῆς ἄλλης διαμονῆς παρετύγχανον περὶ
τὸν τῆς Νικαίας περίβολον, οἱ Τοῦρκοι δουλικῶς ἐστρα-
τοπεδεύσαντο καὶ τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπιταχθέντες εἴσοδον, τῷ
στήθει τὰς χεῖρας συνέπλεκον καὶ τὴν θέαν τούτου μεγί-
στὴν εὐεργεσίαν ἐτίθεντο καὶ ξυμπονεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ ξυμ-
πράττειν τὰ θυμήρη κατεπηγγέλλοντο.
12 Διὸ καί τινες τῶν εὐπατριδῶν τῆς Περσίδος ἀδελφοὶ
κατὰ σάρκα καὶ φύσιν ὑπάρχοντες καὶ τὴν τοῦ Κουτλου-
μούση ἐπωνυμίαν ἐκ πατρῴας προσηγορίας ἐφέλκοντες,
τῆς σουλτανικῆς δὲ μερίδος καὶ ἐξουσίας ἀντιποιούμενοι
καὶ τῷ ἐθνάρχῃ τῶν Οὔννων ἀντιταττόμενοι καὶ κατὰ
τοῦτο τῇ Ῥωμαίων προσφοιτήσαντες γῇ καὶ κράτος £av-
τοῖς ἀντίθετον ἐκείνῳ περιποιούμενοι, προσῆλθον αὐτῷ
κατὰ Νίκαιαν. Καὶ ὅπερ ἂν οὐδενὶ βασιλεῖ τῶν Περσῶν,
γένους ὄντες βασιλικοῦ, οὔτε Ῥωμαίων κατεδέξαντο πρᾶ-
ξαι, τοῦτο πρὸς αὐτὸν παραδόξως ἀπέδειξαν, γόνυ τε
κλίναντες καὶ προοδοποιεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν εἰς τὴν βασιλίδα
ὁδοιπορίαν σὺν πολλῇ πεποιθήσει διασημαίνοντες. Obs
δὴ καὶ λόγοις καὶ τρόποις εὐσυνέτοις κοσμιωτέρους καὶ
εὐνοϊκωτέρους | ἀπεργασάμενος, οὕτως εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ

484
 CHAPTER 32

solemn acclamation, with everyone joining in a joyous and

thankful celebration and proclaiming [266] the signs of their
anticipated salvation, to the point where the enemies them-
selves were stunned and made the declaration of their sub-
mission even more firmly. And when he entered that city
with his personal retinue, manifestly arranging and distrib-
uting imperial benefactions and military commands and be-
stowing illustrious honors upon the people of the town,
upon the foreigners, and upon as many of tbe soldiers or
others who for any reason happened to be in the vicinity of
Nikaia, then the Türks encamped submissively, and when
they were offered access to him, they crossed their hands
over their chest and considered the sight of him to be the
greatest benefaction, declaring that they would share in his
labors and do his will.
It is for this reason that two nobles from Persia who were 12

brothers in the flesh as well as in their character, who had

inherited the name of Koutloumous from their father? and
were contending for the sultan's authority and power and
opposing the leader of the Huns, came to the land of the
Romans and, after setting up a state of their own against
him, visited Botaneiates at Nikaia. And what they, who were
of royal blood, would not have deigned to do before any king
of the Persians or any Roman, this they surprisingly did to
honor him, I mean bending their knee and boldly declaring
that they would open up the roads to the Imperial City for
his march. With his wise words and manners, [267] he
made them more tractable and favorably disposed to him,

485
 THE HISTORY

δούλωσιν καὶ πίστιν διεθέρμανε kal τῆς αὐτοῦ βασιλείας

ἐραστὰς ἀπειργάσατο, ὡς καὶ ἄλλους, ὃ δὴ λέγεται, γενέ-
σθαι ἐξ ἄλλων καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίοις ὁμονοῆσαι καὶ
μιᾶς γενέσθαι συμφυΐας καὶ δεσποτείας ἐν τῇ ἑνώσει τῆς
πίστεως καὶ εἰλικρινοῦς διαθέσεως. Τότε γὰρ πεπλήρωται
τὸ προφητικόν, ὅτι πρόβατον μετὰ λύκων συμβοσκηθήσον-
ται καὶ παρδάλεις μετὰ ἐρίφων.
13 Καὶ τί τὸ ἐντεῦθεν; Στρατιώτας Ῥωμαίους pet’ αὐτῶν
ὁ Βοτανειάτης παραμετρήσας καὶ μίξας, ἕν αὐτοὺς πε-
ποίηκε σύνταγμά τε καὶ στράτευμα καὶ εἰς τὴν ἀντιπέρας
ὄχθην τῆς βασιλευούσης ἀπέστειλεν, οἱ καὶ προελθόντες
καὶ περὶ τὴν Χαλκηδόνα καὶ Χρυσόπολιν πηξάμενοι τὰς
σκηνάς, ἄρτι τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς τῆς πρώτης ἰνδικτιῶνος
ἐν ταῖς πρώταις καλάνδαις τυγχάνοντος, πολλὴν θυμηδίαν
τοῖς πολίταις ἐνῆκαν, μαθοῦσιν ὅτι τοῦ Βοτανειάτου ἀπό-
στολοι οὗτοι καὶ στρατιῶται κατέλαβον. Ἦραν γὰρ φωνὴν
ἅπαντες καὶ χάριτας ἀπένεμον τῷ Θεῷ, καθότι ῥωμαϊκὰς
εἶδον δυνάμεις καὶ τοιαῦτα περιπετάσματα τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ
ἐπιδημήσαντα: χρόνος γὰρ παρελήλυθεν ἱκανὸς ἀφότου
Ῥωμαίους οὐκ ἔσχεν ὁ τόπος ἐκεῖνος ἐπιφανέντας τὸ σύν-
ολον. Τούρκων γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ Μιχαὴλ ἐγίνετο
καταγώγιον καὶ πολλῶν αἱμάτων χριστιανικῶν μολυν:
τήριον, καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔρημος xal | ἀοίκητος καὶ ἄβατος ἦν.
Ὡς δ᾽ ἐφάνησαν τότε τὰ τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς ἐπικρατείας ἐπί-
σημα, πάντας ὁμοῦ τοὺς Βυζαντίους εἰς θάρσος μεῖζον καὶ
νίκης ἐλπίδας ἐπέστησαν, ὅτι καὶ αἱ παράλιοι πόλεις ἅπα-
σαι τοὺς τοῦ Βοτανειάτου πεζοὺς στρατιώτας παραγενο-
μένους εὐθύμως ἐδέξαντο, τό τε τῶν Πυλῶν ἄστυ καὶ τὸ

486
 CHAPTER 32

kindling in this fashion their willingness to serve him loyally

and making them into passionate lovers of his rule, so that,
as the saying goes, they became different men from their
prior selves. They became of the same mind with the Ro-
mans who were with him, and of the same stock and lord-
ship in the union of their loyalty and sincere disposition.
And the prophet’s words were fulfilled, that the sheep and tbe
wolf would graze together, and the leopards with the kids."
And what happened next? Botaneiates separated out 5
some Roman soldiers and mixed them with these men, mak-
ing them into one regiment and army and sent them to the
shore opposite the Reigning City, so that when they arrived
and set up their tents around Chalkedon and Chrysopolis—
it happened to be the first day of the calends of the month
of March of the first indiction?^—they caused much joy
among the citizens when the latter learned that these men
were Botaneiates’ emissaries and soldiers. They all thus
lifted their voices and gave thanks to God, as they saw Ro-
man forces and tents having arrived in this place, because a
long time had passed since the area as a whole had seen any
Romans. In the days of Michael it had become a Turkish
settlement, polluted by the shedding of much Christian
blood, altogether deserted, [268] uninhabited, and inacces-
sible. So that when the standards of Roman authority ap-
peared, they raised the Byzantines' courage and hopes for
victory, especially as the coastal cities had all received Bota-
neiates' arriving infantry soldiers in good cheer, the city of

487
 THE HISTORY

£v Πραινέτῳ xal αὐτῇ Νικομηδείᾳ, ἧς ὁ στρατηγὸς πρὸ

τῆς Νικαίας τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ μετὰ περιχαρείας ἀπήντησεν.
Οὐδὲ τὸ ἐν Ῥουφινιανοῖς πολίχνιον, καρτερώτατον καὶ
δυσμαχώτατον ὃν καὶ στόμα τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως κείμενον,
φροντίδα τοῦ Μιχαὴλ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὴν βασιλίδα ἐγγύ-
τητα καὶ προσέχειαν ἔθετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὺς πεζοὺς αὐτοῦ
στρατιώτας ἐντὸς ὑπεδέξατο. Καὶ δι᾽ ὀλίγου καὶ ἀκαριαίου
καιροῦ πάντα τὰ τῆς ἐκείνου αἱρέσεως ἐπληρώθησαν καὶ
πρὸς αὐτὸν πᾶσα ἡλικία καὶ φύσις μετέθετο. Οὕτω θεία
τις δύναμις πάντας συνώθει καὶ συνήργει πρὸς τὴν τοῦ
ἐρχομένου βασιλέως οἰκείωσιν, ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν βασι-
λεύοντα Μιχαήλ, ἐξ ὅτουπερ οἱ τοῦ Βοτανειάτου τὴν πό-
λιν κατεῖδον κἀκεῖνος προσήγγισε, τῶν τοῦ Βρυεννίου
κατά τινας ξυμβολὰς παρὰ προσδοκίαν περιεγίνοντο.
14 Στρατιώτας γὰρ ὁ Βρυέννιος ἀποστείλας εἰς τὴν τῆς |
Κυζίκου χερρόνησον, τῆς αὐτῆς μὲν ὑποταγῆς ἐπειρᾶτο
τοὺς ἐγχωρίους ποιήσασθαι καὶ δασμοφορεῖν αὐτοὺς
ἤρξατο- στόλος δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς βασιλίδος καταλαβών, τούτους
κατεπολέμησε καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ἐκ Κυζίκου ἀνακομίζων,
ἀφῃρέθη τούτους πρὸς τῇ ἀκτῇ παρὰ τῶν τοῦ Βοτανειά-
του στρατιωτῶν, ἤδη καταλαβόντος τὰς Προποντίους
ἀκτὰς καὶ τὰς καθ᾽ Ἑλλήσποντον. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ Λατῖνος
Ῥουσέλιος ἀποσταλεὶς τὸ δεύτερον κατὰ τοῦ αὐταδέλφου
τοῦ Βρυεννίου μέχρις Ἡρακλείας Θράκης, ἀπολέμητος
σὺν τοῖς στρατευομένοις καταλέλειπτο καὶ τὴν πόλιν
ταύτην ὀχύρωμα τοῦ ἰδίου στρατεύματος ἐποιήσατο, προ-
φυλαττόντων πάντων καὶ προοδοποιούντων τῷ Βοτα-
νειάτῃ τὰ νικητήρια. Τὸ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦδε παρεσκευάζετο μὲν

488
 CHAPTER 32

Pylai, the one at Prainetos, and Nikomedeia itself, whose

commander joyously went out to greet Botaneiates in front
of Nikaia. Even the small town of Rouphinianoi, which is
well fortified and difficult to attack and lies upon the very
route to the Great City, disregarded Michael despite its
close proximity to the Imperial City and accepted Botanei-
ates' infantry soldiers themselves within its walls. And in a
short time, indeed instantaneously, all of his designs were
fulfilled and people of every age and sex sided with him.
'Thus did some divine force work in his favor and impel ev-
eryone to join the advancing emperor, for even those with
emperor Michael, from the moment when the men of Bota-
neiates saw the City and he himself approached it, against
all expectation overcame the forces of Bryennios in several
skirmishes.
Bryennios dispatched soldiers to the [269] promontory of 14
Kyzikos in an attempt to subordinate the locals to his own
authority and began imposing taxes on them. But a fleet
from the Imperial City arrived and defeated them. As it was
bringing back many of the captives from Kyzikos, it was
forced to give them up at the shore by the soldiers of Bota-
neiates, who had already occupied the shores of the Propon-
tis and the Hellespont. Even the Latin Rouselios, who had
been sent for a second time against the brother of Bryen-
nios all the way to Thracian Herakleia, remained aloof from
the war along with those who campaigned with him and
made that city into a fortified outpost for his own army, as
everyone was securing and preparing the victorious advance
for Botaneiates. From that moment on the emperor—I

489
 THE HISTORY

ὁ βασιλεὺς αὑτόν, λέγω τὸν θεοπρόβλητον Βοτανειάτην,

εἰς τὸ χωρεῖν πρὸς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν ἐκ Νικαίας, πολὺ δὲ
πλῆθος συρρέον ἐκ τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐφοίτα
καὶ διεσώζετο παρὰ τῶν Τούρκων τὴν ἀπο θαλάσσης μέ-
χρι Νικαίας νεμομένων περίχωρον, ὡς γὰρ ἐρωτῶντες
αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ἥκειν σπουδαίως ἐμάνθανον,
εὐθὺς τούτους ὡς ὁμοδούλους καὶ συνήθεις πρὸς τὴν
ὁδοιπορίαν παρέπεμπον ταχινώτερον.
15 Ἡμερῶν δέτινων διαγενομένων, οὐκ ἤνεγκε τὸν πόθον
ἡ εὐδαίμων καὶ προκαθεζομένη τῆς ἑῴας μητρόπολις καὶ
τὸ τῆς δουλικῆς στοργῆς περιούσιον καὶ τὸ πρὸ τῆς πό-
λεως προκαθῆσθαι σκηνίτας τοὺς ἐκείνου προασπιστάς τε
καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἐν ἐκεχειρίᾳ καὶ ἀπραξίᾳ ἐν δεινῷ ποιησα-
μένη, τὴν ὠδῖνα τῆς βουλήσεως ἐκρηγνύει καὶ κοινῇ ψήφῳ
πάντες οἱ ἐν αὐτῇ τὸν Βοτανειάτην αὐτοκράτορα Ῥω-
μαίων καὶ δεσπότην ἀναγορεύουσι | μετὰ πολλῆς καὶ
ἀκατασχέτου τῆς συνδρομῆς καὶ περιηχῆς, ἄρτι τῶν τοῦ
Εὐαγγελισμοῦ τῆς θεομήτορος ἐπιβατηρίων ἐφισταμένων.
Καὶ παρῆλθον ἅπαντες εἰς τὸ κοινὸν καὶ μέγιστον τοῦ
Θεοῦ οἰκητήριον κἀκεῖσε μετὰ τῆς συνόδου συγκροτοῦσιν
οἱ τῆς συγκλήτου λογάδες τὴν εὐφημίαν ὑπερφυῆ καὶ
μετέωρον, προεξάρχοντος τούτοις καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ πατριάρ-
χου Θεουπόλεως Μεγάλης Ἀντιοχείας, τῇ βασιλίδι ἐν-
διατρίβοντος. Καὶ πᾶς ὁ κλῆρος συννεύει καὶ ὅσοι τῆς
ἀγορᾶς καὶ τῶν Ναζιραίων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι, ὁπότε καὶ ὁ
Ῥουσέλιος πολεμήσας τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν τοῦ Βρυεννίου αὐτά-
δελφον κατακράτος αὐτοὺς ἐτροπώσατο, τοῦ καιροῦ μαρ-
τυροῦντος πάντως ὅτι τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ καὶ τὰ τῆς νίκης

490
 CHAPTER 32

mean the God-promoted Botaneiates— was preparing him-

self to advance from Nikaia to the Reigning City, and a large
crowd poured out of the Great City to join him. Their lives
were spared by the Turks who controlled the area from the
sea all the way to Nikaia, for when the latter asked and
learned that those people were rushing toward the emperor,
they immediately hastened them on their journey as being
his fellow servants and of like mind.
Α few days passed, and the blessed Metropolis that pre- I5
sides over the east could no longer restrain its longing or the
abundance of its affectionate devotion; holding it to be an
outrage that his defenders and generals were sitting in tents
before the City idly and at peace, the birth pangs of its de-
sire came upon it, and by a common vote, everyone in the
City proclaimed Botaneiates emperor and master of the Ro-
mans [270] with a great and unrestrained determination and
cheering; this was on the eve of the day of the Annunciation
to the Mother of God.?é And all of them came to the public
and greatest house of God where the leading men of the
Senate, along with the holy synod, issued an extraordinary
and even heavenly acclamation, under the leadership of che
patriarch of Theoupolis himself, that is of the Great Anti-
och, who happened to be in the Imperial City?" And the en-
tire clergy joined in along with the men of the marketplace
and the most prominent Naziraioi.’'® At that very time,
Rouselios fought with the army of Bryennios's brother and
routed it decisively, the timing of the event surely testifying
that even this victory was offered to Botaneiates by God. At

491
 THE HISTORY

ταύτης θεόθεν κεχάρισται. Kai τηνικαῦτα κατὰ φατρίας

διαιρεθέντες οἱ τῆς πολιτείας ἐπώνυμοι καὶ πάντες οἱ τῆς
Ῥωμαίων φυλῆς, ὥσπερ ἄνωθεν ἐκ θείας δεξιᾶς στρατηγού-
μενοι, συνταγματάρχαις τε αὐτόματοι ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ τῶν
μὲν ἀνακτόρων, ἃ τὸ Μέγα Παλάτιον λέγεται, κυριεύουσιν
ἐξεφόδου στρατιῶται ἐκ τοῦ Βοτανειάτου περαιωθῆναι
παρασκευάσαντες καὶ τὸ φυλάττον ἐκεῖσε μισθοφορικὸν
πολέμῳ καταπαλαίσαντες: καθαιροῦσι δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλεύ-
οντα Μιχαὴλ φυγόντα εἰς τὰ ἐν Βλαχέρναις ἀνάκτορα καὶ
πρὸς τὸν μοναχικὸν μετασκευάζουσι βίον καὶ τῇ μονῇ τοῦ
Στουδίου μετ᾽ εὐτελοῦς τοῦ ὑποζυγίου προφυλακτικῶς
παραπέμπουσιν, ὃς δὴ καὶ ἐμονάρχησε χρόνους ἕξ καὶ
μῆνας ἕξ. Kai προϊστῶσιν ἀρχὰς ὅσαι τήν τε τοῦ παλατίου
φρουρὰν καὶ τὴν ἀγορανομικὴν εὐταξίαν διακοσμεῖν |
ἔμελλον, μήτε τὸν στόλον ἐάσαντες ἀκυβέρνητον ἀλλὰ
κἀν τούτῳ δρουγγάριον ἐπιστήσαντες.
16 Οὕτω δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Πόλιν πραγμάτων ἐχόντων καὶ
βασιλέως καθαιρεθέντος ὁπλιτικὸν ἔχοντος ἐκ μισθο-
φορᾶς ἐν μυριάσι συναριθμούμενον, καὶ τοῦ Βοτανειάτου
πολεμικῶς καὶ μαχίμως τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς τῶν Ῥωμαίων
εὐετηρίας ὁρμὴν ἐξαρτύσαντος, ἀναίμακτον ἅπαν καὶ
ἀνώλεθρον συνεπεράνθη τὸ ἀποτέλεσμα, ὡς μηδὲ ῥῖνα
τινὸς αἵματος γενέσθαι διάβροχον, ὅπερ δεῖγμα τῆς εἰς
Θεὸν αὐτοῦ πίστεως καὶ τῆς ἐκ Θεοῦ προχειρίσεως τού-
του σαφέστατόν τε καὶ οἰκειότατον, ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ βα-
σιλέων ἔσχεν ὁ τῆς θεομήτορος ἐν Βλαχέρναις σηκὸς ie-
ρώτατος καὶ περιέσωσεν, ἐν αὐτῷ τὴν τρίχα καὶ τὸν κόσμον
ἐκτιναξάμενον: τὸν δ᾽ ἀπὸ λογοθετῶν καὶ τὸν τούτου

492
 CHAPTER 32

that time too, the leading men in the City and all who be-
longed to the Roman race divided themselves into political
subunits as though marshaled by the heavenly hand of God,
and spontaneously appointed their regimental command-
ers. Then the imperial residence, which is called the Great
Palace, was taken by storm by the soldiers of Botaneiates,
after they had arranged for the crossing and subdued in bat-
tle the mercenary army guarding the place. They deposed
the emperor Michael who had fled to the Blachernai palace,
converting him to the monastic life and sending him under
guard to the monastery of Stoudios on a humble mule. This
man had reigned for six years and six months. And they in-
stalled new authorities that would keep the palace guard in
good order and ensure that the markets were functioning in
a like manner, [271] nor did they allow the fleet to be ungov-
erned, but appointed a droungarios to command it.
The affairs of the City were in this state, the emperor had 16
been deposed even though he possessed a force of merce-
nary infantry that numbered in the myriads, and Botanei-
ates, in a martial and warlike manner, completed his opera-
tion for the common salvation of the Romans. Everything
was accomplished without bloodshed or destruction, with-
out even so much as a nosebleed, which is a definitive and
fitting sign of his faith in God and of his appointment by
him. The former emperor, on the other hand, was enclosed
and safeguarded in the most holy church of the Mother of
God at Blachernai, where he relinquished his hair and re-
nounced the world. As for the former /ogotbetes and his

493
 THE HISTORY

προασπιστὴν Δαυΐδ, τὸ τοῦ μεγάλου ἑταιρειάρχου κεκτη-

μένον ὀφφίκιον, ὃς ἐκ παραγγελίας αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀπὸ λογοθε-
τῶν τὸν ἀρχιερέα τῆς ἱερᾶς τραπέζης ἐν τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ
τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου Σοφίας βιαίως ἀνείλκυσεν, οὐδεὶς
θεῖος δόμος ἐδέξατο καὶ περιέστειλεν ἔνδοθεν: ἠδέσθησαν
γὰρ προσελθεῖν καὶ προσρυῆναι ἐκείνοις ὧν τὴν κατα-
φυγὴν ἄλλοις αὐτοὶ ἀπηγόρευσαν καὶ ὧν ὕβριν καὶ ἀτιμίαν
ἐκ προπετείας ἀτασθάλου κατέχεον, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἵππων ἐπι-
βάντες σὺν ὀλίγοις τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτούς, πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐξώρ-
μησαν. Καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι τὸν Ῥουσέλιον εἰς 'Hpá-
κλειαν ἤδη τῆς κατὰ τῶν ἀντιπάλων νίκης τὰ χαριστήρια
θύοντα, | ὕστερον δὲ μετὰ τὸ ἐπανελθεῖν τὸν Ῥουσέλιον,
ποιναῖς περιπίπτουσι, τῆς δίκης μετελθούσης αὐτούς.
17 Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ φυλακὰς ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς ἀνα-
κτόροις ἐπιστήσαντες, ὡς προείρηται, προσέμενον τῷ με-
γάλῳ τεμένει καὶ ἐπιστολὰς τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ δουλικὴν
ἐχούσας τὴν ῥῆσιν ἀνέπεμπον καὶ τὴν ἐπιδημίαν ὡς Θεοῦ
τῷ ὄντι ποθεινῶς ἐπετάχυνον. Καὶ ἦσαν ἐπὶ τρισὶν ἡμέραις
ἀβασίλευτον τηροῦντες τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἄσυλον καὶ τοῦτο
μονονουχὶ ἐπιφωνοῦντες συχνῶς ὅπερ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ
Χριστοῦ οἱ παῖδές ποτε μετὰ κλάδων εὐφήμουν, τὸ «Εὐλο-
γημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀνόματι Κυρίου βασιλεὺς εὐσεβέ-
στατος». Ὃ καὶ παραδοξότατον τοῖς ὅλοις διεγινώσκετο
καὶ οὐδενὶ τῶν ἁπάντων εἰς γνῶσιν ἐλήλυθεν ἢ ἱστορία
παραδέδωκεν, ἵνα χηρεύουσα βασιλεύουσα πόλις μηδένα
τῆς ἀρχῆς λογίσηται ἄξιον ἢ τὸν ἐρχόμενον ἔξωθεν καὶ
προερχόμενον μετὰ βασιλικῆς πεποιθήσεως. Ὅθεν καὶ ὁ
στόλος ἅπας ἄχρι Πραινέτου μετὰ συντάξεως ἀποπλεύ-

494
 CHAPTER 32

henchman David, who had acquired the office of megas bet-

atretarches and had, at the order of the /ogothetes, violently
dragged the archpriest from the holy altar in the sanctuary
of the church of God's Holy Wisdom;?? no sacred edifice re-
ceived them or sheltered them inside. For they shied away
from approaching or stealing into the places where they
themselves had prohibited others from seeking refuge and
on which they had heaped such sacrilege and dishonor with
their sinful recklessness. Instead, mounting horses with a
few of their men, they hastened toward the west. And at
Herakleia they reached Rouselios, who was praising God for
his victory over the enemy; [272] but later, after Rouselios’s
return, punishments were imposed on them as justice caught
up with them.*?°
Those in the Reigning City established guards in both 17
palaces, as was mentioned earlier, and were waiting in the
Great Church, sending letters to Botaneiates written in sub-
missive terms and seeking to hasten his desired arrival as if
he were truly God. And they kept the City in order without
a ruler for three days, repeatedly chanting the words that
the branch-bearing children had once proclaimed for my
Christ: ^Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord, a
most pious emperor."??! This was considered by everyone
most extraordinary, nor did anyone know of such a thing
happening in the past or of any history book that recorded
it, namely that the Reigning City would be bereaved of its
ruler and deem no one worthy of rule but one coming from
the outside who was advancing with imperial confidence.
For this reason, the entire fleet departed for Prainetos in

495
 THE HISTORY

σας, εὐφημίαις τοῦτον οὐρανοβάμοσιν ἐμεγάλυνε, καὶ πολ-

λοὶ τῶν ἐν ἐξουσίαις πολιτῶν, οἷς τὸ βαδίζειν καὶ ἀποτάδην
ἀσύνηθες ἦν, προτρέχοντες ἄχρι Νικαίας πεζοί, τῷ βασι-
λεῖ τὰ εὐαγγέλια θερμῶς μετὰ πολλοῦ τοῦ ἄσθματος προ-
nyopevoy, μηδένα φόβον τῶν Τούρκων εἰς νοῦν λαμβά-
γοντες, οἵ τὸν ἐν μέσῳ χῶρον ἀγεληδὸν περιέτρεχον.

33

>
E. δὲ τῇ IIpatvévo διαναπαυσάμενος ὁ βασιλεύς, πρὸς
ἑσπέραν | γὰρ ἐκεῖσε κατέλαβε, παννύχιος πᾶσιν ὡμίλει
καὶ περιχαρῶς προσεδέχετο καὶ τιμαῖς ἀπλέτοις καὶ χαρί-
σμασιν ἀναριθμήτοις αὐτοὺς ἐκόσμει καὶ κατελάμπρυνεν.
Εἴτα πρωϊαίτερον τῆς βασιλικῆς νεὼς ἐπιβάς, εὐθὺ τῆς
βασιλευούσης ἐξώρμησε σαλπίγγων καὶ βυκίνων περιηχή-
σεσι καὶ κρότοις κυμβάλων καὶ φωναῖς εὐφήμοις καὶ με-
γαλουργίαις ἀπείροις τὴν «παρουσίαν» καταπληκτικῶς
ἐνδεικνύμενος. Ἢ δὲ θάλαττα πᾶσα κατεδενδροῦτο τοῖς
πλοίοις καὶ ἐμιμεῖτο ἀγρὸν παντοίοις δένδροις συνηρεφῆ
καὶ kaváxopov: μέτρον γὰρ οὐκ ἦν τῶν προὐπαντώντων
αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν εὐφημίαν ὑπεραιρόντων καὶ ἀδόντων τὴν

496
 CHAPTER 33

formation, exalting him to the heavens with acclamations,

while many of the citizens in positions of authority, for
whom walking any long distance was unusual, ran ahead all
the way to Nikaia on foot, ardently proclaiming the good
news to the emperor with panting breath, paying no heed to
their fear of the Turks, who were ranging like a herd in the
intervening areas.

Chapter 33

The many benefactions of

Nikephoros III Botaneiates

The emperor was resting at Prainetos where he had ar-

rived toward evening, [273] but he spent the night speaking
to and joyfully receiving everyone, honoring and dignifying
them with ample honors and countless favors. Then, early
in the morning he boarded the imperial barge and made
straight for the Reigning City, his presence wonderfully an-
nounced by the sounds of trumpets and horns, the playing
of cymbals, voices in acclamation, and by vast spectacles of a
magnificent nature. The sea was all like a forest planted with
ships and took on the appearance of a field densely covered
with all manner of trees. And there was no limit to those
who came out to greet him and who acclaimed him and

497
 THE HISTORY

τῶν ἐπιβατηρίων χαρμόσυνον ἑορτήν. Μικροῦ yàp πᾶν

γένος ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἡλικία πᾶσα χορείας καὶ πανηγύρεις
ὑμνοπόλων ἐστήσαντο καὶ ἀπαρχὰς τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀνακλήσε-
ὡς τῷ Θεῷ καθιέρωσαν. Τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον μέχρι τῶν
ἀνακτόρων πλεύσας καὶ κατὰ γῆν μείζονι τῇ φρυκτωρίᾳ
καὶ τῷ περιβοήτῳ θαύματι καὶ συγκινήματι καὶ τοῖς ἐγ-
κωμίοις ἁπάντων καταστεφθείς, αὐτῶν ἐπιβαίνει τῶν ἀνα-
κτόρων καὶ τὸ ἄκρατον κράτος τῆς βασιλείας ἐν ἐξόχοις
τερατουργήμασιν ἐπενδύεται.
Τὸ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦδε, τίς λόγος ἐκφράσει καὶ διηγήσεται; Τὸ
ἐν ἀξιώμασι καὶ τιμαῖς περιβλέπτοις καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέσι
διηνεκὲς καὶ ἀνένδοτον καὶ τὸ ἐν δώροις καὶ χαρίσμασιν
ὑπερφέρον καὶ ὑπερεκχυνόμενον, ὡς λῆρον εἶναι τὸν Πα-
κτωλὸν ἐκεῖνον καὶ Χρυσορρόαν, οἱ τὴν τῶν Λυδῶν
παραρρέοντες | γῆν, χρυσὸν τοῖς ῥεύμασι παρασύρειν
ἱστόρηνται: οὐδὲ Νειλῷα ῥεύματα πάντα πρὸς τὸ ἄκρον
τῆς τῶν δωρημάτων αὐτοῦ περιουσίας παρεμετροῦντο.
Καὶ τὸ θαῦμα τοῖς ὅλοις ὑπερθαύμαστον ἦν, ὅθεν τὰ τοῦ
πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἀφθονίας ταύτης τοῖς ἀνακτόροις ἐπήν-
τλητο" εἰ γὰρ κρουνοὶ χρυσῶν ῥείθρων ἄρτι νέον ἐξ ὑπο-
βρυχίων τούτου μερῶν ἐπηγάσθησαν, οὐκ ἂν εἰς τοσαύτην
μετάδοσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἀρκέσαι
ηὐτόνησαν. Nov δὲ τῆς φύσεως μὴ δεδωκυίας τοιαῦτα,
φαίνεται τὴν ὑπέρφωτον χύσιν τῆς τριλαμποῦς Τριάδος
ὑπὲρ φύσιν κατάλληλον τῇ προαιρέσει τὴν χορηγίαν αὐτῷ
προμηθεύεσθαι τῶν τηλικούτων πλουτοποιῶν ἐπιδόσεων
καὶ τῶν ἀπείρων πρὸς ἄπειρα πλήθη φιλοτιμημάτων καὶ
δεξιώσεων. Τὸ γὰρ εὐτελὲς δῶρον πεντεκαίδεκα λιτρῶν

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 CHAPTER 33

celebrated his arrival with joyous and festive songs. For vir-
tually the entire race of human beings and every age group
broke into dancing and celebration by composing hymns,
thanking God as the source of their salvation. Sailing to
the palace in this fashion, he made landfall amid blazing bea-
con lights, expressions of amazement and emotion, and was
wreathed by the praise of all. He entered the palace itself
and was invested with the absolute authority of imperial
power under extraordinary omens.
As for what happened next, what narrative can express
and describe it? The continuous and unrelenting flow of of-
fices and illustrious and magnificent honors, along with the
flood of excessive gifts and favors, made the Paktolos and
Chrysorroas Rivers, which flow through the land of the Lyd-
ians [274], seem like mere trifles, though it is said that they
carry gold along in their currents. Not even all che currents
of the Nile measured up to the sheer abundance of his gifts.
Everyone was struck dumb with amazement as to the pal-
ace's source of this wealth and superfluity, for even if new
fountains of streams of gold had suddenly gushed forth from
their subterranean origins, they would not have sufficed for
a few days of such intense giving and generosity. Given that
all this did not come from Nature, it appears that a most re-
splendent outpouring of the thrice-bright Trinity supernat-
urally furnished him with a supply, appropriate to his inten-
tion, of such enriching grants and the infinite favors and
gifts that he gave to that infinite crowd. For the most mea-
ger of his gifts was a fifteen-pound bag of gold, while in the

499
 THE HISTORY

ὑπῆρχεν ἀπόδεσμος, ἀκινήτων κτήσεων ἑκατοντάλιτροι

δωρεαί, πρὸς otc δὲ καὶ δὶς τοσούτων καὶ τρίς, ὀφφικίων
παντοίων ἐπαντλήσεις καὶ παροχαὶ καὶ ἵνα τι συνελὼν
εἴπω, πᾶν εἶδος χαρισμάτων τοῖς προβαλοῦσιν ἐπεψηφί-
ζετο. Οὐ γὰρ ἐν περιλάμπροις ἀξιώμασι μόνον τῶν βασι-
λικῶν εὐεργετημάτων τὸ γέρας ἐδείκνυτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν
ὀφφικίοις καὶ ἀγροῖς καὶ χρυσίοις καὶ ἀποσκορακίσει ἐπη-
ρειῶν καὶ παντὶ τῷ ποθουμένῳ τε καὶ συμφέροντι. Οὐδεὶς
γὰρ ἤτησε τῶν ἁπάντων ὃς οὐ παραυτίκα τῆς αἰτήσεως
ἔτυχε, καὶ μᾶλλον ἱεροὶ ναοὶ καὶ θεῖα τεμένη καὶ φρον-
τιστήρια πάντα καὶ ἱλαστήρια. Κοινὸν | γὰρ ἦν τὸ τῆς
εὐδαιμονίας ἐν ἅπασι καὶ κοινὴ τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἡ ἐπιμέ-
λεια. Ἐφ᾽ οἷς καὶ ἀπορία πάντας κατεῖχε καὶ θάμβος
ἐξαίσιον, πῶς τοῦ προβεβασιλευκότος Μιχαὴλ πενίαν
θρηνοῦντος ἀεὶ καὶ ἀπορίαν δεινὴν καὶ ἀδύνατον αὐτῷ
τὴν χεῖρα καθεστάναι πρὸς εὐεργεσίαν μικρὰν ἐπιλέγον-
τος διὰ τὸ τῆς βασιλείας τάχα δυστύχημα, ἐκ ποίων πηγῶν
οὗτος ὁ pet’ ἐκεῖνον τὰ Ῥωμαίων σκῆπτρα ἐγχειρισθείς,
τοσαύτας ἀνεκδιηγήτους εὐεργεσίας καὶ δόσεις καὶ πλου-
τοποιὰ χαρίσματα ἐνεδείξατο καὶ τιμὰς ὑπὲρ ψάμμον καὶ
χορὸν οὐρανίων φωστήρων.
Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἡμερῶν τὰς τιμὰς διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ
τὸ ἀόριστον σιγῇ παραδέδωκα, τὰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν Βαΐων
Κυριακῇ πάντας ἀμωσγέπως ἐξέπληξαν: πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ σύγ-
κλητος, ὑπὲρ μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν παραμετρουμένη, Kat’
ἄνδρα καὶ κεφαλὴν μεγάλων ἠξιοῦντο τιμῶν τετραρίθμους
καὶ πενταρίθμους βαθμοὺς ὑπερβαινουσῶν, ὡς μηδὲ av-
τὸν τὸν πρωτοβεστιάριον ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως δύνασθαι

500
 CHAPTER 33

form of immovable property there were donations worth a

hundred pounds, to some people twice and three times that.
There were outpourings and offerings of all kinds of offices;
in a word, every type of grant was awarded to those who
asked for it. And the gifts were not limited to the resplen-
dent titles of imperial benefactions but also offices, fields,
gold bullion, and exemptions from duties, basically every-
thing desirable and advantageous. For no one asked, who
did not, immediately receive all that he had asked for, espe-
cially the holy churches, the divine shrines, all the monas-
teries, and the sanctuaries. [275] Happiness was common for
all, and care was taken that the benefactions go to all. For
this reason, everyone was overcome with puzzlement and
extraordinary wonder, for the previous emperor Michael
was always lamenting his poverty and the pressing lack of
funds, and that he could not extend his hand to make a small
benefaction on the alleged grounds of the miserable condi-
tion of the state. So from what source did this man, who was
entrusted with the scepters of the Romans after him, per-
form such great and unprecedented benefactions, grants,
enriching gifts, and honors more numerous than the grains
of sand or the chorus of the celestial stars?
I have passed over in silence the honors that he bestowed
on the other days because of their unlimited number. What
took place on Palm Sunday?? however, surprised everyone
in one fashion or another, for the whole Senate, which in-
cluded more than a myriad of men, was awarded such great
honors that each man was individually promoted four or five
steps up in the ranks, so that not even the protovestiarios
himself could keep up in receiving from the emperor the

501
 THE HISTORY

παραλαμβάνειν τοὺς τιμωμένους καὶ τὰς ἀξίας ἐπιφωνεῖν,

ἀλλὰ συναπατᾶσθαι παρὰ τῶν τιμῶν συχνῶς καὶ ὑποστρέ-
φειν ἐπὶ τὴν προβολὴν καὶ αὖθις ἀνθυποστρέφειν f| καὶ ἐπὶ
τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἱστάμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις καταλαμβάνοντα
ἐπισπεύδειν αὐτὸν τὰς τιμωμένων ἐκφωνήσεις καὶ μόχθον
σχεῖν τηλικοῦτον ὅσος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν φωνὴν περιέκοψεν.
Εἴπω τι ἀστειότερον. Οἱ ἀργοὶ καὶ πένητες τῆς βασι-
λευούσης, οἱ ταῖς ἐπισκεπέσι τῶν λεωφόρων, αἵπερ ἰ ἔμ-
βολοι λέγονται, περινοστοῦντες καὶ ἐμφωλεύοντες καὶ
παρασίτων τάξιν ἢ κολάκων ἢ τό γε ἀληθέστερον εἰπεῖν,
προσαιτῶν ἐπέχοντες, συνήθως ἔχοντες ταῖς οἰκίαις τῶν
τιμωμένων ἐπιφοιτᾶν καὶ προφημίζειν ἐν εὐχαριστίᾳ μεγα-
λουργῷ τὴν βασιλέως χάριν καὶ τὸ τῆς τιμήσεως ἐπιφανὲς
καὶ περίολβον, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐκ πενήτων γεγόνασι πλούσιοι
καὶ εὔποροι ἐξ ἀπόρων τῇ συνεχείᾳ καὶ τῷ πολυαρίθμῳ
τῶν τιμωμένων, ἁδρὰν καθ᾽ ἑκάστην χρυσίου ποσότητα
παρὰ τούτων ἐκκομιζόμενοι. Γΐνεται γὰρ ἡ δόσις παρὰ
πάντων τῶν εὐδαιμονούντων ὡς ἐξ ἐράνου, ἣν καὶ συν-
ἤθειαν τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀστεϊζόμενοι λέγουσι, προϊούσης δὲ
τῆς εὐεργεσίας εἰς ἀναρίθμητον στῖφος, καὶ πρὸς τὸ παν-
ταχόθεν περιτρέχειν τῆς Πόλεως καὶ λαμβάνειν καὶ οὗτοι
ἀπέκαμον, κἂν ἐπικερδὴς ἦν ἡ αἰτία τῆς διὰ πάντων ἐπι-
φοιτήσεως: ἡ γὰρ ἀμετρία τῶν πόνων πείθει καὶ κέρδους
τοὺς οὕτω κεκμηκότας περιφρονεῖν.
AAN ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ κἀν τῇ βα-
σιλευούσῃ προὐπόντων στρατιωτῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐτερα-
τουργοῦντο καὶ ξενοτρόπως ἐπράττοντο- ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς
ἐθνικῆς μερίδος ὑστέρει τὸ κατορθούμενον; Οὐ μὲν οὖν,

02
 CHAPTER 33

names of those honored and in announcing their new ranks,

but he kept being sent rank after rank: he would turn back
to the promotion, and then immediately turn back again, or
stand in the same place, but there he was overtaken by even
more offices and so he hurried to announce those being hon-
ored, and in the end he had to work so hard that he lost his
voice.
I will mention something even more delightful. The un-
employed and poor in the Reigning City, those frequenting
and lurking in the avenues' porticos, which [276] are called
emboloi, who live as parasites and flatterers, or, to speak more
truly, as beggars, were in the habit of hanging around the
homes of those in office and extolling, in a spirit of magnifi-
cent gratitude, the emperor's favor and the conspicuous and
blessed nature of their offices. Well, even they became rich
where before they were paupers and well-off where before
they had nothing, all because of the constant stream and
sheer number of honorees, receiving on each occasion an
ample quantity of gold from them. For all those who enjoy
good fortune give to charity, which in jest they call “Jesus’s
tip.” As these benefactions now reached an innumerable
throng, the latter tired of running through all areas of the
City to receive them, even though the reason for their visits
everywhere was to gain something; still, endless toil con-
vinces those who grow weary in this way to disdain even
profit.
These kinds of extraordinarily portentous and newfan-
gled things were happening to the citizens and the soldiers
who were on his side and had preceded him into the Reign-
ing City. Was his accomplishment any less, however, when it
came to the foreigners? Not at all; rather, these rewards were

503
 THE HISTORY

ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνων μᾶλλον τὰ βραβεῖα προσεπετείνοντο. Oi

γὰρ Κουτουλμούσιοι Τοῦρκοι μετὰ πλήθους οὐννικοῦ ἐν
Χρυσοπόλει κατασκηνούμενοι, πλειόνων ἀγαθῶν, ὡς τὴν
δουλικὴν στοργὴν καὶ πίστιν τηροῦντες τῷ βασιλεῖ, παρα-
πήλαυον. Καὶ οἱ προεξάρχοντες | τοῦ στρατοῦ αὐτῶν,
ἀμηράδας οἷδε τούτους καλεῖν καὶ σελαρίους ἡ τῶν Τούρ-
κῶν φωνή, τὴν βασιλίδα καταλαμβάνοντες ἐν δουλικῷ τῷ
σχήματι καὶ φρονήματι, τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς κόλπους
ἐξῆγον πεπλησμένας χρυσῶν καὶ ὑφασμάτων πολυτελῶν.
Καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῖς Κουτουλμουσίοις καθημερινή τις ἡ ἐκ τῶν
βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν καὶ ἀναρίθμητος ἐπίρροια ἐπεγίνετο
καὶ διατοῦτο τυμπάνων ἠχὴ καὶ εὐφημία παρὰ τοῦ φοσσά-
του τῶν Τούρκων πολυειδὴς ἐκ Χρυσοπόλεως ἀνεπέμπετο
καὶ πανταχόθεν εὐφημίαι καὶ χάριτες συνεκροτοῦντο καὶ
τὴν Πόλιν ἐστεφάνουν καὶ τῆς προτέρας ἀνεκτῶντο στυ-
γνότητος, ὡς ἀνάπλασιν μιμεῖσθαι τὴν τοῦ θεοσδότου
τουτουὶ βασιλέως ἐπιδημίαν καὶ τὴν μεγαλουργίαν τῆς
πράξεως.
To δὲ πάντων θαυμασιώτερον, ὅτι μηδὲ τὸ παλάτιον
εὗρεν ὃ «ὁ»"6 πρὸ αὐτοῦ κατεῖχεν ἄσυλον καὶ ἀπόρθητον,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀποσεσυλημένον Kal περιῃρημένον τοῖς ὅλοις καὶ
παντὸς χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ ὑφάσματος ἐψιλωμένον,
παντάπασιν ἐν τῇ συγχύσει τῆς ἐκείνου καταστροφῆς
ἀπογυμνωθέν. Ὅσα δὲ μᾶλλον εὗρε τοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκκλη-
σιῶν ἀφαιρεθέντος παρὰ τοῦ προβασιλεύσαντος κόσμου
καὶ τῶν κειμηλίων, περισωζόμενα πάντα ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις
καὶ τοῖς θείοις σηκοῖς ἀνταπήνεγκε, μὴ δείσας ὅλως
ἀπορίαν καὶ τῷ καιρῷ τὰ πρόσφορα τῆς χρείας προσενεγ-

504
 CHAPTER 33

extended especially to them. For the Turks of Koutloumous,

who were encamped at Chrysopolis with the Hunnish host,
enjoyed a multitude of goods for maintaining their obedient
affection and loyalty to the emperor. The leaders [277] of
their army, whom the Turkish language calls ezzrs and selar-
101,2 arrived at the Imperial City in the guise and disposi-
tion of servants and left with their hands and pockets filled
with gold and luxurious cloths. The Koutloumousians them-
selves received a daily and immeasurable stipend from the
imperial treasures and for this reason the manifold sounds
of drums and cheers could be heard from the army of the
Turks at Chrysopolis. Praise and thanks echoed in all places,
wreathed the City, and ameliorated the previous gloomi-
ness, as the arrival of this God-given emperor and the mag-
nificence of his deeds seemed like a restoration.
The most wondrous aspect of it all was that he had not
found the palace, which his predecessor had held, intact and
inviolate, but rather broken into, despoiled of everything,
plundered of all its gold, silver, and precious cloths, and
stripped bare in the confusion of that one's downfall. As for
all that he did find there, namely the ornaments and sacred
vessels that had been removed from the churches by his pre-
decessor, he salvaged it and returned it all to the churches
and the divine houses, being entirely untroubled by the lack
of resources but covering the necessary expenses of the

505
 THE HISTORY

κών: ὅπου yàp Θεὸς τὸ θεραπευόμενον, ἅπαν ἕτερον £v

δευτέρῳ ἐτίθετο.
Ἕτερον δὲ τούτων οὐκ ἔλαττον εἰς ἐγκώμιον. Ἐν ταῖς |
παραλίοις ἀκταῖς ταῖς τὴν βασιλίδα περιζωννυούσαις τῶν
πόλεων προτειχίσματα διὰ ξύλων ἐκ χρόνων μακρῶν γε-
νόμενα καὶ τῇ γείτονι θαλάσσῃ οἷον περιπλεκόμενα ἢ
περιπτυσσόμενα ἢ τοὺς ἑλιγμοὺς αὐτῆς ἀντωθούμενα, καὶ
ταῖς καταίρουσιν ὁλκάσι καὶ τοῖς ἐκ γῆς ἐμπόροις εὐμά-
petav πρὸς τὴν στάσιν καὶ τὴν τῶν συναλλαγμάτων σύ-
στασιν παρεχόμενα, σκάλαι τῇ κοινῇ διαλέκτῳ κατονομά-
ζονται, δεσπότας εἶχον καὶ ἄλλους τινάς, ἐπὶ πλέον δὲ τῶν
λοιπῶν δεσποτείαν ἐκέκτηντο τά τε πτωχοτροφεῖα καὶ νο-
σοκομεῖα καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ εὐαγεῖς οἶκοι καὶ φροντιστηρίων
διάφορα, οὐ μόνον δ᾽ ἐν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔν τισι
τῶν ἐπινείων αὐτῆς. Kal ἁπλῶς αἰγιαλοὶ πάντες δεσπότας
εἶχον τοὺς ἐξ ἠπείρου δεσπόζοντας κατὰ τὰ πάτρια νόμιμα
καὶ τὰς βασιλικὰς διατάξεις at τὰ πρόθυρα τῆς θαλάσσης
τοῖς παρακεκτημένοις ἐν τῇ γείτονι χέρσῳ παρέχουσι.
Τούτων ὁ πρὶν βασιλεύων πάντας τοὺς δεσπότας τῆς
κυριότητος ἰταμῶς ἀπεστέρησε, προφάσεις ἐπανατείνας
ἑώλους τε καὶ γεγηρακυίας καὶ ὅλον ἐχούσας τὸν ἐνδομυ-
χοῦν εὐκατάγνωστον, συνεργοῦντος αὐτῷ θερμότερόν τε
καὶ βιαιότερον τοῦ τῆς τῶν Neoxatoapéwv ἐκκλησίας
προβεβλημένου. Τυραννικῶς γὰρ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀρχιερατικῶς
τὸν ἐμπιστευθέντα τούτῳ θρόνον τῆς τοῦ βασιλικοῦ σα-
κελλαρίου προβολῆς διοικῶν, ἐμισήθη τε παρὰ πάντων
καὶ διὰ τὰς ἀπηνεστέρας πράξεις ἀπηνεστέραν | μικροῦ
δεῖν ἐκινδύνευσεν εὑρεῖν τῆν ἀπόβασιν, ἀποκηρυττόμενος

506
 CHAPTER 33

times, for where God is worshipped, everything else he con-

sidered secondary.
There was also a different matter that was no less worthy
of an encomium. Along the [278] shores that gird the Queen
of Cities, wooden docks constructed in years long past ap-
pear to entangle themselves in the sea that comes right up
to them, or to enfold it, or push back against its waves.
These enabled the merchant ships sailing in and those trad-
ing in the produce of the land to moor and conduct their
transactions, and they are known in common parlance as
skalai and had different owners. Primarily, however, their
owners tended to be the poorhouses, hospitals, other chari-
table institutions, and monasteries, not only in the Reigning
City but also in some of its neighboring port towns. The en-
tire coast was generally owned by those on the land accord-
ing to our ancestral laws and the imperial decrees which
grant the gateways to the sea to those who own the land
neighboring the shore.3**
The previous emperor audaciously deprived all these
owners of their rights over the piers, offering old and out-
dated pretexts that were transparent in their intention, and
in this he had a more ardent and violent accomplice in the
man who had advanced to the head of the church of Neokai-
sareia.?5 For he held the position of imperial sakellarios,
which had been entrusted to him, in a manner more tyranni-
cal than archpriestly, was hated by everyone, and only nar-
rowly avoided [279] suffering a most harsh punishment in
return for his most harsh actions, being renounced by his

507
 THE HISTORY

xai παρὰ τῶν πλείστων συλλειτουργῶν καὶ ἀρχιερέων ὡς

τῆς pet’ αὐτῶν κοινωνίας ἀνάξιος, διὰ τὸ τοῖς κοσμικοῖς
προσομιλεῖν ἀγριώτερον καὶ θεσμοὺς πατέρων καὶ ἀπο-
στολικοὺς ἀθετεῖν κανόνας καὶ μυρίαν τῷ βίῳ καὶ τοῖς
εὐαγέσιν οἴκοις καὶ θείοις ἐπιφέρειν τὴν συμφοράν. Καὶ εἰ
μὴ κατέλυσε τὰ τοιαῦτα τούτου ἐγκλήματα ὁ τότε κρατῶν
αἰτήσει τῇ πρὸς τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ μεγίσταις ταῖς ἀξιώσεσι
καὶ αὐτὸς φυγαδίας ἐκ τῆς κοσμικῆς κακοποιΐας καὶ τοῦ
θρόνου τῶν λαϊκῶν ἐγεγόνει, κἂν ἔκειτο καθῃρημένος καὶ
σπίλῳ ἀτιμίας καταχραινόμενος. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἤνεγκε
τὸ πῦρ ὁ κηρός, καὶ τοῦ φιλοχρίστου βασιλέως ἐπιδημή-
σαντος, φρίκη θανάτου καὶ διαλύσεως τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῷ
ἐπεγένετο περὶ τὸ τοῦ Πόντου στόμα, ἔνθα τι φρούριον
ἔστιν, ἀτίμων ἀνδρῶν κακὸν ἐντάφιον, τὴν ἐκεῖσε κατα-
στροφὴν κομισάμενος, ὡς καὶ τὴν κόνιν αὐτοῦ ἀντὶ ἐπιτυμ-
βίων χοῶν τοῖς λίθοις ἀτιμασθῆναι τῶν μισούντων αὐτοῦ
τὸ κακόηθες. Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ φιλόχριστος οὑτοσὶ βασιλεύς, πόρρω
τὴν τοῦ πρώην βασιλεύσαντος μικρολογίαν ἐκτιναξάμε-
voc καὶ δεῖν ἀποδεδόσθαι τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ τῷ Θεῷ ἐπειπὼν
καὶ μηδεμίαν φειδὼ τοῦ δημοσίου καὶ τῆς κατεπειγούσης
χρείας προσφόρως θέμενος, ὃ καὶ ἀξιεπαινότατον, πολλῆς
τῆς ἐκ τούτων ἐνορωμένης προσόδου, ἀποκαθιστᾷ τὰς
τοιαύτας παραλίους σκάλας τοῖς πρώην δεσπόταις, ἐξ ὧν
ἀπεσπάσθησαν, καὶ χρυσοβούλλῳ γραφῇ τὸ ἀμετάθετον
καὶ ἀπερικτύπητον τούτων αὐτοῖς ἐμπεδοῖ. Καὶ γίνεται
πᾶσι βοηθὸς | καὶ ἀντιλήπτωρ καὶ οὐ μόνον βασιλεὺς ἀλλὰ
καὶ πατὴρ ἀγαθός: ἀνίχνευε γὰρ διαπαντὸς καὶ φροντίδα
μεγίστην ἐτίθετο τὸ ἅπαν ἐξᾶραι ἀπὸ προσώπου τῆς γῆς
ἀδίκημα καὶ ἀνόμημα.
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 CHAPTER 33

fellow prelates and archpriests as unworthy of sharing com-

munion with them on account of his rabid involvement
in secular affairs. He violated the laws of the Fathers and
the Apostolic Canons, and caused a myriad misfortunes to
the lives of people and to the charitable institutions of the
Church and the divine houses. And if the previous ruler had
not absolved him of these crimes of his with a petition to
the archpriests making the greatest demands, and had the
man himself not fled from his wrongdoing and secular of-
fice, he would have been deposed and stained with dishonor.
But much as the candle does not bear the fire? 5 with the arrival
of the Christ-loving emperor, he was overcome by the hor-
ror of death and the end of life at the mouth of the Pontos,
where there is a fort, a wretched tomb for dishonored men,
thus reaping his death there. And even his dead body did not
receive a proper burial but was dishonored with a stoning by
those who hated his evil nature. But the Christ-loving em-
peror cast the previous emperor's pettiness far away, and
stating that what belonged to God had to be returned to
God and showing no concern at all for the public treasury
and its urgent needs — which was praiseworthy, for one could
expect much revenue from these places—he restored the
coastal ska/ai to their previous owners from whom they had
been taken away, and confirmed with chrysoboulla that they
could not be transferred or violated. And he became every-
one's helper [280] and protector, not only an emperor but a
good father, for he investigated everything and was ex-
tremely concerned to remove from the face of the earth
every injustice and illegality.

509
 THE HISTORY

9 Τέλος δὲ τῶν βασιλικῶν εὐεργετημάτων kal διαδόσεων

οὔτε κόρος τὸ σύνολον ἦν, οὔτ᾽ εἰπεῖν αὐτῷ ἐξεγένετο τὸ
παρ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος ἐνίοτε προφερόμενον,
ὅτε μὴ εὐεργετήσας ἔτυχε, τὸ «Σήμερον οὐκ ἐβασίλευσα»'
πᾶσα γὰρ ἡμέρα παντὸς δωρήματος τελείου καὶ παροχῆς
ἀφθόνου τοῦτον ἔχει παροχέα καὶ ἀφθονώτατον πρύτανιν
καὶ διὰ πάσης ἀφορμῆς ἐχώρει, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μηδένα τῆς ἐκ τού-
του εὐποιῖΐας ἀπολειφθῆναι ἀπείρατον. Ἐπήνει γὰρ καὶ τὸν
'τοξότην ὡς εὐστόχως βάλλοντα καὶ τὸ βέλος ἐπὶ σκοποῦ
συντιθέμενον, καὶ τὸν λογχίτην ὡς ἀκραιφνέστατον δια-
δορατίζοντα καὶ τὴν λόγχην εὐθυβόλως ἐπισυστρέφοντα,
καὶ τὸν ἱππότην ὡς τοῖς νώτοις τοῦ ἵππου ἀτρεμαίως ἐπι-
καθήμενον ἐν τῷ θεῖν, καὶ τὸν ὁπλίτην στρατιώτην ἐν
ἅπασι, καὶ τὸν ψιλὸν καὶ ἀπέριττον ὡς εὐτολμίας μαρ-
τυρίαν εἰσάγοντα καὶ τῇ διώξει τὸ θήραμα προκαταλαμ-
βάνοντα, καὶ τὸν σοφὸν ὡς μεμυημένον τὰ κρείττονα,
ἠλέει δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν ἄσοφον ἢ καὶ ἄφρονα ὡς ἔκπτωτον
τοῦ βελτίονος. Φρόνιμον ὑπερῇρεν ὡς εὐβουλίας δοκιμώ-
τατον ὄργανον, τόν τε μετεωρολόγον | ἐν φιλοσόφοις ὡς
ὑπεραναβαίνοντα τὰ προσεχῶς καθορώμενα, καὶ τὸν δια-
λεκτικὸν ὅτι διαιρετικῶς ἐπιβάλλει τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ τὸ
πρόσφορον ἀπονέμει τῇ τῶν ὑποκειμένων συνουσίᾳ πρα-
γμάτων, καὶ τὸν ἡνιοχοῦντα ἐν ἱππικοῖς ὅτι τεσσάρων
ἵππων ἡνιοχείαν καὶ διακυβέρνησιν ἀποδείκνυσιν καὶ τὸν
δρομέα διὰ τὸ τάχος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἀργὸν τῆς ἀργίας συμ-
παθῶς κατῳκτίζετο καὶ τῆς εὐεργεσίας οὐκ ἐδείκνυεν
ἄμοιρον. Εἴπω τι μεῖζον: καὶ μέχρι βαναύσων τεχνῶν τὴν
ἀγαθοεργίαν ἐφήπλωσεν, ὅτι κἀκεῖνοι τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ τοῖς

510
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His imperial benefactions and distributions had neither

end nor satiety, nor could he utter the words Alexander the
Macedonian sometimes said when he happened not to have
benefited someone, namely “Today I have not reigned,?" for
every day that passed saw him provide all kinds of perfect
gifts and ample offerings. Any conceivable opportunity re-
vealed him to be a most generous ruler, who sought to leave
no man without experience of his benevolence. He thus
even praised the archer for shooting accurately and placing
his arrow on the target; the lancer for wielding his lance
most excellently and for directing his weapon to a straight
hit; the cavalryman for sitting steadily on the back of a horse
in full gallop; the armed infantry man for all that he did; and
the lightly armed skirmisher for giving proof of his daring
and outrunning his prey in pursuit. He praised che wise man
for being initiated in higher matters and even pitied the un-
wise man, or even the fool, for falling short of better things.
The prudent man he extolled as the best instrument for
good counsel, and, from among the philosophers, [281] he
praised the observer of the skies for looking beyond what
was immediately discernible and the dialectician for ap-
proaching things in an analytical way and applying the ap-
propriate methods to the examination of each field of study;
the charioteer in the races for driving and mastering four
horses; the runner for his speed; but he also had compassion
for the idle man on account of his inactivity and he too re-
ceived a share of the bounty I shall add something more im-
portant. He extended his good deeds all the way to the vul-

511
 THE HISTORY

ἀνθρώποις διακονοῦσι τὰ χρήσιμα. Kal ἁπλῶς θεία τις £v

τῷδε τῷ βασιλεῖ περιηχεῖτο ἐπίβασις καὶ λόγον ἀνθρώπι-
γον νικῶσα προμήθεια.
IO Οἴομαι δὲ ὡς τινὲς τῶν ἀκροατῶν λογισμῷ τινὶ προσ-
παλαίσουσιν ἐγκωμιαστικῶς ταῦτα καὶ μὴ διηγηματικῶς
συγγραφῆναί μοι, εὐνοίᾳ δῆθεν τῇ πρὸς τὸν κρατοῦντα
δουλεύοντι, καθότι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις βασιλεῦσι τὸ τιμᾶν καὶ
δωρεαῖς ἀμείβεσθαι τὴν τῶν ὑπηκόων πίστιν περιεγίνετο.
Εἰ τοῦτο δὲ ἐννοήσαιεν, οὐκ ἂν διανοηθεῖεν καλῶς. Τὸ μὲν
γὰρ καὶ τοὺς πρώην βασιλεύσαντας ἐννοεῖν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις
καὶ παρέχειν εὐεργεσίας, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀπαναίνομαι καὶ πολ-
λάκις ἐν οἷς περὶ αὐτῶν γέγραφα, τὴν μνήμην τῆς αὐτῶν
περιέλαβον πράξεως, τὸ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ Βοτανειάτῃ ἐν ταῖς τι-
uat καὶ τοῖς τῶν δωρημάτων | χαρίσμασι καὶ τῇ πηγῇ τοῦ
ἐλέους εὐδόκιμον καὶ ὑπέρτερον καὶ λόγου παντὸς ἀνώτε-
ρον τοῦτο ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας ἀνυποκρίτως ἐξαίρω καὶ
τοῦτο διὰ σπουδῆς πεποίημαι πᾶσι παραστῆσαι κατάδη-
λον καὶ ταῖς μετέπειτα γενεαῖς δι ἀναγνώσεως καὶ μνήμης
ὡς ὑπόδειγμα κάλλιστον ἀπαθανατίζεσθαι καὶ τὸν οὕτω
καλῶς καὶ ἰσοθέως τὰ τῆς βασιλείας διϊθύνοντα πράγματα,
πάντων ἀποδεῖξαι φιλανθρωπότερόν τε καὶ εὐεργετικώτε-
ρον καὶ φιλοθεΐας ἀνάμεστον καὶ ἀσύγκριτον τοῖς πρὸ
αὐτοῦ βασιλεύσασιν, ὅτι ἐν τοιαύτῃ τῶν πραγμάτων στε-
νοχωρίᾳ, πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῷ πλατυσμῷ κρατοῦντας τῆς
βασιλείας διαφερόντως ὑπερηκόντισε. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ τὰς
ἐπιστήμας καὶ τέχνας ἢ ψυχικὰς ἀρετὰς πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν
ἀνθρώπων μετέρχονται καὶ δεικνύουσιν, ἐκείνων δὲ τὰ
βραβεῖά εἰσι καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐγκωμίων στέφανοι πλέκονται τῶν

512
 CHAPTER 33

gar crafts, for they provide society and people with what is
necessary. Simply put, a certain divine presence imbued this
emperor and his solicitude surpassed human reasoning.
I think, however, that some in our audience may argue 10

that all this has been written by me to praise and not only to
narrate, that I am allegedly currying favor with the ruler,
given that past emperors also honored and rewarded with
gifts the loyalty of their subjects. But if they think this, they
have not grasped the matter well. Certainly, I would not
deny that previous emperors have taken thought for their
subjects and provided them with benefactions, and I fre-
quently recorded such occasions in what I wrote about
them, preserving the memory of their deeds. Yet under Bo-
taneiates the honors, favors, gifts, [282] and the fount of
compassion has been so outstanding, superlative, and sur-
passing of all reason that I praise it based on the truth itself
and without any guile; and I diligently seek to represent it
clearly for everyone now and to immortalize him as the most
beautiful model for future generations who may read my
work and remember him, and to demonstrate that he who
governed the affairs of state so well and like a God was more
philanthropic in his benefactions and incomparable in the
fullness of his love for God when set beside those who
reigned before him. Despite the great penury in the state's
affairs, he overshot all who had held the reins of power in
times of abundance. For many people partake in and reveal
their knowledge of science and the arts or their virtues of
the soul, yet the prizes go to, and the wreaths of praise are
woven for, those who surpass others in the superiority and

513
 THE HISTORY

τοὺς λοιποὺς ὑπερβαλλόντων τῷ ἀπαραμίλλῳ καὶ ὑπερ-

φυεστάτῳ τῆς πράξεως, ὁ δὲ τοιοῦτος βασιλεὺς καί τι
ἐξοχώτερον: εἶχε καὶ τῶν τῆς βασιλείας παρασήμων μεγα-
λειότερον: εἰ γάρ τις εἶδε τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς ὀφρύσιν αὐτοῦ κατὰ
τὸ μέτωπον τόπον, σταυρικὸν σημεῖον αὐτοφυὲς ἑώρα τῇ
κοιλότητι τῶν ἐγκαρσίων μερῶν ἀποτελούμενον ἀκριβῶς,
ὡς τροπαιοφόρον τοῦτον ἐξ ἔργων αὐτῶν καὶ σημειοφό-
pov ἐκ θείας πλαστουργίας γνωρίζεσθαι.
II Διὸ δὴ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἀντικείμενοι καὶ μὴ πειθαρχοῦντες
αὐτῷ καὶ δουλικῶς προσκυνοῦντες, ἰσχυρῶς τῇ τούτου
ῥομφαίᾳ καὶ τοῖς στρατοπέδοις κατέπεσον, οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτεπ-
ἀγγελτοι τὴν δουλείαν ἠσπάσαντο. Εὗρε γὰρ τὴν Ῥω-
μαίων | ἀρχὴν πολλοῖς τυράννοις περιαντλουμένην κατά
τε τὴν ἑῴαν καὶ τὴν ἑσπέραν, ἔτι δὲ τῆς τούτων" φλεγμαι-
νούσης ἀποστασίας καὶ δαπάνης οὔτι σμικρᾶς ἀλλὰ πολυ-
όλβου καὶ μυριοταλάντου δαψίλειαν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπι-
ζητούντων ἐπί τε τοῖς στρατιωτικοῖς ὀψωνίοις καὶ ταῖς
ἄλλαις τῶν καιρῶν ἀφορμαῖς καὶ προφάσεσιν, οὐ πρὸς τὸ
μέγεθος τούτων καὶ τὴν τοσαύτην χρείαν ἐπέβλεψε καὶ
σμικρολογίας δεινότητι ἑαυτὸν ἐπιδέδωκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πλάτει
καρδίας καὶ πίστεως τὸ πλάτος ἐπιτείνων τῆς πρὸς τὸ
θεῖον εὐαρεστήσεως, χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς τῷ δήμῳ παντὶ καὶ
τοῖς ἐν τέλει νομοθετεῖ καὶ τίθησι τὸ δόγμα οὐκ ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς
τισὶ χρόνοις, ὥσπερ ἔνιοι τῶν πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέων ἐπιταφίοις
ἡμέραις εἰργάσαντο, καὶ καταλιμπάνει χρόνους τινὰς εἰς
τὰ ἔμπροσθεν τοῖς τοῦ δημοσίου συνηγόροις καὶ πράκτορ-
σιν ἐσομένους ἐντρύφημα καὶ τῷ δημοσίῳ πρόφασιν ὠφε-
λείας καὶ ἀπαιτήσεως, ὡς ἂν οἱ μὲν χρονιώτεροι χρεῶσται

514
 CHAPTER 33

unparalleled nature of their actual deeds. As for this em-

peror he possessed something more refined and even
grander than the emblems of imperial power, for if one
looked at the space on his forehead above his eyebrows, one
would see the sign of the cross emerging naturally and pre-
cisely in the hollows of his perpendicular wrinkles, which
marked him as someone who bore trophies actually formed
upon him and as a standard-bearer fashioned in this way by
God.
For this reason all his opponents who did not submit to II

prostrate themselves before him in the manner of servants

were overcome by his sword and armies, while the rest em-
braced their subjection of their own volition. For he had
found the empire of che Romans [283] overwhelmed by
many rebels in both the east and the west, and while their
rebellions were still swelling and the scarcity that was af-
flicting the public sphere required not small expenses but
rather abundant and costly resources for military expendi-
tures and for all the other causes and needs of the time, he
did not take note of the size of those demands and the great
need or abandon himself to the harshness of miserliness.
Rather, in a great-hearted and faithful way he sought to
please God even further by issuing legislation that forgave
debt for the entire populace as well as for officials. He made
this law apply not only for a set number of years, as some of
the emperors before him had done during the days of Eas-
ter, nor did he make an allowance, which would have de-
lighted the lawyers and agents of the state, that for a certain
number of years to come they could make claims based on

515
 THE HISTORY

τοῦ δημοσίου τὰς ἀφεσίμους ἑορτὰς ἑορτάζωσιν, oi δὲ ve-

WTEPOL πρὸς τὴν ἀποτυχίαν ἐπιστυγνάζωσι καὶ φθόνου
λαβὴν ἔχωσι τὴν τῶν ἐλευθερωθέντων ὑπόθεσιν, ἀλλὰ
πάντων ὁμοῦ τῶν χρόνων μέχρι τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀναρρήσεως
καὶ μικρόν τι πρὸς τὰς ὀφειλὰς προρρίζους ἀπέτεμε καὶ
συμπαθείας πάντας καθαρωτάτης ἠξίωσε, χρυσοβούλλῳ
λόγῳ χρυσοῦν ἐπιπλέξας δεσμὸν κωλυτικὸν δι’ ὅλου τοῦ
τῶν ὀφλημάτων βαδίσματος, προσανελὼν ἐν τούτῳ καὶ τὸ
χάριν σχιδευμοῦ | διασείεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ ἀνω-
φελὲς αὐτοῖς τίθεσθαι τὸ τῆς ἐλευθερίας διάταγμα: ἤδει
γὰρ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἐπὶ τοῦ Δούκα πολλοὺς διαλωβησά-
μενον καὶ τὴν μερικὴν τῶν χρόνων ἐλευθερίαν ἀνελεύθε-
pov τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐργασάμενον. Ἔστησεν οὖν ἐντεῦθεν
πᾶσι τοῖς πολιτευομένοις καὶ πανταχῇ γῆς κατοικοῦσι
Ῥωμαίοις τὸν φόβον τῶν ὀφλημάτων καὶ τῷ ὄντι ἐλευθέ-
ρους τούτου ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ πολίτας Ῥωμαίους εἰργάσατο,
οὐ χρυσοῦν δακτύλιον αὐτοῖς παρασχὼν ἢ ῥάπισμα κατὰ
κόρρης, ὡς τοῖς ἐλευθερουμένοις τὸ πρόσθεν ἐγίνετο,
ἀλλὰ χρυσοῦ πηγὰς καὶ ταλάντων πλημμύρας αὐτοῖς ἀπο-
χαριζόμενος καὶ τὸ τοῦ πρὶν βίου ἀβίωτον, εὔδαιμον τού-
τοις καὶ μακάριον εἰς τὸ ἑξῆς ἐργαζόμενος.

516
 CHAPTER 33

the public interest and its demands, for in that case long-
term debtors to the fisc would celebrate their release, while
those who incurred their debts more recently would be de-
spondent at their bad luck and have reason to be spiteful to-
ward those who were relieved. No, he cut debts to the root
for all years together leading up to his ascension and for a
short time thereafter, deeming everyone worthy of a total
absolution. He issued a chrysoboullon that wove a golden bar-
rier against the advance of all debt and also forbade that
people be harassed [284] with confiscations, which would
have effectively cancelled the decree concerning freedom
from debt. For he knew that in the reign of Doukas this had
ruined many and had turned a limited freedom from debt
for many people into a form of unfreedom. This emperor,
then, put an end to the fear of debt from this moment on for
all Roman citizens, wherever on earth they lived, and, by
making them free of it, truly made them into Roman citi-
zens, not by offering them a golden ring or a slap on the
head, as was done in the past with freedmen, but by granting
them founts of gold and floods of talents and by making sure
that what had previously been an unlivable life was from
now on a pleasant and blissful one.

517
 34

Qi. οὖν εὐσεβείας καὶ θεοφιλίας ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ

εὐψυχίας μεγίστης καὶ μεγαλουργίας ἀντεχομένου, ἔδει
μὴ ἐκ χειρὸς Κυρίου πολλαπλασίας τὰς ἀντιδόσεις λαβεῖν
καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ τοὺς τυράννους καὶ τυραννόφρονας καὶ
ἀλάστορας ἀντερίζειν αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀμφισβη-
τεῖν; καὶ ποῦ τοῦτο Θεοῦ ἦν, τοῦ δικαίᾳ ψήφῳ τὸ πᾶν δι-
tObvovtos καὶ τῷ τοῦ ἐλέου μέτρῳ ἀντιμετροῦντος τὸν
ἔλεον; Οὐκ οὖν, οὐδ᾽ ἡ θεία ψῆφος τὴν ἀπόφασιν ἀνεβά-
Acto καὶ τὸν Βρυέννιον βασιλειῶντα κατὰ τὴν Μακεδο-
νικὴν ἐν Ἀδριανουπόλει καὶ τὴν Βριαρέως ἰσχὺν ἀγερω-
χοῦντα καὶ ἐγκαυχώμενον καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ δευτερεῖα
φέρειν καὶ ὑπείκειν μὴ ἀνεχόμενον, ὑπὸ | χεῖρα τούτου πο-
λέμῳ κραταιοτέρῳ πεποίηκεν, οὐδὲν τοῦ βασιλέως πρότε-
ρον δεινὸν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ μελετήσαντος καὶ τῆς τοῦ εὖ ζῆν
ἐκείνῳ ἀφορμῆς καὶ σωτηρίας φθονήσαντος, ἀλλὰ προ-
καταλαβόντος τὴν ἐκείνου θηριωδίαν φιλανθρωπίᾳ καὶ
πρέσβεις ἐκπέμψαντος τὴν εἰρήνην διακηρυκευομένους
αὐτῷ καὶ ἀντάλλαγμα ταύτης τὴν καίσαρος τύχην προ-
φέροντας ἵνα μὴ τὸ σχῆμα τῶν πεδίλων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης
περιβολῆς ἐναλλαγήν τινα δέξηται. Ἐπεκύρου δὲ τούτου
καὶ τὰς τιμὰς ἃς τοὺς συναραμένους αὐτῷ τετίμηκε καὶ

518
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The end of the revolt of

Nikephoros Bryennios

Tus endowed with piety and love of God and possessing

great kindness of soul and magnificence, was he not entitled
to receive many times in return from the hand of God? Was
it not unlikely that the rebels and those who embraced their
rebellion, whose deeds called for retribution, would resist
him for long and reject his claim to the imperial throne?
How could that have been the will of God, who governs all
with justice and repays mercy with commensurate compas-
sion? This could not be, nor did the divine will delay its ver-
dict, placing Bryennios into his hands after a fierce battle.
The latter had been reigning over the Macedonian lands in
Adrianople, boasting and priding himself that he was as
strong as Briareos?? and not wishing to submit and be in
second place to the emperor [285]. The emperor had previ-
ously planned no aggressive move against him, nor had he
begrudged his prosperity and security. Rather, anticipating
his brutality with kindness, he sent envoys heralding peace
to Bryennios and offering in exchange for it the rank of kaz-
sar so that the style of his sandals and the rest of his attire
would not even have to be changed. Furthermore, the em-
peror confirmed the ranks which the rebel had bestowed on

519
 THE HISTORY

ἀμνηστίαν τῶν πεπραγμένων κακῶν περιεποιεῖτο kal πᾶν

θυμῆρες αὐτῷ διαπράξασθαι καθυπισχνεῖτο ὁ βασιλεύς.
Ὁ δὲ ἄτεγκτος ἦν καὶ ἀτεράμων καὶ ὑπερήφανος καὶ τῆς
βασιλείας μὴ ἀφιστάμενος, πολλὰς ἀπειλὰς καὶ θυμοφθό-
ρους ἐπιστολὰς ἀντεπῆγε καὶ χριστιανικοῖς αἵμασι κρῖναι
τὴν ἀμφισβήτησιν ἤθελε: καὶ σαρξὶν ἀνθρωπίναις κόσμον
ἑαυτῷ περιποιῆσαι βασίλειον καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν κτίσιν περι-
δονῆσαι ἢ δεύτερος φανῆναι τοῦ εὐγενεστάτου βασιλέως
καὶ γενναιοτάτου ἡρεῖτο καὶ διεσπούδαζεν ὅπλα καὶ μάχας
εὐτρεπίζων καὶ τοῖς πολίταις χαλεπὰς ἀποταμιευόμενος
ἀμοιβὰς καὶ ἅπαν ἀνατρέψαι τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν βαρβαρικῶς
λογιζόμενος. Διὸ καὶ πάλιν ὁ γαληνότατος βασιλεὺς καὶ
ὄντως μαθητὴς τοῦ τὴν εἰρήνην βραβεύοντος βασιλέως καὶ
βασιλεῦσι τὸ κράτος παρέχοντος, δευτέραν πρεσβείαν ἐξέ-
πεμψε παραινῶν αὐτῷ τὸ συμφέρον φρονῆσαι καὶ μὴ ἐξ
ἀπονοίας σφαλῆναι περὶ τὰ καιριώτατα.
"Hy δὲ ὁ Βρυέννιος ἐκεῖνος ὁ φυσῶν τὰ μεγάλαυχα καὶ
κινῆσαι τὴν γήν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπειλῶν. Ἀμέλει τοι καὶ
καταστρατηγηθεὶς τῷ θυμῷ, τῆς Ἀδριανουπόλεως ἔξεισι
σὺν πολλῇ τῇ βοῇ καὶ ἐξάλματι καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἐκτάξας
κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως θυμομαχῶν ἐπορεύετο. Ἀκούσας δὲ
περὶ τούτων ὁ βασιλεύς, τῆς ἀβουλίας αὐτὸν ἐταλάνιζε καὶ
τοῦ πάθους ᾧκτειρε καὶ ὡς μεμηνότι καὶ κορυβαντιῶντι
σαφῶς φάρμακον ἐπῆγε τῆς νόσου ἀλεξητήριον. Τί δὲ
τοῦτο ἦν; Tpitn πρεσβεία τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πολέμου ἀπείρ-
γουσα. Πέπομφε γὰρ ἕνα τῶν πιστοτάτων αὐτῷ καὶ εἰπεῖν
καὶ ἀκοῦσαι πεπαιδευμένον καὶ πεῖραν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐκ
πλείονος ἔχοντα, Ῥωμανὸν πρωτοπρόεδρον καὶ μέγαν

520
 CHAPTER 34

those who had joined his rebellion, issued an amnesty for all
the evils chey had done, and promised to fulfill anything that
he desired. But the other man was stubborn, immovable,
and arrogant, and would not renounce the imperial position,
sending many threatening and soul-wrenching letters in re-
turn, since he wanted to settle the dispute through the spill-
ing of Christian blood. For he preferred to make for himself
imperial regalia of human flesh and to shake the whole of
creation to its foundations rather than appear to be in sec-
ond place after this most noble and most brave emperor. He
prepared arms and made ready for battle, storing up harsh
rewards for the citizens, and thought to overturn the en-
tirety of the Roman world in a barbaric fashion. For this rea-
son, the most serene emperor, who was in truth a student of
the Lord, who presides over peace?? and gives emperors their
authority, sent out a second embassy entreating him to con-
sider what was expedient and not [286] to err regarding these
most crucial matters simply out of irrationality.
Bryennios, however, was the one who was exhaling boast-
ful pride and threatening to move both the earth and the
sea. In any case, overcome by his wrath, he marched out of
Adrianople with great clamor and commotion, arranged his
forces, and advanced against the emperor fuming in anger.
Hearing about this, the emperor deemed him unhappy for
his lack of judgment, pitied his wrath, and applied a protec-
tive remedy as if he were dealing with a deranged maniac
in corybantic frenzy. What was that? A third embassy to
halt the onset of war. For he dispatched one of his most
loyal men, who was trained both in speaking and listening
and had ample experience in such affairs, Romanos the

521
 THE HISTORY

ἑταιρειάρχην, ὃς καὶ ἀφικνούμενος πρὸς τὸν τύραννον,

οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐδέχθη, ὡς ἐκ βασιλέως ἀποστελλόμενος, καὶ
λόγου ἠξιώθη κατὰ τὸ σύνηθες τοῖς στρατευομένοις περὶ
τὰς ὑπαίθρους σκηνάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ διαστήματος ἡμέρας τοῦ
πρόσω βαδίζειν κωλυθείς, μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας τινὰς μετεπέμφθη
πρὸς τὴν ἐρώτησιν. Ἔξωθεν δὲ δεξάμενος τοῦτον ἔφιππος
ὁ Βρυέννιος πεζὸν εἶδεν ἐν ἀκάνθαις ἱστάμενον καὶ παρὰ
τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν κατειρωνευόμενον. Μηκέτι δὲ τὰς συνθή-
κας δεξάμενος, ἀτίμως τοῦτον ἀπέπεμψεν, ὅπερ οὐδ᾽ εἰς
ἐθνάρχου τῶν εὐτελεστέρων πρέσβυν νόμος τοῖς ἀληθῶς
βασιλεῦσι ποιεῖν: ἱερὸν γὰρ σῶμα ὁ πρέσβυς λελόγισται,
οἷα τοῖς ἀντιθέτοις μεσίτης | γινόμενος καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην
διαπορθμεύων καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἀμφισβητημάτων ὡς ἐπίπαν
Katanpaivwv καὶ πολεμικὰς περιστάσεις ἀποσοβῶν. Ἔπε-
σε δὲ τηνικαῦτα ἐξ αὐτομάτου ἡ τοῦ Βρυεννίου σκηνή, τοῦ
ὀρόφου ταύτης παραλυθέντος κυκλόθεν ἀοράτοις χερσίν,
ὅπερ καταστροφῆς αὐτοῦ σύμβολον ἀψευδὲς τοῖς συν-
ετοῖς διεγνώσθη, ἐπεὶ καὶ πρό τινων ἡμερῶν ἔκλειψις τῆς
σελήνης γεγονυῖα τὴν πτῶσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτὴ κατεμήνυσε.
Ἰεκμαίρειν γὰρ τὴν σελήνην εἰς τοὺς ἀποστάτας οἱ περὶ
τὰς τῶν φωστήρων δινήσεις δεινοὶ καὶ μαθηματικοὶ λέ-
yovot καὶ τὸ πάθος ταύτης πάθος τοῦ ἀποστατοῦντος
προκαταγγέλλειν.
᾿Επανελθόντος δὲ τοῦ τοιούτου πρέσβεως, καταγελά-
σας ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς τοῦ Βρυεννίου θρασύτητος, ἔργων
πολεμικῶν καὶ στρατηγημάτων ἐπιμελῶς εἴχετο καὶ τὴν
τοῦ τυράννου κατάλυσιν εὐθαρσῶς προηγόρευεν, ἐκ τῆς
ἄνω ῥοπῆς καὶ βουλῆς καὶ τῆς ἰδίας εὐβουλίας καὶ γενναι-

522
 CHAPTER 34

protoproedros and megas betazreiarcbes.9? When he reached

the rebel, he was not immediately received as an emissary of
the emperor, nor was he granted an audience as is usual
among those who are encamped in tents outdoors. He was
rather prevented from proceeding with his mission for the
duration of a day and only after a number of days was he
granted an audience. Bryennios received him outside seated
atop his horse, while he had to stand in a bed of thorns and
was being mocked by the people around him. Still rejecting
the terms, he dismissed him dishonorably, in a way that cus-
tom would not allow even true emperors to treat the envoy
of a most lowly barbarian leader, for the ambassador is
thought to be a sacred person, as he is a mediator between
opposing sides, [287] brokers peace, assuages many conten-
tious issues, and averts the conditions of war. At that time
Bryennios's tent collapsed of its own accord, as invisible
hands loosened the bonds of its roof on all sides, and this
was interpreted by those with insight as a sure sign of his
demise, given that only a few days earlier an eclipse of the
moon had occurred which also presaged his impending
downfall. For those who are astronomers and experts in the
motion of the heavenly bodies say that the moon reveals the
fate of rebels and that changes in its condition announce
changes in the rebel’s fate.
When this ambassador returned, the emperor laughed at
Bryennios’s insolence. He then diligently occupied himself
with deeds of war and stratagems and boldly predicted the
rebel’s defeat, basing his infallible conviction that he would
prevail on the inclination and will of the divine as well as

523
 THE HISTORY

ότητος τῆς νίκης ἔχων ἀψευδῆ τὰ ἐνέχυρα. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ol £v

τέλει πάντες δι᾽ ὀργῆς ἐποιήσαντο τὴν τοῦ Βρυεννίου
ἀπανθρωπίαν καὶ ἀδιάκριτον γνώμην, μὴ διακρίναντος
τήν τε τῶν προγόνων τοῦ βασιλέως εὐγένειαν καὶ τὴν
ἄνωθεν περιλάμπουσαν αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἀνδρα-
γαθήμασιν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὰ κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀγωνίσματα
καὶ παλαίσματα καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως λαμπρότητα
καὶ ὑπεροχὴν ἐν ἀξιώμασι καὶ πολεμικοῖς ἀγωνίσμασι καὶ
τὸ ἀγενὲς τῆς ἑαυτοῦ φατρίας καὶ συγγενείας, | ὅτιπερ
δουκικὰς ἀρχὰς ἐχόντων τῶν Βοτανειατῶν κἀν τῇ δύσει
καὶ διαβοήτων ὄντων περὶ τὰ κράτιστα, οἱ τούτου πρόγο-
νοι οὐδὲ παραστῆναι τούτοις ἠδύναντο καὶ τάξιν πληρῶσαι
ὑπηρετῶν, ἀφανεῖς ὄντες καὶ μηδὲ τοῖς εὐτελεστέροις τῶν
ἀξιωμάτων ἐν τάγματι στρατιωτικῷ συνταττόμενοι, οὐδ᾽
ὅτι ἐκ τῆς ἑῴας εὐπατρίδης ὁ βασιλεὺς πέφυκεν, αὐτὸς 8’
ἑσπέριος καὶ δυσγενής ἐστι κατὰ σύγκρισιν. Καὶ διατοῦτο
κοινῶς αὐτὸν ἀπεκήρυττον ἅπαντες καὶ ὅρκῳ πληροφο-
ρήσαντες μέχρις αἵματος διαγωνίσασθαι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τὰ
εὔορκα ψηφίσασθαι τῷ ἐπουρανίῳ βασιλεῖ καθικέτευον.
Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξαρτύων καὶ
πάντα κατὰ λόγον καὶ τρόπον συνέσεως καταρτίζων ἐν τῷ
ἀσφαλεῖ καὶ δυνάμεις ῥωμαϊκὰς ἐκ Κρήτης συναθροίσας
εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς Πόλεως πεδίον καὶ Τούρκους διαπεραιω-
σάμενος καὶ καταριθμήσας τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις, obs
ὁ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεὺς ὁ Μιχαὴλ πολλαῖς ἐπαγγελίαις καὶ
δώροις ἀμέτροις οὐκ ἠδυνήθη συμπεῖσαι καὶ περαιῶσαι
πρὸς τὰ ἑσπέρια, ἐπείθοντο γὰρ καὶ ὑπέκυπτον τῷ Βοτα-
νειάτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ἑαυτοῖς, ὡς ἕλκοντι πάντας πρὸς τὸν

524
 CHAPTER 34

his own good judgment and bravery. All those in office were
also outraged over Bryennios's inhumanity and undiscern-
ing judgment, for he recognized neither the nobility of the
emperor's ancestors, nor their virtue, which shone upon
them from above?! in their martial exploits and their strug-
gles and contests against the enemy, nor the emperor's own
brilliance and superiority in offices and martial contests, and
the ignobility of his own clan and relatives. [288] For while
the Botaneiatai had held the office of doux in the west and
were famous for the way they had exercised its authority, his
own ancestors could not compare to them even in their ca-
pacity as servants, for they were unknown and did not hold
even the most petty ranks in military orders. Furthermore,
while the emperor was a patrician from the east, he was, by
comparison, a lowborn westerner. Thus everyone in unison
renounced him and swore an oath that they would resist him
to the death, imploring the heavenly King to confirm the
sincerity of their oaths.
The emperor was now making preparations for war, ar-
ranging everything according to reason and in a prudent
fashion for security. He assembled Roman forces from Crete
in the plain before the City and ferried Turks across the
straits and enlisted them among his own soldiers, those
whom the previous emperor Michael had failed to persuade
to be ferried across to the western parts despite his many
promises and countless gifts. But they were persuaded and
submitted to Botaneiates more than to their own will, for
he attracted everyone with a longing for his very person.

525
 THE HISTORY

πόθον αὐτοῦ, ἀρχηγὸν τοῦ πολέμου προχειρίσασθαι διε-

oxérteto: ἱκανώτατος δὲ ὧν συμβαλεῖν τὸ δέον καὶ κατα-
νοήσασθαι ἄνθρωπον, ὁ Βοτανειάτης τὸν νωβελλίσιμον
Ἀλέξιον τὸν Κομνηνόν, ὃς τὸν Ῥουσέλιον ἐν τῷ θέματι
τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν εὐμηχάνως ἐχειρώσατο καὶ διέσωσεν | εἰς
τὴν βασιλεύουσαν, ἄξιον τῆς τοιαύτης ἡγεμονίας ἔκρινε
καὶ δομέστικον τοῦτον προχειρισάμενος μετὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ
δυνάμεων ἐξαπέστειλε, νέον μὲν τὴν ἡλικίαν, φρονήσει δὲ
καὶ διανοίας σταθηρότητι γεραρὸν καὶ πρὸς μάχας καὶ
πολέμους ἑδραῖον καὶ ἀπερικτύπητον καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὸν βα-
σιλεύοντα πίστει θανατηφόρους πληγὰς μὴ δειλιῶντα καὶ
ταπεινούμενον, ὃς τὰς δυνάμεις ἀνειληφὼς κατὰ τοῦ Βρυ-
εννίου μετὰ παρασκευῆς καὶ βουλῆς τῆς δεδομένης αὐτῷ
παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐβάδιζε. Καὶ πρὸς τόπον Γαλαβρύην
ἐπονομαζόμενον διαναπαύων τὸν στρατόν, ἔμαθε παρὰ
τῶν σκοπῶν ὡς ὁ Βρυέννιος ἐγγίζει πανστρατιᾷ τῆς Με-
σήνης ἀπαναστάς. Ὁ δὲ Τούρκους ἐξαποστείλας νυκτὸς
ἐπιφανῆναι πρὸς ἡμέραν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐκέλευσε καὶ φό-
βον ἐνσεῖσαι τούτοις καὶ ταραγμὸν ἐκ τῆς σκοπιᾶς φαντά-
ζοντας πόλεμον καὶ οὕτω κατασεῖσαι μὲν τὰς τῶν ἀντιθέ-
τῶν ψυχάς, ταραχὴν δὲ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐμποιῆσαι τούτου
ἀνυπόπτως ἔτι βαδίζοντι καὶ οὕτως ὑποστρέγαι καὶ μὴ
πρὸς χεῖρας τούτοις ἐλθεῖν, εἴ τινας δὲ εὕροιεν ἀποσπάδας,
τούτοις ὡς ὁ καιρὸς διδοῖ χρήσασθαι.
Τούτου δὲ γενομένου, οἱ μὲν τοῦ Βρυεννίου στρατιῶται
ταράχου πλησθέντες τὰς ψυχὰς κατεσπάσθησαν, οἱ δὲ
Τοῦρκοι πολλοὺς ἀποσπάδας καταβαλόντες κἀν τούτῳ τῷ
ἔργῳ τοὺς Βρυεννίτας καταμοχλεύσαντες, ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς

526
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Botaneiates decided to appoint a commander for the war,

and, being most capable of realizing what had to be done
and of finding the right man for it, he thereby determined
that the nobellistmos Alexios Komnenos was worthy of this
command, he who had cunningly apprehended Rouselios in
the Armeniac thema and safely brought him [289] to the
Reigning City?? Appointing him domestzkos, he sent him out
with his own forces. He was young in age but mature in mind
and steady of thought, reliable and unbeatable in battles and
war, and so loyal and deferential to the emperor that he
would not hesitate to take deadly blows on his behalf. Tak-
ing up command of the army, he marched out against Bryen-
nios with the equipment and orders given to him by the em-
peror. As he was resting the army at a place named Galabrye,
he learned from his scouts that Bryennios and his entire
army were approaching, having departed from Mesene. He
dispatched some Turks at night with orders to appear before
the enemy during the day and put fear into them, to rattle
them by giving their scouts the impression that they were
seeking battle, and in this way to shake the enemy's morale
and fill their army with commotion, as it was marching with-
out suspecting that the enemy were nearby. But then they
were to turn back without giving battle, unless they should
happen upon any detached units, in which case they were to
act as circumstance required.
When this happened, the soldiers of Bryennios were in
fact thrown into disorder and their morale was shaken, while
the Turks eliminated many of them who were detached
from the main army, thereby disrupting the supporters of

527
 THE HISTORY

τὸν ἴδιον στρατόν, τὸν πόλεμον ἐγγίζειν αὐτῷ καταγγέλ-

λοντες. Ὁ δὲ διαταξάμενος τὰ προσήκοντα καὶ πάντας
παραγγελίαις στρατηγικαῖς | κατασφαλισάμενος καὶ τὸν
τόπον τοῦ πολέμου τόπον ζωῆς ἢ τάφου γενέσθαι τούτοις
βεβαιότερον παρεγγυησάμενος καὶ παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν
λαβὼν τὰ πιστὰ καὶ ἄγειν αὐτοὺς κατὰ τοῦ τυράννου μετὰ
προθυμίας ἀκηκοώς, συντεταγμένην ἔχων τὴν στρατιὰν
ἐπορεύετο. Φανέντων δὲ τῶν σημείων ἀμφοῖν καὶ τὸ ἐνυ-
άλιον ἀλαλαξάντων ἑκατέρων, πόλεμος συνέστη καρτερὸς
καὶ ἐπίδοξος: οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ βασιλέως θράσει καὶ προ-
θυμίᾳ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων περιεφρόνουν καὶ ἐν δευ-
τέρῳ ἐτίθεντο, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Βρυέννιον πολυπλασίους
ὄντες, ἐφιλονείκουν ἀνθίστασθαι καὶ διατοῦτο γέγονε φό-
νος ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων πολὺς καὶ φόβος οὔτι μικρός. Ὡς δὲ τοῦ
καιροῦ προϊόντος, ἐξαίσιόν τι χρῆμα ἐδόκουν οἱ τοῦ βασι-
λέως στρατιῶται καὶ λοχαγοί, τοῖς δόρασιν ἐμπίπτοντες
τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ τὰς φάλαγγας αὐτῶν διακόπτοντες,
ἤρξαντο πάσχειν ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπορ-
ρεῖν, ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὸ προσὸν αὐτῷ σκυθικόν- εἶχε γὰρ
συμμαχοῦν Πατζινάκων πλῆθος πολύ, οἵ καὶ ὀπισθόρμη.-
τοι γεγονότες, τὰς σκηνὰς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐσκύλευσαν
καὶ διήρπασαν.
Ὡς δ᾽ ἑώρα ὁ Βρυέννιος τῶν ταγμάτων αὐτοῦ τὴν ἧτταν
καὶ τὸ τεθορυβημένον καὶ σφαλερόν, τοὺς κρατίστους
ἄρας τῶν λόχων καὶ τὰ τῶν ταγμάτων αὐτῷ παρεπόμενα,
αὐτὸς δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ὑπὲρ παντὸς ἀγῶνα κροτήσειν ὥρμη-
σεν: ὁ δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ στρατοπέδου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
ἐπέχων, συντεταγμένας ἔχων | δυνάμεις, τὴν τούτου

528
 CHAPTER 34

Bryennios. They then returned to their own army, announc-

ing the impending battle. Alexios gave all the appropriate
orders, securing the army with a strategic battle order,
[290] and indicated in no uncertain terms that the field of
battle would be a place of life or death for them. Receiving
declarations of loyalty from the soldiers and hearing that
they would willingly be led against the rebel, he marched
with the army in formation. And when the standards ap-
peared to both of them and the battle cry was raised from
the two sides, a strongly contested and glorious battle was
joined, as the emperor's men with boldness and an eager
spirit scorned the great number of the enemy and held them
of lesser account, while those with Bryennios, being many
times more numerous, rivaled each other in resistance. As a
result, there was much killing on both sides and great terror
everywhere. As time passed, the soldiers and unit command-
ers of the emperor gave evidence of a most wondrous hero-
ism, falling on the spears of the enemy and so disrupting
their phalanxes, so that the latter started losing morale and
slowly giving way, especially the Skythians who were with
him, for he had a large allied Pecheneg host, who now in re-
treat looted and plundered the tents of the Macedonians.
When Bryennios saw the defeat of his regiments, their
confusion, and perilous situation, he took the best of his
units and the units that attended him and personally rushed
to join in the battle over the ultimate prize. But the com-
mander of the imperial army, [291] having his forces in order,

529
 THE HISTORY

προσβολὴν ἰσχυρῶς ἀπεκρούσατο, kal συστάντος πολέ-

μου, φιλοτιμουμένων ἀμφοτέρων περὶ τῆς νίκης, κατα-
πληκτική τις συντονία καὶ μάχη γέγονεν. Ὥς δ᾽ οἱ τοῦ
βασιλέως στρατιῶται τὸ καρτερὸν καὶ ἀνένδοτον τῆς
ἀνδρίας εἰσέφερον καὶ πληγῶν καὶ θανάτου ἀλογοῦντες
ἐδείκνυντο καὶ βαλλόμενοι μᾶλλον πλέον κατὰ τοῦ πο-
λεμήτορος ἠγριαίνοντο καὶ πλείους τῶν τοῦ Βρυεννίου
ἀνήρουν καὶ κατηκόντιζον, σύνθημα δοὺς τοῖς τὸν λόχον
ἔχουσι Τούρκοις 6 Κομνηνός, οὖς εἰς καιρὸν ἀπεκρύψατο
χρείας, παραβοηθῆσαι τοῖς οἰκείοις προσέταξεν: ot καὶ
παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα φανέντες ἐπὶ τοῦ λόφου καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐπι-
χυθέντες καὶ τοῖς τοξεύμασι βάλλοντες ἐκ μέρους τοῦ τὸν
λόφον ἐγκάρσιον ἔχοντος, τροπὴν αὐτῶν μετὰ τῶν συμ-
πολεμούντων Ῥωμαίων εἰργάσαντο. Καὶ τηνικαῦτα ἑάλω
μὲν ὁ Βρυέννιος ζῶν, οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν διασκεδασθέντες
ἡγεμόνος κακοῦ κακίστας εὗρον τὰς ἀντιχάριτας- ἔπεσον
γὰρ καὶ συχνοί, ἑάλωσαν δὲ οὐχ ἥττονες καὶ μᾶλλον οἱ
τῶν ἄλλων προέχοντες. Ὁ δὲ Βρυέννιος αἰχμάλωτος
ἀχθεὶς τῷ παρὰ βασιλέως εἰληφότι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου ἐξου-
σίαν, πολλὰ τῆς δυσβουλίας καὶ τῆς ἀνοίας κατεγνώσθη,
ὅτι τὸ μέτρον αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἠγνόησε, ταχέως δὲ
τῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦτον πέμψας, καὶ τὰ τῆς νίκης εὐαγγέλια διὰ
γραφῆς συνεξέπεμγεν.
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀσμένως τὴν ἀγγελίαν δεξάμενος καὶ τῇ
Παναχράντῳ δεσποίνῃ καὶ Θεοτόκῳ τὰς προσηκούσας
ἀπονείμας εὐχαριστηρίας, διὰ ταχέων ἐκπέμπει | δημίους
τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τοῦ Βρυεννίου ἐκκόψοντας ἐν ᾧπερ τόπῳ
τουτῳὶ συναντήσουσιν: ἤδει γὰρ ἀσύμφορον εἶναι τὸν

530
 CHAPTER 34

powerfully resisted his charge and, as the contest was joined

and both sides strove for victory, a stunningly intense battle
ensued. While the soldiers of the emperor demonstrated
the staunch tenacity of their courage and disregarded their
wounds and death — for being struck only enraged them fur-
ther against the enemy and they killed even more of Bryen-
nios's men, spearing them to death —Komnenos gave a sig-
nal to his unit of Turks, whom he had kept in reserve for use
in a moment of need, ordering them to assist his men. They
suddenly appeared on a hilltop, pouring down on the enemy
while shooting their arrows from a point on the hill where
the ground cut it at a right angle, and, along with the Ro-
mans who were fighting with them, caused a rout. At that
point Bryennios was captured alive while those around him
scattered, and the outcome was for them as bad as for their
leader, for many fell and no fewer were captured, especially
those who were higher ranked. Bryennios was led captive
before the one whom the emperor had entrusted with com-
mand of the war, and was thoroughly condemned for his evil
plans and foolishness because of which he had lost all sense
of proportion in his actions. Alexios promptly sent him to
the emperor, dispatching with him a written announcement
of the victory??
'The emperor received the announcement gladly and gave
fitting thanks to the all-pure Lady, the Mother of God. He
quickly dispatched [292] executioners to cut out Bryennios's
eyes wherever they should encounter him. For he knew that

531
 THE HISTORY

βασιλειῶντα τοῦτον τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχειν, ὡς μὴ δυνάμε-

νον ἀληθῶς ἐν ἰδιώτου σχήματι ἠρεμεῖν, ἀλλὰ πράγματα
προξενεῖν. Καὶ πολλοὺς 8v αὐτὸν κατηγορίαις θανασίμοις
μὴ ἀνασχόμενος ὑποβάλλεσθαι, τῆς τῶν πολλῶν σωτηρίας
καὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ ἠρεμίας καὶ ἀναπαύσεως τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς
αὐτοῦ ἀντηλλάξατο. Καὶ δείξουσιν ἀληθῆ τὸν λόγον τὰ
μετὰ ταῦτα γεγονότα παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τοῦτον εὐερ-
γετήματα.
Τέως δὲ παραστὰς εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν τῷ βασιλεῖ ὁ Βρυ-
Evviog τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχων διαβρόχους τῷ αἵματι, ὁπότε
καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ταῦτα συγγράφων χαριστήριον λόγον ἀνέ-
γνων τῷ βασιλεῖ, οὐκ ἀδίκως οὐδ᾽ ἀνευλόγως παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
ὠνειδίσθη, ἔφη γὰρ πρὸς αὐτόν:
«Ὦ δυσμείλικτε καὶ δυστυχέστατε ἄνθρωπε, τί τοῦτο
ἐποίησας καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς δεδομένης σοι παρ᾽
ἡμῶν εὐτυχίας, ἧς οὐκ ἧς ἄξιος, τὴν μάχην ἠσπάσω καὶ
ἀφειδῶς ἔσχες πρὸς τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν Χριστιανῶν, ἢ οὐκ
ἤδεις, θνητὸς ἄνθρωπος ὦν, λόγους ἀπαιτηθησόμενος τῆς
τῶν πεσόντων σφαγῆς; Ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ τὸ κράτος θεόθεν
ἐπεψηφίσθη καὶ τῇ θείᾳ ψήφῳ πάντες οἱ τῆς βασιλευού-
ons ἀκολουθήσαντες, ἀναιμωτὶ καὶ χωρὶς κινδύνων βασιλι-
κῶς ἐν εὐθυμίαις καὶ χάρισιν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια ὑπεδέξαντο,
προῦπαντήσαντες μετὰ τοῦ στόλου παντὸς καὶ τοσοῦτον
θαλάσσης | ἀνακομίσαντες πλοῦν. Καὶ τὸ βασίλειον διά-
δημα ἐκ θείας χάριτος ἐπεβραβεύθη μοι καὶ ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ
κρίσις ἤδη τὸν ἔλεγχον καὶ τὸ ἀποτέλεσμα τῆς ἀποφά-
σεως δέδωκε. Σὺ δὲ προσεχὴς τῇ βασιλευούσῃ τυγχάνων
καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἰδίου αὐταδέλφου δυνάμεις στρατιωτικὰς

532
 CHAPTER 34

it was disadvantageous for a man who sought the imperial

throne to retain his sight, as he was truly incapable of set-
tling down as a private individual, but would stir up trouble.
And as he could not bear to bring capital charges against
many people for his sake, he purchased the salvation of the
many and his own peace and repose in exchange for that
man's eyes. That this was true is proven by the emperor's
benefactions toward him afterward.?*
Presenting himself before the emperor on the following
day, his eyes still drenched with blood—at which time I who
am writing this presented an oration of thanks to the em-
peror— Bryennios was neither unjustly nor without reason
castigated by Botaneiates, who said to him:
“O most obdurate and unfortunate man, why did you do
this, and instead of peace and the happiness that we granted
you, of which you are not worthy, you chose battle and
veered without restraint into the slaughter of Christians?
Or did you not know that, being a mortal man, you would
have to account for the slaughter of chose who fell? Power
was given to me by God and everyone in the Reigning City
obeyed the divine verdict and received me into the palace as
an emperor, without bloodshed, without perils, in joy and in
mirth, coming out to greet me with the entire fleet and es-
corting me over such a long [293] sea voyage. The imperial
diadem was awarded to me by divine grace and the judgment
of God had already tested and validated that decision. As for
you, you happened to be near the Reigning City, invested
it with armed forces under your brother's command, and

533
 THE HISTORY

ἐπιστήσας αὐτῇ καὶ πολλὰ θυραυλήσας, οὐ μόνον ἀνάξιος

ἐκρίθης τοῦ πράγματος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὕβρεσιν ἠτιμάσθης πολ-
λαῖς καὶ παροινίαις ἐβλήθης. Καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἔδει σε
μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀναγόρευσιν τὰ κρίματα τοῦ Θεοῦ καται-
δεσθῆναι καὶ συμβαλεῖν καὶ διανοήσασθαι τὰ συμβεβη-
κότα ὅτι ὑπὲρ ἀνθρωπίνην εἰσὶν ἰσχύν; Ἀλλ᾽ ἐλύττησας καὶ
κατὰ τῶν δεδογμένων αὐτῷ τῷ Θεῷ καὶ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ τοῦ
παρ᾽ ἐκείνου προβεβλημένου καὶ πάσης ὁμοῦ τῆς βασιλευ-
ούσης καὶ ὅπλα ἐτόλμησας ἄραι καὶ ἀνθρωπίνων σαρκῶν
ἀπογεύσασθαι διεσκέψω καὶ θεόμαχος ἐν τοσούτῳ γενέ-
σθαι καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς συνόδου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου πολέμιος
καὶ πάντων τῶν πειθαρχησάντων τοῖς θείοις νόμοις καὶ
κρίμασιν. Ὦ τῆς ἀνοίας τῆς σῆς, ὅτι μηδὲ τὸ πρόχειρον
τοῦτο συνῆκας καὶ κατενόησας, ὡς τὸ ἀδόμενον στοιχεῖον
τὸ N' ἁπλοῦν μόνον καὶ οὐ διπλοῦν τοῖς ταῦτα κατασκο-
ποῦσιν εὑρίσκετο.»
IO Καὶ πολλὰ ἕτερα δημηγορήσας εὐφυῶς ὁ κρατῶν καὶ
καταγνοὺς τούτου μακρὰν τὴν εὐήθειαν, ἀπέλυσεν αὐτὸν
εἰς τὸν καταγέλαστον θρίαμβον μετὰ τῶν πρώτων τῆς
συμμορίας αὐτῶν. Ἕτερον δὲ οὐδένα τῶν ἄλλων δι᾽ αἵμα-
τος ἠνέσχετο τιμωρῆσαι ὁ βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἰσό-
θεον πρᾶγμα | πεποίηκε, πάντας τοὺς συναποστατήσαντας
τῷ Βρυεννίῳ, στένοντάς τε καὶ τρέμοντας τοὺς περὶ ἐπι-
βούλων νόμους καὶ τὴν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων δεινὴν ἐπεξέ-
λευσιν, συμπαθείας καθολικῆς ἀξιώσας καὶ τὰς οὐσίας
αὐτοῖς δι᾿ ἄφατον εὐσπλαγχνίαν οὐκ ἀποκεκληρωκώς,
πλὴν τριῶν ἢ τεσσάρων οἷς τὸ τοῖς οἰκείοις ἐμφιλοχωρεῖν
οὐκ ἀκίνδυνον ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτοις ἀντιπαροχαῖς ἑτέρων

534
 CHAPTER 34

waited outside the gates for a long time, but not only were
you judged unworthy of your goal, you were also disgraced
by many insults and assailed with taunts. On the basis of
that, should you not have respected and consented to the
verdict of God after my acclamation and should you not
have understood that what happened lay beyond human
control? Instead, you rabidly raged against both what God
himself had decreed and against me, who have been put for-
ward by him, and against the entire Reigning City, and you
decided to raise arms and to taste human flesh, becoming, in
this way, an enemy of God, the Holy Synod, the Senate, and
of all who submit to divine laws and verdicts. O this insanity
of yours, you did not even understand this simple thing, that
those who study these matters know that the letter z in the
verses is single and not double."555
The ruler cleverly lectured him like this at length, con- 10

demning the extent of his naiveté, and then released him to

be shamefully paraded along with the leaders of his gang. On
none of the others, however, did the emperor decide to im-
pose corporal punishment; rather, he did something that
made him equal to God himself: [294] all those who rebelled
with Bryennios, who were moaning and trembling because
of the laws against conspirators and the harsh vengeance
that awaited those who committed that sin, he deemed wor-
thy of total amnesty. Out of ineffable compassion he did not
deprive them of their property either, though he made an
exception for three or four of them, whom it would not have
been safe to leave in possession of their property, but even in
their case he gave them others in exchange, making his

535
 THE HISTORY

ἰσοτάλαντον τὴν φιλοτιμίαν εἰργάσατο. Οὐ μόνον δ᾽ ἐν

τούτοις τὸ φιλότιμον ταῖς βασιλικαῖς εὐσπλαγχνίαις ἐστή-
σατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμαῖς παντοδαπαῖς αὐτὸν κατεκόσμησεν,
ἐνίους δὲ καὶ χαρίσμασιν, ὡς πάντας ἔκπληξιν κατασχεῖν
τῷ ἀνεξιχνιάστῳ τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀγαθότητος.

35

Os μὲν οὖν θύοντος τοῦ βασιλέως τὰ χαριστήρια

καὶ τῷ Θεῷ τὴν εὐαρέστησιν διὰ τῆς ὑπερβαλλούσης ev-
voila εἰσφέροντος, οὐκ ἤνεκγεν ὁ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς βασκαίνων
δαίμων τὴν τοσαύτην τῶν ἀνθρώπων εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ τὸν
πλοῦτον τῆς ἀγαθότητος διαταράξαι κατὰ τὸ εἰθισμένον
αὐτῷ μελετήσας, ἀνίστησι τοῖς τὴν φυλακὴν ἔχουσι τοῦ
παλατίου θυμοφθόροις ἀνδράσι καὶ ἐθνικοῖς, κακίστην
ὁρμὴν καὶ τόλμαν μιαιφόνον καὶ ἀγριότητος γέμουσαν.
Περὶ δείλην γὰρ ὀψίαν ἀσπίσι καὶ ὅπλοις κατὰ τὸ ἀρχῆθεν
ἐπικρατοῦντες τὴν παράστασιν ἐνώπιον τοῦ κρατοῦντος
καὶ τῆς τάξεως ἀποπληροῦντες τὸ συνεχές, ὁρμῇ μεγάλῃ
καὶ φονικῇ καὶ θυμῷ | ζέοντι Kar’ αὐτοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως
ἐξώρμησαν, προκύπτοντος ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἐν ὑπερώῳ τινὶ τῶν

536
 CHAPTER 35

benefactions equal to what they had lost. Nor was the gen-
erosity of his imperial compassion limited to that, for he
also adorned Bryennios with all kinds of honors, while to
some he offered grants, so that everyone was overcome with
wonder at the inscrutable nature of his goodness.??é

Chapter 35

More plots and rebellions

against Botaneiates

I. this way did the emperor offer thanks and please God
through his overwhelming munificence, but the demon be-
grudging the virtuous could not bear to behold such happi-
ness prevailing among people and so he planned, as was only
in his nature, to confound this wealth of goodness. He
spurred within the raging spirits of the foreign men who
guard the palace?" an evil impulse and an audacity full of
murder and savagery. Around dusk, while holding, according
to tradition, their shields and weapons and presenting them-
selves in tight formation before the ruler, they rushed
against him with a great and murderous charge, burning
[295] with rage, as he was leaning out over them from one of

537
 THE HISTORY

βασιλικῶν διαδρόμων ὑπαίθρῳ. Kal oi μὲν τόξοις χρησά-

μενοι βέλη κατὰ τούτου ἀφῆκαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι ταῖς ἀναγού-
σαις εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπερεισάμενοι κλίμαξιν, ὠθισμῷ μεγάλῳ
τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ξιφήρεις ἐβιάζοντο ἄνοδον. Τότε δὴ καί τις
τῶν πλησίον αὐτοῦ ἱσταμένων ὑπογραφέων τὴν τοῦ βέ-
λους ἀκμὴν ἥρπασε κατὰ τοῦ τραχήλου καὶ τὸ ζῆν αὐτίκα
περιωδύνως ἀπέρρηξεν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, ἀπαράσκευος ὧν
διὰ τὸ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀπρόοπτον καὶ ἀνέλπιστον, οὐκ εἶχε
μὲν καρτερὰν συμμαχίαν εἰς τὴν αὐτῶν ἀποσόβησιν, συν-
ήθης δὲ ταῖς ὁπλομαχίαις τυγχάνων καὶ ταῖς κατὰ πόλεμον
ἀντιπαρατάξεσιν, οὐκ ἐθροήθη καὶ δρασμὸν ἐβουλεύσατο,
ὃ πάντως πεποίηκεν ἂν ἕτερος ἐν μέσῳ βελῶν καθεστώς:
AAN ἀναλαβὼν ἑαυτόν, σὺν ὀλίγοις τοῖς ἐκεῖσε περιτρέ-
xovotv ἐν κόσμῳ καὶ τάξει καὶ ἀτρέστῳ φρονήματι ἐρρω-
μένως ἠμύνατο. Καὶ τοὺς ἀτπανθρώπους βαρβάρους θυμῷ
ζέοντας ἀδίκῳ καὶ βεβακχευμένους τῇ μέθῃ, περὶ δείλην
γὰρ ἦν ὀψίαν, ὅτε τούτοις ἀφήρητο τὸ φρονεῖν διὰ τὴν
ἄγαν οἰνοφλυγίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ ἀκράτου μετάληψιν, ἀκρα-
τῶς γὰρ τούτου μεταλαμβάνουσι, τῶν κλιμάκων ἀπεώσα-
TO καὶ ἀνυποίστῳ φορᾷ κατὰ γῆς ἐπὶ τραχήλου καὶ κεφα-
λῆς κατηκόντισεν, οἱ δὲ καὶ αὖθις ἀπηναισχύντουν καὶ
φιλονεικοῦντες ἦσαν πρᾶξαί τι θεοβλαβείας ἔργον ἐξάγι-
στον. Ὡς δὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐπισυνηθροίζοντο οἱ τῷ βασιλεῖ
τὴν φρουρὰν ἀποπληροῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, συνέστη μὲν πόλε-
μος ἐπὶ χρόνον τινά, τὴν | ἥττω δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι κληρωσά-
μενοι τῶν οἰκείων ἐπάλξεων ὡς φρουρίου τινὸς ἀντεί-
χοντο, ἀπονενέμηται γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἄκρα τις ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ
μετέωρος εἰς κατοίκησιν, ἕως ἀπειρηκότες τῇ βασιλικῇ

538
 CHAPTER 35

the elevated and exposed passageways of the palace. Some,

using bows, shot arrows at him, while others attempted to
climb the stairs that led up to him and forced the ascent
with their swords and much pushing and jostling. It was at
that moment also that one of the secretaries who was stand-
ing beside him was struck in the neck by the point of an ar-
row and forthwith ended his life in excruciating pain. The
emperor was unprepared because of the sudden and unex-
pected nature of the attack, and did not have a strong
enough force at hand to suppress it. Yet, as he was used to
hand-to-hand combat and the confrontations of war, he did
not panic and did not consider fleeing, as anyone else would
surely have done if he were being shot at on all sides. Gath-
ering his wits, he defended himself valiantly along with a few
others who were present, fighting with disciplined order
and fearless purpose. He pushed those inhuman barbarians
away from the stairs — they were burning with unjust wrath
and were already thoroughly drunk, as it was late in the eve-
ning, when they lose the ability to think on account of their
excessive guzzling of unmixed wine, for they cannot drink
enough of that— and, with his irresistible force, hurled them
to the ground on their necks and heads. But they became ut-
terly shameless and were contending over who would do the
most abominable injury to God. But slowly the Romans
who made up the emperor's guard gathered and battle was
joined lasting a long time, [296] whereupon the barbarians
had the worst of it. Still chey resisted, using their own ram-
parts as a kind of fort—for an elevated citadel in the palace
is set aside for their habitation—until, worn out by the

539
 THE HISTORY

δυνάμει καὶ δεξιᾷ τὰς ἑαυτῶν κακίας ἐξέληξαν καὶ συγ-

γνώμην αἰτήσαντες εὗρον ἐπικαμπτομένην αὐτοῖς τὴν τοῦ
βασιλέως εὐμένειαν.
Οὕτως οὖν καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν θεοτεύκτῳ εὐ-
ψυχίᾳ καταγωνισάμενος, παντὶ μὲν πλήθει τῶν σωματο-
φυλακτούντων βαρβάρων τιμωρίαν οὐκ ἐπεστήριζε, δεο-
μένους δὲ μᾶλλον καὶ τὰς ὄψεις εἰς γῆν ἐπερείδοντας
κατῳκτείρησε, συμπαθείας τε ἐπηξίωσε καὶ ὑποθήκαις
χρησταῖς φρονεῖν παρεσκεύασεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτὸν ζη-
τοῦσαι περιτρέψαι δυνηθεῖεν πολλαὶ μυριάδες ἀνδρῶν ἐκ
Θεοῦ λαβόντα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. Τινὰς δὲ τούτων, ὅσοι πρὸς
τὴν τοῦ βελτίονος μεταβολὴν ἀπεγνωσμένοι ἦσαν ἰδεῖν
καὶ τῇ κρίσει καὶ ἀναζητήσει τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ταῖς προσ-
ηκούσαις ἀπειλαῖς καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἠλέγ-
χθησαν, φρουρούς τινων ἐρυμάτων ὡς ἀποβλήτους ἀπέ-
στεῖλε, τοιαύτῃ φιλοτίμῳ φυγῇ ζημιώσας τοὺς ἄφρονας.
Οὐ πολὺ τὸ ἐν μέσῳ καὶ Μιχαὴλ μοναχὸς ὁ ὑπέρτιμος,
ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων προστάς, τὸ γένος ἕλκων
ἐκ Νικομηδείας, τὴν ζωὴν ἐξεμέτρησε, δυσάρεστος ἄνθρω-
πος καὶ ὑψαύχην καὶ μὴ πάνυ τι ξυντιθέμενος ταῖς τοῦ |
βασιλέως φιλοτίμοις εὐποιῖΐαις, τὸν σφαγέντα ὑπογραφέα
προοίμιον ἐσχηκὼς τῆς αὐτοῦ τελευτῆς. Τῆς γὰρ ἐκείνου
ὑπηρεσίας ἐτύγχανε καὶ διατοῦτο δήπου λόγος ἐκράτησεν
ὡς ἐκ μέσου τοῦτον πεποίηκεν ὁ Θεός, οἷα τὰς βασιλικὰς
δωρεὰς καὶ εὐεργεσίας διακωλύοντα.
Ἔν ὅσῳ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράττετο καὶ γαλήνη τις σταθηρὰ ἐκ
τῶν τυράννων ὑπεσημαίνετο, ἕτερόν τι σκῶλον ἢ ζιζάνιον
διαφθεῖραι τὸν σῖτον φιλονεικοῦν ἐκ τῆς Ἐπιδάμνου

540
 CHAPTER 35

emperor's strength and skill, they put an end to their mis-

chief and asked for forgiveness, and then they found that
the emperor's leniency inclined in their favor.
In this way, then, did he defeat this plot too with the
courage that God inspired in him. He did not seek the pun-
ishment of the entire unit of the barbarian guards, but rather
took pity on them as they were imploring him and kept their
eyes lowered to the ground, deeming them worthy of com-
passion. He corrected their thinking with his prudent ad-
vice, explaining to them that not even many myriads of men
would be able to topple him, if they sought to do so, given
that he had received his authority from God. Some of them,
who were seen to reject his attempt to improve them and
were convicted by their own compatriots as well as by the
judgment and the inquiry conducted by the emperor, after
they were threatened in the right way, he cast out and as-
signed to guard certain forts. With such honorable exile did
he punish the thoughtless among them.
Not long after, the monk Michael, the bypertimos, who
had been placed in charge of the administration and whose
family origin was from Nikomedeia, ended his life.53 He was
an arrogant and unpleasant man and was not much in agree-
ment with [297] the emperor’s generous benefactions. The
killing of the secretary, in fact, presaged his own death, for
the man happened to be in his service and, because of this,
the belief prevailed that God took him away for holding up
the imperial grants and benefactions.
While all this was happening and a steady calm had
emerged after the rebellions, another impediment, a weed
that sought to ruin the harvest,?? arose and spread from the

541
 THE HISTORY

πόλεως ἀνεφύη καὶ διετάννυτο. Ὁ yàp ἐκεῖσε ὑπὸ τοῦ

προβεβασιλευκότος ἀποσταλεὶς δούξ, ὁ πρωτοπρόεδρος
Βασιλάκης, μετὰ τὸ φθάσαι παρελθεῖν τὸν Βρυέννιον καὶ
ἀπελθεῖν εἰς Ἀδριανούπολιν, καταλαβὼν τὸ Δυρράχιον,
στρατιὰν ἐκ πασῶν τῶν ἐπικειμένων ἐκεῖσε χωρῶν συν-
ἐλέγετο: καὶ Φράγγους μεταπεμψάμενος ἐξ Ἰταλίας φι-
λοτίμοις δεξιώσεσι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μερίδος καὶ συμμορίας
ἐτίθετο δεξιῶς: ἤθροιζε γὰρ χρυσίον ἐκ πάσης αἰτίας καὶ
τρόπου παρὰ τῶν πειθομένων καὶ καταδυναστευομένων
αὐτῷ καὶ κατάλογον θέμενος, πρόφασιν ἐποιεῖτο τῆς τοι-
αὐτῆς ὁπλίσεως τὴν κατὰ τοῦ Βρυεννίου ὡς ἀποστάτου
ἐπίθεσιν.
᾿Επὰν δ᾽ ἔγνω πολύ τι στρατόπεδον συναγηοχὼς καὶ
ἀξιόμαχον δύναμιν, εἶχε γὰρ καὶ Ῥωμαίων πολλῶν στρα-
τιωτικόν, Βουλγάρων τε καὶ Ἀρβανιτῶν, καὶ οἰκείους
ὑπασπιστὰς οὐκ ὀλίγους, ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν πρὸς τὴν Θεσσα-
λονίκην ἠπείγετο. Ἤδη δὲ καὶ αὐτοῦ ταύτην καταλαμ-
βάνοντος, | φήμη προσήγγισε τούτῳ ὅπως ὁ Βοτανειάτης
παρὰ πάσης τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς καὶ τῆς συνόδου καὶ
τῶν δημοτικῶν καὶ παρὰ πάντων ὁμοῦ αἱρεθεὶς βασιλεὺς
αὐτοκράτωρ ἀνηγορεύθη καὶ ὅπως μάχῃ κρατερᾷ νενι-
κηκὼς τὸν Βρυέννιον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπεστέρησεν, ὅπλα
κεκινηκότα καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀντάραντα καὶ τὰ δευτερεῖα μὴ
ἀνασχόμενον σχεῖν. Ὁ δὲ διαταραχθεὶς πρὸς τὴν φήμην
καὶ τὴν καινοτομίαν τοῦ πράγματος, γράμματα μὲν ἐξέ-
πεμψε τῷ βασιλεῖ τοὺς τῆς δουλώσεως θεσμοὺς ὑπεμ-
φαίνοντα, ἔπραττε δ᾽ ἐν τῷ λεληθότι τὰ τῆς ἀνταρσίας
ἐπίδηλα. Τό τε γὰρ πλῆθος τοῦ καταλόγου συνηθροισμέ-

542
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city of Epidamnos. For the doux sent there by the previous

emperor, the protoproedros Basilakes, arrived at Dyrrachion
after Bryennios had departed and reached Adrianople,?^?
and he was assembling an army from all the lands in the area.
He brought Franks over from Italy and skillfully persuaded
them to join his own side and conspiracy with generous gifts.
He collected gold on every pretext and in any way from
those who had submitted and whom he exploited, and insti-
tuted a military roll, using the attack on the rebel Bryennios
as a pretext for his recruiting.
When he decided that he had assembled a large army and
battle-worthy force—for he had a large army of Romans,
Bulgarians, and Arvanitai,’*' as well as a not insignificant
personal retinue—he departed from Dyrrachion and has-
tened toward Thessalonike. As he was arriving at that city,
[298] news reached him that Botaneiates had been chosen
emperor by the entire assembly of the Senate, the synod,
and the people, and had been acclaimed by all together; also,
that he had defeated Bryennios in a mighty battle and de-
prived him of his eyes for deploying arms, rising up against
him, and not accepting a secondary position. He panicked
at this news and at the sheer novelty of the thing, and so he
sent the emperor letters presenting the terms of his submis-
sion, but secretly he did everything to signify that he was in
rebellion. For he had assembled to his side the whole host of

543
 THE HISTORY

vov εἶχε μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοὺς Πατζινάκους eic συμμαχίαν

ἠρέθιζε διὰ μηνυμάτων καὶ δι᾽ ἀντιγράφων, καὶ κελευσθεὶς
εἰσελθεῖν ἀπονοίᾳ τὴν πρὸς τὸν κρατοῦντα εἰσέλευσιν
μετεώριζεν.
Ὡς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔγνω τὴν τούτου προαίρεσιν, μὴ θέ-
λων αὐτὴν παραδειγματίσαι ἢ στηλιτεῦσαι τῆς ἀνταρσίας
τὸ βλάσφημον, ἀπέστειλέ τινα τῶν ἐγγυτάτων αὐτῷ μετὰ
καὶ χρυσοβούλλου γραφῆς πάντων τῶν φθασάντων κακῶν
ἀμνηστίαν ἐπαγγελλόμενος καὶ νωβελλισίμου βραβεύων
αὐτῷ τιμὴν καὶ πολλῶν ἑτέρων ἀξιωμάτων καὶ ὑπεροχῶν
οὐκ ἐλαχίστων δαψίλειαν κατεμπεδούμενος τῇ γραφῇ. Ὁ
δὲ τὰς ἐν χερσὶν εὐεργεσίας περιφρονῶν, ἀνηνύτοις καὶ
ἀδήλοις ἑαυτὸν περιέσαινε καὶ διατοῦτο ὕστερον ἀνόνητα
μετεκλαύσατο: μηδὲ γὰρ δεξάμενος τὴν τότε τοῦ βασι-
λέως προσπάθειαν μηδὲ τῷ τοῦ Βρυεννίου παραδείγματι
βελτίων | ἑαυτοῦ γεγονώς, τὸν χρόνον διὰ κενῆς παρα-
γκωνίζεσθαι ἤθελε καὶ ἀπάταις οὐκ εὔφροσι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ
σωτηρίαν καταπροΐεσθαι.
Ὅθεν καὶ μισήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν αὐτοῦ κακοήθειαν,
τῷ τῶν ἑσπερίων ταγμάτων ἄρχοντι τῷ νωβελλισίμῳ δη-
λαδὴ Ἀλεξίῳ καὶ δουκὶ τῆς Δύσεως, ὃν δὴ τηνικαῦτα καὶ
τῷ πανσεβάστῳ τοῦ σεβαστοῦ τετίμηκεν ἀξιώματι, τὸν
κατὰ τούτου ἐπέτρεψε πόλεμον, ὃς τὰς δυνάμεις ἀνειλη-
φώς, εὐθὺ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης τεταγμένως ἐφέρετο καὶ
φρουρὰν ἐν τῷ Περιθεωρίῳ τοῦ Βασιλάκη καταλαβών,
πολέμῳ ταύτην ἀνήρπασεν: ob γὰρ χεῖρας ἐδίδουν καὶ τοῖς
θελήμασι τοῦ κρατοῦντος ὑποκύπτειν ἠβούλοντο, ods καὶ
δεσμώτας πέμψας τῷ βασιλεῖ προοίμιον ἀγαθὸν τῆς τοῦ

544
 CHAPTER 35

his military roll and he was instigating the Pechenegs to ally

themselves to him through messages and replies, and when
he was summoned to come to the City, in his folly he kept
postponing his attendance upon the emperor.
But when the emperor became aware of his purpose, not
wishing to make an example of it or to castigate the blas-
phemy of the mutiny, he dispatched one of his most intimate
associates with a cbrysoboullon stipulating amnesty for all
the evils committed up to that point and awarding him the
honor of nobellisimos, as well as confirming in writing many
other offices and an abundance of no small privileges. But
the other man despised the benefactions in hand, dithered
about in pointless aimlessness, and because of this he later
regretted this futility, for he neither accepted the emperor's
overtures nor chastened himself [299] with the example of
Bryennios. He wanted to procrastinate, and with his foolish
deceits he worked against his own security.
The emperor now came to hate his maliciousness and ap-
pointed the commander of the western units to lead the war
against him, that is the nobellisimos Alexios,’*? the doux of the
west, whom at that time he honored with the wholly august
dignity of sebastos. When he took command of his forces, he
immediately set out in formation for Thessalonike and, hap-
pening upon one of Basilakes' garrisons at Peritheorion, he
captured them after a battle, for they were not offering their
hands in surrender, nor did they wish to submit to the will
of the ruler. Sending these men captive to the emperor, he

545
 THE HISTORY

ἀποστάτου καταστροφῆς ἐποιήσατο. Προβιβάζων δὲ τὴν

στρατιὰν καθεξῆς μέχρι τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης ἀπαθὴς παρ-
ἐλήλυθεν, ἔκ τινος δὲ διαστήματος τὸν χάρακα θεὶς ἀντι-
πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ λεγομένου Βαρδαρίου, καθὼς ὁ
βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν διὰ γραμμάτων ἐδίδαξε, διανυκτερεύσειν
ἐκεῖσε καὶ διαναπαῦσαι τὸν στρατὸν διεσκόπησεν. Ὁ δὲ
Βασιλάκης νυκτίλοχος γενέσθαι διασκεψάμενος καὶ κατα-
᾿κράτος τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους ἑλεῖν τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ τῆς
ἐν σκότει ἐπιφοιτήσεως, σκότος μᾶλλον ἑαυτῷ διηνεκὲς
ἐπροοιμιάσατο, διαγνωσθείσης γὰρ τῆς ἐνέδρας αὐτῷ,
προεφυλάξαντο μὲν οἱ τῆς βασιλικῆς μοίρας στρατιῶται,
τὴν τοῦ ἡγεμόνος παραγγελίαν τε καὶ ἐγρήγορσιν παρα-
θαρρύνουσαν ἔχοντες: ἀποτυχὼν δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ὁ
ἀντάρτης, | πολέμῳ χαλεπῷ περιέπεσε καὶ κατακράτος ἣτ-
τηθεὶς καὶ τῶν ἰδίων πλείστους ὅσους ἀποβαλών, καὶ
μᾶλλον τῶν Φράγγων, καὶ αὐτὸς κατὰ πρόσωπον τῷ δουκὶ
ἀντιταχθεὶς καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καταπονηθείς, εἰς τὴν τῆς
Θεσσαλονίκης ἀκρόπολιν διαπέφευγεν, οἰόμενος τῷ τοῦ
φρουρίου περιτειχίσματι κέρδος τι ἑαυτῷ περιποιήσασθαι
καὶ ἀνάκτησιν. Ὁ δὲ σεβαστὸς μηδὲν ὅλως μελλήσας τὴν
ἅλωσιν τοῦ φρουρίου τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν προετρέψατο, οἱ δὲ
προσβολὰς ἐνεργεῖς ποιησάμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἔνδον Θεσσα-
λονίκης συμφρονήσαντας ἔχοντες, ταχὺ τούτου περιεγέ-
vovro καὶ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἐκυρίευσαν καὶ κατασχεθεὶς
οὗτος καὶ σιδηροδέσμιος γεγονὼς καὶ τῷ τῶν τυράννων
νόμῳ κατάκριτος, ἀπεστάλη τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ τῶν δημοσίων
ἵππων φερόμενος.
Τῆς δ᾽ ἀγγελίας ταύτης προκαταλαβούσης τὰς βασι-
λικὰς ἀκοάς, πρόσταγμα γέγονε τὰς κόρας ἐκκεντηθῆναι
546
 CHAPTER 35

provided an auspicious beginning for the destruction of the

rebel. Advancing the army toward Thessalonike, he reached
it without harm and set up his camp at a certain distance, on
the far shore of the river called Bardarios —all this according
to the instructions that the emperor sent to him by letter—
and planned to billet the army there for the night and rest.
As for Basilakes, he decided on a night ambush and to over-
whelmingly defeat his opponents by attacking them unex-
pectedly in the dark. Instead, this presaged the permanent
darkness that he would endure, for his ambush had been
detected, given that the soldiers of the imperial army had
been taking precautions, encouraged by the orders and the
vigilance of their leader. Failing in this plan, the mutineer
[300] stumbled into a tough fight. He was overwhelmingly
defeated, losing many of his men, especially among the
Franks; he had even confronted the doux in person and been
defeated by him. He now escaped to the citadel of Thessalo-
nike, thinking that he would find some kind of advantage in
the walls of the fort and a restoration of his fortunes. But
the sebastos bid his men to capture the fort without delay,
and they made energetic assaults and had the people inside
Thessalonike on their side. Soon they took it and gained
control of the citadel. He was captured, bound with iron
fetters, indicted according to the laws on sedition, and sent
to the emperor, carried on horses of the public post.
But the news had already reached the imperial ears, and
so a decree was issued to pierce the pupils of the mutineer's

547
 THE HISTORY

τῶν ἀποστατικῶν ὀφθαλμῶν: καὶ τούτου γενομένου, καθ᾽

ἣν συνήντητο πάροδον, ἤχθη Si ἁμάξης ἐλεεινὸς φόρτος
καὶ δυστυχὲς καταγώγιον. Αἱ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὸ
θεῖον εὐχαριστίαι καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηκόους εὐεργεσίαι καὶ
πανημέριοι φιλοτιμίαι τὸ ἀνένδοτον εἶχον ἀεὶ καὶ ὡς διὰ
πρανοῦς διεχέοντο.
"Ev ᾧ δὲ τὰ στρατεύματα ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ διεκαρτέ-
ρουν, Σκύθαι τῆς ἐρημίας τούτων ὡς ἑρμαίου δραξάμενοι,
τῇ Ἀδριανουπόλει προσήγγισαν καὶ τοῖς ἐκτὸς τοῦ τείχους
οἰκήμασιν ἐπιρράξαντες, παραβοηθούντων αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀπὸ
τοῦ μαχιμωτάτου | ἔθνους τῶν Κομάνων πολλῶν, πῦρ ταύ-
ταις ἐνῆκαν καὶ πυριφλέκτους πολλὰς ἀπέδειξαν, ὀργιζό-
μενοι τῷ Βρυεννίῳ ὅτι πρέσβεις αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τούτου παρὰ
τῶν Ἀδριανουπολιτῶν ἀνῃρέθησαν. Τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ σπου-
δαίως καταλαμβάνοντος, δρασμὸν οἱ βάρβαροι ἔθεντο καὶ
οὐκέτι τοῖς ῥωμαϊκοῖς ὁρίοις ἐπελθεῖν παρετόλμησαν.
IO Ἔν δὲ τῷ ἔτει τούτῳ δουλικὴν ὡμολόγησε πίστιν τῷ
βασιλεῖ ὁ κουροπαλάτης Φιλάρετος ὁ Βραχάμιος. Οὗτος
γὰρ ἐν τόποις δυσβάτοις καὶ ὀρεινοῖς καὶ τῶν τουρκικῶν
παρόδων ἀπῳκισμένοις τὰς οἰκήσεις ποιούμενος, τείχεσι
πλείστοις τοὺς στενωποὺς περιέλαβε καὶ κατοχυρώσας
τὰς διεκβάσεις, ἀνάλωτον τοῖς ἐκεῖσε χώραν ἀπὸ τῶν
ἐναντίων εἰργάσατο καὶ πλῆθος Ἀρμενίων καὶ ξυγκλύδων
ἀνδρῶν συλλεξάμενος, δύναμιν ἑαυτῷ περιμάχητον ἀπειρ-
γάσατο καὶ τῷ προβεβασιλευκότι ἀκαταδούλωτος ἦν καὶ
κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν τὰ ἑαυτοῦ προμηθούμενος καὶ πόλεις βασι-
λικὰς εἰς ἑαυτὸν οἰκειούμενος καὶ εἰς μῆκος ἐξαίρων τὴν
ἰδίαν κατάκτησιν. Καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτως: τοῦ δὲ Βοτανειάτου

548
 CHAPTER 35

eyes. And this was done where he was intercepted by the or-
der. He was conveyed on a cart, a pitiable load and miserable
cargo. The emperor would then not cease offering thanks to
God or benefactions to his subjects, bestowing gifts upon
them all day long, as if they were flowing down a hill.
While the army was stationed in Thessalonike, the
Skythians took their absence as an opportunity, approached
Adrianople, and attacked the houses that were outside the
walls?# with the assistance of a multitude from the most
warlike [301] nation of the Cumans. They set these houses
on fire and many were destroyed in the flames, since they
were angry with Bryennios because their envoys to him had
been killed by the people of Adrianople. But when the army
arrived in haste, the barbarians turned to flight and no
longer dared to cross the Roman border.
In that same year, the &ouropalates Philaretos Brachamios YO

declared his submission and loyalty to the emperor?^* This

man had made his base in impassable mountainous lands
that were at a distance from the Turkish invasion routes; he
fortified the narrow passes with many walls and secured the
defiles, making the lands there impregnable to the enemy.
Assembling a multitude of Armenians and men of different
origins, he created for himself a battle-worthy force and had
resisted the previous emperor's attempts to subdue him, ar-
ranging matters for himself as he saw fit, bringing imperial
cities under his power, and extending his rule over great
distances. That was then. But when Botaneiates had been

549
 THE HISTORY

τὴν αὐτοκράτορα περιεζωσμένου ἀρχήν, δοῦλος αὐτεπάγ-

γελτος γέγονε καὶ ὑπηρέτης ἐν πᾶσι πειθήνιος καὶ πᾶν τὸ
προσταττόμενον ἐπιμελῶς ἐργαζόμενος: καὶ λόγους διὰ
γραφῆς δέδωκε τῆς προτέρας σκληρότητος, ὅτι γλίσχρως
καὶ οὐ βασιλικῶς τὰ Kat’ αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὁ προ-
βεβασιλευκὼς μετεχειρίζετο πράγματα, ταῖς ὑποθημοσύ-
vaic τοῦ λογοθέτου καταδουλούμενος.
II Ι Τοῦ χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος, ἐπεὶ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ λεγομέ-
νου Λέκα τοῦ τοὺς Πατζινάκους ἐνσείοντος, Ρωμαῖος γὰρ
ὧν ἐξ ἐπιγαμβρείας αὐτοῖς ηὐτομόλησε, καὶ κατὰ τοῦ τὴν
ἐν Μεσημβρίᾳ διακυκῶντος Δοβρομηροῦ γῆν, στρατιὰν
ἐπαφεῖναι ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔμελλε, δείσαντες οὗτοι τὸ τοῦ βα-
σιλέως εὐσθενὲς καὶ ἀπρόσμαχον καὶ τὴν ἐκ Θεοῦ δεδο-
μένην ἰσχὺν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων σωφρονισθέντες
κακοῖς, καὶ πρὸ τῆς «ἀνταρσίας» τῷ δουλικῷ ζυγῷ τοὺς
αὐχένας ὑπέκλιναν καὶ προσῆλθον ἱκέται τὴν σωτηρίαν
ἑαυτῶν ἐξαιτούμενοι. Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐ μόνον αὐτοῖς τὸ
αἰτηθὲν ἐχαρίσατο ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀξιώμασι περιλάμπροις καὶ
δωρεαῖς οὔτι μεμπταῖς φιλοτιμησάμενος, εὐχαρίστους
καθάπαξ πεποίηκε καὶ πίστιν αὐτοῖς καὶ δούλωσιν ἀθόλω-
τον ἐγκατέσπειρεν.
I2 Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἴστρον Σκύθαι, καὶ αὐτοὶ τῇ φήμῃ τῆς
τοῦ βασιλέως εὐγενείας καὶ ἀνδρίας καὶ τῆς συστρεφομέ-
νης En’ ἀμφότερα δεξιᾶς, δωρηματικῆς τε ὑπὲρ τῶν οἰκε-
τῶν καὶ δορυβρέμονος κατὰ τῶν ἀντιθέτων ἐχθρῶν εἰς
διανοίας συνελθόντες εὐσχήμονας, πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν
εἰς αὐτόν, τὰ πιστὰ καὶ οὗτοι τῆς ἑαυτῶν ὑπακοῆς παρ-
ἐχόμενοι. Καὶ τὴν πληροφορίαν εἰσάγοντες οἱ πρέσβεις

590
 CHAPTER 35

invested with sole imperial authority, Philaretos of his own

volition became his servant and retainer, submissive in all
things, and diligently did all that he was ordered to do. He
also offered a written explanation for his earlier harshness,
namely that the previous emperor managed his relationship
with him and with the others in a stingy and not an imperial
fashion, enslaved as he was to the counsels of the /ogotbetes.
[302] Time passed, and the emperor was preparing to dis- II

patch an army against a man called Leka,?* who was inciting

the Pechenegs—for he was a Roman, related to them by
marriage, who had deserted to them— and against Dobro-
mir, who was stirring up confusion in the land of Mesem-
bria. These men feared the emperor's strength, his invinci-
bility, and the power given to him by God, and, being
chastened by the misfortunes of the others, they bent their
necks to the yoke of submission before they mutinied and
came as suppliants begging for their salvation. But the em-
peror granted them not only what they requested but also
generously gave them illustrious offices and gifts not to be
scorned, in this way making them grateful to him once and
for all, and sowing in them the seeds of loyalty and pure sub-
mission.
Also, the Skythians by the Danube sent envoys to him to 12

offer pledges of their obedience, for they had come to their

proper senses when they too learned of the emperor's repu-
tation for nobility and courage and the dual power of his
right hand, which was generous toward suppliants but could
also bear a lance against enemies who opposed him. The
envoys who brought this message even cruelly beat in his

551
 THE HISTORY

καί τινας ἀποστάτας πρέσβεις συνδυάσαι τοῖς Πατζινά-

κοις ἐπὶ τοῦ προβεβασιλευκότος διαγνωσθέντας ἐνώπιον
αὐτοῦ δεινῶς κατῃκίσαντο, τὸ σχίσμα πάντως παραδει-
κνύοντες καὶ τὴν an’ ἐκείνων προφανεστάτην | ἀπόστασιν.
Ἔκτοτε τοίνυν οὐκέτι πρὸς ἐπιδρομὰς καὶ ἁρπαγὰς χωρῆ-
σαι καί τι τῶν ῥωμαϊκῶν παραβλάψαι χωρίων ἐτόλμησαν.

>
Ax ὅ ue utxpod διέλαθεν ἄν, τοῦτο τῷ λόγῳ προσθήσω.
Ἄριστος ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἴπερ τις ἕτερος τύχας ἀνορθῶσαι
καὶ παρηγορίαν ἐμποιῆσαι τῷ δυστυχήματι καὶ ἀδοξήσαν-
τας ἀνθρώπους εἰς εὐδοξίαν συμφέρουσαν καὶ πρόσφορον
τῇ καταστάσει τούτων ἀνενεγκεῖν, οὐδὲ τὸν καθαιρεθέντα
καὶ ἀποκηρυχθέντα βασιλέα Μιχαὴλ εἰς ἀλαμπῆ τύχην
καὶ ζοφερὰν καταλέλοιπεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ ἀρχιποίμενι Κωνσταν-
τινουπόλεως συμβούλῳ χρησάμενος, ἀνάγει τοῦτον ὡς
προγενόμενον μοναχὸν εἰς ἀρχιερατικὴν ἀξίαν καὶ τοῦ
βήματος δείκνυσι καὶ οὐκ εὐτελοῦς ἐκκλησίας τοῦτον
πρόεδρον τίθησιν ἀλλὰ λαμπρᾶς καὶ περιφανοῦς, τῆς τῶν
"Egeciwv μητροπόλεως ἀποδειχθῆναι παρασκευάσας at-
τὸν τοῦτον καὶ τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου πατριάρχου Κοσμᾶ, γηραι-
οὔ καὶ προβεβηκότος ἀνδρὸς καὶ εἰς ἄκραν ἐληλακότος

552
 CHAPTER 36

presence certain treasonous envoys who had been found in

communication with the Pechenegs in the time of the previ-
ous emperor, thereby indicating in a striking manner the gap
that distanced them clearly from those others. [303] From
then on, they no longer dared to proceed with their raids
and plundering or in any way harm the Roman territories.

Chapter 36

The domestic policies of Botaneiates

H.. I shall add to my account something that I almost

forgot to note. Given that the emperor was superior to ev-
eryone else at restoring fortunes, offering solace to those
who had suffered misfortune, and bringing men who had
lost their status back to the honor that befitted them and a
level that suited their position, he did not abandon the de-
posed and denounced emperor Michael to a murky and
gloomy fate. Instead, he took the advice of the archshep-
herd of Constantinople and raised him, as he had already
become a monk, to the rank of an archpriest, appointing
him to the altar and making him the primate not of some
insignificant church but of a resplendent and famous one,
the metropolis of the Ephesians, with the consent and ap-
proval of the most holy patriarch Kosmas—an elderly man
advanced in age who had reached the highest level of virtue

553
 THE HISTORY

ἀρετὴν καὶ ὑπεραναβεβηκότος τὴν τῶν κάτω κειμένων

ἔφεσιν, καὶ τῶν ὁσιωτάτων μητροπολιτῶν συνευδοκησάν-
τῶν καὶ συμψηφισαμένων καὶ συλλειτουργησάντων αὐτῷ.
Ἐδόκει γὰρ ἡ ἀξία κατάλληλος τῇ φύσει τοῦ πρὶν βασιλεύ-
σαντος διὰ τὸ προσὸν αὐτῷ ἀφελὲς καὶ ἀπείρατον τῶν
βιωτικῶν καὶ πρὸς τὴν γνῶσιν τῶν βασιλικῶν πραγμάτων
ἀδιεύθετον.
Ι Οὐ μὴν δὲ ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν μητέρα τούτου πλέον ὁ Βο-
τανειάτης ἤπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐτίμησε καὶ ἐσέμνυνε καὶ τὰ
θυμήρη ταύτῃ ἀφθονώτερον ἀπειργάσατο: ἐκεῖνος γὰρ
μοναχὸν ἀποδείξας ἐκ βασιλίσσης καὶ μελαμφοροῦσαν ἐκ
πορφυρίδος καὶ περιχρύσου περιβολῆς καὶ ἀειφυγίαν ταύ-
τῆς κατέκρινε. Καὶ ἦν ἔξω τῆς Πόλεως τόπον ἐκ τόπου
ἀμείβουσα μετὰ τῶν αὐταδέλφων αὐτοῦ. Καὶ οὐδὲ συν-
εχώρει τὰς θηλείας, ὡραίας οὔσας πρὸς γάμον, ἐς ἀνδρὸς
φοιτῆσαι νομίμου καὶ τὸ τῇ φύσει κεχρεωστημένον ἀφο-
σιώσασθαι. Ὁ δὲ Βοτανειάτης ἐντὸς τῆς Πόλεως συνοι-
κεῖν μετὰ τῶν παίδων αὐτὴν συνεχώρησε καὶ ἴσα καὶ
μητέρα ἐτίμα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῆς ἐπιφανεστάτοις ἐλάμ-
mpvvev ἀξιώμασι καὶ συνεχεῖς δωρεὰς αὐτῇ καὶ παντοίας
εὐεργεσίας κατέπεμπε καὶ τριῶν σεκρέτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
χρηστῶν κυρίαν ταύτην ἀπέφηνε καὶ πολυταλάντων εἰσ-
ὁδων ἠξίωσεν- ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας αὐτῆς πρὸς γα-
μικὴν ὁμιλίαν ἐλθεῖν συνεχώρησε καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν
συγκλητικῶν τὸ κῆδος τούτων συμπλακῆναι κατένευσε.
Καὶ ὅλως χαρμονῆς καὶ θυμηδίας τὴν δυστυχοῦσαν ἐπὶ
τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος παιδὸς καὶ θρηνοῦσαν ὁ ἀλλότριος καὶ
ξένος τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῆς βασιλεὺς ἐνέπλησε καὶ περίοπτον
πλέον ἤπερ τὸ πρότερον ἔδειξεν.
554
 CHAPTER 26

and had overcome all desire for earthly things**°—

and of the
most holy metropolitans, who performed the holy liturgy
along with the patriarch. For such an office was deemed to
be appropriate to the nature of the previous emperor, on ac-
count of his innate naiveté and inexperience with worldly
affairs and his inability to understand imperial matters.
{304} Not only that, but Botaneiates also honored and
exalted Michael's mother?" more than even he ever had,
abundantly fulfilling her wishes, for her son had turned her
from an empress into a nun, exchanging the purple and gold
of her imperial vestments for a black robe, and had sen-
tenced her to perpetual exile. She lived outside the City,
moving from place to place with his brothers. And he did
not even allow the girls, who were ripe for marriage, to unite
with a husband in lawful matrimony and dedicate them-
selves to their natural duties. Botaneiates, however, allowed
her to live along with her children in the City, honored as
though she were his own mother, adorned her children with
the most illustrious offices, sent her continuous gifts and
all kinds of benefactions, and appointed her the mistress of
three state bureaus, to enjoy the large sums of their reve-
nue as income and their other advantages. He allowed her
daughters to marry too, and consented that the marriage ar-
rangements be entrusted to the leading senators. And so the
emperor, who was basically an outsider, unrelated to her by
blood, filled this woman, who had lived in misery and lam-
entation while her child reigned, with joy and mirth and
made her more distinguished than she had ever been.

555
 THE HISTORY

Ὃ δὲ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως προαίρεσιν ὑπερτέραν ἀνθρω-

πίνης διανοίας ἐξέφαινε, τοῦτο δὴ καὶ ῥητέον. Ὁ τοῦ |
προβεβασιλευκότος αὐτάδελφος ὁ Κωνστάντιος, ἀντίπαις
ὧν ἔτι, τῆς βασιλευούσης πόλεως καὶ τῶν ἀνακτόρων
παρὰ τοῦ συγγόνου ἀπείργετο καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέραν
ἠλαύνετο θάλασσαν. Ὁ δὲ Βοτανειάτης πατρὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
σπλάγχνα καὶ διάθεσιν ἐνδεικνύμενος, καὶ τῶν ἀνακτό-
ρων ἐντὸς εἰσεδέχετο καὶ σύνδειπνον ἐποιεῖτο καὶ φθόνον
ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ ἢ ὑποψίαν τινὰ λαμβάνειν οὐκ ἤθελεν, ὅθεν καὶ
τῶν προσόντων αὐτῷ χρημάτων τε καὶ κτημάτων οὐδεμίαν
περικοπὴν ἐποιήσατο. Τοιοῦτος ἦν ὁ Βοτανειάτης, τὴν
ψυχὴν καθαρὸς ὑπὲρ ἥλιον καὶ τὴν γνώμην ἀπειρόκακον
ἔχων καὶ πάσης ἐλευθέραν ὑπονοίας δεινῆς. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὥς,
εἰ μή τις ἀνεξερεύνητος χάρις περιεῖπεν αὐτόν, οὐκ ἂν εἰς
τοσοῦτον συμπαθείας ἐλήλυθεν ὡς καὶ προφανῆ ἀντίδικον
καὶ πολέμιον καὶ ὡς ἀκμὴν νεότητος ἐπιβεβηκότα καὶ ἀτό-
πους ὁρμὰς καὶ ἀναπεμπαζόμενον τὴν πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν
τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τὸν καθαιρέτην τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ γενό-
μενον, προσοικειοῦσθαι καὶ πάροδον διδόναι, συνιέναι
αὐτῷ καὶ συνευωχεῖσθαι καὶ κοινωνεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς βα-
σιλείοις συναναμίγνυσθαι. Ὁ δὲ τὴν βασιλέως εὐεργεσίαν
Kakorotlay ἐξ ἀχαριστίας ἡγούμενος καὶ μηδ᾽ εἰς νοῦν
ἐμβαλὼν ὅτι ἐξὸν ὃν τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ ὀφειλόμενον πάντως
ἄρδην ἀπολέσαι τοῦτον καὶ ὡς ἐχθρὸν καὶ ἀντίδικον,
οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον διενοήσατο καὶ ἄνετον αὐτῷ τὴν ζωὴν καὶ
τὴν διαγωγὴν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πλουσίαν ὡς τὸ πρὶν καταλέ-
λοιπεν, ἰοβόλον εἶχε τὸν ἔνδον ἄνθρωπον καὶ κότον ἔτρεφε
κατὰ τοῦ | φιλανθρώπως καὶ κηδεμονικῶς αὐτὸν περιποι-
ουμένου. Καὶ τρέφων αὐτὸν μὲν κατὰ τὸ βεβουλευμένον
556
 CHAPTER 36

The following must also be said because it proves that the 3

emperor's benevolence was superior to mere human think-
ing. The brother of the previous emperor, Konstantios,?*®
[305] had been exiled from the Reigning City and the palace
by his brother and was sent to the opposite shore while still
achild. But Botaneiates exhibited a paternal disposition and
affection for him, received him inside the palace, invited
him to his dinner table, and did not wish to nurture any ill
will or suspicion toward him, for which reason he did not in
any way curtail his money and property. Such a man was Bo-
taneiates, clearer than the sun in his soul, with a will utterly
unstained by evil and free of all harsh suspicion. And if some
sort of inexplicable grace had not taken hold of the emperor,
he would not have sympathized with that boy to such an ex-
tent nor would he have brought him closer, offering him ac-
cess to his person, personal audiences, a place at his table as
an associate, or allowed him to join him in the palace, for he
was an obvious competitor and enemy, just then reaching
the peak of his youth and full of irrational urges, ruminating
on the blessedness of imperial office and the man who
had dethroned his family. Governed by his ingratitude, he
thought that the emperor's benefactions were an act of mal-
ice, and it never entered his mind that, while the emperor
could and even should have utterly destroyed him as an
enemy and a competitor, he had instead not even contem-
plated such a thing, and had granted him a comfortable life
and a lifestyle as happy and rich as in the past. His inner be-
ing was venomous and he harbored a grudge against the man
who had [306] cared for him in a compassionate and parental
way. Nevertheless, while nurturing this grudge, he did no
harm to him as he would have liked, though still he brought

557
 THE HISTORY

οὐκ ἔβλαψε, κόσμῳ δὲ παντὶ τὴν λύμην ἐπήνεγκε kai

αὐτὸς τὰ τῶν ἀχαρίστων εἰ καὶ πραότερον διὰ τὴν τοῦ βα-
σιλέως ἐπιείκειαν πέπονθε. Καὶ ὅπως τῷ λόγῳ διαληψό-
μεθα.
’Ereinep ὁ βασιλεὺς τοιούτοις ἀγωνίσμασι καὶ τροπαίοις
τὰ τῆς ἑσπέρας καλῶς διατέθεικεν, ἐνόσει δὲ τὰ τῆς ἑῴας
καὶ ταῖς Τούρκων ἐπιδρομαῖς καὶ τῇ συνθήκῃ τῶν κοινω-
νησάντων Ῥωμαίων αὐτοῖς καὶ κατὰ τῶν ὁμογενῶν
ἐπανισταμένων, ἐστήριξε τὸ πρόσωπον καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν
ἐκεῖσε κατάστασιν: καὶ σκεψάμενος ῥωμαϊκὰς δυνάμεις
διαπεραιῶσαι πρὸς τὴν Ἀσίαν, φιλοτίμοις μὲν δωρεαῖς καὶ
ὀψωνίοις τὰ συνήθη πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι νικῶσι πολλοὺς
τῶν στρατιωτῶν φιλοτιμησάμενος καὶ ὁπλίσας εἰς τὴν
κατὰ Βιθυνίαν ἐξέπεμψε Νίκαιαν. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς τὰ
ἐνδότερα τῆς Ἀνατολῆς ἐπιστρατεύειν οὐκ εἶχον εὐθαρσῶς,
ὡς πλείονος τάχα παρασκευῆς ἐπιζητουμένης τοῖς πρά-
γμᾶσι, μετεπέμψατο καὶ ἑτέρους στρατιώτας ὁ βασιλεὺς
οὖς Ἀθανάτους ἐκάλουν, πλῆθος μὲν ὄντας οὐκ εὐαρίθμη-
τον καὶ τόξον εὖ ἠσκημένους καὶ τἄλλα πολεμικὰ διὰ πεί-
ρᾶς ἔχειν ἐκ τῆς συνεχοῦς γυμνασίας ὑπειλημμένους,
ἀταξίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀπιστίᾳ δουλεύοντας τούτους φιλανθρώποις
ὁμιλίαις καὶ παραγγελίαις ὁ βασιλεύς, μᾶλλον δὲ δωρη-
ματικαῖς εὐποιΐαις πρὸς τὸ ἐρρωμενέστερον | καὶ ἰσχυρό-
τερον καταστῆσαι σπουδάσας, εἰς Χρυσόπολιν διαπορ-
θμευθῆναι πεποίηκε. Καὶ ἦν ἐλπὶς ἑνωθῆναι τούτους μετὰ
τῶν προηγησαμένων στρατιωτῶν καὶ εἰς πλῆθος ἀρθῆναι
μέγα καὶ τῶν Τούρκων τὴν ἑῴαν ἐλευθερῶσαι καὶ τοὺς
ταραττομένους ὑποκλινεῖς ποιῆσαι καὶ πρὸς ὑπακοὴν

558
 CHAPTER 26

defilement upon the whole world and suffered the wages of

an ingrate, even if less harshly than he deserved because of
the emperor's clemency. How this came about I will now ex-
plain.
The emperor had properly settled the affairs of the west
through his toils and victories, but conditions in the east
festered because of the raids of the Turks and their alliance
with Romans who sided with them and rose up against their
own countrymen. So he now directed his gaze toward the
situation in those areas. He thought to ferry Roman forces
over to Ásia, and so he rewarded many of the soldiers with
generous gifts and supplies that far surpassed the usual ones,
and, having armed them, he dispatched them to Nikaia in
Bithynia.?^ But as they did not have it in them to campaign
boldly into the interior of the east, on the grounds that there
was allegedly need for greater preparation before such an
enterprise, the emperor dispatched more soldiers, the ones
whom they call the Immortals, a host that was quite large
in size and well trained in archery and experienced in other
martial pursuits through constant training. But as they
served in disorder and were disloyal, the emperor made an
effort to strengthen and embolden them [307] with friendly
harangues and exhortations and, above all, with gifts and
benefactions; he then had them ferried to Chrysopolis. And
there was a hope that once they were united with the sol-
diers who had already arrived, thus constituting a large host,
they would free the east from the Türks, subject those who

559
 THE HISTORY

μεθαρμόσασθαι kal καταστῆσαι τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως Nye-

μονικοῖς καὶ μεγαλόφροσι στρατηγήμασι τὸ τηλικοῦτον
μέρος τῆς οἰκουμένης καὶ εἰς γαλήνην καὶ νηνεμίαν περι-
στῆσαι καὶ ἄνεσιν.
Ὁ δὲ Κωνστάντιος ἐναντία τούτων πάντων φρονήσας
καὶ διανοησάμενος καὶ μηδὲ τὴν θείαν δίκην εὐλαβηθείς,
εἰ τοσούτων κακῶν τῷ τε κόσμῳ, καὶ αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς
καλῶς βασιλευομένοις πρόξενος γένηται, καὶ μηδὲ τὴν
ἀποτυχίαν ὑποπτήξας τοῦ ἐγχειρήματος, νεωτερίζει κατὰ
τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς κακίστης ἀποστασίας τοῖς στρατιώ-
ταις, ὦ τῆς ἀποπληξίας καὶ τοῦ ἀνοσιουργήματος, μετα-
δίδωσι. Πρότερον γὰρ συμβούλοις τοῖς πονηροτάτοις ἐκ
τούτων καὶ δήμου ἀνάπταις χρησάμενος, ὕστερον ἀφίστα-
ται πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐν Χρυσοπόλει τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἔχοντας:
καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐνσείσας βασιλέα τοῦτον ἀναγορεῦσαι dr
ἀποστατικῆς μεθοδείας περιεργάζεται, τοῦ λοιποῦ στίφους
τῶν μὴ συγκοινωνησάντων αὐτῷ τῆς ἀθέσμου βουλῆς τῷ
παραδόξῳ τῆς ἀκοῆς διαπορηθέντος καὶ ἀμφιβόλου γενο-
μένου. Kai μήτε τοῦ δεδομένου τούτοις ἀρχηγοῦ παρατυ-
χόντος ἐκεῖσε διὸ τὸ τῇ βασιλευούσῃ ἔτι ἐπιδημεῖν, στάσις
ἐμφύλιος γέγονε καὶ ἤρξατο ἀπὸ τρίτης φυλακῆς | τῆς
νυκτὸς ἕως μεσημβρίας αὐτῆς. Elta συμφρονησάντων
τοῖς ἀποστάταις βίᾳ καὶ οὐ πειθοῖ τῶν ἀντιδοξούντων τὸ
πρότερον, ἔπαθε μὲν οὐδεὶς τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ καὶ
τὴν ψυχὴν κατεσείσθη, δημοτικὴν δὲ φλυαρίαν καὶ μειρι-
ακῶδες ἄθυρμα λογισαμένου τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ γεγονός,
συνήχθη πᾶσα ἡ γερουσία καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς τὸ
ἔκκριτον, τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν ἐπιβεβαιοῦντες τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ

560
 CHAPTER 36

were creating confusion, restore them to obedience, and

that the emperor's leadership and ambitious military plans
would establish calm, quiet, and security over such a large
part of the world.
But Konstantios was opposed to all this and thought to
undermine it. Fearing neither divine justice, as he was to
cause so many evils for the world, the emperor himself, and
all who were ruled by him so well, nor suspecting that
his plan would fail, he rebelled against the emperor and in-
ducted the soldiers into his most evil mutiny. O the madness
of this vile deed! At first he took the advice of the most cun-
ning among the soldiers, who also incited the civilian popu-
lace, and later he went to them at their camp by Chrysopo-
lis. He tried to instigate the army to acclaim him emperor
through a rebellion, while the rest of the host that was not
part of his lawless plan was at a loss when they heard the in-
credible news and was unsure what to do. And as the com-
mander appointed over them happened not to be on the
spot, because he was still in the capital, civil strife broke out;
it began during the third watch [308] of the night, and lasted
until noon of that day. Then, those who had earlier dissented
became of the same mind as the mutineers through coer-
cion and not persuasion. But no one in the capital was trou-
bled or panicked because of this, since the emperor treated
what had happened as the folly of the crowd and child's play.
The whole of the Senate and the leaders of the council were
convened, confirming their loyalty to the emperor, and in-

561
 THE HISTORY

πληροφοροῦντες μέχρις ὀστέων καὶ μυελῶν κινδυνεύσειν

ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ πανδημεὶ τοὺς ἀλιτηρίους καταγωνίσασθαι.
Συνήχθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ τὴν στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν ἔχοντες
καὶ ὅσοι τῆς βασιλικῆς δορυφορίας ἀκατάπληκτον ἔχον-
τες τὴν ὁρμὴν καὶ προκινδυνεῦσαι τοῦ φιλανθρώπου βα-
σιλέως καὶ PiAoıkrlpuovog προθυμούμενοι.
Ὁ δὲ τὴν ἁπάντων ἐπαινέσας προαίρεσιν καὶ γνοὺς οἵαν
εὐγνωμοσύνην ἔχει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸ ὑπήκοον, τούτου γὰρ
χάριν οἴομαι τὸν τάραχον τουτονὶ παρατολμηθῆναι, ἵνα
φανερὸν τὸ παριστάμενον πᾶσι γένηται, ναυσὶ μὲν πολε-
μικαῖς τὸν τούτου πορθμὸν κατωχύρωσε, μείζονι δὲ παρα-
σκευῇ τὰ κατὰ τῶν ἀποστατῶν ἐξαρτύων, ὅμως καί τινας
ἀπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτοὺς πυνθανομένους τί βούλεται τού-
τοις τὸ στασιῶδες τουτὶ καὶ ἀπώμοτον. Οἱ δὲ τὴν ἄστατον
παροινίαν αὐτῶν καὶ ἀδόκιμον γλωσσαλγίαν καὶ παρακε-
κινδυνευμένην ἀπόνοιαν ὁμολογήσαντες, συγγνώμην τε
ἤτουν λαβεῖν καὶ τῶν πεπλημμελημένων συγχώρησιν καὶ
τῆς συμπαθείας ταύτης ἐνέχυρον, τὴν εἰς τοὐπίσω περαίω-
σιν ἐπεζήτησαν καὶ οὕτως αὐτὸν τὸν πρωταίτιον τῆς
κοσμικῆς κακοπαθείας | παραδοῦναι κατέθεντο. Παριδὼν
οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν τῶν ἐσφαλμένων αὐτοῖς κακοήθειαν,
τῶν ἐγκλημάτων τούτους διὰ πλήθους ἐλέους ἀπέλυσε,
καὶ χειρωσάμενος τὸν ἀλάστορα, δημίων αὐτὸν χερσὶν οὐ
παρέδοτο καὶ πάσης σωματικῆς τιμωρίας ἀλλότριον δι-
ἐτήρησε, δικαίων δὲ ἀνδρῶν χεῖρες αὐτὸν εἰσδεξάμεναι,
τῆς κοσμικῆς ἰλύος ἐλευθεροῦσι δι᾽ ἀποκάρσεως, μετατα-
ξάμενος δὲ πρὸς τὸν μοναδικὸν βίον, καὶ φυγῇ ἐζημιώθη
νησιώτης γενόμενος καὶ μαθὼν ὅσον κακόν ἐστι τὸ πρὸς
τοὺς εὐεργέτας ἢ συμπαθοῦντας ἀγνωμονεῖν.
562
 CHAPTER 36

formed him that they would fight for him until their very
bones and marrow were exposed, and that all of them to-
gether would crush those wretches. Those who were of an
age for conscription were assembled along with those in the
imperial guard whose zeal was irrepressible, and they were
eager to put themselves in the first line of defense on behalf
of the philanthropic and merciful emperor.
He praised everyone's zeal and realized how grateful his
subjects were toward him, for I believe that this tumult was
instigated for this very reason, namely so that this would be-
come evident to everyone. He fortified the narrows with
warships against him, and while he was making great prepa-
rations against the rebels, he still dispatched some men to
them to inquire what was the purpose of their rebellion and
why they had broken their oaths. They admitted that they
had been unreliable and deranged, that they had used im-
proper words and veered dangerously away from reason, and
they asked to receive forgiveness, absolution for their offen-
sive behavior, and guarantees that they would be treated
mercifully They requested to be ferried back and under
those terms they agreed to surrender the primary instigator
of this [309] cosmic calamity. The emperor overlooked the
evil nature of their mistakes, absolved them of their crimes
in the vastness of his mercy, and, having brought that ac-
cursed man under his power, did not turn him over to the
hands of the executioners but preserved him safe from all
corporal punishment. Instead, the hands of just men re-
ceived him, who through tonsure freed him of all earthly
concerns. He was enrolled into the monastic life and pun-
ished with exile to an island. Thus he learned how evil it is to
be ungrateful toward one's benefactors and those who treat
you kindly.
563
 THE HISTORY

7 Οὗτος ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἕτερος ἄθλος τῷ pact-

λεῖ κατὰ πάρεργον ἀνυσθείς, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἔργον τοῦτο τοι-
οὔτον καὶ ὅσον ἀνήκει πρὸς αὐτὸν βασιλέα, οὐδὲν παρ-
eotvaro, τὴν δ᾽ ἑῴαν πᾶσαν μεγάλης κακίας καὶ λώβης
ἐπλήρωσεν. Ὡς γὰρ ὕποπτοι κατεφάνησαν οἱ πρὸς ἐκστρα-
τείαν ἀποστελλόμενοι καὶ νεωτέρων πραγμάτων ἐφίεσθαι
κατεγνώσθησαν καὶ παρὰ τοῦτο μηδὲ τάξεις καὶ λόχους
φυλάττειν καὶ νόμους στρατευμάτων ὑπενοήθησαν καὶ τῇ
ἑσπέρᾳ πάλιν γεγόνασι μεταπόμπιμοι, μεμενήκασιν οἱ
ἐχθροὶ τὰ φίλα ἑαυτοῖς κατὰ Χριστιανῶν ἐργαζόμενοι καὶ
παρακινοῦντες πλέον ἢ πρότερον τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ πολιορ-
κοῦντες τὰ φρούρια καὶ πάνδεινα κακὰ τοῖς ἐμπίπτουσιν
ἐργαζόμενοι. Τί τούτου γένοιτ᾽ ἂν σχετλιώτερον καὶ παρα-
vouwrepov, ὅταν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τοσαύτην ῥοπὴν ὁ τοῦ βα-
σιλέως ἀντίρροπος δέδωκε καὶ τηλικοῦτον | κυκεῶνα τῇ
Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ συνεκέρασε; Δέδεικται γὰρ ἐκ τούτων ὅτι
τῶν προτέρων τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ δυστήνων κατορθωμά-
των καὶ τῆς κοσμικῆς καταλύσεως τοῦτο κορωνὶς κατέστη
καὶ τέλος ἀπαίσιον καὶ τελευταία πληγὴ καὶ τῆς ἕῴας
ἐρήμωσις.
Ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν οὕτως καὶ πεποιηκὼς καὶ παθών, ὄνειδος
ἑαυτῷ καὶ ἁμαρτάδα δεινὴν περιήνεγκεν: ἄρτι δὲ τοῦ
Ὀκτωβρίου μηνὸς τῆς τρίτης ἰνδικτιῶνος ἐνισταμένου,
κεραυνὸς ἐπισκήψας ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ κίονι τοῦ Κωνσταντι-
νιακοῦ φόρου, οὗ κατὰ κεφαλὴν ἀφίδρυμα μέγιστον χαλ-
κοῦ πεποιημένον, Ἀνήλιος δὲ λεγόμενον, ἵδρυται. Μέρος
μέν τι τοῦ κίονος ἐν τῇ ἀκρότητι τῆς κεφαλίδος διέτεμε,
ζωστῆρας δὲ τούτου τρεῖς, σιδηροῦς μὲν τὰ ἔνδον, χαλκῷ

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This was yet another accomplishment of the emperor, 7

one of many great accomplishments that he achieved almost
as a side note. The event in itself did not affect him, to the
extent that it concerned him personally, but it filled the en-
tire east with great evil and harm. Since those who were sent
to campaign there proved to be suspect and convicted of in-
citing rebellion, they were also considered incapable of ei-
ther maintaining order and formations or respecting mili-
tary regulations, so they were sent back to the west. The
enemies now raged in doing the harm that they like to in-
flict on Christians, stirring up their wrath well beyond its
earlier levels, besieging forts, and bringing the most evil mis-
fortunes upon those whom they encountered. What could
be more despicable and illegitimate than that the emperor's
opponent should give the enemy such a free hand [310] and
brew such a poison for the Roman Empire? It is shown by all
this that among his family's earlier wretched achievements
and its destruction of our worldly power, this was the crown-
ing moment and horrible result, the mortal wounding and
desolation of the east.
Having thus acted and suffered, he brought shame on 8
himself and committed a grave sin. Αἴ the beginning of the
month of October of the third indiction,?° lightning struck
the great column in the forum of Constantine, at the top of
which stands a huge bronze statue known as the Anelios.??!
Τῆς lightning cut through part of the top of the column and
severed three straps that were made of iron on the inside

565
 THE HISTORY

δὲ περιειλημμένους ἔξωθεν, κατέρραξε καὶ διέκοψεν, ἀν-

θρώπων δὲ οὐδένα οὐδὲ τῶν ἀλόγων ζώων ἐλωβήσατό τι,
οὐδέ τι ἴχνος καπνὸν τεκμαιρόμενον τὸν κίονα ὕβρισεν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τοῦ κεραυνοῦ σφοδρότης, ὥσπερ τις ἀνεμιαία τὴν
φύσιν τυγχάνουσα, τὴν δ᾽ ἰσχὺν δυσπαράδεκτος, οὕτως
ἀνυβρίστως τὸ τηλικοῦτον ἔργον καὶ τὴν τοῦ σιδήρου καὶ
χαλκοῦ στερρότητα ὡς τὸ λάχανον ἐξεθέρισε.
Kai τὰς αἰτίας τῶν κεραυνῶν ἄλλοι μὲν ἄλλας ἐδίδουν,
ἕτεροι δὲ ἀνομοίας. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ μαθηματικοὶ ποτάμιον
εἶναι τοῦτο πῦρ ἐκ φυσιολογίας ἐφθέγγοντο τῇ τῶν νεφῶν
συγκρούσει καὶ διαρρήξει γεννώμενον, λεπτομερὲς δ᾽ ἐς
ἄγαν καὶ τοῖς ἀντιτύποις μᾶλλον | τῇ ἀρρήτῳ φορᾷ καὶ
ἐκτινάξει προσαρασσόμενον, τὴν ῥῆξιν βιαίαν καὶ ἀπότο-
μον ἐμποιεῖν. Τοσαύτην δ᾽ εἶναι τῷ κεραυνίῳ πυρὶ τὴν φυ-
σικήν, φασι, λεπτομέρειαν, ὡς μηδὲ δύνασθαι καταβλά-
πτεῖν τὸ μανὸν f| ὁπωσδήποτε οὖν πόρους ἔχον σῶμα ἢ
βραχείας ὀπάς, ὁποῖα εἰσὶ τά τε τῶν ὑφασμάτων πέπλα καὶ
ὅσα τοιαῦτα, καὶ τοσοῦτον ὅτι κἀν τύχῃ λινοῦς ἀπόδεσμος
ἢ βαμβύκινος ἢ ἑτέρας ὕλης ἐξυφασμένον κράσπεδον ἀπό-
δεσμον ἔχον χρυσίου, ἐμπέσῃ δὲ κεραυνὸς εἰς αὐτό, τὸ μὲν
χρυσίον ἀλλοιοῖ καὶ ὡς ἐν χωνείᾳ φλογὸς ἕνα βῶλον ποιεῖ,
τὸ δὲ τοῦ ὑφάσματος σωμάτιον ἀβλαβὲς καταλιμπάνει.
Καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου δὲ ὡσαύτως, διὰ γὰρ τῶν ἀδήλων
πόρων τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ εἰσερχόμενον, τὰ μὲν ἔνδον
αὐτοῦ ὡς ὑλικώτερα καὶ πόρους μὴ ἔχοντα κατανέμεται,
τὸ δ᾽ ἔξωθεν σῶμα πολλάκις οὐ καταφλέγει καὶ εὑρίσκεται
κοῦφον τῶν ἐντοσθίων σπλάγχνων καθάπαξ λειπόμενον.
Οἱ δὲ ἰδιῶται μέγιστον ἑρπετὸν δρακοντῶδες ἀντέλεγον

566
 CHAPTER 36

and sheathed in bronze on the outside, cutting them but

harming no human being or any animal, nor leaving any sign
of smoke on the column. Instead, the violence of the light-
ning—in nature like a whirlwind and in power difficult to
comprehend — ripped through the hardness of the iron and
bronze as if it were cutting through cabbage, but without
leaving a trace.
As for the causes of lightning, each person offered a dif-
ferent explanation, all different from each other. For those
who study these matters suggest, on the basis of the science
of nature, that it is a river of fire generated by the colli-
sion and disruption of clouds.35? The lightning is extremely
fine and strikes against [311] objects in its path with incredi-
ble force and thrust, bursting through them violently and
suddenly. And they say that the lightning fire is so naturally
fine that it cannot harm objects of loose texture or any po-
rous body or with small pores, like veils among fabrics and
other similar things. Thus if it happens that lightning falls
upon a strip of linen, cotton, or some other material under
which is layered gold, it melts the gold and turns it into a
metal blob, as if in a fiery furnace, but leaves the material of
the fabric unharmed. The same is true with people, for light-
ning enters the body through its invisible pores and burns
up the interior organs because of their greater solidity and
the fact that they have no pores, while often the exterior of
the body is not burned and is found hollow, left behind with-
out its entrails. But laymen counter this theory by saying

567
 THE HISTORY

τὴν αἰτίαν τῶν τοιούτων εἰσάγειν παθῶν, ἁρπαζόμενον

μὲν ὑπὸ ἀοράτου τινὸς δυνάμεως, ὄνυξι δὲ καὶ δυνάμει τῆς
ἐν αὐτῷ τραχύτητος καὶ τῶν ἑλιγμῶν τὰ προστυχόντα δι-
appnyvdew, ὅπου δηλαδὴ τύχῃ τὰς ἀντιπτώσεις καὶ ἀντι-
σπάσεις αὐτοῦ προσερείδειν καὶ ἀντιβαίνειν τοῖς ἑλκοῦσι.
IO Καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος δεῖγμα τοιοῦτον καὶ τοσοῦτον
τοῖς φιλοπράγμοσιν ἐμποιοῦν, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τῶν προτέ-
pov | ἐχόμενος καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν τοῖς καθολι-
κοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπαγρυπνῶν καὶ δικῶν ἀκροατὴς ἐν ταῖς
ἀνέσεσι καθιστάμενος καὶ κρίνων ὀρφανὸν καὶ δικαιῶν
χήραν κατὰ τὸν θεῖον λόγον, καὶ παντοδαπαῖς ἐπιδόσεσι
χαρισμάτων καὶ τιμῶν καταγεραίρων διαπαντὸς τὸ ὑπήκο-
ον, οὐδὲ τὸν νυκτερινὸν χρόνον ἔξω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ σπουδα-
σμάτων ἐτίθετο, ἀλλὰ τοῖς βιβλίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀναγνώσεσιν
ἐπιδιδοὺς ἑαυτὸν πολυΐστορα καὶ μεμυημένον τὰ θεῖα
περιῖστα καὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπινα.
II "EuéAros δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ νομικῶν διαταγμάτων καὶ διορθώ-
σεως τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων δογμάτων καὶ καταστολῆς
τῶν τικτομένων ἐξ αὐτῶν κυδοιμῶν. Διὸ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν
μαινομένων συνοίκων κεφαλαίου διακλονηθέντος ποτέ,
θεραπείαν ἀκριβεστάτην τῇ ἀμφισβητήσει κηδεμονικῶς
ἐπεζήτησε καὶ εὑρὼν ὅτι ὁ ἐν ἀοιδίμῳ τῇ λήξει βασιλεὺς
κῦρις Λέων ἔγραψε μὲν νεαρὰν περὶ τούτων, συνεχώσθη
δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ καὶ ἄπρακτος ἔμεινεν, ἀνήγειρε ταύτην πε-
σοῦσαν καὶ τὸ κράτος ἐπεψηφίσατο, κάλλιστα προσθεὶς
τὰς αἰτίας καὶ πρὸς τὸ μεγαλοπρεπές τε καὶ δικαιότερον
ἐξ ἀφορμῶν εὐλόγων περικαλλύνας τὸ θέσπισμα, ὅρους τε
τάξας τῆς μανίας καὶ τρόπους καὶ χρόνους ὑπομονῆς καὶ

568
 CHAPTER 36

that the cause of the damage is a huge dragonlike serpent

which is seized by some invisible force and tears apart any-
thing that it encounters with its claws and the strength of its
roughness and coiling motions, when it happens, that is,
that its resistance and spasms thrust violently and drag
against those who attract it.
Such was the nature and the importance of the omen IO

from the air, at least for those who are interested in these
matters. As for the emperor, he continued [312] as in the past
to remain vigilant night and day over the totality of the ad-
ministration. In his free time, he gave audience to court
cases, judging tbe orpban and rendering justice to tbe widow, as
scripture says,” and continuously gave to his subjects all
sorts of grants, gifts, and honors. Nor were his nights ex-
empt from activity, for that was when he gave himself over
to books and reading, becoming erudite in many fields and
initiated in both divine and human matters.35*
He occupied himself also with legal enactments, resolv- II

ing ambiguous decrees and eliminating the confusions to

which they give rise. It is for this reason that, when the law
regarding spouses who have gone insane caused a contro-
versy, he sought in a paternal fashion to find a most precise
solution for the dispute. Discovering that the most revered
blessed emperor, the lord Leon,?5 wrote a new law about the
matter that had been obliterated by time and had fallen out
of use, he raised it up out of obscurity and confirmed its va-
lidity, offering a perfect account in the preamble of its ratio-
nale, and by his reasoned explanations, he adorned the
decree with magnanimity and greater justice. He defined in-
sanity and the manner and the time limit during which a

569
 THE HISTORY

τηνικαῦτα τὸ διαζύγιον προτρεψάμενος, ὅταν θηριωδῶς ἡ

νόσος ἐκμαίνηται καὶ τὸ συνοικοῦν τι καθορᾶται ἀφόρη-
τον καὶ ὁ χρόνος τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς θεραπείας ἀπείπῃ καὶ τὸ
δεινὸν ὑπεραίρηται.
I2 Ι Φιλάνθρωπος δὲ ὧν ἐς τὸ ἄγαν ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ νόμον
ἕτερον ἀνεζώωσε θανόντα κἀκεῖνον καὶ θάνατον πολλοῖς
ἐκ τῆς θνητότητος ἀπότομον καὶ ἀμεταμέλητον παρεισά-
Eavta. Τίς δὲ οὗτος, ὁ λόγος δηλώσει προϊών. Ὁ ἐν βασι-
λεῦσιν ἀοίδιμος Θεοδόσιος, στασιασάντων ποτέ τινων
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, μεγάλῳ θυμῷ καταφλεχθεὶς τὴν ψυχήν, θάνα-
τον τούτων ἀνυπερθέτως κατεψηφίσατο: εἰς ἑαυτὸν δὲ
γενόμενος, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ παρά του τῶν θεοφόρων ἀνδρῶν
μετὰ παρρησίας ἀπελεγχθεὶς καὶ ὡς μιαιφόνος τῶν ἐκκλη-
σιαστικῶν περιβόλων ἀποκλεισθείς, μετάμελον ἔθρεψε,
καὶ τὸν ἐλέγχοντα δι᾽ αἰδοῦς ποιησάμενος καὶ ἀγαπήσας
αὐτὸν ὡς σοφός, εἴπερ ἀληθὲς τὸ «ἔλεγχε σοφὸν καὶ ἀγα-
πήσει σὲ», γόνυ τούτῳ ἔκλινε καὶ συγγνώμην μετὰ πολλῆς
οἰμωγῆς καὶ συντριβῆς ἤτησε. Καὶ τῶν πεπλημμελημένων
ἀξίαν ποιησάμενος τὴν μετάνοιαν καὶ πλέον ἤπερ ἐχρῆν
ἰδιώτῃ ταπεινωθείς, συμπάθειαν ἔλαβε παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρός,
ἦν δὲ οὗτος ὁ μέγας Ἀμβρόσιος ὁ τῶν Μεδιολάνων ἐπίσκο-
πος, καὶ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τῆς κοινωνίας εἷς
γενέσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατηξίωται. Ἔκτοτε οὖν τὸ ἀπηνὲς
καὶ ἀπότομον καὶ ἄχρονον τῆς τιμωρίας κινδυνῶδες καὶ
ἀπάνθρωπον λογισάμενος, χρόνον ὡρίσατο τὴν ἀναβολὴν
τῆς τιμωρίας παρέχοντα, θεσπίσας μὴ πρὶν 8 αἵματος
κολάζεσθαι ἄνθρωπον ἢ τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν παρῳχηκέναι
διάστημα μετὰ τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ τελευταίαν ἀπόφασιν.

570
 CHAPTER 36

spouse had to endure it patiently; then a divorce could be

granted, when the disease raged maniacally, cohabitation
was seen to be unbearable, time has shown that all hope of a
cure is vain, and the hardship is exacerbated.
[313] The emperor was extremely merciful and so he re- 12

vived yet another law that had likewise expired, which had
caused many people to die in a sudden and irrevocable way
simply because it itself had expired. What this was, my ac-
count will now tell. The blessed emperor Theodosios, when
some people had rebelled against his authority, became in-
flamed with a great anger in his soul and ordered their im-
mediate execution.?$ When, however, he recovered his com-
posure, or rather when he was censured by one of the godly
men who spoke boldly and frankly and excluded him from
church precincts as a murderer, he repented. Being himself
a wise man, he both loved and felt shame before the one who
had censured him—as the saying is true that zf you censure the
wise man, be will love you? —and knelt before him and asked
for forgiveness with much lamentation and contrition. Hav-
ing repented in a measure proportionate to his crimes, abas-
ing himself more than would have been required of a private
person, he received forgiveness from that man—this was
the great Ambrose, bishop of Milan—and was deemed by
him worthy of reentering the fold of the universal Church
and taking communion. Henceforth, he believed that harsh,
precipitous, and instant punishment was dangerous and in-
human, and so he decreed that punishment had to be post-
poned for a set period of time, legislating that no man could
be executed before a span of thirty days had elapsed after
the final verdict against him. Since then, however, time

57
 THE HISTORY

Ἔκτοτε δὲ ὁ χρόνος | ἀπήμβλυνε xai καθύβρισε τὸ φιλάν-

θρωπον τουτὶ νομοθέτημα καὶ εἴτε ὡς τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν
ἀγνοούμενον εἴτε μὴν ὡς καταφρονούμενον ἀπαρρησία-
στον ἔμεινε καὶ ἡ καταδίκη τοὺς δειλαίους κατακρίτους
εὐθέως ἀνήρπαζε καὶ ταχεῖαν αὐτοῖς τὴν πληγὴν ἐσχεδία-
Cev.
13 Ὁ δὲ φιλανθρωπότατος οὑτοσὶ βασιλεὺς ἀφορμὰς φι-
λανθρωπίας εὑρίσκειν βουλόμενος καὶ τῷ ἐλέῳ τὸν ἔλεον
ἀντικαταλλάττεσθαι, οὐχ ἑαυτῷ μόνῳ παρεφυλάξατο τὴν
τῆς νομοθεσίας ταύτης ὑπόθεσιν καὶ τὴν ἀναβολὴν εἰς
ἑαυτὸν ἀπεκρύψατο, τὸ φιλάνθρωπον οὐ κοινὸν ἀλλ᾽ ἴδιον
ποιησάμενος διὰ φιλαυτίας ἐπίδειξιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς μετὰ
ταῦτα βασιλεῦσι τηρεῖσθαι τοῦτο θερμότατα βουλευσάμε-
. νος καὶ εἰς πάντας χεθῆναι τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ ὁδεύειν φιλοτι-
μούμενος, καὶ νεαρὰν προδήλως ἐξέθετο κυροῦσαν μὲν
τὸν τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοδοσίου νόμον εἰς τὸ διηνεκές, ἀναι-
ροῦσαν δὲ τὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ ἀκαμπὲς καὶ ἀμείλικτον διὰ τοῦ
μὴ ταχέως τὰς δι᾽ αἵματος ψηφηφορίας εἰς ἔργον ἀποβαί-
v£ty στυγνότητος. Καὶ τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα βασιλεῦσιν ἀγαθὸν
ἐπαφῆκεν ἐφόδιον πρὸς τὴν αὐτῶν ἐξιλέωσιν καὶ τὴν
τοῦ ἐπουρανίου βασιλέως θεραπείαν καὶ εὐαρέστησιν καὶ
ἀνέγνω τὸν νόμον ἐπὶ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς καὶ σύμψη-
φον ἔσχε ταύτην καὶ λίαν εὐάρεστον. Ἔγνω γὰρ φρονήσει
διαφέρων καὶ θεοειδεῖ ἀγαθότητι ὡς ἡ ἀκμὴ τοῦ θυμοῦ
πυρὸς δίκην τὴν καρδίαν αὐτὴν κατανεμομένη, πάντων
ἀφειδεῖν ἐκβιάζεται καὶ σαρκῶν ἀνθρωπίνων καταμα-
σᾶσθαι καὶ ποταμοὺς αἱμάτων ὑπερπηδᾶν | fj καὶ προσετπι-
γάννυσθαι τοῖς οὕτω δρωμένοις ἀσυμπαθῶς: ὄρεξις γάρ

572
 CHAPTER 36

[314] blunted and scorned this clement law which remained

unenforced either because the emperors did not know of
it or else they despised it, so that perdition immediately
carried off those wretches who had been condemned and
swiftly arranged for their execution.
So this merciful emperor, who wanted to find even more
grounds for compassion and to repay mercy with mercy, not
only adhered for his own part to the stipulations of this law,
practicing postponement himself, which would have made
his mercy into a private affair fit for vain display but not a
public good. Rather, he decided passionately that those who
ruled after him should respect it and that this good should
be extended so that it benefited everyone. He issued a new
law which affirmed for all time the law of Theodosios the
Great that countered the inflexibility and implacability of
anger by not allowing verdicts of corporal punishment to
proceed swiftly to their cruel implementation. He thus be-
queathed to future emperors a noble means by which they
might atone as well as please and worship the heavenly King.
He read the law aloud to the assembly of the Senate, all of
whom were in agreement and greatly pleased by this. For he
knew, being superior in both intellect and Godlike virtue,
that anger, at its peak, takes over the heart like fire and
forces it to disregard everything else, chewing up human
flesh and leaping over rivers of blood, [315) or exults in such
deeds without any compassion. For anger is an urge to hurt

573
 THE HISTORY

ἐστιν ἀντιλυπήσεως ὁ θυμός, ἡ δὲ ὄρεξις δυσχερῶς ἐκ τοῦ

προχείρου κατακοιμίζεται. Διατοῦτο καὶ τῷ τῆς ὀργῆς
ἀκράτῳ χαλιναγωγίαν ὁ σοφὸς αὐτοκράτωρ τόνδε τὸν νό-
μον τιθέμενος, τὴν τῆς τιμωρίας ἀνεβάλετο ἔκβασιν ἕως
ἂν ὁ θυμὸς τῷ βασιλεύοντι πεπανθῇ, τριακονθημέρου
προβαίνοντος διαστήματος καὶ τηνικαῦτα, εἰ μὲν ἔλεος
αὐτῷ N μετάμελος εἰσέλθῃ τοῦ τὴν κεφαλικὴν δεξαμένου
ἀπόφασιν, εἶναι τοῦτο Θεοῦ καὶ μένειν τὸν ἄνθρωπον
ἀθιγῆ, ἴσως δὲ καὶ ἀθῶόν ποθεν εὑρισκόμενον. εἰ δ᾽ οὐκ,
τότε πεπληροφορημένον εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα, ὡς ἐπείπερ
οὐδέν τι κατεδυσώπησεν ὁ χρόνος τὸν ἀνάκτορα καὶ Θεὸς
εἰς τὸ πάθος αὐτοῦ συμψηφίζεται. Εἰ γὰρ ἐν τῷ παφλά-
ζοντι τῆς ὀργῆς δέξεται μὲν ἄνθρωπος θανατηφόρον
πληγὴν ἢ χειρὸς ἐκτομὴν ἢ ὀφθαλμῶν ἐκκοπήν, ἀνεθεὶς
δὲ τῆς ὀργῆς ὕστερον, ὁ κρατῶν μετάμελον ἕληται καὶ τὴν
ἀπόφασιν ἀνακαλέσασθαι βουληθῇ, τίς ἡ τοῦ μεταμέλου
ὠφέλεια; τίνες δ᾽ ἐριννύες μεταμελητικαὶ τὸν κολαστὴν
οὐκ ἐλάσουσι; ποία δὲ καὶ τὸν παθόντα λύπη οὐ διαδέξεται
ὅτι πρὸς τὴν ἀνάκλησιν ἀπερράπισται; Ταῦτα οὖν ὁ βασι-
λεὺς μεγαλοφρόνως κατασκεψάμενος, καὶ προσθήκην
ἰδίαν τῇ νεαρᾷ ταύτῃ προσανεμάξατο, συντάξας ἐν αὐτῇ
ἵνα μετὰ τὴν τριακονθήμερον ὑπομιμνήσκηται πάλιν ὁ βα-
σιλεὺς καὶ οὕτω τὸ πέρας ἀποτελῆται ἢ συγχωρῆται τῆς
ἀποφάσεως.
14 Ι᾿ Ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς σωματικῆς τιμωρίας ἐποιήσατο πρόνοιαν
δεδωκὼς καιρὸν τῇ ὀργῇ καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν συγκεράσας
τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις κακοῖς, ἀπεῖδε καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐπεισκω-
μάσασαν λύμην οὐ πρὸ πολλῶν τούτων ἐνιαυτῶν καὶ

574
 CHAPTER 36

in return and such an urge can only with difficulty be qui-

eted in a hurried fashion. It is for this reason that the wise
emperor established this law as a rein for rage's unbridled
nature, postponing the implementation of a punishment
until such a time as the wrath of the emperor might be as-
suaged, over the course of thirty days. And if mercy for the
person about to suffer capital punishment, or even a change
of mind, should happen to come about, that would then be
God's decision, and the person would remain untouched,
and even for some reason he might be found to be innocent.
If not, then the punishment is implemented, given that time
did not soften the ruler and God ratified the verdict of his
anger. But if a man receives a fatal blow, or the severance of a
hand, or the gouging of his eyes at the height of the emper-
or's anger, and then, when his rage later dissipates, the ruler
regrets his decision and desires its revocation, what would
be the benefit of such a change of mind? Which Furies of
Remorse would not hound such a punisher? And will the
victim not be pitied for losing the benefit of that remorse?
This was what the emperor magnanimously considered and
so made his own addition to that law, stipulating in it that an
emperor should be reminded once again at the end of thirty
days and, thus, either carry out the verdict or revoke the
decision.
[316] After he arranged matters regarding corporal pun- 14
ishment, making it possible for anger to mix with mercy in
the midst of human misfortune, he also turned his attention
to the offense that had appeared not too many years before,

575
 THE HISTORY

διαφθείρουσαν τὴν τάξιν τῆς τῶν ὑπηκόων πίστεως καὶ

σύγχυσιν αὐτῇ παρενείρουσαν καὶ τὴν βασιλικὴν ὑπη-
ρεσίαν εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ φροντίδα χαλεπὴν περιβάλλουσαν.
Καὶ γὰρ ἔργοις αὐτοῖς μεμαθηκὼς ὡς τῇ κοινῇ φύσει τοῦ
κατὰ καιρὸν βασιλέως δουλεύοντος καὶ τῷ τοῦ μεγάλου
βασιλέως καὶ δημιουργοῦ τῶν ἁπάντων προστάγματι τῶν
ἐνθένδε μεθισταμένου, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὥφειλεν ὁ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν βα-
σιλεὺς τοὺς εὐαρεστήσαντας ἐκείνῳ μέχρι παντὸς καὶ τὴν
εὐγνωμοσύνην τῆς δουλείας ἐνδειξαμένους καὶ τὸ τῆς
παραστάσεως ἀκλινὲς καὶ τὸν καύσωνα τῆς ἡμέρας καὶ
τὸν παγετὸν τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνατλήσαντας ταῖς παννύχοις καὶ
πανημερίοις φροντίσι, τῆς προσηκούσης κηδεμονίας καὶ
προσπαθείας καταξιοῦν καὶ ὡς ἀγαθοὺς δούλους καὶ πι-
στοὺς εὐποιεῖν καὶ τὴν φλόγα τῆς τοῦ δεσπότου στερή-
σεως βασιλικοῖς καταψύχειν φιλοτιμήμασι καὶ τὸν θρῆνον
αὐτῶν μεταποιεῖν εἰς τὸ χαριέστερον, βαρὺς μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς
ἀναφαίνεται καὶ ταῖς οὐσίαις αὐτῶν πολλοῖς ἱδρῶσι καὶ
πόνοις ἐπικτηθείσαις ἐπιβουλεύει φιλοκερδῶς καί που καί
τινας τούτων ὑπερορίους ποιεῖ, μὴ τὰ ἐν ποσὶ καθορῶν καὶ
τὸ παράδειγμα δεδιὼς ὡς καὶ εἰς αὐτόν, μᾶλλον δὲ τοὺς
ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν | ἀναφερόμενον ἄντικρυς.
15 Ἰοῦτο διοπτικῶς ἐπιγνοὺς σπουδὴν ἐποιήσατο τὴν νό-
σον ταύτην ὡς εἰς δεινὴν ἐλαύνουσαν χαλεπότητα στῆσαι
καὶ νόμον ἀντιστῆσαι ταύτῃ τοῖς οὑτωσὶ πάσχουσι βοηθὸν
καὶ συλλήπτορα, καὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ὑπηρέταις καὶ αὐτοῖς
βασιλεῦσιν εἰσάγοντα τὴν χάριν δικαίαν καὶ ἔννομον καὶ
φροντίδος τοιαύτης αὐτοὺς ἀπαλλάττουσαν καὶ τὴν εὐ-
γνωμοσύνην καὶ θεραπείαν περιποιοῦσαν ἀπόρθητον τῷ

576
 CHAPTER 36

which had corrupted the good order in the loyalty of the

subjects by sowing confusion, and had made it impossible
for the imperial services to function, at any rate not without
difficulty. For he had learned from the events themselves
that when the emperor reigning at any time succumbed to
our common human nature and departed from this life in
accordance with the decree of the Great King, the Creator
of All, his successor, instead of showing proper solicitude
for the associates of his predecessor, those men who had
pleased him in all respects, who demonstrated their grati-
tude through their service, whose support was unwavering,
who endured to work all night and all day, through the heat
of the day and the cold of night; instead, then, of honoring
their devotion, treating them well as virtuous and faithful
servants, and attempting to console them for the loss of
their master with imperial benefactions and convert their
lamentations into joy, he rather reveals himself to them as
harsh, greedily threatens the fortunes that they had acquired
with much sweat and toil, and even sends some into exile,
not seeing clearly what is going on right before his eyes or
fearing that he was setting a bad precedent for himself too,
or rather one that would work against his own people. [517]
Examining this matter closely, he took care to halt this I5
offense that was creating such problems and set against it
a law that would help and succor those who were victim-
ized in this way. It introduced just and legal treatment for
imperial servants, and even for the emperors themselves, re-
lieving them from such anxieties and making their devotion
and gratitude absolute through the confidence it inspired

577
 THE HISTORY

θάρρει τοῦ φυλάττεσθαι τοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως θεραπευτὰς

καὶ μετὰ τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ πάσης δεισιδαιμονίας ἀθιγεῖς καὶ
kakonoilac. Ὅθεν πανταχόθεν τῷ πάθει τούτῳ θεραπείαν
θηρώμενος, νεαρὰν νομοθεσίαν ἐκτίθησι πρόρριζον ἐκ-
τέμνουσαν τὸ κακοθελὲς τοῦτο καὶ παρανομώτατον ἐπι-
χείρημα, φάμενος ὅτι πάντων ἀτοπώτατόν ἐστιν ἵν᾿ οἱ μὲν
δουλεύοντες ἰδιῶται ἀγροίκοις δηλονότι καὶ πολίταις καὶ
ἄρχουσι μετὰ τελευτὴν αὐτῶν λεγάτοις τιμῶνται καὶ φιδι-
κομίσσοις καὶ πρεσβείοις, ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ κληρονομίαις, καὶ
μετὰ τῆς τούτων προσθήκης ἔχωσι καὶ τὰς ἰδίας κτήσεις
ἀνωτέρας παντὸς ζητήματος καὶ προβλήματος, οἱ δὲ τῶν
βασιλέων θεραπευταί, οἷς μείζων ὁ κάματος καὶ τὸ αὐτο-
κρατορικὸν δέος διηνεκῶς περιγίνεται, πρὸς τῷ καὶ τοιαύ-
τῆς ἀποτυγχάνειν ἐπιτελευτίου φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῶν οἰκείων
ἀποστερῶνται παρὰ τῶν μετέπειτα βασιλέων καὶ τῶν τού-
τοις περιτρυχόντων ὑπηρετῶν καὶ ὡς κακοῦργοι καὶ προσ-
ἄντεις οἱ καλῶς διακονήσαντες ἀπελαύνωνται οἰκιῶν | τε
καὶ πόλεων.
τό Διαταῦτά τοι καὶ νόμον περὶ αὐτῶν ἀνεγράψατο τὴν
τοιαύτην πλεονεξίαν καὶ δεινοπραξίαν διακωλύοντα, ὡς
εἰς πάντας τοὺς βασιλικοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὑφέρπουσαν καὶ
τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τὴν δουλείαν ἀποστεροῦσαν τῶν πλείστων
καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν φόβῳ τῆς πικρᾶς καὶ βιαστικῆς ἐπι-
θέσεως ταύτης. Καὶ μηδενὸς τούτων ὁ θειότατος οὗτος
βασιλεὺς ἐδογμάτισε καὶ ἐθέσπισεν εἴτε οὐσίας ἀφαίρεσιν
εἴτ᾽ ἐναλλαγὴν καταστάσεως εἴτ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ βλάβης καὶ
κακώσεως περιπέτειαν, εἰ μὴ ἐκ δοκιμασίας καὶ διαγνώ-
σεως καὶ νόμοις ἡρμοσμένην τε καὶ συνάδουσαν ἀπόφασιν

578
 CHAPTER 36

that an emperor's servants would be protected intact from

all irrational fear and malice even after his own death. Hunt-
ing everywhere for a solution to this problem, he set forth a
new legislative initiative that cut this evil and most unjust
practice to the root, affirming that it was the most absurd
thing that private servants, I mean the servants of farmers,
citizens, and magistrates, were honored after the death of
their masters in legacies, fideicomissa,?°® and compensations,
and sometimes even in their wills; and, having added these
goods to their property, they hold their own possessions free
of challenge or controversy; yet the attendants of the em-
perors, whose toil is greater and who live constantly in awe
of imperial power, in addition to the fact that they fail to re-
ceive even that deathbed benefaction, are, moreover, de-
prived of their own property by succeeding emperors and
their servants, who harass them, and those who had served
well are exiled from their houses and [318] cities like crimi-
nals and enemies.
For this reason, he introduced a law regarding these mat- 16
ters that blocked this avarice and evil practice, because it lay
in wait for all of an emperor's men and deprived emperors of
the service of the majority of virtuous men, given their fear
of this bitter and violent assault. This most divine emperor
proclaimed and decreed that none of them should suffer ei-
ther the confiscation of their property or a change in their
status or any other ordeal of injury or harassment, unless it
were based on an inquiry, examination, and verdict made in
accordance with the laws. Thus, all the citizens and the

579
 THE HISTORY

ἀπενέγκοιτο. Οὐκοῦν καὶ πάντες εὐχαρίστως τὸ τοῦ

δόγματος ἐννομώτατον καὶ δικαιότατον οἱ τῆς πολιτείας
καὶ ὅσοι τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς δεξάμενοι καὶ ἀποδεξάμε-
vot, εἰς ἐπήκοον γὰρ ἀνεγνώσθη πάντων, πολλαῖς εὐφη-
μίαις Kal κρότοις τὸν εὑρετὴν τῶν καλλίστων καὶ EAevde-
ρωτὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐτίμησάν τε καὶ ὕμνησαν, ὡς καὶ
κοινὸν εὐεργέτην ὄντα τοῖς κοινοῖς παραγγέλμασι καὶ
θεσπίσμασι καὶ ἰδίᾳ πάντας κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπευφραί-
vovra καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα χαριζόμενον δίκαια: πολλοὺς γάρ,
μᾶλλον δὲ ἅπαντας, ταῖς προαφῃρημέναις τούτων οὐσίαις
ἀποκατέστησε καὶ κάθοδον αὐτῶν ἐξ ὑπεροριῶν ἐψηφίσα-
To καὶ κειμένους ἤδη καὶ τεθυμένους ἐζώωσε καὶ πνοὴν
ἐνέπνευσεν ἧς τὸ πρόσθεν ἐστέρηντο.
17 Καὶ τί χρὴ τὰ πολλὰ λέγειν; El πάσας κατὰ μέρος τὰς
τούτου μεγαλουργίας ἀναγράπτους ποιεῖν ἐπιβάλλοιμι,
ὅμοιος | ἔσομαι τοῖς τὸ Ἀτλαντικὸν βουλομένοις ἀπαρύσα-
σθαι πέλαγος: ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς καὶ τυράννους κατα-
βληθέντας καὶ ὑποταγέντας αὐτῷ οὐ μόνον συμπαθείας
καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἠξίωσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγίσταις εὐεργεσίαις
ἐψυχαγώγησεν, ὥσπερ δὴ τὸν Βρυέννιον καὶ τοὺς τούτῳ
ὁμόφρονας, λαμπροῖς ἀξιώμασι τελεσιουργήσας καὶ τὰς
ἰδίας οὐσίας ἐάσας αὐτοῖς ἀνεπιχειρήτους καὶ προσθήκας
διὰ βασιλικῶν δωρεῶν ἀφθόνους αὐτοῖς περιποιησάμενος
καὶ πάντων ἐπιλαθέσθαι παρασκευάσας τῶν λυπηρῶν,
ὅπερ οὐδεὶς τῶν πώποτε βασιλέων ποιήσας εὑρίσκετο, καὶ
πολεμίους προσφυγόντας εὐμενῶς προσεδέξατο καὶ χώ-
ρᾶν αὐτοῖς δημοσίαν ἀπένειμε καὶ φιλοτίμου διατριβῆς
μεταδέδωκεν.

580
 CHAPTER 26

senators gladly received and accepted the most lawful and

just nature of the law— for it was read aloud before every-
one—and they honored and praised this inventor of the best
things and liberator of mankind with many acclamations
and cheers for being a common benefactor in his general
laws and ordinances, individually gladdening everyone with-
out cease and granting to each what was justly his. And to
many, or rather to everyone, he restored the fortunes that
had been confiscated and decreed that they could return
from exile, so he restored to life those who had been sacri-
ficed and killed and breathed new life into them, something
of which they had previously been deprived.
And why should I speak at length? If I were to devote my- 17
self to putting down on paper his great deeds one by one, I
would [319] resemble those who desire to drain the Atlantic
Ocean. For this same emperor suppressed rebels, and when
they submitted to him, he not only deemed them worthy of
mercy and compassion but also lifted their spirits with
the greatest benefactions, for example, Bryennios and those
who had joined him, to whom he awarded resplendent of-
fices, allowing them to keep their personal properties with-
out diminution, in fact he augmented them and made them
ample through imperial gifts, making them forget all their
sorrows, a thing that no previous emperor can be found to
have done. He also graciously received enemies who sought
refuge with him, gave them public lands, and guaranteed for
them an honorable existence.

581
 THE HISTORY

18 Εὐσεβέστατος δὲ ὧν τὰ πρὸς Θεὸν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα, Ba-

σιλικαῖς πανηγύρεσί τε καὶ χάρισι καὶ φωτοχυσίαις τάς τε
δι᾿ ἔτους δεσποτικὰς ἑορτὰς ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς κατελάμπρυνε
καὶ τὰς τῶν μαρτύρων μνήμας καὶ τῶν ἄλλως εὐαρεστη-
σάντων Θεῷ τελεταῖς πανδήμοις καὶ παννύχοις χοροστασί-
αις ἐν δαψιλεῖ τῷ φωτὶ περιφανῶς κατεσέμνυνε. Καὶ τοσ-
obrov ἐξήρτητο καὶ περιεγάννυτο ταῖς θείαις ταύταις
λαμπρότησιν, ὅτιπερ ὀρθριώτερος περὶ πρώτας ἀλεκτρυ-
όνων φδὰς τοῖς ὑμνοπόλοις ἐπιφαινόμενος καὶ τοῖς συνεκ-
κλησιάζουσι βουλευταῖς καὶ συγκλητικοῖς, οὐδὲ τῷ βασι-
λείῳ θρόνῳ ἑαυτὸν ἐπεδίδου, ἀλλ᾽ ὄρθιος ἱστάμενος ἄχρι
τέλους τῆς ὑμνῳδίας, ἥτις καὶ μέχρι τρίτης ὥρας τῆς ἡμέ-
pac τῷ περικαλλεῖ τῶν ὕμνων καὶ | ἰσαγγέλῳ προέκοπτε,
Θεῷ μὲν τὰς εὐχὰς ἐπετέλει καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀνεπτέρου
τὸν νοῦν, τοῖς δ᾽ ὑπηκόοις τὰς εὐεργεσίας καὶ δωρεὰς καὶ
τιμὰς ποταμηδὸν προσεπέχεεν. Εἶτα καὶ τῆς μεσημβρινῆς
μυσταγωγίας, εἶτ᾽ οὖν λειτουργίας, ἀρχομένης παραχρῆμα
τοῦ τὴν ἑωθινὴν τελεσθῆναι δοξολογίαν, οὐκ ἀπείχετο τῆς
εἰς Θεὸν παραστάσεως ἕως καὶ αὕτη συνετελέσθη μέχρι
παντὸς τοῖς ἱερατεύουσιν εὐλαβῶς.
19 Καὶ οὐ μόνον ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις τὸ τῆς τοιαύτης θεο-
σεβείας τούτῳ ἐπράττετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν ταῖς πανδήμοις ἑορ-
ταῖς τε καὶ προελεύσεσιν, ὅταν τῷ μεγάλῳ τεμένει τῆς τοῦ
Θεοῦ Ἁγίας Σοφίας ἐπιφοιτῶν ἦν μετὰ δορυφορίας καὶ
δόξης οὐρανοβάμονος ἢ τῷ Ἀποστολικῷ καὶ μεγάλῳ ναῷ
ἢ ἑτέρῳ τῶν ἔξωθεν. Τῶν γὰρ πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέων μετὰ τὴν
τοῦ θείου Εὐαγγελίου ἀνάγνωσιν ἀπαναχωρούντων ἐκεῖ-
θεν σπουδαίως ἐπὶ ἀνακτήσει τοῦ κόπου καὶ ἀποθέσει τῆς

582
 CHAPTER 36

He was most pious in what concerned God, exceedingly 18

so in fact, and he meticulously ornamented the annual feasts
in honor of the Lord with imperial fairs, celebrations, and
dazzling lights. He also grandly adorned the commemora-
tions of the martyrs and those who had pleased God in other
ways with celebrations that were attended by the entire city
and with all-night vigils that were abundantly lit. He was so
devoted to and exhilarated by these divine festivals that he
made his appearance to the cantors, the magistrates, and
the senators attending church so early in the morning that
the cocks had barely crowed. Nor did he sit upon the impe-
rial throne but rather stood upright until the end of the mat-
ins service, which would last, what with the beauty and an-
gelic nature of the hymns, even until the third hour of the
day. [320] He prayed to God and elevated his mind toward
him, while on the other hand he poured out a stream of
benefactions and gifts toward his subjects. And then the
noon mystagogy began, that is to say the liturgy, immedi-
ately upon the end of the morning doxology of God's glory,
and he continued to stand like this before God until this
service too had been brought piously to a complete end by
the officiating clerics.
And this piety of his was performed not only in the palace 19
but also in the public feasts and processions, when he was in
attendance at the great precinct of God's Holy Wisdom
with his retinue and in celestial glory, or at the great Church
of the Apostles, or some other outside the walls. Those who
had reigned before him had left these places in haste after
the reading from the gospels, to seek relief from their weari-
ness, to divest themselves of their garments, made heavy by

583
 THE HISTORY

ἐκ τῶν λίθων xai uapyápov βαρυτάτης σκευῆς kal ἀπαλ-

λαγῇ τῶν ἀπλέτων θορύβων, αὐτὸς οὐδὲν τοιοῦτόν ποτε
διεπράξατο οὐδὲ τῆς θείας μυσταγωγίας τὴν οἰκείαν ἀνά-
Tavow καὶ τρυφὴν προετίμησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕως τέλους τῆς ἱερᾶς
λειτουργίας εὐπαγὴς ἵστατο Θεῷ προσανέχων ὄμματι
ἀκλινεῖ καὶ τὸν ἐκείνου ἀπομιμούμενος ἔλεον, ἐν οἷς τὰ
γέρα καὶ τὰς τιμὰς ἐφήπλου πᾶσι τοῖς πιστῶς προσεδρεύ-
ουσι. Τοιοῦτος γὰρ ἦν εὐσεβέστατος καὶ πιστότατος αὐτο-
κράτωρ καὶ τῷ ὄντι φιλόχριστος, πραότατός τε εἴπερ τις
ἄλλος καὶ λόγου καιρὸν καὶ σιωπῆς ἐπιστάμενος, καὶ τοσ-
odrov ὅτι καὶ δικάζων καὶ διάγνωσιν ἐπιφέρων καὶ τῶν
ἀντικρινομένων φωνὰς ἀτάκτους ἀφιέντων πολλάκις πρὸς
ἀλλήλους καὶ πληκτικάς, αὐτὴν ἐκείνην ἐτήρει τὴν τῶν
λόγων ἠχὴν ἐμμελῆ τε καὶ ἔμμουσον καὶ ὀργῆς ἴχνος ἢ
βοῆς μείζονος ἐν αὐτῷ οὐκ ἐπολιτεύετο: ὕβρεις δὲ οὐ μό-
νον τισὶν οὐκ ἐπέτριβεν, ἀλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὑβριστὰς ἐμίσει, ἦν
γὰρ ἐπιτιμῆσαι μὲν πρᾶος, ἐπαινέσαι δὲ παιδευτικός.
20 Εἰ δὲ καὶ οἱ διὰ πολλῶν τῶν ἐνιαυτῶν τούτῳ ἐξυπηρε-
τησάμενοι πρὸς τὸ ἦθος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν καλοκαγαθίαν
μετερρύθμισαν τὰς γνώμας αὑτῶν καὶ πεπαιδευμένοι κατὰ
τοσοῦτον γεγόνασι, χάρις πάντων τῷ βασιλεῖ τῷ οὕτως
αὐτοὺς καταρτίσαντι. Καὶ γὰρ οἱ τούτου οἰκειότατοι καὶ
ἐγγύτατοι, ὅσοι μὲν γνώσει καὶ λόγῳ τῶν ἄλλων διέφε-
ρον, ἀτυφίαν ἐπεδείκνυντο καὶ δημοτικὴν πρὸς πάντας
ἀναστροφὴν καὶ ἀλαζονείας ὑπῆρχον ἀνώτεροι τῇ γνώσει
μὴ ἐπαιρόμενοι- ὅσοις δὲ πρὸς τὸ στρατιωτικώτερον f| δι-
αγωγὴ ἐπεπαίδευτο, ῥωμαλεώτατοι μὲν κατὰ χεῖρας ἐτύγ-
xavov, τὸ δὲ ἦθος οὐ κατὰ στρατιώτας εἶχον σκληρὸν καὶ

584
 CHAPTER 36

precious stones and pearls, and to escape the immense noise

of the crowd. But he never did anything like this and never
preferred his own rest and pleasure over the holy rites;
rather, he stood firm until the end of the sacred liturgy, keep-
ing his attention fixed on God without distraction, and em-
ulating his mercy in that he handed out prizes and honors to
all {ho attended him with such faith. This, then, was what
this most pious and faithful emperor was like, in truth a
friend of Christ, milder than any [321] other, knowing when
to speak and when to remain silent, even when he was pre-
siding over atrialto issue a verdict: when, as often happened,
the opposing sides were shouting in disorder and offensively
against each other, he maintained the same melodious and
musical timbre in his voice and never was a shred of wrath or
loud shouting ever a part of his behavior. Not only did he
not use insults against anyone but he hated those who did,
while he was gentle in criticism and edifying in his praise.
And if in fact those who had been in his service for many 20

years adjusted their character to his personality and nobility

and were so educated in this way, this can all be attributed to
the emperor who thus instructed them. For his closest asso-
ciates, who were distinguished from the others by their
knowledge and reason, demonstrated a lack of arrogance
and accessibility to everyone; they rose above arrogance and
revealed no pride on account of their wisdom. As for those
who were more oriented toward a military life, they were
physically stronger, while in character they were not like

585
 THE HISTORY

ἀτίθασσον, ἀλλ᾽ ἥμερον καὶ εὐπρόσιτον. Κοινῶς δὲ πάντες

ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπευφραινόμενοι, οὐδέ-
ποτε τὸν βασιλέα τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν ἀπέχεσθαι συνεβούλευ-
σαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ μεσιτείαις χρησταῖς καὶ
ἐπαίνοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπαγωγοῖς πρὸς | μείζονας εὐποιΐας
τὸν βασιλέα κατεδυσώπουν ἰέναι καὶ χρηστότερον γίνε-
σθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐπταικόσι συμπαθῆ καὶ φιλάνθρωπον, ὥστε
ἀληθὴς ἡ γνώμη αὕτη ἐστὶν ἡ λέγουσα ὅτι φιλεῖ τὸ ὑπο-
χείριον πάντως ζήλῳ τῆς τοῦ ἄρχοντος γνώμης βιοῦν. "Ev!
δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ τούτῳ ἐλάττωμα συνεπίσταμαι, τὴν ἀπλη-
στίαν, ὅτι τῆς κοσμικῆς καὶ ἐπιγείου βασιλείας ἐπιτυχών,
καὶ τῆς ἐπουρανίου καὶ ἀϊδίου βασιλείας ἀκρατῶς ἔχεταί
τε καὶ περιέχεται διὰ τῶν μεγίστων αὐτοῦ ἀγαθοεργιῶν
καὶ ὁλοψύχως τῶν ἐκ ταύτης ὑπερκοσμίων ἀγαθῶν οὐκ
ἀφίσταται.
21 "Eywye οὖν αὐτόπτης τούτων καὶ διαγνώμων γενόμε-
voc, ἐν γνώσει πάντα καὶ ἀληθείας ἰσότητι γέγραφα, ἵνα
μὴ ὡς ὁ κατορύξας τὸ τάλαντον τοῦ κυρίου αὐτοῦ πο-
vnpög δοῦλος κατακριθῶ ἢ ὡς ὁ τὸν φωτεινότατον λύχνον
ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον κρύψας, ὡς ἂν τὰ ἐν ἱστορίας ὕφει τυγχά-
νοντα καὶ ταῖς μετέπειτα γενεαῖς ἄληστον τὴν μνήμην τῆς
τοῦ μεγάλου τούτου βασιλέως ὑπεροχῆς καὶ τῶν ἀπαρα-
μίλλων ἔργων αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀθάνατον συντηρῶσι καὶ πρὸς
μίμησιν τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ἕλκωσι τῶν καλλίστων καὶ
ὑπερφυεστάτων πραγμάτων, πρὸς τοιοῦτον ἀποσκοποῦν-
τας παράδειγμα θεοείκελον. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκ πολλῶν
ὀλίγα ὅσα δηλονότι μέχρι τοῦ δευτέρου ἔτους τῆς αὐτοῦ
βασιλείας θαυμασίως ἐπράχθησαν, τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιόντα καθεξῆς
ὁ λόγος δηλώσει τρανότερον.
$86
 CHAPTER 36

soldiers, hard and untamable, but tame and approachable.

All of them together took pleasure in making benefactions
for mankind and never advised the emperor to refrain from
them, but rather they too, all the more so, entreated the em-
peror with their timely intercessions, praises, and other
forms of persuasion [322] to perform even greater good
works and become more generous and compassionate and
merciful with those who had erred. So that this maxim was
proved true, the one which says that "the subject eagerly de-
sires to live according to the precepts of the master." To this
emperor, then, I ascribe one fault, greed, for while be has at-
tained secular and worldly dominion, he is also insatiably
seeking to take hold of the eternal kingship of heaven
through his supreme acts of benevolence, and he does not
cease to desire its otherworldly goods with all his soul.
I, then, witnessed all these things firsthand and served as 21

their arbiter, and I have written what I know after weighing

it in the scales of truth, so that I not be condemned like che
cunning slave who buried the money of his master or like
the one who hid the bright lamp under the bushel basket.??
Drawn up in the form ofa history, these words will both pre-
serve intact and immortalize for future generations the
memory of the prominence of this great emperor and his
unparalleled deeds, inspiring their readers to imitate the
most beautiful and extraordinary things, as they behold such
a Godlike model. These things are but a few of the multi-
tude that he had wondrously performed down to the second
year of his reign. What came after, my account will glori-
ously present in the sequel.

587
 Note on the Text

Unlike the Ponema with its rich manuscript tradition, the

History survives in only two copies, the Cosslinianus gr. 136
and Scorzalensis TITI.9. Of the two, the latter is truncated,
missing a significant part of the final segment of the History,
which concerns the reign of Nikephoros III. In both manu-
scripts the History is placed next to the more widely copied
Synopsis of Histories by oannes Skylitzes. While we can only
speculate about the editorial process that linked the two
texts, it is perhaps significant that the History was exten-
sively mined, in parts reproduced verbatim, by the continu-
ator of Skylitzes in his account of events from 1057 to 1080.
There are some possible allusions in other documents to
lost copies of the History. A later entry in the Diataxis dated
to 1084, after Attaleiates’ death, refers to a copy of the "au-
thor's chronicle" written on paper and donated to the mon-
astery by the prazpositos Ioannes. A thirteenth-century book-
catalogue added to an eleventh-century manuscript of
Heliodoros refers to an unnamed work by Attaleiates.! Fi-
nally, since both surviving manuscripts must, according to
the work of experts, be dated to the early twelfth century,
and given that identical spelling mistakes that cannot have
been present in a carefully prepared original are found in
both of them, scholars posit the existence of at least one

589
 NOTE ON THE TEXT

missing copy, linking the prototype with the extant twelfth-

century manuscripts.
The History’s "textual genealogy" brings us to the ques-
tion of the socio-professional milieu that produced the sur-
viving manuscripts. Áccording to paleographical work by
P. Canard, L. Perria, and G. Cavallo, neatly summarized by
Pérez Martín in her edition, the handwriting of the Escorial
manuscript is similar to that of che monk Basileios Anzas
in a Patmian manuscript of 1081.” Basileios’s surname was
shared by Niketas, a &rites of the velon of the late eleventh
century, and also by "the vestes and quaestor lord Michael," a
man involved in Attaleiates’ intrafamily property transfers,
according to the Diataxis. It is therefore likely chat we owe
the survival of the History to the initiative of a copyist per-
sonally associated with Attaleiates' professional and social
circle. In that case, the Diataxis’s reference to a cotton-paper
copy deposited in the library of Attaleiates’ monastery be-
comes even more significant, given that cotton paper, which
was standard material in the chancery of the eleventh cen-
tury,‘ suggests that this professional milieu was the intended
audience of the History.
A copy of the History was no doubt presented to the em-
peror Nikephoros ITI Botaneiates, yet it does not appear
that the work circulated widely outside the circle of judges
and monks associated in one way or another with Attaleiates
and his monastery. Like Michael Psellos's Chronographia and
Nikephoros Bryennios's Materials for History, which survive
in but one copy each, the History seems to have had a select
and narrow readership. It was used by the continuator of
Skylitzes and Zonaras and it affected twelfth- and thirteenth-
century readings of eleventh-century history; yet unlike the

590
 NOTE ON THE TEXT

Ponema, it never became a standard reference text for later

generations of Byzantine readers.
For most of the nineteenth and the whole of the twen-
tieth century, the standard edition of the text was that of
I. Bekker, published in 1853 in the series Corpus Scriptorum
Historiae Byzantinae, with a Latin translation. In 2002, Pérez
Martín published an improved edition (which we use here),
with a Spanish translation and detailed introduction and
commentary. Her work is the standard reference point for
Attaleiates studies today.

Nores

I For these two references, see Pérez Martin, Historia, lvi-lvii.

2 Ibid., lviii-lxi.
3 Diataxis 336 for Anzas; Krallis, Michael Attaleiates, ch. x for the social
context.
4 N. Oikonomides, “Writing Materials, and Books,” in A. Laiou, ed., The
Economic History of Byzantium (Washington, D.C., 2002), 2: 589—92.
5 Pérez Martín, Historia, lv-lvii.

591
 Notes to the Text

The Greek text we have used is that edited by Inmaculada Pérez

Martín (see below for bibliographical citations), to whom we are
grateful for publishing it in the first place and for contributing it to
accompany our translation. In half a dozen places we have divided
the text into paragraphs differently than she does. In addition to
correcting a number of minor typographical errors and mistakes in
accentuation and punctuation, we have suggested a few different
readings of the Greek text; our significant variations from the
Pérez Martín text are noted here.

I We prefer the ms. reading ἐνηδύσμασι (over ἐν ἡδύσμασῦ.

The text is probably corrupt. Stratis Papaioannou proposes
ὑφίσταται κατὰ τὴν γραφὴν, with Wisdom 2:24, 3:1.
We have corrected κατέκεισε to κατέσεισε.
A o

We have emended πολεμίοις to πολέμοις.

NAM

We have corrected παλινῳδίαν to παλινοδίαν.

We have corrected συμβουλῇ to συμβολῇ.
We have emended γόνου κλίνουσιν of Pérez Martín to γόνυ
κλίνουσιν,
We have added a question mark here.
We have placed a comma rather than a period here.
IO We have retained the mss. reading δέκα xal ὀκτὼ μοδίων (in-
stead of the correction ὀκτὼ δέκατα μοδίου), even though it is
problematic; see n. 247 in the Notes to the Translation.
II We prefer the mss. reading ἀκρίτην (over ἄκριτον).

593
 NOTES TO THE TEXT

12 We prefer the ms. reading τὸν ζητούμενον (over τὸ

ζητούμενον).
13 We prefer the emendation τῆς βεβουλευμένης (over τὰς
BeBovAevuévag).
14 We prefer the reading ἐκεχειρίαις of Polemis to Pérez Martín's
reading of ἐκεχειρίας, following B.
15 We prefer the ms. reading καλῷ (over the emendation κακῷ);
see n. 291 in the Notes to the Translation.
16 We have added 6, following Polemis.
17 We prefer the ms. reading τούτων (over the emendation
τούτου).
18 We have emended ἐν in the Pérez Martín edition to £v, follow-
ing Polemis.

594
 Notes to the Translation

Cf. Gregorios of Nazianzos, Or: 43.1 (Funeral Oration for Basileios

of Kaisareia).
Cf. Gregorios of Nazianzos, Or. 15.9 (In Praise of tbe Maccabees).
Cf. Gregorios of Nazianzos, Or. 38.10 (On Christmas); Attaleiates
is comparing Botaneiates to God.
See esp. 15.1-6 and 36.8-9 below.
Aan A

See 9.3-4 below.

C£. Diodoros of Sicily, Historical Library 1.1.1.
Cf. Agathias, Histories 3.1.
on

Cf. Leon the Deacon, History 1.1; ultimately Herodotos, Histories

1.1; outside of historiography, Gregorios of Nazianzos, Or. 44.1.
The Arabs of North Africa and Sicily.
Maniakes had been placed in command of southern Italy in 1035
but, after notable successes in Sicily, was recalled in 1040/1 and
imprisoned.
II An antiquarian term referring probably to the Normans (from
ancient Alba, near Rome), not modern Albanians.
12 Le., the Byzantine provinces in Italy.
13 In 1040/1.
14 Modern Sofia.
15 December 10, 1041.
16 Zoe was the daughter of Konstantinos VIII (r. 1025-1028) and
so the niece of Basileios II (r. 976-1025).
17 Michael IV had restored this monastery of Saints Kosmas and
Damianos, in Eyiip, outside the walls of Constantinople, per-
haps in order to be cured of his illness by these healer saints.

595
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

18 Matthew 11:11. The hand of the Baptist was a relic in the church
of the Virgin Peribleptos.
19 In 1034.
20 April r7, 1042.
21 This was the office of the eparcbos of the City.
22 Le., Hagia Sophia.
23 Founded by Basileios I in 880.
24 This refers to a forced monastic tonsure.
25 April 18, 1042.
26 Le., the inhabitants of Constantinople (Byzantion).
27 The forum of Constantine.
28 The eparcbos was Anastasios.
29 I.e., Hagia Sophia.
30 Patriarch Alexios (r. 1025-1043), formerly of the Stoudios mon-
astery.
31 Along the Golden Horn, in the northwest region of the City.
32 Since 1029.
33 A public square.
34 His name was Konstantinos.
35 April 20, 1042.
36 Michael IV had banished him to Mytilene seven years earlier.
37 Monomachos would be Zoe's third husband, after Romanos III
and Michael IV.
38 This was Stephanos Pergamenos, a eunuch with no military ex-
perience. The battle took place in March 1043.
39 This was Leon Lampros, governor of the tbema of Melitene.
40 In July 1043. The Rus’ leader was Vladimir, son of Yaroslav.
41 I.e., Sunday.
42 Le., Greek fire.
43 Le., nomophylax. The first was Ioannes Xiphilinos, later patri-
arch (see 16.2 below).
44 This was Konstantinos (later Michael) Psellos. His title was
Consul Gypatos) of the Philosophers; Attaleiates varies it as pro-
edros.
45 L.e., the Devil, or some such concept.

596
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

46 "The mss. here read "at any rate, he did suppress it."
47 An allusion to the feast of the Elevation of the Cross.
48 Le., Sunday, September 27, 1047.
49 Attributed to Menander; also in Maurikios, Strategikon 7.12a.1.
50 Referring to the Greek myth of Epimetheus (Afterthought) and
Prometheus (Forethought).
51 The Cretans were proverbial liars.
52 Its exact location is uncertain.
53 Ioannes Batatzes.
54 A mustering point on the via Egnatia.
55 Near Adrianople.
56 Le., December 25, 1047.
57 Only Tornikios and Batatzes were blinded.
58 Probably in the winter of 1046/7 or else 1048/9. The Pechenegs
were a nomadic people who settled north of the Black Sea to-
ward the end of the ninth century but began to attack Byzan-
tium directly only in the eleventh.
59 Cf. Jeremiah 13:23; Plutarch, A Selection from the Impossible Things
52.
60 An archaizing term for the Romans.
61 His name was Nikephoros.
62 In June 1050.
63 Konstantinos Arrianites.
64 The identity of this man is uncertain. The date is 1051-1052.
65 A pass in the eastern Haimos range, separating the territories of
the former kingdom of Bulgaria from those of the Byzantine
Empire.
66 The identity of this man is uncertain.
67 This mountain appears to be otherwise unknown.
68 Its location is uncertain.
69 In 1051-1052.
79 His name was Basileios.
71 Le., Yoke.
72 The following episode was probably inserted later and is written
in an elevated rhetorical style.

597
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

73 In reality the Oxus.

74 Tughril Beg, the second ruler of the Seljuk dynasty, was not of
servile origin; he had become lord of Persia by 1040.
75 l.e., Georgia, that is, Kartli, Kacheti, and Imereti.
γό Stephanos Leichoudes, son of Konstantinos Leichoudes. This
happened around 1045.
77 A much-debated reform of 1053-1054.
78 A Georgian prince.
79 Tughril Beg; sultan is an Arab word. This was the battle of Ka-
petru (1048).
80 In 1054.
81 L.e., Greek fire.
82 On January 7/8 or 11, 1055.
83 Saint Georgios of Mangana; see immediately below.
84 In 1053, a gift from the ruler of Egypt.
85 Le., the residents of Constantinople (Byzantion).
86 An odd image; perhaps the text is corrupt and was originally
about how an elephant may be killed by its drivers.
87 l.e., a giraffe.
88 Nikephoros Proteuon, governor of Bulgaria. He was arrested at
Thessalonike on his way to Constantinople and exiled to ἃ mon-
astery.
89 Zoe had died in 1050.
90 Leon Paraspondylos was regarded unfavorably by other contem-
poraries.
91 Cf. Isaiah 40:3.
92 August 31, 1056.
93 L.e., Jogotbetes.
94 This was Ioannes Opsaras. Bryennios ordered Opsaras to give
the soldiers a raise, and the latter refused.
95 Specifically Lykanthes, a thematic general.
96 In 1057.
97 August 20, 1057. Ten stades is equivalent to a little more than a
mile.
98 Possibly a passage added later by Attaleiates (the unspecified

598
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

subject of the following sentence is Komnenos, not Botane-

iates).
99 I.e., Isaakios, but the ambiguity reveals the intruded nature of
the material on Botaneiates.
IOO Patriarch from 1043 to 1058; he had hoped for a political career
before defeat forced him to become a monk.
IOI Eudokia Makrembolitissa, Doukas’s second wife, was the
daughter of Keroularios's sister.
102 Le., Hagia Sophia.
103 Michael VI had required all his higher officials to swear an oath
that they would not support Komnenos.
104 They were Nikephoros and Konstantinos (who came down from
the upper story of Hagia Sophia, where the patriarch was).
105 August 31, 1057.
106 On either September 1 or 4, 1057.
107 Le., Hagia Sophia.
108 I.e., the feast of Saint Michael (Keroularios's namesake) on No-
vember 8, 1058.
109 The monastery of the Nine Orders (that is, of angels), located
somewhere west of the city walls.
IIO These soldiers were Varangians.
III First to the island of Prokonnesos in the Sea of Marmara and
then to Imbros.
112 Genesis 22:17; Hebrews 6:14.
113 2 Corinthians 10:5.
114 2 Timothy 2:15.
115 Hebrews 11:40.
116 Keroularios died on January 21, 1059. Attaleiates implies that he
died on December 20, 1058. He means the Sunday before
Christmas, which in the Orthodox calendar is dedicated to the
memory of all who "pleased God."
117 See 12.6 above.
118 Patriarch from 1059 to 1065.
119 Presumably Leichoudes' accession as patriarch.
120 L.e., probably the Hungarians.

599
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

121 By a false etymology, Lobitzo is derived from Greek Jöbe,a « “out-

rage,” “damage.”
122 September 24, 1059.
123 A location on the Asian shore of the Bosporos.
124 November 24-25, 1059.
125 Ioannes Komnenos was the father of the future emperor Alex-
ios I (r. 1081-1118), who was barely two years old at this time.
126 Manuel Komnenos, the son of Isaakios's brother Ioannes, was
about fourteen at the time; the reference is probably to The-
odoros Dokeianos, son of Isaakios's anonymous sister, who was
about twenty-five.
127 See 11.7 above.
128 He died possibly on May 31, 1060, after six months and six days
in the monastery.
129 The "not" has been added to the text by its editor I. Pérez Mar-
tín.
130 Attaleiates tacitly rejects the view that it signified Isaakios's
punishment.
131 Psalm 83(84):12.
132 L.e., Michael VI the Old.
133 April 23, 1060 (some say 1061).
134 From the first words of Heliodoros's Aithiopika, a favorite text
in Byzantium.
135 Psalm 32(33):10-11.
136 Ioannes Doukas, a figure of much importance during this reign.
137 I.e., Hagia Sophia.
138 His identity is unknown.
139 Gregorios of Nazianzos, Or. 43.26 (Funeral Oration for Basileios of
Kaisareia).
140 Doukas had four sons and three daughters; one of each of them
was "born in the purple."
141 This was Eudokia Makrembolitissa.
142 The defeat of the Turkish leader Samouch cannot be dated;
Chorosalaris is a corruption of Chorasan salar, the latter sig-
nifying a general.
-

600
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

In 1045, Ani was annexed to the empire in the complicated pro-

cess of the absorption of the Armenian principalities.
This was Alp Arslan (r. 1063-1073) in 1064.
This was probably Gregorios Pakourianos, who later served
Alexios I.
August 16, 1064.
In Greek, chremata, chresis, and chresimotes.
In the autumn of 1064.
The Uzes were a Turkic Oghuz people who followed the Pech-
enegs in settling north of the Black Sea.
Probably the Rus’, following Leon the Deacon, History 9.6.
Much of this account is modeled from the sixth-century histo-
rian Agathias (see below).
Probably Kyrie eleeson (Lord, have mercy).
Agathias, Histories 5.3.9.
L.e., the First Ecumenical Council of Nikaia (325 CE).
Le., May 1065, but in reality in 1066.
This was Halley's comet.
May 22 or 23, 1067.
Eudokia Makrembolitissa.
Ioannes VIII Xiphilinos (τ. 1064-1075); he was the first nomopby-
lax (see 5.5 above).
In Bithynia.
Mesopotamia is here the name of a Byzantine thema, not the en-
tire region between the Tigris and the Euphrates. The date was
1067.
The Turcoman chief Ibn Khan al-Turkumani.
L.e., MichaelVI (r. 1056-1057); for the nickname, see 11.8 above.
In 1061.
This was Nikephoros Botaneiates; see below.
In 1065.
I.e., probably the Hungarians.
This prior acquaintance of the Hungarians with Diogenes took
place in 1059.
169 A pun on the name Diogenes, which means "born of Zeus."

όοι
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

Euripides, fr. 15.2.

December 25, 1067.
Le., Hagia Sophia.
In 1067.
L.e., the Senate.
I.e., Konstantinos X Doukas, who, before he died, made his wife
swear that she would not remarry.
l.e., January 1, 1068.
January 1 was the feast day of Saint Basil, to whom was ascribed
the authorship of a version of the liturgy.
Constantine the Great had endowed his city with a capitol, also
called the Philadelphion, at the main juncture of the Mese, but
it is unclear what function it served in this period.
Le., the sons of Konstantinos X Doukas.
This was Alp Arslan (r. 1063-1073).
Or “appeared to have already departed.”
This was a son of the emperor Konstantinos X Doukas and is
not to be confused with the son of the kaisar Ioannes, his cousin
Andronikos, who later played a role in the defeat at Mantzikert
(see 20.23-24 below).
The text is obscure at this point.
Compare 14.11 above.
For Amertikes, see 16.4 above.
L.e., the Varangian Guard.
Le., the Roman Empire (Ausones being an archaic term for the
Romans).
A pun on the name of Antioch.
This is otherwise unattested but is no doubt some sort of intes-
tinal ailment.
That is, January 1069.
April 12, 1069.
L.e., a German.
Le., the Byzantine thema, not the area between the Tigris and
the Euphrates.
This was Philaretos Brachamios, who created a state for himself
in southeast Asia Minor after the defeat at Mantzikert in 1071.

602
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

195 Hesiod, Works and Days 765-64.

I.e., the year 1069/70.
This was the nephew of the emperor Isaakios Komnenos (r.
1057-1059) and brother of the future emperor Alexios I Komne-
nos (r. 1081-1118).
Saint Michael the Archangel had diverted a river at Chonai by
splitting a rock to save a hermit and the shrine.
This was Arisghi or Chrysoskoulos, Alp Arslan's brother-in-law.
It was this army sent by Alp Arslan that had sacked Chonai.
This was a sixth-century ceremonial hall in the palace used for
receptions.
This is the first Sunday of Lent, which fell on March 15, 1071.
I.e., “Pitiful City.”
This stinginess presumably affected those in his immediate
company; perhaps we are meant to understand that the rest of
the army did encamp in the fields.
Le., Cold Spring.
L.e., Germans.
In 1049.
This was Roussel de Bailleul.
This was Alp Arslan.
This was a people from Central Asia.
John 15:20-21, 16:2. This is usually read for the feasts of martyrs
in the Orthodox calendar.
This was Nikephoros Basilakes.
Le., the sky.
Le., an imperial cross.
L.e., the aforementioned cross.
August 26, 1071.
Andronikos Doukas, son of the kaisar Ioannes.
Romans 2:11; Galatians 2:6.
The son was Michael VII Doukas (r. 1071-1078).
Le., “the Narrows.”
See 18.2 and 18.5 above.
In May or June 1072.
Matthew 12:20.

603
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

224 Possibly a reference to Diogenes' monastic status (schéma can

refer to the monastic habit) or else to the archangel Michael,
the emperor's namesake.
22ς June 29, 1072.
226 August 4, 1072.
227 Le., his funeral.
228 Cf. Matthew 13:25-40.
220 Also known by the diminutive Nikephoritzes.
230 Some believe this was Michael Psellos, but this is impossible.
231 Nikephoros was doux of Antioch in ca. 1063 and 1067.
232 L.e., May 1067.
233 Ioannes Doukas; this was probably in 1073.
234 Isaakios Komnenos, brother of Alexios.
235 The Norman Ursel (or Roussel) de Bailleul.
236 In 1074.
237 Maleses had been captured by the Seljuks at the Battle of Man-
tzikert.
238 This battle took place in 1074 or 1075.
239 A vestal virgin.
240 Luke 12:47.
241 2 Kings 22:6; Psalm 17:5-6.
242 Alexios Komnenos was then eighteen years old. This campaign
took place in 1075 or 1076.
243 Toutach, an emir.
244 The Greek term is pronoiai, but probably not yet used in its later
technical sense (a temporary grant of land by the emperor to
one of his favorites, from the revenues of which the latter had to
provide services to the state, including military service).
245 The Hebdomon was a parade ground and mustering point seven
miles from the City (as its name indicated). The monastery was
that of Saint John.
246 Phoundax came from Greek pandocheion via Arabic fundug.
247 A modius (modios) was a unit for measuring both land and grain.
Pérez Martin has proposed emending the text here to “eight
tenths of a modtos to one modios per gold coin” (ἀπὸ ὀκτὼ δέκατα
μοδίου εἰς Eva μόδιον τοῦ νομίσματος), referring not to the

604
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

price paid by the customers but that obtained by the producers

when they sold the grain to the phoundax operators.
248 One of the two manuscripts reads six pounds of gold.
249 In 1074.
250 Possibly in 1076.
251 In 1075.
252 A region near the Forum Tauri, named after the "Deaconess," in
legend a sister of the patriarch Sergios I (r. 610—638).
253 In 1078, but the revolt began in late 1077, so whatever this date
is, it is not that of his acclamation in the province.
254 The saying appears in this form in a commentary on Aristotle's
Rbetoric (H. Rabe, ed., p. 24); in similar forms in Diodoros of
Sicily, Historical Library 7.4.5; Georgios the Monk, Chronicle
p. 289.
255 The following genealogy is entirely fictitious.
256 The military emperor Nikephoros II Phokas (r. 963-969).
257 At the battle of the Milvian bridge in 312, but this was near
Rome itself, not in Gaul.
258 Homer, Iliad 6.448; for the episode before Carthage, see Polyb-
ius 38.21; Diodoros of Sicily 32.24; Appian, Roman History 8.132.
Attaleiates here conflates Scipio Africanus (who defeated Han-
nibal at Zama in 202 BCE) and Scipio Aemilianus (who de-
stroyed Carthage in 146 BCE).
259 He defeated Antiochos III at the battle of Magnesia in 189
BCE, not Ántiochos IV Epiphanes.
260 He defeated Perseus at the battle of Pydna in 168 BCE (and was
the father of Scipio Aemilianus).
261 l.e., with the Fabii.
262 The Byzantines called both Spain and Georgia “Iberia.”
263 “Italy” here being Byzantine (southern) Italy.
264 Germany
265 But they are mentioned in Strabon, Geograpby 11.2.19.
266 Nikephoros II Phokas (r. 963-969).
267 Attaleiates connects Phygella (on the western coast of Asia
Minor) with the Greek word phyge (flight); bagia means
“holy”

605
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

268 I.e., Ios, also called Nios, an island in the southern Aegean.
269 Cf. Homer, Odyssey 9.296ff. and 10.82ff. Both the Laestrygonians
and the Cyclops hurled rocks at Odysseus and his men.
270 A proverbial expression describing the total destruction of one
side in a battle.
271 Nikephoros II Phokas was murdered in 969, at the instigation
of his wife, Theophano, and successor, Ioannes I Tzimiskes (r.
969-976).
Basileios II (r. 976-1025).
The battle of Kleidion, a pass near the Strymon River, took
place in 1014.
Samuel of Bulgaria (r. 988-1014).
A people in the Caucasus region, in northwest Georgia (also
known as Abchasians).
In 1021-1022.
Giorgi I (r. 1014-1027), son of Bagrat III.
A Homeric characterization.
Later Bagrat IV (r. 1027-1072).
L.e., "citizen."
A proverb, ultimately from Euripides, Medeia 410.
I.e., Eudokia Makrembolitissa.
Α town whose name was related to the words for "shine" or
"glow."

In 1077.
This was Katakalon Tarchaneiotes.
At Traianoupolis (see 31.5 below).
This was Ioannes Batatzes.
Le., the crosses on which they had presumably sworn their oaths
of loyalty to the emperor.
This was Nikephoros Basilakes, soon to rebel himself.
A proverb.
291 The mss. have “use good to cure evil,” but Pérez Martín has
emended this on the basis of the ancient saying, "Use one evil to
cure another" (e.g., Thucydides 5.65.2; also Herodotos 3.53.4).
But it is possible that Attaleiates was offering a variation of that

606
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

saying, and the ms. reading may fit the thrust of his argument
better.
292 Possibly the son of Basileios, a hero in the fight against the Rus’
in 1043 (see 5.4 above).
293 Proverbial animals.
294 See 34.4 below.
295 The legendary queen who founded Babylon.
296 Drone bees have no stingers.
297 The text is possibly corrupt at this point.
298 A bridge across the Golden Horn near its northwestern extrem-
ity.
299 This is an emendation of Pérez Martín; the passage is possibly
more generally corrupt.
300 January 7, 1078.
301 A medimnos, or modios, was a unit for measuring both land and
grain. See 25.5 above for its price.
302 Patriarch from 1075 to 1081. The meeting took place in March
1078.
303 His name is unknown.
304 See 32.16 below.
305 Matthew 6:20.
306 Le., Botaneiates.
307 I.e., Michael VII Doukas.
308 Cf. Basil of Caesarea, Homilia exhortatoria ad sanctum baptisma
(PG 31.437.15).
309 John 15:1.
310 Otos and Ephialtes were the sons of Iphimedeia, queen of Al-
oeus, by Poseidon. They were giants who attempted to storm
Mount Olympos (and failed); cf. Homer, Odyssey 11.308—16; Leon
the Deacon, History 5.3.
311 This was a Turkish group under Süleyman, the son of Koutlou-
mous.
312 The archangel Michael.
313 A Seljukid ruling family related to the family of Alp Arslan
(Koutloumous was a cousin of Tughril Beg, and Süleyman and

607
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

Mansur were two of his sons). A member of this family was re-
sponsible for the foundation of the Athonite monastery of
Koutloumousiou, bearing the family name. Botaneiates basi-
cally gave them Nikaia in exchange for their help.
314 Isaiah 11:6.
315 The beginning of March 1078.
316 The Annunciation was celebrated on March 25, 1078.
317 Patriarch Aimilianos of Antioch had been expelled from his see
in I074.
318 I.e., monks.
319 See 32.4 above.
320 Nikephoros was first exiled, then executed.
321 The acclamations shouted as Christ entered Jerusalem on Palm
Sunday; cf. Psalm 117:26; Matthew 21:9.
322 April 1, 1078, but the dates of Botaneiates’ entry into the City
are unclear.
323 See 14.1 above.
324 See Leon VI, Novella 56.
325 This was Michael of Neokaisareia, a bishopric in Pontos.
326 Psalm 67:2.
327 Cf. Dio Cassius, Historiae Romanae (excerpta Planudea), exc. 2.
328 A violent giant in myth; cf. Homer, [fad 1.402-6.
329 Colossians 3:15.
330 This was Romanos Straboromanos.
331 Or "from the beginning."
332 See 25.2 and 26.3-4 above.
333 This was the battle of the River Halmyros.
334 See 34.10 and 36.17 below.
335 Attaleiates here plays on the single 2 in Botaneiates' name as op-
posed to the double s in that of Bryennios. This alludes to some
oracle regarding the succession of a type favored by the Byzan-
tines.
336 The last phrase is typically used for God (cf. the parallel between
Botaneiates and God in the preface).
337 This refers to the Varangian Guard.

608
 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

338 Some believe that this was Michael Psellos, but this is impossi-
ble.
339 Cf. Matthew 13:25-40.
340 See 31.4 above.
341 I.e., Albanians.
342 This is the future emperor Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081-1118).
343 In June or July 1078.
344 See 18.1213 above.
345 A Paulician (heretic) from Philippopolis.
346 Patriarch Kosmas (τ. 1075-1081).
347 Le., Eudokia Makrembolitissa.
348 Called Konstantinos in some sources.
349 In early 1079.
350 In 1080.
351 The column still stands; the statue, a colossal Apollo Helios
with a rayed crown, also called Anthelios, fell in 1106.
352 Cf. Aristotle, Meteorology 2.9.
353 Deuteronomy 10:18; Isaiah 1:17.
354 Sec 1.3 above.
355 Leon VI (r. 886—912).
356 The soldiers of Theodosios I massacred the people of Thessalo-
nike in 390.
357 Proverbs 9:8.
358 Like a legacy (/egaton), a bequest of a part of the deceased's prop-
erty.
359 Cf. Matthew 25:15-29; Luke 8:16.

609
 Byzantine Emperors and Patriarchs

BYZANTINE EMPERORS (886-1118)

886—912 Leon VI “the Wise”

912—913 Alexandros
913-959 Konstantinos VII "Porphyrogennetos"
920-944 Romanos I Lekapenos
959-963 Romanos II
963-969 Nikephoros II Phokas
969-976 Ioannes I Tzimiskes
976-1025 Basileios II
1025-1028 Konstantinos VIII
1028-1034 Romanos III Argyros
1034-I04I Michael IV "the Paphlagonian"
IO41-1042 Michael V “Kalaphates”
1042-1055 Konstantinos IX Monomachos
1055-1056 Theodora
1056-1057 Michael VI “the Old Man”
1057-1059 Isaakios I Komnenos
1059-1067 Konstantinos X Doukas
1067-1071 Romanos IV Diogenes
1071-1078 Michael VII Doukas

611
 BYZANTINE EMPERORS AND PATRIARCHS

1078—1081 Nikephoros III Botaneiates

1081-1118 Alexios I Komnenos

PATRIARCHS OF CONSTANTINOPLE (1025-1184)

1025-1043 Alexios of Stoudios

1043-1058 Michael I Keroularios
1059-1063 Konstantinos III Leichoudes
1064-1075 Ioannes VIII Xiphilinos
1075-1081 Kosmas I
1081-1084 Eustratios Garidas

612
 Glossary of Offices, Titles,
and Technical Terms

Most of the following information is based on the relevant entries

in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P. Kazhdan (Oxford,
1991). Our glossary, however, focuses on the eleventh-century
phase of the history of these terms, whose meaning was in contin-
ual evolution, and on the way they are used by Attaleiates. The
reader should be aware of the distinction between offices that car-
ried actual responsibilities, whether military, judicial, fiscal, or ad-
ministrative, and dignities or titles that were honorific and did not
entail any function, though they may have provided an annuity
from the imperial treasury.

allagion (pl. allagia): a military unit of 320-400 men.

Arithmot: alternative name for the vig/z, which, since the eighth cen-
tury, was one of the imperial tagmata (q.v). It was a contingent of elite
troops assigned to the protection of the imperial palace.
chrysoboullon (pl. chrysoboulla): a document bearing the emperor's “gold
seal,” used to grant privileges, ratify treaties, issue laws, or generally
communicate imperial decisions.

domestikos (of the east, of the west): originally the commander of the
tagma (q.v) of the Scholai (q.v.). The position evolved into a high com-
mand of the imperial field armies, which, in the tenth century, split
between eastern and western fields of responsibility.

613
GLOSSARY OF OFFICES, TITLES, AND TECHNICAL TERMS

doux: by the eleventh century this was usually the commander of one
of the larger military districts that emerged mainly in newly conquered
territories. The domestikos of the Scholai (q.v) was also sometimes
called a doux.
droungarios: a rank in the thematic armies, originally denoting the
leader of a droungos (1,000 men), but the number of men under this
command had gradually decreased. In the navy, a droungarios com-
manded the fleet at Constantinople.

eparcbos: the prefect, i.e., governor of Constantinople, an official with

judicial authority over the capital who was also in charge of public or-
der, supervised the guild system, and ensured the City's provisioning.
epi ton deeseon: a legal official tasked with collecting petitions addressed
to the emperor and drafting answers to them.

epi ton kriseon: a legal official created as part of Konstantinos Monoma-

chos's legislative reforms between 1043 and 1047. Attaleiates gives the
epi ton kriseon a supervisory role over the provincial courts.
indiction: among other dating systems concurrently in use, the Byzan-
tines divided time into fifteen-year cycles (based originally on the cy-
cles of the tax census). Each year of a particular cycle was a numbered
indiction, so, e.g., the seventh indiction was the seventh year of that
cycle (out of fifteen).
kaisar: by the eleventh century kaisar (from Latin Caesar) was a title
reserved mostly for the emperors' sons or other influential members
of the imperial family, possibly denoting an heir. In Attaleiates' time
the title by itself referred to its holder Ioannes Doukas, brother of the
emperor Konstantinos X Doukas.
katepano: commander of a military unit. By the end of the tenth cen-
tury and during the eleventh century, the governors of major military
provinces such as Italy, Mesopotamia, Bulgaria, and the region of An-
tioch held that position.

kentenaria: a sum of one hundred Roman pounds; at seventy-two gold

coins to the pound, it was the equivalent of 7,200 coins.

614
GLOSSARY OF OFFICES, TITLES, AND TECHNICAL TERMS

kleisoura (pl. kleisourat): territorial units, usually centered on strategic

mountain passes, under the command of a kleisourarches.
kouropalates: a high-ranking dignity (from Latin cura palatii) below
those of katsar and nobellisimos (q.v) in the ninth and tenth centuries.
Generals unaffiliated with the ruling family sometimes held this dig-
nity in the eleventh century.
krites (pl. kritat): an official with mainly judicial but also administrative
and fiscal duties. Some &ritai presided over their own courts, though
legal expertise and training cannot always be assumed. In some prov-
inces, in the tenth and eleventh centuries &rita? succeeded the gener-
als (strategoi) as chief administrators.

krites of the hippodrome: a professional judge who may have held his
tribunal at the hippodrome (or alternatively at the "covered hippo-
drome" of the palace).

krites of the army: the rites tou stratopedou first appears in Attaleiates
(an office that he held). From his account, it seems that this official
dealt with disciplinary issues that emerged during a campaign and on
civilian-military relations.

rites of the velon: a member of a twelve-man panel functioning in

Constantinople as one of the empire's highest tribunals, after che
tenth century. The krita?s name may originate from the location of
their court behind a large awning (ve/um) at the hippodrome.

logotbetes: "director of a bureau," a title that rose to prominence after

the decline of the praetorian prefect in the seventh century. A /ogothetes
would supervise various aspects of the administrative apparatus, his
logotbesion. Under Alexios Komnenos, various bureaus (/ogothesta) were
placed under the supervision of a megas logotbetes.
logotbetes of the waters: an official mentioned only in Attaleiates' His-
tory, in connection with his friend Basileios Maleses, though his pre-
cise functions are unclear.

logotbetes tou dromou: the director of the bureau of the dromos, respon-
sible for ceremonial, the emperor's safety, intelligence-gathering, and

615
GLOSSARY OF OFFICES, TITLES, AND TECHNICAL TERMS

the supervision of foreign affairs. Sometimes this official functioned

as the emperor's chief of staff or prime minister.

magistros: a high-ranking dignity for most of the ninth and tenth

centuries, the magistros lost some of its prestige in the course of the
eleventh century and was granted to middle-rank courtiers and of-
ficials.
megas hetaireiarches: commander of the Hetaireia, an imperial tagma
(q.v) in charge of palace security.

nobellisimos: a dignity ranked in the late ninth century between those

of kaisar and kouropalates (q.v). Previously reserved for the imperial
family, in the last third of the eleventh century it was also conferred
upon supreme military commanders, such as the future emperor Alex-
ios Komnenos.
orpbanotropbos: the director of an orphanage, who belonged to the
clergy in the early Byzantine period. While this remained true for the
provinces, in the capital the orphanotrophoi eventually became mem-
bers of the secular hierarchy and often held other offices in the bu-
reaucracy.
patrikios: a high-rankirig dignity alluding to the Republican Roman pa-
triciate. Awarded to the highest-ranking officials in the tenth century,
it gradually lost its prestige in the course of the eleventh century, slip-
ping into obscurity by the twelfth.

praipositos: from Latin praepositus sacri cubiculi, the late Roman grand
chamberlain, the highest-ranking eunuch serving the emperor. In the
middle Byzantine period his functions were taken over by the parakoi-
momenos. The praipositoi were eunuchs involved in palace ceremonial
and seem to have become extinct after 1087.
proedros: a high-ranking dignity first appearing in the tenth century. It
was granted broadly in the eleventh century but disappeared after che
mid-twelfth.

protasekretis: the head of the imperial chancery. Among his most im-
portant responsibilities was the drafting of chrysoboulla (q.v.).

616
GLOSSARY OF OFFICES, TITLES, AND TECHNICAL TERMS

protoproedros: a dignity resulting from the inflation of that of proedros

(q.v).

protosynkellos: an ecclesiastical position resulting from a title inflation

of that of synkellos. These were patriarchal confidants who frequently
succeeded to the patriarchate.

protovestes: a dignity resulting from the inflation of that of vestes (q.v)

in the context of the eleventh-century title inflation.
protovestiarios: a post for palace eunuchs, second to that of parakoimo-
menos. In the eleventh century, it was held in conjunction with impor-
tant positions in the administration. Konstantinos Leichoudes held it
while running the government under Konstantinos IX Monomachos.

raiktor: a high-ranking courtier who could be a eunuch or a priest. The

position often appears in combination with other high-ranking mili-
tary or civil offices (from Latin rector).

roga (pl. rogai): a form of salary paid mostly in cash to soldiers and civil
officials. It could also be a government annuity obtained through the
purchase of an office or title. As of the eleventh century, a roga often
accompanied the dignities granted to foreign rulers. The rogai of the
highest-ranking officials and title-holders were paid in a ceremony
held at the palace in the week before Palm Sunday.
sakellarios: in the eleventh century the imperial sakellarios was the gen-
eral comptroller of various administrative bureaus; the Church had
one of its own, who in this period supervised the monasteries of Con-
stantinople.

Scholai: one of the first two tagmata (q.v) created by Konstantinos V in

the eighth century.
sebastophoros: an office or title introduced in the tenth century and
conferred mainly on eunuchs. Its functions remain unclear; possibly it
designated the man who held the emperor's banner.

sebastos: che Greek rendition of Latin augustus, this term reappeared in

the eleventh century as an honorific dignity that later became the
foundation for Alexios I Komnenos's reform of court titles.

617
GLOSSARY OF OFFICES, TITLES, AND TECHNICAL TERMS

sekretiboi: the officials of a sekreton (q.v) (cf. English secretary).

sekreton: a bureau of the imperial administration.

Stratelatai: a tagma (q.v.).

tagma (pl. tagmata): a regiment of professional soldiers under direct
imperial command created in the eighth century by Konstantinos V as
a check on the power of the generals (stratego:) of the tbemata (q.v.) and
the thematic armies. By the late tenth century, the tagmata were quar-
tered throughout the lands of the empire, but by the eleventh century
the term was used to refer generally to all imperial armies, as the dis-
tinction between thematic and tagmatic units faded. Therefore, we
translate tagmata as "units" when it is used in a general sense and leave
tagma only when one of the older known units is named after it.

thema (pl. tbemata): one of the provinces of the empire, whose number
had multiplied by the late eleventh century; the term also referred to
the army stationed in a given province, though this system of military
organization was in terminal decline in Attaleiates' time, as the empire
had come to rely on full-time professional or mercenary soldiers.

vestarcbes: a title first recorded in the tenth century and associated

with high-ranking palace personnel. By the eleventh century, it stood
somewhere between the magistros and vestes (q.v) and was conferred
on kritai of the velon (q.v). By the end of the century, the related title
protovestarches was being granted to notaries, indicating a decline in
the vestarches’ importance. The title seems to have disappeared some-
time later.

vestes: a title that first appears in the tenth century and was granted to
prominent members of the military establishment. By the end of the
eleventh century, it had lost some of its prestige and was given to for-
eign mercenaries such as Rouselios and midlevel officials, as Attalei-
ates was when he held it.

618
 k
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622
 CONSTANTINOPLE
1. Great Palace
2. Bronze Gate
3. Augoustaion
4. Hagia Sophia
5. Hagia Eirene
6. St. Georgios of Mangana
7. Sts. Sergios and Bakchos
8. Hippodrome
9. Praetorium
10. Forum of Constantine
11. Senate
12. Forum of Theodosios
13. Forum of Leo
14. Forum of Marcian
15. Holy Apostles
16. Amastrianon
17. Forum Bovis
18. Forum of Arkadios
19. Sigma
20. St. Maria Peribleptos
21. St. Georgios of the Cypress
Propontis 22. St. Ioannes of Stoudios
(Sea of Marmara) 23. Golden Gate
24. Sts. Anargyroi
25. Harbor of Theodosios
Miles 26. Kontoskalion Harbor
Kilometers Map by Ian Mladjov

623
 Bibliography

EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER)

Bekker, I. Michaelis Attaliotae Historia. Bonn, 1853, in the series Corpus

Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, with Latin translation.
Grégoire, H. “Michel Attaliate, Histoire." Byzantion 28 (1958): 325-62. Par-
tial French translation.
Polemis, I. Μιχαὴλ Ἀτταλειάτης: Ἱστορία. Athens, 1997, in the series
Κείμενα Βυζαντινής Iotoptoypagiac, vol. 8. Modern Greek transla-
tion and some corrections to Bekker's text.
Pérez Martín, I. Miguel Ataliates: Historia. Madrid, 2002, in the series
Nueva Roma, vol. τς. New critical edition with full introduction, his-
torical notes, and Spanish translation.

SCHOLARSHIP ON ÄTTALEIATES

Amande, C. “Lencomio di Niceforo Botaniate nell’ historia di Attaliate:

modelli, fonti, suggestioni letterarie." Serta Historica Antiqua 2 (1989):
265-86.
Cresci, L. R. "Anticipazione e possibilita: moduli interpretativi della storia
di Michele Attaliata." In Storia e tradizione culturale a Bisanzio fra XI e
XII secolo: Atti della prima giornata di studi bizantini sotto il patrocinio della
Associazione italiana di studi byzantini, ed. R. Maisano, pp. 71-96. Naples,
1993.
—— "Cadenze narrative e interpretazione critica nell’ opera storica di
Michele Attaliate." Revue des Etudes Byzantines 49 (1991): 197—218.
Hinterberger, M. “Φόβῳ κατασεισθῆς: Ta πάθη του ανθρώπου xat τῆς
αὐτοκρατορίας στον Μιχαήλ Ατταλειάτη. To αἰτιολογικό σύστημα
£vÓc ἱιστορικού του 110v αιώνα.᾽ In H αυτοκρατορία σε κρίση G) To

624
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Βυζάντιο τον 110 αιώνα (1025-1081), ed. V. Vlyssidou, pp. 155-67. Ath-
ens, 2003.
Kaldellis, A. "A Byzantine Argument for the Equivalence of All Religions:
Michael Attaleiates on Ancient and Modern Romans." International
Journal of tbe Classical Tradition 14 (2007): 122.
Kazhdan, A. "The Social Views of Michael Attaleiates." In Studies on Byz-
antine Literature of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, A. Kazhdan, ed.,
with S. Franklin, pp. 23-87. Cambridge, 1984.
Krallis, D. "Attaleiates as a Reader of Psellos." In Reading Michael Psellos,
ed. C. Barber and D. Jenkins, pp. 167-91. Leiden, 2006.
. "Democratic' Action in Eleventh-Century Byzantium: Michael At-
taleiates’ 'Republicanism' in Context." Viator 40 (2009): 35-53.
. Michael Attaleiates and tbe Politics of Imperial Decline in Eleventb-
Century Byzantium. Tempe, Ariz., 2012.
. "Sacred Emperor, Holy Patriarch: A New Reading of the Clash be-
tween Emperor Isaakios I Komnenos and Patriarch Michael Kerou-
larios in Attaleiates’ History.” Byzantinoslavica 67 (2009): 169-90.
Lemerle, P. "La Diataxis de Michel Attaliate (mars 1077).” In Cing études sur
le Xle siecle byzantin, P. Lemerle, ed., pp. 65—112. Paris, 1977.
Markopoulos, A. "The Portrayal of the Male Figure in Michael Attale-
iates.” In H avtoxpatopla σε κρίση () To Βυζάντιο tov ττο aióva
(1025~1081), ed. V. Vlyssidou, pp. 215-30. Athens, 2003.

625
 Subject Index

Byzantines are wherever possible listed under their family names,

except for emperors, empresses, and patriarchs.

Abasgians, 29.6—7 20.9, 20.12, 20.15, 20.19, 20.21—22,

Abydos, 21.5 20.24—28, 21.6, 21.10; nn. 144,
Adanae, 21.8, 28.8 180, 199—200, 209, 313
Adrianople, 6.1—2, 7.5, 7.8, 7.16, 11.3, Alps, 27.12
26.5, 26.7, 31.1, 31.2, 31.4—6, 31.8, Alyates, Theodoros, 21.5
32.6, 34-12, 35-4, 35-9 Amaseia, 25.2, 26.3
Aegean, n. 268 Ambrose of Milan, 36.12
Aemilius Paulus, 27.11 Amertikes, 16.4, 17.7
Africa, 27.9-10; n. 9 Amorion, 17.22
Agarenes, 3.1, 6.5 Anaplous, 31.10
Agathias, 15.4; nn. 7, 148, 150 Anatolikon thema, 17.2, 20.4, 23.3,
Albanoi (Albans; the Normans), 27.2, 32.2
3.1, 5.2 Anelios, 36.8
Aleppo, 16.4—5, 17.7, 17.9-10, 17.13- Ani, 14.2, 14.4; n. 140
14, 17.17, 18.20 Anthiai, 18.13, 18.15
Alexander the Great, 27.11, 29.3, Antioch, 16.5-6, 16.12-13, 17.3,
33-9 17.8, 17.18, 17.20, 18.1920, 21.6,
Alexandron, 17.2 22.2—3, 28.8, 32.15; nn. 188, 231,
Alexios I Komnenos, 25.2, 26.3, 347
31.9, 31.1I-12, 34.4—6, 35.7 Antiochos ITI/TV, 27.10; n. 252
Aloeis, 32.8 Apokapes, Basileios, 8.3, 14.6
Alousianos, Samuel, 18.2 Apokapes, Pharasmanios, 17.15
Alp Arslan, 14.4, 16.12, 17.3, 19.5, Appian, n. 251

626
 SUBJECT INDEX

Arabs, 16.5, 17.7, 17.16-17, 28.1, 28.8; Basilakes, Nikephoros, 20.16, 31.4,
n.9 35-477
Areios, 15.5 Basileios II Boulgaroktonos, 29.1,
Ares, 17.2 29.5
Aristotle, nn. 254, 354 Batatzes, Ioannes, 6.11, 31.374; nn.
Arkadioupolis, 7.7 53, 57, 287
Armeniac thematallands, 18.2, 18.5, Batatzina, 31.3, 31.8
18.19, 21.3, 23.3, 25.2, 34.4; n. 143 Bithynia, 15.5, 17.2, 21.7, 32.10,
Armenian(s), 14.3, 16.7, 16.9, 17.7, 36.4-5
17.12, 17.15, 18.17, 18.1920, 20.14, Blachernai, 6.4, 12.6, 18.21, 20.14,
21.6, 27.13, 35.10 30.6, 31.9, 31.11, 32.2, 32.15-16
Arrianites, Konstantinos, 7.5; n. 63 Black Sea, 26.4
Artach, 17.18 Botaneiatai, 34.3
Artze, 20.9 Botaneiates, Michael, 29.3-8
Arvanitai, 35.5 Botaneiates, Nikephoros the elder,
Asia, 7.4, 11.4, 14.5, 17.3, 20.9, 27.10, 29.1-2
29.7, 36.4; n. 123 Boukellarioi thema, 22.2
Asia Minor, nn. 194, 267 Boulgarophygon, 6.12
Askalon, 32.4 Brachamios, Philaretos, 35.10; n.
Assyria, 27.13 194
Athyra, 31.10, 31.31—12 Briareos, 34.1
Athyron, 14.8 Bryennios, Ioannes, 31.1, 31.5, 31.9-
Atlantic Ocean, 36.17 12
Attaleiates, Michael, 1 (Dedica- Bryennios, Nikephoros, 20.15,
tion), 1.4, 2 (Preface), 2.2, 12.16, 31.1, 31.3, 31.5-12, 32.1-2, 32.5-6,
16.8, 16.10, 17.11, 17.21, 18.1032, 32.13-15, 34.1-8, 34.10, 35.4-6,
20.14, 20.20, 20.24, 20.29, 23.8, 35.9, 36.17; n. 335
24.1, 24.4—5, 28.7—8, 31.24, 31.8, Bulgaria, 7.9, 29.5; nn. 65, 88,
32.1, 33.20, 34.8, 36.17; nn. 3, 44, 274
98, 116, 130, 258, 267, 291, 335 Bulgarians, 3.2, 6.11, 7.10, 7.12, 14.6,
Ausinalios, 17.6 14-9, 29.13, 29.5, 35.5
Ausonians, 27.3 Byzantion. See Constantinople
Azas (fortress of), 17.16
Carthage, 27.9, n. 251
Bardarios River, 35.7 Celtiberia, 27.12
Basil, Saint, 16.3, 16.14; nn. 1, 177 Chaldia, 14.1

627
 SUBJECT INDEX

Chalkedon, 20.2, 21.12, 25.3, 30.6, Dalassenos, Konstantinos, 4.3

32.13 Danube River, 7.1, 12.13, 14.6, 14.9,
Chalkeus, 17.22 14.12, 16.8, 26.1, 26.6, 35.12
Chalkis, 7.7 David (ally of Nikephoritzes),
Chandax, 28.4-5 32.16
Charioupolis, 7.7 Demetrios, Saint, 29.4
Charsianon thema, 20.6 Diakonissa neighborhood, 26.8
Chatatourios, 18.19, 21.6, 21.8 Dilimnitai, 20.9
Chliat, 18.11-12, 20.9, 20.11, 20.15, Diodoros of Sicily, nn. 6, 247, 251
20.16, 20.19 Dionysos, 14.8
Choirobakchoi, 14.8 Dobromir, 35.11
Choirosphaktes, Eustratios, 20.29 Dokeia, 21.3, 21.4-5
Chonai, 19.3; nn. 198, 200 Dokeianos, Michael, 3.1, 7.5
Chorosalaris, 14.1; n: 142 Dorylaion, 18.4, 23.3
Chrysopolis, 11.9, 23.9, 25.3, 30.6, Doukas, Andronikos (I), 17.4
32.13, 33.5, 36.4-5 Doukas, Andronikos (II), 20.23,
Chrysorroas, 33.2 21.3, 21.8; nn. 182, 217
Chrysotriklinos, 19.5, 21.3 Doukas, Ioannes, 17.1, 23.3; nn. 133,
Church of Holy Wisdom. See 178, 211, 227
Hagia Sophia Doukas, Konstantios, 36.3, 36.5; n.
City/City of Byzas. See Constanti- 348
nople Dristra, 26.2
Constantine the Great, 27.7, 27.13, Dyrrachion, 31.1, 31.4, 35.4-5
36.8; nn. 27, 178
Constantinople, 3.2, 4.1, 4.4, 4.8, Edessa, 21.2
6.2—4, 6.5, 6.7, 6.9, 6.11, II.2, I1.4— Egypt, 9.4; n. 84
5, 11.7—8, 12.1, 12.5, 12.11, 12.15, Ele@nopolis, 20.3
13.5, 14.8, 14.10, 15.4, 16.9, 16.11, Ephesians, 36.1
17.1, 17.22, 18.9, 18.21, 19.1, 20.12, Epidamnos, 31.1, 35.4
21.2, 21.4—7, 23.13, 26.3, 26.5, 26.7— Epimetheus, 6.10
8, 27.2, 27.7, 29.5, 29.8, 30.2, 30.5, Eria, 20.3
31.1, 31.4, 31.9, 32.1, 32.4, 32.6, Ethiopian, 7.3
32.8, 32.12, 32.15; nn. 17, 26, 85, 88 Eudokia Makrembolitissa, 16.1,
Cretans, 6.9 16.10-14, 21.2-3, 21.13; nn. IOI,
Crete, 28.1—5, 28.7, 34.4 158, 282, 347
Cumans, 35.9 Euphrates River, 14.1, 16.3, 17.8,

628
 SUBJECT INDEX

18.9, 18.12, 18.13, 18.16, 18.18; nn. Helenopolis, 20.3

161, 193 Hellas thema, 14.6, 22.4
Euripides, nn. 170, 281 Hellespont, 15.3, 32.14
Europe, 7.4, 11.4, 14.5, 14.7—8, 14.10, Herakleia in Thrace, 31.9, 32.14,
27.10, 29.7 32.16
Herakleia Pontike, 18.19
Fabii, family of, 27.8, 27.10, 27.12; n. Herakles, 29.6
261 Herakles, Pillars of, 27.12
Franks/Frankish peoples, 17.6, 18.2, Hesiod, 18.14; n. 195
18.5, 18.7, 20.9, 20.11, 21.4—5, 23.1, Hierapolis, 17.7, 17.9, 17.15, 19.2
23.5, 23.9, 23.10—I1, 25.2, 31.1, 31.5, Hieria, 18.1, 20.1, 20.3
31.11, 35.4, 35.7 Holy Anargyroi, 4.1
Holy Apostles, 4.4, 36.19
Galabrye, 34.4 Homer, nn. 251, 262, 301, 318
Galatia, 14.1 Honorias, 14.1, 21.7
Ganges, 8.1
Gaul, 27.7, 27.12; n. 257 Iberia, 8.1-2, 14.1-2, 16.7, 20.8,
Georgios, Saint, 13.4 20.28, 27.12-13
Georgios I of Iberia, 29.7; n. 269 Ikonion, 18.16, 18.19, 23.1, 32.4
Georgios of Mangana, Saint, 9.2; n. Ilion (Troy), 27.9
83 Illyrikon, 3.2, 14.6
Germanikeia, 17.6, 28.8 Immortals, 26.8, 31.1, 36.4
God's Wisdom. See Hagia Sophia Imperial City. See Constantinople
Great Church. See Hagia Sophia India, 20.9
Great Preslav, 7.9 Ioannes I Tzimiskes, 29.1; n. 264
Gypsarion, 17.22 Ioannes VIII Xiphilinos (patri-
arch), 16.2; nn. 43, 159
Hades, 11.5 Ioannes of Side, 22.1, 22.4
Hagia, 28.2 Ioannes Orpbanotropbos, 4.3
Hagia Sophia, 4.4, 4.7—8, 11.8, 12.1- Iron Gates, 7.7-8
2, 13.7, 16.2, 16.11, 25.4, 32.2, 32.4, Isaakios I Komnenos, 11.2, 11.4-5,
32.15—17, 36.19; nn. 22, 29, 102, 11.7—9, 12.1-8, 12.1011, 12.13-16;
104, 107, 172 nn. 99, 126, 197
Halys, 20.6 Isauria, 21.7-8
Hannibal, 27.9; n. 251 Isaurians, 21.8
Hebdomon, 25.3 Israelites, 32.9 |

629
 SUBJECT INDEX

Italian regions, 3.1 Konstantinos VIII, n. 16

Italy, 4.5, 5.1, 18.2, 35.4; nn. 10, 12, Konstantinos IX Monomachos,
263 5.1-3, 5.5, 6.1, 6.3-6, 6.8, 6.10—12,
7.274, 7.6-7, 7.9—10, 7.17, 8.15,
Job, 12.7, 21.13 9.1—6, 12.12, 13.4, 14.2, 16.2, 17.19
John the Baptist, 4.1 Konstantinos X Doukas, 11.7, 12.15,
Jonah, 23.6 13.111, 14.3-4, 14.7—8, 14.10-12,
Justinian, 15.4 15.7, 16.3, 16.4, 16.6, 16.8, 21.3,
22.2, 26.2; nn. 175, 179, 182
Kaisareia, 16.4, 18.6, 19.2, 20.6, 23.2; Konstantinos nobellisimos, 4.9; n. 34
nn. I, 139 Konstantinos praipositos, 7.5
Kappadokia, 16.11, 16.14, 17.1, 18.16, Konstantinos protoproedros, 21.4
21.15 Kosmas I (patriarch), 32.4, 36.1
Kappadokians, 11.3, 17.12, 21.6, 23.3 Kotyaeion, 21.10, 32.10
Katma, 17.17 Koutloumous, 32.12, 33.5; n. 313
Kelesine, 18.13, 18.15 Krispinos, 18.2—5, 21.5, 21.8
Keramos, 18.18 Krya Pege, 20.6
Kilikia, 16.4, 16.12, 17.3, 17.20, Kyklopes, 28.4
18.19-20, 21.7-8, 28.4 Kypselai, 6.11
Klaudioupolis, 18.21 Kyzikos, 15.3, 32.14
Kleidion, 29.2; n. 260
Koile Syria, 17.3, 17.20, 22.2 Laistrygonians, 28.4
Kokousos, 17.6 Lampe, 30.6, 31.11
Koloneia, 14.1, 17.3, 18.19, 21.2, 21.12 Larissa, 18.6
Koloneia thema, 20.8 Latin(s), 7.7, 8.3, 18.2, 23.1, 25.2,
Komnenos, Ioannes, 12.15; nn. 122, 32.14
123, 127, 193 Leichoudes, Stephanos, 8.1
Komnenos, Isaakios (Alexios's Leka, 35.11
brother), 23.2-3; n. 228 Leon V], 36.11
Komnenos, Manuel (Alexios's Leon epi ton deeseon, 20.29
brother), 19.1-2, 19.4—5, 20.8; n. Libellisios, Petros, 17.8
126 Liparites, 8.2
Konstantinos I. See Constantine Lobitzo, 12.14
the Great Lower Gaul, 27.7
Konstantinos III Leichoudes (pa- Lydians, 33.2
triarch), 12.12; nn. 118, 119 Lykandos, 16.7, 17.3

630
 SUBJECT INDEX

Lykaonai, 18.7 23.7—9, 23.11-13, 25.1-4, 25.6,

Lykaonia, 18.19, 21.7 26.2—8, 27.1, 27.34, 30.2, 30.5,
31.1—4, 31.10—II, 32.1-6, 32.10,
Macedonia, 6.10, 7.4, 7.9, 14-12, 15.3, 32.13, 32.15-16, 33.2, 33.8, 33.11,
26.5, 26.7, 31.1, 31.6 34-4, 35.10, 36.1-3; nn. 219, 307
Macedonians, 27.11, 31.12, 32.6, 34.5 Michael of Neokaisareia, n. 325
Machmoutios, 17.10 Michael of Nikomedeia, 22.2, 35.3
Maenads, 14.8 Michael the bypertimos, 35.3
Maleses, Basileios, 20.29, 23.8, Milvian Bridge, n. 249
23.12 Mopsouestia, 18.19-21
Maniakes, Georgios, 3.1, 4.2, 5.1; n. Mopsoukrene, 28.8
IO Mother of God, 14.10, 20.15, 26.6,
Mantzikert, 8.3, 20.9, 20.10, 20.12- 28.4, 28.7, 32.15-16, 34.7
I3, 20.28; nn. 182, 194, 237 Myriophyton, 15.3
Maxentius, 27.7 Myrmidons, 14.12
Medes, 27.13 Mysians, 3.2
Melangeia, 18.4
Melissopetrion, 21.2 Naziraioi, 32.15
Melitene, 6.1, 14.1, 16.3, 16.7, 17.6, Neapolis, 12.15
17.22, 18.9, 18.16, 18.18, 23.1, 28.8; Nemitzia, 27.12
n. 39 Nemitzos, 18.5
Mese, n. 174 Neokaisareia, 17.4, 33.8; n. 325
Mesembria, 35.11 Neos (los), 28.3
Mesene, 34.4 Nephthalite Huns, 8.1-2, 14.1, 16.3-
Mesopotamia, 14.1, 16.3, 16.7, 18.5, 5,17.9, 19.2, I9.5, 27.5, 32.12
18.11, 20.19; n. 161 Nestor, 26.2, 26.5-6
Metabole, 23.10-11, 23.13, 25.2 Nestorios, 16.7
Michael I Keroularios (patriarch), New Church, 4.4
11.7-9, 12.1—2, 12.5—11; n. 105 Nikaia, 11.5, 12.16, 15.5, 28.1, 32.10-
Michael IV Paphlagon, 3.12, 4.1; 14, 32.17, 36.4; nn. 154, 313
nn. 17, I9, 36, 37 Nikephoros II Phokas, 27.7, 28.1-8,
Michael V Kalaphates, 4.1, 4.4-9 29.1
Michael VI the Old, 11.1-5, 11.7-9, Nikephoros III Botaneiates, 1.1-3,
12.1, 16.4; nn. 103, 132, 163 7.13, 7.14, 7.16, 11.6, 14.6, 16.7-8,
Michael VII Doukas, 20.23, 21.35, 16.13, 23.4, 27.3—5, 28.7, 29.1, 29.3,
21.II, 2L.13-14, 22.1-4, 23.1-3, 23.5, 30.1, 30.4—6, 31.9, 31.11, 32.1-2,

631
 SUBJECT INDEX

Nikephoros III Botaneiates (con- Perseus, 27.11; n. 260

tinued) Persia, 8.1, 17.7, 19.5, 20.9, 20.12,
32.4, 32.6—17, 33.1-6, 33.8-II, 23.1, 32.12; D. 74
34.1-10, 35.1-3, 35.5-8, 35.10-12, Persians, 7.16, 8.1, 17.374, 20.9, 21.2,
36.2—3, 36.7, 36.10—21; nn. 95, 96, 23.8, 32.12
161, 298, 304, 313, 325, 326 Petrion, 4.7
Nikephoros /ogothetes, aka Nike- Philaretos, Epiphanios, 18.1213
phoritzes, 22.24, 23.2, 25.2-6, Phokades, 27.6, 27.8, 27.12, 28.1
26.1—2, 26.5—6, 31.4, 31.8, 32.5, Phrygia, 14.1, 17.2
32.16, 35.10 Phygella, 28.2; n. 267
Nikomedeia, 11.4, 22.2, 23.9, 32.13, Pisidia, 18.19, 21.7
35-3 Plutarch, n. 59
Nile River, 33.2 Podandos, 17.22, 21.8
Normans, n. 11 Polemon, 11.5
Polybios, n. 251
Olympos, Mount, 16.2 Pontos, 33.8; n. 325
Opsaras, Ioannes, n. 94 Prainetos, 32.13, 32.17, 33.1
Ouzoi, 14.6, 14.9 Preslav, 7.9
Prokonnesos, 6.10; n. 108
Pakourianos, Gregorios, n. 142 Propontis, 5.3, 17.1, 21.13, 23.13,
Paktolos, 33.2 32.14
Pangratios (1), 14.34 Prote, 21.13
Pangratios (IL), 29.7; n. 279 Proteuon, 9.6; n. 86
Panion, 15.5, 31.8 Psellos, Michael, 5.5; nn. 44, 224,
Panteleömoi, Saint, 31.10 328
Paphlagonia, 21.7 Pylai, 20.3, 32.13
Paphlagonians, 3.1
Paraspondylos, Leon, 10.1 Queen of Cities. See Constanti-
Pechenegs, 7.1, 7.14, 12.13, 14.9, nople
14.12, 26.1—2, 26.5, 26.7, 32.6, 34.5,
35.5, 35.11 Raidestos, 6.10, 15.3, 25.4—5, 31.24,
Peloponnesos, 22.3 31.8, 32.6 .
Pergamenos, Stephanos, 5.1-3; Red Sea, 32.9
n. 38 Reigning City. See Constantinople
Perinthos, 31.9 Rentakios, Mount, 7.7
Peritheorion, 35.7 Romanos III Argyros, n. 37

632
 SUBJECT INDEX

Romanos IV Diogenes, 16.8—11, Sarvandikon, Mount, 18.20

16.13-14, 17.1-IO, 17-12-20, 18.12, Sauromatai, 12.13, 16.8-9
18.4-10, 18.12—13, 18.1521, 19.1-5, Scipio Aemilianus, 27.9; n. 251
20.1—17, 20.19—29, 21.2-13, 22.1, Scipio Africanus, 27.9—10; n. 258
22.3 Scipio Asiaticus, 27.10
Romanos the protoproedros and Scipiones, family of, 27.9
megas hetaireiarches, 34.2 Sea of Marmara, n. 108
Romans, 3.1, 5.1, 7.2, 7.4—5, 7.7, 7-13, Sebasteia, 17.3—4, 17.6, 18.19, 19.2,
8.2-3, 9.1, 9.3, 13.11, 14.2, 14.12, 20.8
17.5, 17.7-8, 17.10—14, 17.16-17, Selenoi, 14.8
17.19, 17.22, 18.2-4, 18.7, 18.910, Seleukeia, 18.19-21
18.12, 18.15, 18.17, 18.20, 19.1-2, Seljuks, 8; n. 237. See also Nephtha-
I9.5, 20.8, 20.17-18, 20.20—21, lite Huns; Turks
20.24, 20.26—28, 21.8, 21.10, 21.12, Selte, 12.13
22.1—2, 23.2, 23.5, 23.9—IO, 23.12, Selymbria, 6.3, 31.9
24.1-4, 25.1-4, 26.2, 26.5-6, 26.9, Semiramis, 31.9
27.1—2, 27.4, 27.5, 27.I0-11, 27.13, Serdica, 3.2, 12.13, 16.8
28.1, 28.4—6, 29.1-2, 29.4, 29.6, Sicily, 3.1; nn. 9, 10
30.5, 32.12-13, 32.16, 33.2, 33.11, Side, 22.4
35.1, 35.5, 36.4; nn. 60, 187, 218 Sigma, 4.9
Rome, 3.1, 24.1, 27.710, 27.12, 28.1; Skythians, 7.1, 7.3-5, 7.7.8, 7.11, 7.14,
nn. II, 257 12.13, 17.1, 17.7, 20.11, 20.17-18,
Rouselios (Roussel de Bailleul), 20.20, 26.1, 34.5, 35.9, 35.12
20.9, 23.1, 23.3—5, 23.7, 23.811, Sophonas, 23.10
23.13, 25.1-2, 26.3-4, 3I.II-I2, Spain, 27.12; n. 262
32.14-16, 34-4 Stoudios Monastery, 4.9, 12.16,
Roussel de Bailleul. See Rouselios 32.15; n. 30
(Roussel de Bailleul) Stoudites, Alexios, 4.7
Royal City. See Constantinople Straboromanos, Romanos, 34.2-3;
Rus’, 5.1, 5.3-4, 17.8, 31.12; nn. 40, n. 330
150, 292 Sultan, 8.2—3, 16.12, 17.3, 19.5, 20.9,
20.12, 20.15, 20.19, 20.21-22,
Samuel, 20.3 20.24-28, 21.6, 21.10; nn. 79, 144,
Sangarios River, 20.6, 23.4 180, 199—200, 209, 213
Saracens, 17.7-10, 17.18, 22.2, 28.1, Syria, 8.1, 14.2, 17.3, 17.6, 17.20, 19.2,
28.5, 28.6 21.8, 22.2

633
 SUBJECT INDEX

Tamis, 20.18 Traianoupolis, 31.5; n. 278

Tarsos, 18.20, 21.8, 28.8 "Irebizond, 16.2, 20.29
Tatous, 26.2 "Iriaditze, 3.2
Tauros Mountains, 17.20—21, 18.13- Tughril Beg, 8.2-3; n. 79
16, 18.20,21.7 Turks, 14.1, 17.4, 17.8, 17.22, 18.1,
Telouch, 17.6 18.4, 18.6, 18.10-11, 18.14-15,
Tephrike, 17.5 18.19, 18.25, 19.3, 19.5, 20.8-9,
Terchala, 17.17 20.14-15, 20.17-18, 20.23-26,
Theodora, 4.7, 4.8—9, 5.1, 10.122 23.1—2, 23.9-12, 25.1-3, 26.3, 27.3,
Theodorokanos, Basileios, 5.4 30.2, 30.4—5, 32.10, 32.11, 32.14,
Theodorokanos, Konstantinos, 33.5, 34-4—6, 36.4
31.6 "Iyropoios, 21.6
Theodosios I, 36.12-13 Tzamantos, 17.22
Theodosioupolis, 20.9, 20.16,
20.28, 21.2 Varangians, 31.1, 31.12; n. IIO
Thermopolis, 6.10 ' Vestal Virgins, 24.1; n. 239
Thessalonike, 3.2, 5.1, 14.6, 29.3-4, Vlatilivadi, 18.20
31.4, 35-5, 35.7, 35.9; nn. 88, 356
Thrace, 26.5, 31.1 Zama, n. 258
Thucydides, n. 283 Zamouches, 14.1
Tivion, 14.2 Zeus, 6.2, 16.10; n. 169
Toplitzos, 7.8 Zoe, 4.1, 4.5—6, 5.1; nn. 16, 37,
Tornikios, Leon, 6.1-4, 6.6-11 89
Trachaneiotes, Ioseph, 20.10-11, Zompos Bridge, 20.6, 23.3
20.16 Zygos, 7.9

634
 Index of Terms and Offices

allagion, 20.10 kentenaria, 32.6

aritbmoi, 18.7 kleisoura/ai, 7.9, 17.20, 17.22, 21.8
kouropalates, 19.1, 19.4-5, 20.8, 23.4,
chrysoboullon, 12.3, 31.4, 32.2, 33.8, 23.7, 27.2, 31.9, 35-10
33.11, 35.6 krites, 1.1, 2.1-2
krites of the army, 18.10
domestikos, 21.8, 28.2, 31.9, 34-4
doux, 3.1, 14.2—3, 16.6, 18.9, 21.2, logotbetes, 25.5, 26.5—6, 31.4, 31.9,
22.2, 29.2, 31.I, 31.4, 32.1, 34.3, 32.4, 32.16, 35.10
35-4, 35-7 logotbetes of the waters, 20.29
droungarios, 32.15 logothetes tou dromou, 22.4, 25.3, 32.3

emboloi, 33.4 magistros, 1.1, 4.3, 5.4, 7-5, 11.6, 14.6,

emirs, 33.5; n. 243 16.6, 16.8, 16.11, 17.8, 20.10,
eparcbos, 4.6—7, 13.7—8; nn. 21, 28 20.15-16, 20.29, 28.2, 28.7
epi ton deeseon, 20.29 megas hetaireiarches, 32.16, 34.2
epi ton kriseon, 5.5 modios/oi, 25.5; nn. 240, 293

fideicomissa, 36.15 nobellisimos, 4.9, 34-4, 35.6, 35-7

nomophylax, nn. 43, 156
bypertimos, 35.3
orpbanotropbos, 4.3
kaisar, 17.1, 21.3, 21.8, 23.3-5, 23.912,
25.1, 34-1 pandocbeion, n. 239
katepano, 4.3, 20.16, 21.2, 21.6, 26.2, patrikios, 4.3, 6.1
311 phoundax, 25.4—6, 31.8; nn. 239, 240

635
 INDEX OF TERMS AND OFFICES

praipositos, 7.5 sebastos, 35.7

proedros, 2.1, 12.12, 12.15, 19.5, 21.2, sekretikoi, 9.5
21.5, 25.2, 26.3, 31.1, 31.6, 31.9, sekreton, 11.1
31.11-12 Selarot, 33.5
protasekretis, 20.29 Skalai, 33.7
protoproedros, 19.1, 21.5, 21.8, 34.2, stratelatai, 17.10
35-4
protosynkellos, 22.1 tagma/ta, 17.10
protovestes, 20.29, 23.8, 23.12 thema/ta, 17.2-3, 17.6, 18.2, 18.16,
protovestiarios, 12.12, 33.3 18.18-19, 20.8, 21.3, 22.2-3, 23.23,
25.2, 34.4; nin. 39, 158, 189
raiktor, 7.4
vestarcbes, 7.5, 11.7, 16.8, 18.2, 26.2
sakellarios, 33.8 vestes, 1.1, 6.1, 17.15, 29.2
scholai, 17.10

636