Q- Chinese society, polity and economy was based on Confucianism.

Discuss
Q- Confucianism was the foundation of Chinese society, polity and economy. Discuss
Introduction
Both in area and population, China around 1840s was the largest country in the world. Its
territory extended well beyond 9 million square kilometres now occupied by the People’s
Republic of China. This vast empire was profoundly different from the West, a fact which had
already struck travellers like Marco Polo, and which had influenced the thinking of
eighteenth-century philosophers such as Voltaire, Diderot, and the physiocratic school. One
such philosopher from China was Confucius whose philosophy is known as Confucianism.
But how do we define it?
Confucianism was a complex system of social and political ethics based on filial piety,
kinship, loyalty and righteousness. These teachings cover a wide range, from how a ‘true
gentlemen’ should behave in his daily life to how a ruler should govern his subjects.
Late imperial China, spanning from the Ming Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, witnessed
significant developments in its polity, society, and economy. The Confucianist value system
played a crucial role in shaping these aspects of Chinese civilization. This discussion will
critically evaluate the interplay between the Confucianist value system and the polity,
society, and economy of late imperial China.
Polity
The traditional political structure of late imperial China was characterized by a centralised
bureaucracy led by the emperor who was the ruler of ‘All under Heaven.’ The emperor who
was also known as the ‘son of heaven’ was the mediator between nature and human society
through the authority given to him by the ‘Mandate of Heaven’ ancient title of Chinese
sovereigns before the unification of the empire.
Confucianism held that the social and political order, on the one hand, and the natural order
on the other hand, were integrally linked, and that the primary function of the emperor was
to maintain this overall cosmological order. Thus, the Emperor was held responsible not only
for any major disturbances in the social and political life of his empire, but also for natural
disturbances and calamities such as floods, droughts, earthquakes, etc. In such periods of
"great disorder'. Confucian tradition actually legitimised rebellion against the ruling
Emperor. A 'successful rebellion was considered as a "proof" that Heaven had withdrawn its
mandate to rule.
Apart from the institution of the emperor the other great pillar of the traditional Chinese
political system was bureaucracy. From the highest official at the Imperial Court to the
lowest official in the district, the entire bureaucracy formed part of the distinct corps. It was
governed by an elaborate set of rules, regulations and rituals pertaining to the recruitment
of the officials, their promotion, transfer, dismissal and punishment, and to the way they had
to carry out their official duties. These rules and regulations were in one sense harsh and
restrictive, and ensured the obedience and subordination of the officials to the emperor.
But, in another sense, they gave the bureaucracy a degree of autonomy and acted as some
check on the arbitrary whims of different Emperors.
One of the most remarkable features of the Chinese bureaucracy was its system of
recruitment which was through rigorous examinations. It conditioned the bureaucracy in
important ways. It ensured that the officials of the empire were by and large men of
exceptional intellect and scholarship. Long years of education and training in the Confucian
classics also ensured their loyalty to and indoctrination in Confucian ethical and political
values. But this is not to say that all the officials were incorruptible, but it was in general true
that Chinese officials continued to have a certain prestige and status even if they temporarily
fell out of favour with their superiors or Emperor.
Society
Confucianism heavily influenced social norms and hierarchies in late imperial China. The
essence of the Chinese view of the world was to be found in the social relations between
things, not in their individual being. Man, himself was defined by the five relationships as
‘wu lun’ between emperor and subject, father and son, husband and wife, elder brother and
younger brother, friend and friend. These relationships embodied moral and social
obligations which the individual was bound to assume, whatever his station in life.
The division of society in China has always been predominantly agrarian. The basic division
in the society was between the large majority of labouring peasants on the one hand, and
the landlords on the other. But the actual hierarchy constituted of four occupational orders
which reflected the political and moral values of Confucianism. Highest of all were the
scholars; next came the peasant, then the artisans, and last the merchants. Excluded from
the four orders were people in some occupations regarded as infamous: actors, prostitutes,
servants, soldiers, yamen messengers, vagrants, and all sorts of down-and-outers.
Of the four main classes in traditional China, the dominant one was what had been called
‘the gentry.’ It was the class of landlords who did not themselves till their lands. They
derived their wealth mainly, though not entirely, from the rents paid to them by the
peasants who worked on their lands. Marxist scholars consider that exploitation of the
peasantry by the landlords clearly demonstrates that the Chinese society was feudal and
bureaucratic. Karl A. Witt Fogel considers Chinese society as an archetype of ‘Oriental
Despotism.’
By far the most numerous classes of Chinese society was the peasantry. The condition of the
peasants undoubtedly varied from region to region and from one period of time to another.
But by and large, they were ostensibly exploited and poor. In theory, the peasantry in China
were not serfs, but in reality, their condition was not much better than that of serfs. The
peasantry thus was caught between the extortionate demands of the landlords on the one
hand, and the obligation to pay up heavy taxes to the state on other.
The town-dwelling artisans, the third order of society, were organized into guilds which
controlled production and marketing in each professional sector: weaving, shoemaking,
bamboo handicrafts, gold working, and so on. However, not all handicraft work was
performed in towns under the supervision of guilds. Rural manufacturers, which provided
work on the farms during the off-season, were an important part of each village economy.
Manufacturing and trade were lively and profitable during this period, in spite of the fact
that merchants were given the lowest position on the Confucian social scale. Essentially the
inferior status assigned to them represented the defensive reaction of an agricultural society
against economic forces that were threatening its equilibrium. Like the artisans, merchants
had their guilds. Some were professional groups, though most were regional associations.
Economy
The economy of late imperial China was primarily agrarian, with agriculture serving as the
backbone of the empire. The Confucianist value system influenced economic policies,
emphasizing stability and self-sufficiency. The state implemented policies to ensure
equitable distribution of land and promote agricultural productivity. There were two sets of
patterns of ownership of land: private and collective. Private land was under the control of
the landlords and collective ownership was under royal family, government estates and
monastic control. Since landlord possessed the land and peasant furnished the labour, it was
necessary to tie the peasant to the land.
According to Fairbank, the peasant after becoming a tenant was forced to pay taxes, levies
and forced labour service to the state. It is for this reason that the peasant class was
extensively exploited and poor. Chen considers it a feudal economy because the mass of
peasant were under the domination, both economic and extra-economic of a minority class.
The secondary economy in China was made up of handicrafts, trade and commerce, which
were organised under the guild system or associations. These associations controlled the
production and marketing and were also mutual insurance societies, religious fraternities
and unofficial arbitrators in trade disputes. To facilitate trade and commerce canals were
constructed, rivers harnessed and major ports were developed for overseas trade. This
factor assisted in the growth of market and complex exchange system. However,
Confucianism viewed commerce as a lower form of occupation compared to agriculture and
scholarship. This attitude limited the development of a robust capitalist economy.
Conclusion
Thus, the Confucianist value system had both positive and negative impacts on late imperial
China. On the positive side, Confucianism provided a moral framework for governance,
promoting social stability and harmony as well as the importance of education, leading to
increased literacy rates and the spread of knowledge.
However, the Confucianist value system also had limitations. Its emphasis on social hierarchy
and filial piety perpetuated inequalities and limited social mobility. The patriarchal family
system restricted women's rights and opportunities. Confucianism's preference for
agriculture over commerce hindered the development of a dynamic capitalist economy.
Hence the Confucianist value system had a profound impact on the polity, society, and
economy of late imperial China.
Q- The social hierarchies of Chinese society were based on the Confucian Value system.
Explain
Introduction
Both in area and population, China around 1840s was the largest country in the world. Its
territory extended well beyond 9 million square kilometres now occupied by the People’s
Republic of China. This vast empire was profoundly different from the West, a fact which had
already struck travellers like Marco Polo, and which had influenced the thinking of
eighteenth-century philosophers such as Voltaire, Diderot, and the physiocratic school. One
such philosopher from China was Confucius whose philosophy is known as Confucianism.
But how do we define it?
Confucianism was a complex system of social and political ethics based on filial piety,
kinship, loyalty and righteousness. These teachings cover a wide range, from how a ‘true
gentlemen’ should behave in his daily life to how a ruler should govern his subjects.
Confucianism heavily influenced social norms and hierarchies in late imperial China which
what we intend to discuss in the following paragraphs.
The Confucianist value system emphasized filial piety, respect for elders, and the
maintenance of social harmony. These values shaped family structures, gender roles, and
social interactions. The essence of the Chinese view of the world was to be found in the
social relations between things, not in their individual being. Man, himself was defined by
the five relationships as ‘wu lun’ between emperor and subject, father and son, husband
and wife, elder brother and younger brother, friend and friend. These relationships
embodied moral and social obligations which the individual was bound to assume, whatever
his station in life.
Chinese social hierarchy
The division of society in China has always been predominantly agrarian. The basic division
in the society was between the large majority of labouring peasants on the one hand, and
the landlords on the other. But the actual hierarchy constituted of four occupational orders
which reflected the political and moral values of Confucianism. Highest of all were the
scholars; next came the peasant, then the artisans, and last the merchants. Excluded from
the four orders were people in some occupations regarded as infamous: actors, prostitutes,
servants, soldiers, yamen messengers, vagrants, and all sorts of down-and-outers.
Gentry
Of the four main classes in traditional China, the dominant one was what had been called
‘the gentry.’ They were the scholar-officials. Although the term is misleading because of its
connection with eighteenth-century England. They were the ruling class in the full sense of
the term as they possessed power, knowledge and land.
In practice, individual members of the gentry did not hold all three of these resources, or
possess them in equal quantities. There were some educated people who failed the
Confucian examinations and others who, in a spirit of independence, refused to take them.
Moreover, only a small fraction of the gentry directly assumed political duties.
As for ownership of land, the relations between this asset and membership in the ruling
class were complex. Land was the main source of economic power in ancient China. It was
the class of landlords who did not themselves till their lands. They derived their wealth
mainly, though not entirely, from the rents paid to them by the peasants who worked on
their lands. Marxist scholars consider that exploitation of the peasantry by the landlords
clearly demonstrates that the Chinese society was feudal and bureaucratic. Karl A. Witt Fogel
considers Chinese society as an archetype of ‘Oriental Despotism.’
But to define this class simply as a landowning class would be inaccurate. This is because
over the years members of the gentry had taken up various pursuits in diverse fields. They
were also distinguished by their educational attainments, social prestige and a lifestyle that
set them clearly apart from the common people. The sons of the gentry families by and large
underwent a process of rigorous education in Confucian scholarship. Their recess was
measured by the scholarly degrees that they earned in various levels of state-sponsored
examinations. The top stratum of the successful candidates in the exams were appointed as
officials under the imperial government. This was considered as the highest achievement
possible in traditional Chinese society.
Peasantry
By far the most numerous classes of Chinese society was the peasantry. The condition of the
peasants undoubtedly varied from region to region and from one period of time to another.
But by and large, they were ostensibly exploited and poor. In theory, the peasantry in China
were not serfs, but in reality, their condition was not much better than that of serfs. In in the
Confucian economic ethic, and peasants came second in the hierarchy of the four orders. Yet
Chinese peasants were basically in a state of dependence, whether they rented their farms
or owned them.
There were many tenant farmers in regions such as Guangdong or the lower Yangzi valley
where they rented land at very high rate which was sometime fixed or sometimes variable.
Peasants who worked their own land were probably in the majority, but they were not much
better off than the tenants. They were in the power of the big houses and were the wealthy
landowners who acted as moneylenders.
Apart from this, there were some villages which were under the leadership of elders and
were strong units bound together by venerable customs. They even maintained their own
militia which was sometimes used by the central government. There was another large
stratum in rural society made up of day labourers, the down-and-out, vagrants, and
vagabonds the last of whom included itinerant workers such as boatmen, peddlers, and
porters. The entire group played a substantial role in secret societies and popular risings.
The peasantry thus was caught between the extortionate demands of the landlords on the
one hand, and the obligation to pay up heavy taxes to the state on other.
Artisans
The town-dwelling artisans, the third order of society, were organized into guilds which
controlled production and marketing in each professional sector: weaving, shoemaking,
bamboo handicrafts, gold working, and so on. The guilds were also mutual insurance
societies, religious fraternities, and unofficial arbitrators in trade disputes. Each guild had a
patron saint or legendary founder, usually a divinity from the Taoist pantheon, whose annual
feast day it celebrated. Not all handicraft work was performed in towns under the
supervision of guilds. Rural manufacturers, which provided work on the farms during the off-
season, were an important part of each village economy.
Merchants
Manufacturing and trade were lively and profitable during this period, in spite of the fact
that merchants were given the lowest position on the Confucian social scale. Essentially the
inferior status assigned to them represented the defensive reaction of an agricultural society
against economic forces that were threatening its equilibrium. Chinese society
accommodated its wealthy merchants by the back door, however, through the special
quotas that enabled them to buy Confucian degrees. In this way they could bring their social
status into harmony with their economic power.
Like the artisans, merchants had their guilds. Some were professional groups such as the tea
and silk guilds, though most were regional associations. Under the auspices of the regional
guilds, merchants from the same town or the same locality could find backing, information,
and many other kinds of help wherever they travelled in China.
Apart from this broad division of the Chinese traditional society, there were other groups
who were excluded from the so-called Confucianist order. The patriarchal family system
prevailed, with the eldest male holding authority and responsibility over the family. Women
were expected to be obedient and fulfil domestic roles. Social mobility was limited, with the
Confucian examination system primarily benefiting the elite class. However, Confucianism
also emphasized the importance of education, leading to the proliferation of schools and the
spread of literacy among the population.
Conclusion
Thus, the Confucianist value system had both positive and negative impacts on late imperial
China. On the positive side, Confucianism provided a moral framework for governance,
promoting social stability and harmony as well as the importance of education, leading to
increased literacy rates and the spread of knowledge.
However, the Confucianist value system also had limitations. Its emphasis on social hierarchy
and filial piety perpetuated inequalities and limited social mobility. The patriarchal family
system restricted women's rights and opportunities. Confucianism's preference for
agriculture over commerce hindered the development of a dynamic capitalist economy.
Hence, the Confucianist value system had a profound impact on the polity, society, and
economy of late imperial China. While it provided a moral framework for governance and
promoted social stability, it also perpetuated social hierarchies and limited economic
development. Understanding the interplay between Confucianism and these aspects of
Chinese civilization is crucial for comprehending the complexities of late imperial China.
Q- Analyse the role of triangular trade in the outbreak of first Anglo-Chinese war.
Q- What were the problems in the Anglo-Chinese relations in the 19 th century? In what
ways did opium precipitate the 1839-42 war?
Q- Analyse the role of triangular trade in the outbreak of first Anglo-Chinese war (1839-
42). On the basis of first treaty settlement, can British commercial interests be viewed as a
major cause behind.
Q- What is meant by Sino-centrism? Is it an adequate explanation of western aggression
on China.
Introduction
Sino-centrism: Sino-centrism refers to the belief or ideology that China is the centre of the
world, both culturally and politically. It is rooted in the historical perception of China as a
superior civilization and the belief in the Middle Kingdom's moral and political authority over
other nations.
Regarding the question of whether Sino-centrism is an adequate explanation for Western
aggression on China, it is important to note that historical events are complex and
influenced by multiple factors. While Sino-centrism may have played a role in shaping
Western perceptions and interactions with China, it is not the sole explanation for Western
aggression.
Western aggression on China can be attributed to various factors, including economic
interests, geopolitical rivalries, and ideological differences. During the 19th and early 20th
centuries, Western powers sought to expand their influence and control over China due to
its vast resources, strategic location, and potential markets. This led to conflicts such as the
Opium Wars and the colonization of parts of China.
Triangular trade Intro: Having risen to the heights of a great civilisation, believing herself the
celestial centre of the earth, the Middle Kingdom, with nothing to learn from foreigners,
China went into a self-imposed isolation. This false sense of superiority was shattered by the
Opium Wars of the nineteenth century, started by foreigners under the guise of trade who
were anxious to steal the fabled riches of the Orient. The wars exposed China’s weak social,
economic and political structures. The humiliation they suffered losing the Opium Wars
forced China to learn from the West. Subsequently, China moved from a peasant economy
to a brief bout with capitalism in the early twentieth century, to political and economic
communism at mid-century, to its current state, a mixed communist polity and capitalist
economy. At the dawn of the twenty-first century China has become a political and
economic giant.
Role of triangular trade
The Opium war, which was an important milestone in Chinese history, was the consequence
of China’s trade with Britain and India popularly known as the triangular trade. Opium war
brought a major transition in the Chinese history, opening up the isolated empire to foreign
markets. The background to the Opium war can be traced back to the British search for a
commodity to use in exchange to the Chinese silk and tea. Opium was Britain’s single most
profitable commodity trade of the 19th century. British specifically were in search for a
country that was large, wealthy, densely populated but climatically cold described by Marco
as “Cathay” i.e. north China.
According to Sir William Foster, it was not spice-hunting, as generally held but actually the
quest for the Chinese market for woollen cloth which led Britain into ‘the Brave New World.’
Initially the ‘Tea’ became exceptionally consumed and was in great demand in Britain,
becoming popular in factories in place of alcohol. England also had to supply tea to the
whole of Europe, since it had a monopoly over the trade. However, there was great outflow
of bullion from England making it a weak economy according to the principles of laissez-
faire. This was the basis of their worry which led to the search of other commodities to
balance the trade.
In response to it, the British tried to introduce woollen products into China, which were
manufactured in plenty by the textile manufacturers of Manchester and Liverpool. They put
pressure on the East India Company to find overseas markets for their woollens, especially in
China, where the Company was looking for commodities acceptable to the Chinese in order
to balance the trade. However, the woollens which the Company took to Canton were sold
at a loss since there was no market for it in South China, where the warm climate was
unsuitable.
The entry of opium marked a tremendous shift of the balance of trade in Britain’s favour. The
Opium trade thus, between Britain, China and India led to the creation of ‘the Trade
Triangle’. The British-Indian opium enterprise had two components: the Bengal opium and
the Malwa opium. Opium was a narcotic substance derived from the poppy flower. The
Chinese called it ying-su or poppy. It was chiefly used as medicine to relieve pain and reduce
tension. However, opium “smoking” began only after tobacco-smoking had spread to China
from Taiwan, under Dutch and Portuguese influence, in the 17th century.
Objections to its use were raised from an early time. Emperor Yung-Cheng prohibited the
sale and smoking of opium in 1729, while Emperor Chia-ching outlawed its importation and
cultivation in 1796. Thus, after this, opium was a banned substance. In 1800 there was
another stringent imperial edict for the same. This however did not really discourage the
trade. Instead, the whole opium traffic now became illicit. Officials were ordered to bring it
to an end, but they found it too profitable as a source of “squeeze”. Most of the opium came
from India, some from Persia, and, towards the last, some Turkish opium was imported by
the Americans. By then, the balance of trade had become unfavourable to China and the
value of opium imported alone exceeded that of all the commodities exported. The increase
in importation was also indicative of an increasing number of users. By the late 1830s,
official records mention that there were as many as 10 million addicts in China.
The outbreak of the war
By the beginning of the 19th century, the situation became alarming. Opium addiction soon
became widespread. The addicts in the early 19th century were mostly young men of rich
families, but gradually the habit spread to people of other walks of life; government officials,
merchants, literati, women, servants, soldiers and even monks, nuns and priests. Their
lifestyle suffered. Drug use thus threatened to undermine not only family morals, but also
social and moral foundations of the empire.
Opium also had a negative impact on Chinese economy. First, drug-addition affected the
workforce and undermined production, thus opening the way for foreign imports to increase
at the expense of China’s domestic industries. Also, large areas which had earlier been used
to grow food crops were now being planted with poppy in order to get the opium cheaper. A
major part of the meagre income of an ordinary Chinese was spent on opium. This caused a
stagnation in the demand for other commodities, with a consequent general sluggishness in
the market. Business slowed down, the standard of living fell and public services no longer
worked smoothly.
Another serious repercussion was the drain of silver, the basis of China’s currency, beginning
sometime after 1821. As opium imports increased, China for the first time began to suffer a
net loss of silver, mainly taken out to India as bullion to pay for opium. British statistics
indicate that the outflow of silver from China to Britain between 1823 and 1834 was worth
25.2 million dollars. This, along with other factors like counterfeiting, led to a fiscal crisis,
causing fluctuations in the monetary system. The exchange rate between the copper cash
used in everyday transactions and the silver began to rise. Goods paid for in copper and
taxes paid for in silver rose in price.
This imposed hardship at all levels of society; peasants had to pay more as taxes, merchants
charged more for their sales, official tax collectors meeting their quotas in silver had fewer
copper cash left over as private squeeze and overall government revenue declined. To meet
the economic crisis, the government debased the copper coins and increased their annual
minting. But the crisis continued. Opium smuggling, together with the activities of the
foreign firms in Canton, also created a problem of authority that challenged the ability of the
state to rule. Canton and other southeastern ports became centres of insubordination and
corruption.
These developments led to serious discussions between the emperor and his officials on
how to end the menace of opium smuggling. This gave rise to the ‘Great Opium Debate of
1838’. There were two viewpoints on the steps to be taken to tackle the problem, as
mentioned in the official records. Juan Yuan at Canton counselled a policy of compromise -
to continue to oppose opium smoking but to make opium import official, subject to a tariff
so as to raise revenue and discourage smuggling; and at the same time to prevent the
outflow of silver by letting opium imports be purchased only by bartering Chinese goods, not
silver. The pragmatic approach, advocated mainly by a high official called Hsu Nai-chi, also
favoured the legalisation of opium trade, in order to make its control possible. He also
suggested that the ban on opium production be removed so that gradually China would
become self-sufficient in opium, leading to a decline in the imports.
However, a minority group, led by another senior official Huang Chuh Tzu, took a more
hardline position. He argued for even stricter imposition of laws banning opium and
thorough suppression of trade. However, the imperial government appointed a High
Commissioner to Canton to suppress opium trade, Lin Tse-Hsu. His arrival, to the surprise of
the foreign merchants, took immediate drastic action. On March 24, he confined about 350
foreigners in the Thirteen Factories. Lin released them only when the British merchants
delivered their opium stocks, which he then publicly destroyed. The British now decided to
use force to resolve matters. Hostilities began gradually in small affrays intermixed with
negotiations. There were a series of skirmishes and the conflict developed into the First
Opium War. It lasted from November 1839 to August 1842, when China was finally defeated
and forced to sign the Treaty of Nanking.
First treaty settlement
The first treaty settlement marked the end of the First Anglo-Chinese War. British
commercial interests were indeed a major cause behind the clash and the subsequent treaty
settlement. The British merchants sought to secure favourable trading conditions and
expand their access to the Chinese market.
Failure in the Opium Wars resulted in many treaties being signed between China and
Western powers, the earliest being the Treaty of Nanking (1842) and the Treaty of Bogue
(1843) signed with Great Britain. In exchange for peace, treaties recognized Britain as a most
favoured nation, ending tributary status. The Canton system ended and four new treaty
ports were established in addition to Canton-Shanghai, Ningpo, Foochow and Amoy. Hong
Kong is also permanently joined with Britain. Settlement restrictions continue to be common
to Westerners outside of these usual ports. It is extremely important that the reduction of
tariffs on British goods to 5%, by almost 60-70%, helps to create a market for British goods in
China when the prices of British products are falling. The treaties also gave the British
extraterritorial rights, under which Chinese law would not apply to British nationals, who
would be tried under their own laws. This provision was later extended to those employed in
foreign companies.
The sole significant cultural accommodation made to the Western powers was in 1842,
when the Edict of Tolerance allowed missionary operations beyond 1844. However, because
of local hostility, missionary operations remained minimal, just as they had been before
1842. Additionally, the protestant missions were sceptical of the opium trade since it was a
symbol of moral decay and interfered with their work. They occasionally worked closely
together in the trade, probably because they were more concerned with China's inwardness.
However, they greatly benefitted from it as China's opening up was essential for them to
carry out their operations unfettered. Thus, the unfair treaties resulted in the cultural
changes.
The post-war treaty clauses were therefore drafted with British commercial interests in
mind. Although the Chinese believed that the treaty put an end to the conflict between
Britain and China, these conflicts continued as the British and other Western powers sought
to gain increasingly more concessions from China throughout the nineteenth century. These
attempts frequently resulted in armed conflicts, which caused China's resources to continue
to be drained after successive defeats. Due to its severe decline, the Manchu authorities
now had to contend with both internal public uprisings and outside meddling and control.
Thus, the Chinese transition in the 19th and 20th centuries was dependent on British
commercial interests and the Manchu regime's inability to protect China.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the Triangular Trade, particularly the opium trade, played a crucial role in the
outbreak of the First Anglo-Chinese War. British commercial interests, driven by the pursuit
of profits and access to the Chinese market, were a major cause behind the clash. The first
treaty settlement further consolidated British commercial dominance in China, exacerbating
the underlying tensions between the two powers, which in the coming years set grounds for
the second opium war.
Q- Some scholars believe that the opium had nothing to do with opium but was really a
clash of civilizations. What is your view.
Q- The crisis of opium war was not a result of Chinese stagnation and Western dynamism.
Do you agree?
Q- The crisis of opium war began in 1840 merely in terms of Chinese stagnation and
western dynamism. Do you agree?
Introduction
China as a region in the 19th century holds a crucial importance in shaping the course of its
history. China during this period has witnessed the so-called closed-door policy, the opening
of ports, smuggling of Opium, a clash between the western regions and China eventually
leading to the so called, The two Opium wars: First Opium War from 1839-42 and Second
Opium war from 1856-1860. The question here lies on whether, these wars were engaged
simply on the economic interest or whether it was a clash of Civilization as a whole.
If one is to ask, was this only the result of Chinese stagnation and western dynamism or was
this only because of Opium being forced into the Chinese markets. It is important to note
that the causes of the Opium Wars are complex and multifaceted. While it is true that
Chinese stagnation and Western dynamism played a role, it is not accurate to say that the
crisis was solely caused by these factors.
There comes various other theories into picture covering geography ranging from Western
and Chinese perspectives. Here is a detailed study of them.
Cultural War Theory
John Quincy Adams, the 6th President of the United States, began the debate in December
1841, when he said that the cause of war was kowtow, “the arrogant and insupportable
pretensions of China, that she will hold commercial intercourse, not upon equal reciprocity
but upon the insulting and degrading forms of relation between lord and vassal.’
W.A.P. Martin, a US missionary-scholar, modified this into a rationalized argument in his
book, The Awakening of China, viewing the war as “the result of a series of collisions
between the conservatism of the extreme orient and the progressive spirit of the western
world”. According to this view, opium was not important for the British at all. The main
concern was their unequal relations with the Chinese government. They were not pleased
with their treatment as just another tribute-bearing nation and demanded diplomatic
equality. When the Chinese refused this demand, the British felt justified in going to war.
Li Chien-Nung called the war “a conflict of western and eastern cultures”, over three issues;
international relations, commerce and foreign trade, and jurisdiction.
His views were similar to the views of US scholar, E.H. Pritchard, who spoke of cultural
difficulties over the idea of equality, the social status of the mercantile class, and the
different attitude towards justice. Leslie Merchant sees the war as a doctrinal, philosophical
clash between two cultures and two notions of government and society.
John K. Fairbank, in his earlier works, also expounded this theory, saying that Sino-centrism
and the regressive judicial system were the causative factors in the conflict between a
dynamic Britain trying to “civilize” a backward, stagnant China.
This view has been criticized by Chinese communist historians. Tan Chung says that wars
cannot be fought merely on cultural grounds, which are subjective, physiological elements
that never remain constant; there are always vested material interests. Also, he points out
that the chances of a cultural clash, if any, were more probable when the Westerners had
settled in Canton for the first time, rather than nearly 150 years later. Even after the war, no
major cultural changes were witnessed in China. Moreover, the Chinese tributary system had
already worn out itself to a large extent by the middle of the 18th century.
Trade War Theory
This theory argues that after the Industrial Revolution, Britain was rapidly expanding and
hence desired raw materials as well as newer markets for its manufactured goods. This was
resisted by China.
Victor Purcell concluded that it was the Industrial Revolution, the principle of unrestricted
trade and the practice of free competition, which the Chinese did not accept, that
contributed to British frustration against China. Also, war was seen as a product of the
“trade-obsessed” England's quest for “foreign markets”.
Fairbank too agreed in his later works, saying that it was China’s resistance to the long-term
trading interest of the post-industrial trading society of Britain that made the war
“unavoidable”, a case of Western expansion clashing with China’s traditional order. For him,
one of the fundamental causes of the Opium War was the expansion of trade beyond the
limits of the ancient Canton system of regulation. These arguments consider the larger aim
of the conflict to be the settlement of commercial relations with China on British terms. This
view argues that opium was only a coincidental factor that led to the eventual war.
Hsin-poa Chang said opium was a variable, which could have been substituted by any other
commodity; he writes, ‘had there been an effective alternative to opium, say molasses or
rice, the conflict might have been called the Molasses War or the Rice War”. Opium was thus
only an instrument of British commercial expansion. Michael Greenburg also suggested that
war could have been fought on any ‘x’ commodity.
Some scholars have pointed out the flaws in this theory. Canton was a well-developed port
and none of the restrictions hampered the conduct of trade. Moreover, while the system
had monopolistic character, even on the British side the lucrative trade was a monopoly of
the East India Company till 1833. It can also be argued that even in Britain, there had always
been government measures to curb certain mercantile freedoms which were regarded as
injurious to national interest. So, the Chinese government must also be granted a similar
right to defend its interest in whatever manner it considered best, including imposing
restrictions on foreigners’ activities on Chinese soil. Anyway, it is evident that by 1836, the
Canton system had fallen apart.
Opium War Theory
According to this view, Anglo-Chinese conflict was inevitable due to the addictive drug,
opium and its serious repercussions on Chinese economy, society and polity. It has been
propounded by scholars like S.W. Williams, Hu Sheng, Maurice Collins and Tan Chung
himself.
Tan Chung says that the cheap and abundant availability of opium in India and the huge
profits accrued by British merchants in the trade helped to keep it alive. Opium was a
commodity that would never reach a saturation point, unlike cotton. Also, the British needed
no pretext to enter China for trade, since the Canton system was already weakening rapidly
in the 1830s. Thus, opium was called for to balance Britain’s unfavorable trade vis-à-vis
China was a myth created by the East India Company. He says that Britain had already
achieved a balance of trade by introducing Indian cotton in China in the 1780s. So, the
British justification that opium was introduced to balance the trade cannot be accepted. The
main issue then was to tilt this trade in Britain's favor. This could be, and was, achieved by
opium alone, not any other commodity like rice or molasses. It was their obstinacy to
continue this trade even after Chinese attempts to stop it that led to war.
The theoretical weakness of this view has been questioned by Fairbank, who says that
British interest in opium was only a recent addition to the long continued British desire for
commercial expansion. Thus, the theory fails to recognize the other important aspects of the
conflict. As evidence, he points to the fact that opium trade was not legalized even after the
war.
However, this view can be critiqued by pointing out the immediate cause of war was the
Manchu government’s attempt to suppress opium traffic. Secondly, the absence of opium in
the Treaty was because of the stubborn resistance of the Manchus. In any case, the British
government had always officially dissociated itself from the opium trade. In fact, the volume
of smuggled opium continued to increase after 1842.
It becomes obvious then, that the role of ‘Opium’ in the War cannot be underplayed. Its
impact however, at the same time, cannot be judged through an exaggeratedly qualified lens
of analysis.
While Confucianism continued to effect Chinese way of life till recently, the Industrial
Revolution also had compelled Britain to seek free markets overseas. This, coupled with the
immediate impact of the catalyst ‘Opium’, something that neither molasses nor rice would
have ever had of their own accord, led to the War. Therefore, it seems plausible to call it ‘the
First Opium War’ so long as the choice behind this terminology is based on the most
immediate cause. If it’s necessary to take the long-term picture into account, it should be
more appropriate to use the title ‘the Anglo-Chinese War of 1839’.
Conclusion
The history and legacy of the Opium wars serve as an education example of mutual
misunderstanding in the world order, in which both nations were blinded by their own
cultural achievements, viewed the other as barbaric and became barbaric themselves from
this attitude of internalized superiority. The opium wars was the first massive armed conflict
between China and Britain. A number of various factors continued to create tensions on
both the sides. Although Opium was the main source that ignited the opium wars, it is
imperative to say that, the existence of cultural and other differences between the nations
significantly contributed to the Opium thereby, which can be perhaps defined as ‘a clash of
Civilization.’
Q- Critically analyse the nature and significance of Boxer movement.
Is it correct to view the Boxer movement as an outburst of Xenophobia?
Q- Discuss the nature and significance of Boxer movement.
Q- “We support Ching regime and aim to wipe out foreigners, let us do our utmost to
defend our country and safeguard the interests of our peasants” Q- Q- Public notice of
Boxer in 1990. What light does the above statement throw on the nature of the Boxer
movement.?
Q- Ti-Ho-Tuan (Boxer Movement) was a manifestation of Chinese rationalism. Comment.
The Boxer Uprising can be regarded a multi-causal phenomenon, resulting from a
combination of factors such as the character of traditional Chinese society and economy,
impact of Western imperialism on the society and economy and the role of the Manchus. All
of these added to the growing discontent in the 19th century. The period from 1898 to 1901
witnessed turmoil and uprisings known as ‘Yi Ho Tuan’ or Boxer Movement which was a
major peasant uprising marked by anti-Manchu and anti-foreign sentiments. In the period
after the Opium Wars, the nature of Sino-Western relations had changed, leading to a
struggle for concessions. This had exposed the inefficacy of the Manchus. Simultaneously, it
had intensified the socio-economic crisis already prevalent in the 19th century. The Boxer
Movement thus expressed the growing discontent against internal unrest and foreign
encroachments. It was the last great popular anti-imperialist movement that shook China in
the 19th century.
Causes
From 1898 to 1899, Shantung saw a large number of anti-missionary and anti-Manchu riots.
In December 1899, when a British missionary was murdered, the foreign powers pressurized
the imperial government to take action against the Boxers. The Manchus, however, did not
respond accordingly. So, in June 1900, the foreign troops began marching on Peking and the
Taku Fort was attacked. On the very same day, the imperial council announced break-off of
diplomatic relations and Tzu Hsi decided to side with the Boxers. On June 21, the Boxers,
with the support of Tzu Hsi, declared war on the foreigners and laid a siege on Peking. It is
unclear whether the imperial authority was willing or if the Boxers had forced it.
Nevertheless, they managed to seize control over all foreign elements and legations. The
foreign troops massacred thousands of Chinese in Peking and the whole city was sacked.
With the arrival of the brigades, the real Manchu intentions were revealed. Tzu Hsi now
began to cooperate with the foreigners and the alliance between the Manchus and the
Boxers began to collapse. With this the Boxers swung back to their earlier anti-dynastic
stance. The imperial court stopped meting out any further aid to the Boxers and started to
suppress them. Officials like Li Hung Chang openly condemned the Boxers. By early 1901 the
Boxer uprising had been completely supressed.
Nature
With regard to the nature of the Boxer Movement, different scholars subscribe to different
views. Western historians describe the Movement as a “blind xenophobic reaction against all
progress and attempts at modernization introduced under imperialist impact”. Chinese
Communist historians regard the Movement as a ‘nationalistic patriotic revolution’ or a
‘peasant movement’ with a strong patriotic leaning based on the traditional patterns. For
these scholars, the Boxer Rebellion served as a model for future movements directed against
the Manchus and the foreigners.
Both views represent two extremes. Others, for example, Victor Purcell conclude that it
cannot be given any one particular characteristic trait. Fairbank regards the Uprising as a
“direct response to the deepening crisis in the lives of the Chinese people”. Cheneaux gives
importance to the peasant aspect of the Uprising and states clearly that the movement
cannot in any way be called a mere xenophobic reaction. In order to have an understanding
of the nature of the Boxer Movement, we shall analyse it from different perspectives.
The Boxers used these differences, and in the absence of a definite programme, anti-
Christianity was deliberately made part of their agenda. Boxers made tactless acts of the
Christian missionaries e.g. their Chinese beliefs, building Churches in a manner that they
towered over Chinese temples, disregard of feng-shui etc as agenda for agitation as it gave
them propaganda value.
Regarding this view G.N. Steiger opined that the movement was not specifically anti-
Christian. On the other hand, A.H. Smith put the entire blame on the Christian missionaries
for provoking the Chinese masses by their arrogance. Victor Purcell argued that since the
movement was specifically anti-foreign and anti-imperialist, it is but natural that it would be
anti-Christian too. But he pointed out that the Chinese were against the missionaries not
because of their religion, but because they were foreigners. They looked at the missionaries
as agents of foreign imperialism and not as religious entities.
The survey of the Boxer Uprising as a peasant or a plebian character invites Cheneaux’s
intervention. He points out that according to a survey 70% of the Boxers were found to be of
peasant origin, which is why Chinese historians often term it as a peasant uprising. However,
the Boxer Movement had a plebian character too. This was probably a result of the affiliation
of the Boxers with the White Lotus Society, which had a definite plebian character. The Boxer
Movement was also supported by different sections of society, both urban and rural, and
rich and poor.
The participants included peasants, monks, teachers, craftsmen, traders, merchants and
disbanded soldiers. Anti-social elements such as salt smugglers and bandits also joined the
movement. Women too played a significant role, and were divided into the following
branches depending on their age – Red Lanterns (12-18 years), Blue Lanterns (middle-aged
women), Green Lanterns (widows) and Black Lanterns (old married women). Many classes
emerged as a result of foreign presence, including the compradors. Professionals,
technicians and students also supported boxers. The overseas Chinese also played an
important role. Thus, various social classes fought a united battle.
The Western historians, present the Boxer Movement as a “xenophobic outburst” as
movement spread so widely, indicates that it had deep-rooted causes and touched the
hearts of the common Chinese people. The Movement had a strong anti-Manchu leaning,
which would not have been the case had the movement been only anti-foreign. The
Movement, in fact, had a strong nationalistic and patriotic foundation. A popular Boxer
slogan was ‘Overthrow the Ching, restore the Ming’, which is indicative of their strong anti-
Manchu feelings. The Boxer Uprising cannot be called a frenzied outburst or a xenophobic
reaction because there were significant reasons for the Movement to break out other than
mere blind ‘hatred’ towards the foreigners.
Further, though the phases of merchant and industrial capitalism and finance imperialism
foreign encroachments had increased leading to a simultaneous increase in the hatred felt
by the Chinese masses towards the foreigners, this hatred cannot be called xenophobic. It
was a natural outcome of the economic changes that took place in China following the
arrival of these imperialist powers. Christian missionary activity too was not de-linked from
this economic exploitation by the foreigners of China. All these factors clearly indicate that
the Boxer Movement could not have been a mere xenophobic reaction to the foreigners.
G.N. Steiger firmly denied that the movement had a religious character since the movement
wasn’t essentially anti-Christian. The Boxers were not a religious sect with a heretical
organization. They had come into existence with the blessings of the Manchu government.
According to Steiger, the sole purpose of this organization was to control the growing
advance of foreign imperialist powers. Heretical would suggest that the movement was
unorthodox, anti-government and anti-state, which Steiger pointed out it, was not. He takes
away all the individuality of the Boxer movement and looks at it as a part of the Manchu
militia. On the extreme opposite we have the views of Chester Tan, who in his ‘Boxer
Catastrophe’ argued that the Boxers had religious affiliations and a heretical character.
Victor Purcell divided the Boxer Movement into phases, where at different times the
movement developed a religious and heretical character, and at times a character similar to
the militia and adopted an anti-Manchu stand. He opines that in the early stages, the Boxer
Movement was “anti-Manchu”. At this stage, the Boxer organization did have a heretical
character. But with the growth of foreign intrusion, the Boxers became pro-Manchu and at
this stage adopted a militia-like character, in response to the willingness shown by the
Manchus to help the Boxers. Following a similar approach, Hu Sheng suggested that military
status was bestowed upon the Boxers by the imperial authority themselves, using a formal
decree, which is why they are often referred to as a ‘legally constituted militia’.
The Marxist historians called the Boxer Movement a primitive form of patriotic peasant
uprising with the right motives but the wrong methods. Others refer to it as the last
important event of the 19th century. Cheneaux goes to the extent of referring to it as the
“first great movement against modern colonialism”. Thus, despite its immediate failure, the
Movement is a significant landmark of Chinese history. Another aspect of the Boxer
Movement that is fiercely debated is whether the movement was pro-dynastic or anti-
dynastic. There are various viewpoints regarding this issue. G.N. Steiger, for example, denied
any religious affiliations or a heretical character in the Boxer Movement. He refers to the
Boxers as a ‘legally constituted militia’ loyal to the Manchus with whose blessings they had
come into existence. On the other hand, Chinese Communist historians call the Uprising an
‘anti-Manchu peasant movement’.
Significance
As a consequence of the Boxer Movement, the Qing government stood exposed as a
collaborator of the imperialists, leading a large number of people to believe in revolution as
the only panacea for the country's problems. The Boxer Uprising was a bold attempt to give
a blow to the imperialist aggression. Purcell thinks the Movement not only stopped the
foreign powers' attempt to partition China, but also signalized the birth of Chinese
nationalism. According to him, the Boxer Movement was a resurgence of revolutionary
fervour of the peasantry of North China in the true tradition of heretical sects.
In the opinion of the Chinese historians, the Boxer Movement scared the imperialist powers
out of their wits and put the brakes on imperialist designs to partition China. Another great
historical significance of the Boxer Movement lies in the awakening of the Chinese people's
patriotic consciousness. The Chinese historians believe that, the Movement not only
educated the Chinese people about the true nature of imperialist aggression, but also
exposed the treasonous character of the Qing authorities.
Fan Wenlan observes that the Boxer Movement shook the entire country. Even the coolies
and domestic servants of the foreigners in Shanghai felt that the hour of finally settling score
with the foreigners had arrives. Hu Sheng further goes on to say that after this Movement,
the Chinese people never looked back. Their revolutionary movement surged forward wave
after wave till they achieved complete victory over feudalism and imperialism. The Chinese
government in its official declarations calls this Movement "a patriotic anti-imperialist
uprising, mainly of peasants" and the climax of the Chinese people's struggle against
aggression and partition which also hit hard at (the imperialism's) appendages, the feudal
forces. Thus, the Movement is also seen as "a cornerstone of the victory of the Chinese
communist revolution."
Conclusion
The Boxers were conservative and was essentially a “traditional Movement”, which sought
to remove all modernizing and Western elements, and in this context the age-old concept of
Chung-kuo was invoked and restored once again. Though the Boxer Uprising was a massive
upsurge it failed in its anti-imperial and anti-feudal aims. In this context one can also
question the revolutionary character of the Boxer rebels. Hu Sheng has tried to explain this
in terms of the absence of initiative. When we compare the Boxers with earlier peasant
movements like the Taiping, the Boxers lacked was an organization and ideology. The Boxers
refrained from doing anything but protect the Manchus. Thus, The Boxer Movement
expressed China’s growing unrest, her resentment against foreign encroachment and, above
all, the will of the Chinese people to resist. As Schurmann and Schell put it, “the Boxer
Rebellion represented a fusion of two distinct currents of 19th century China – humiliation
by the West and decline from within, the former expressed in the powerful West’s
encroachment and the latter expressed in popular internal rebellion.”
Q- Critically evaluate the main currents within the Taiping and Boxer movements with
special reference to their popular character.
Q- In what ways do the ideology and politics of the Taiping and Boxer movement throw
light on their nature?
Traditional Chinese subscribed to the theory that domestic rebellion and foreign invasion
occurred when the central power declined; they appeared together as symptoms of serious
and upsetting internal weakness. If the ruling power had been strong, these troubles could
have been met and stopped out of hand. Peasant uprisings were rampant throughout 19th
century China, before, but especially after the Opium Wars. The Taiping Movement in the
mid-19th century and the Boxer Movement in the beginning of the 20th century were the
most important ones, although the Nien and Moslem uprisings deserve mention. These
were demonstrations of China’s proto-nationalism that gave rise to the modern nationalism
seen in the 20th century.
Boxer movement
Boxer Rebellion supported peasant uprisings of 1900 that attempted to drive all foreigners
from China. The group practised certain boxing in the belief that this made them
invulnerable. It was thought to be offshoot of the Eight Trigrams Society which had
formulated rebellion against Qing dynasty. Their original aim was the destruction of the
dynasty and also the westerners who has a privileged position in China.
In the late 19th century, because of growing economic impoverishment, a series of natural
calamities and foreign aggression in the area, the boxers began to increase their strength in
the provinces of North China. In 1898 conservatives’ antiforeign forces won control of the
Chinese government and persuaded the Boxers to drop their position to the Qing dynasty
and unite with it in destroying the foreigners. The governor of the province of Shandong
began to enrol boxer bands as local militia groups, changing their name from Yihequan to
Yihetuan. Many of the Qing officials at this time apparently began to believe that Boxer
rituals actually did make them impervious to bullets and in spite of Protests by the western
powers, they and Cixi, the ruling empress dowager continued to encourage the group.
Chinese missionaries’ activities help provoke the Boxers, Christians converts flouted
traditional Chinese ceremonies and family relations and missionaries pressured local official
to side with Christian converts who were often from the low classes of the Chinese society in
lawsuits and property disputes. By late 1899 the Boxers were openly attacking Chinese
Christians and Western missionaries. By 1900 boxer bands were the countryside around the
capital at Beijing. Finally, in early June an international relief force of some 2100 men was
dispatched from the northern point of Tianjin to Beijing.
The empress dowager ordered imperial forces to block the advantages of the foreign troops
and small relief column was turned back. Meanwhile in Beijing the boxer burned the
churches and foreign residences and killed the suspected Chinese Christians on sight. The
foreign powers seized the Dagu fort on the coast in order to restore access from Beijing to
Tianjin. The next day the empress dowager ordered foreign ministers and their families and
staff, together with hundreds of Chinese Christians were besieged in their legation quarters
and in the Roman Catholic cathedral in Beijing.
Imperial viceroys in the central Yangtze River valley and in South China ignored government
orders and supressed antiforeign outbreaks in their jurisdiction. They thus helped establish
the myth that the war was not the policy of the Chinese government but was a result of a
native uprising in the northeast the area to which the disorder was mainly confined.
An international force was assembled, most of the soldiers coming from Japan and Russia
but many also from Britain, the United States, France, Austria-Hungary and Italy. The forces
captured the Beijing relieving the foreigners and Christians besieged there. While foreign
troops looted the capital, the empress dowaget and her court to conduct the negotiations.
After extensive discussions, a protocol was finally signed in 1901, ending the hostilities and
providing for reparations to made the foreign powers. Perhaps 100000 died in the conflict,
although estimates on causalities have varied widely. The great majority of those killed were
civilians, including Chinese Christians and military personnel killed in combat, the great bulk
of them being boxer and Chinese fighters.
Taiping movement
At the same time efforts of reform were under way in Japan in mid-nineteenth century,
China remained under the same dynasty that had ruled for more than 200 years. Qing rule
led by ethnic majority Manchu people, were struggling to maintain China’s wealth and
prestige in East Asia.
At the age of five he had little power and instead, his mother Empress Tongzhi Restoration
Cixi, largely controlled the reigns. She promoted a movement called the Tongzhi to halt any
further decline of Qing power by restoring the traditional sociopolitical order and
strengthening Confucian culture. The damaging defeats by the British in the opium wars
were partially a cause of domestic instability, but also partially a consequence. Although
Qing leaders did not passively submit to Western imperialism, they held power when
Western colonial powers gained an economic and political foothold in China. As a result, the
legitimacy and effectiveness of their rule and the rule of the Manchu people While shaken,
contributing to the further weakening of the Chinese nation.
While opium addiction and subsequent conflict over its trade continued, clashes between
traditional and modernity also confronted China’s imperial court. This set the stage for one
of the bloodiest civil wars ever in world history, the from the early 1850s up to 1864. Until
China's loss to Britain in the opium wars, Western traders were permitted to conduct trade
and business only through an association of Chinese merchants known as cohong, 13
authorised merchants approved by the Chinese central government. The Treaty of Nanking,
signed after China's defeat in the opium wars, ended this system and opened up new
opportunities for European and American traders. This shifted the majority of China’s
economic activity from north to south. Massive job losses followed in the South causing
famine and severe economic depression. In the aftermath, looked for a leader to guide them
out of the crisis.
Hong Xiuquan emerged as a leader under these conditions. Hong received a strong classical
education and was exposed to translated Christian Tracts through foreign missionaries. Hong
tried four times to pass the imperial examination. These formal imperial examinations were
part of the great tradition of upward mobility in imperial China.
After his four unsuccessful attempts, Hong fell into coma in 1837. He reawakened several
months later with a vision, he believed himself to be the younger brother of Jesus Christ and
his mission and that of his followers was to cleanse China of the Manchus and anyone else
who stood in their way of creating a heavenly kingdom of great peace. In order to reach tis
desired place the vision told him the mantle of the mandate of the heaven, the ancient
Chinese philosophy determining the virtue of the emperor must be removed from the
emperor through the use of military power.
For the next 10 years Hong continued to study Christian texts teaching in village schools and
sharing his knowledge with family and friends. For most part his message was not well
received. But in Southern China, he told himself among the Hakka, subethnicity of Chinese
people who had traditionally been discriminated against by the ethnic majority. Possibly
because the Hakka had always been economically marginalised, they proved more receptive
to his message. Suddenly he found himself the leader of the God worshippers, a band of
rebels who shared his political, economic and religious belief. his number of followers grew
and eventually his band of followers wanted to hear his message and helped him to form his
army. They called their new religion the Taiping faith. It was based on Christianity and
missionary teaching but it was an unusual interpretation of Christianity based upon
recognising Hong as the younger brother of Jesus. It soon developed into a religion whose
ides of a sovereign deity challenged the existing Qing rule.
The Taiping used their religion zeal to exploit the insecurity caused by the social and
economic conditions at the time. In their early, Taiping built their own militia and continued
to indoctrinate others into their cause. Eventually, they formed a full army, forged alliances,
recruited families and joined peasants and intellectuals who believed Qing were weak and
the cause of China’s decline. They discovered that Qing dynasty armies were not as strong
and not as well organised. In 1850, after withstanding a large-scale assault by government
troops, Hong publicly proclaimed himself the king of the heavenly kingdom of great peace
and launched the Taiping rebellion the following year.
The Taiping cause had sweeping appeal. Politically and economically the movement
appealed to the climate of anti-Machu rule and to destitute peasants. Quickly they managed
to occupy a great deal of desirable land including Nanjing, the former capital of China, which
they made their capital. The movement also gain strength by spreading their religious and
political message through printed page. The documents range from treaties to blue print of
their society. The Taiping social program, the idea that land and property should be made
collective, is one of the ideas that got a young man named Mao Zedong very inspired year
later.
Despite this early success, the Taiping rebellion was eventually beset by internal strife, lack
of cohesion, autocratic leadership and extreme religious dogma. The rebellion finally
collapsed in 1864, when it was defeated by Qing armies. In the end the Taiping threat was
finally end but at the great cost. The power held by Qing began to fall apart as it became
clearer that the central government no longer has the power to control things from Beijing.
Conclusion
The Taiping’s were anti-Manchu without being anti-dynasty, pro-foreign to the extent that
they would learn from the West without bowing down to them, and had a radical land
reorganization program and social program which demonstrates their grand visions for
China. Additionally, they had a strong central command that could have achieved all their
goals. They failed because of the lack of funds, the corruption that had set in, and the fact
that the Manchus received support from the Western powers. In comparison to the Taipings,
the Boxers had no central leadership or plan for the future. Their desire to revive the Ming
dynasty and neo-Confucianism shows their conservatism. Yet, the desire for a China free of
everything foreign demonstrates the proto-nationalist belief they had. The lack of leadership
was their downfall, as the Manchus used it to their advantage by commanding them, when
desired, to further their own goals. But if there’s one thing that these movements did, it was
to push China towards realizing the goal of modern nationalism.
Q- Examine the objectives and nature of Reform Movement of 1898. How would your
account for its failure?
Q- What were the objectives of the reformers of the 1898 movement? Why did they fail in
their endeavour?
Q- Analyse the scope and aims of the hundred-day movement. Why did it fail?
Introduction
The Hundred Days' Reform Movement was an unsuccessful 103-day national cultural,
political, and educational reform campaign launched under late Qing dynasty China from 11
June to 21 September 1898. The Reform movement was led by young Guangxu Emperor and
his reform-minded followers. In sharp contrast to Self-Strengthening Movement's emphasis
on incremental improvements, the Reform of 1898 resolved to modernize China not only
militarily, technologically and economically but also politically, socially, culturally and
educationally within a short duration. The movement however, was short-lived, and
defeated by powerful conservative opponents led by Empress Dowager Ci xi staging a coup
defeat.
Context
Since the defeat of China in Sino-French War of 1885, an increasing number of Chinese
scholars and officials recognised that the Self-Strengthening Movement was insufficient to
defend China. Progressive officials, such as Feng Guifen, had suggested that for true self-
strengthening, China should build the fundamental Western institutions that gave birth to
those tactics and military capabilities. Western concepts of reform were also introduced into
China via treaty ports, where new Chinese intellectual class had emerged. They had the
opportunity to observe Western systems first hand and the flexibility to acquire foreign
languages. Foreign missionaries, also persuaded a number of Chinese scholars and officials
of the necessity of reform through dialogues. Indeed, Kang You-Wei, the Reform's most
prominent reformer, owed many of his reform ideas originated to the missionaries.
Following China's rapid defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, that convinced a large
number of Chinese scholar-officials that more fundamental change was both necessary and
urgent. On the occasion of signing of the humiliating Treaty of Shimonoseki of 1895 a group
of 1300 young students from throughout China under the leadership of Kang You-Wei signed
a 'Ten Thousand Words Memorial' opposing the Shimonoseki pact and advocated for bigger
and more profound institutional reforms on the lines Meiji Japan. Scramble for Concessions
(1895-1899) by imperialist powers additionally, demonstrated the critical nature and
urgency of institutional reform.
It was however, the political division within the Qing court between the emperor Guangxu
and the conservative section led by his aunt, Empress Dowager Cixi that provided Kang You-
Wei to get the support of Emperor Guangxu's mentor Weng Tonghe who presented Kang to
Emperor Guangxu. The emperor was profoundly moved by Kang's reform ideas and became
increasingly motivated to enact institutional improvements. On June 11,1898, he issued the
first reform edict, directing citizens to acquire foreign language skills. The Reformation of the
Hundred Days had begun.
Objectives
The emperor and youthful reformers like as Kang You-Wei believed that institutional reforms
and more fundamental improvements would help China defend itself against Western
imperialism. Institutional reform had two forms: first, a new educational framework would
replace the old, traditional one, preparing the populace to become contemporary citizens of
a modern nation such as Meiji Japan; and second, the political system would be reorganised
to increase its efficiency.
Kang You-Wei, on the other hand, anticipated greater changes. He desired to build for China
a constitutional and parliamentary government. According to Kang, all other reform efforts
were secondary to political modernisation. Another motivation for the old scholar officials
such as Weng Tonghe was the reform movement's role in the Qing court's quest for power.
Although the majority of young scholar-reformers favoured reform for patriotic reasons, the
change movement provided an opportunity for these young men to advance to positions of
power within the government. Kang You-Wei and his young followers submitted numerous
edicts and decrees for the emperor to sign between June and September 1898.
Approximately 200 reform directives were issued in rapid succession. A substantial
programme of 'institutional change' was tried.
Failure
The reform movement was short-lived, lasting only 103 days. The majority of reform decrees
were never implemented. Only in the province of Hunan, under the leadership of a reform-
minded governor, carry out the emperor’s instructions. Reform measures were received with
either passive non-cooperation or outright resistance throughout the rest of the empire.
While some officials were willing, they lacked the ability to implement the reform.
Conservatives felt that the reforms broke the dynasty's political tradition. They were
convinced that Kang and his adherents planned to annihilate Chinese civilization. Together
with changes in the educational system, the termination of the eight-legged essay destroyed
the futures of students preparing for traditional government examinations. The elimination
of sinecure positions and governorships jeopardised the careers of numerous officials.
Many Manchus believed that the new reform measures were targeted specifically at them,
as a number of orthodox Manchu officials had been fired from the Central administration; all
of the young reformers were Chinese; Kang Yu-Wei was from South China, which had a
strong anti-Manchu heritage. The dynasty's political power has been decentralised ever
since the Taiping Rebellion (1851-1864). Peking's hold on the provinces was eroding. As a
result, the provincial governments paid little attention to the Central government's reform
decrees. So, without strong political will, no reform can be implemented effectively.
Both Kang Yu-Wei and Liang Chi-chao had no previous experience in administration. Their
knowledge of Western institutions was, moreover, limited. In carrying out reforms, they
were not tactful enough. Both the Emperor and the reformers offered insufficient leadership
for the reform effort. They were unable to secure the support and cooperation of
conservative officials.
Nature
The 1898 reform movement in China is not a cake walk for the historians. According to Tan
Chung, there is no famous communist Chinese historian or western historian who can called
a specialist to the movement. He explains that one reason why the topic is not the
communist historians cup of tea is that reformists does not fit into the Marxist intellectual
framework.
To many historians’ reformism, including the 1898 reform movement was a historical current
only among the ruling elites. Analysing the class nature of the reform Lio Da’nian in “certain
issues concerning modern history of China” says that it was engineered by the compromising
forces of the national bourgeoisie as against the revolutionary forces of the same class. The
reformers compromised with feudalism and imperialism. He observes that the reformers did
not even touch the foundation of the feudal regime. They took the greatest care to avoid
damaging the feudal ruling power and hoped to obtain the cooperation of the feudal forces
to carry out certain reforms.
According to Tan Chung, the reformers cherished the illusion that undergoing grave struggle
they could change China’s semi colonial status. The ultimate aim was to reinvigorate China’s
existing socio-political system crisis they had fallen into. However, the reform movement
mobilised strength within the ruling elite and did not in the least involve the masses.
Victor Purcell has ably summed up the aims of the 1898 reform movement to abolish the old
examination system together with the eight legs essay, to convert the temples and out
model institutions of learning into new type colleges and high schools, to reduce the number
of the green standard troops and to intensify the training of the army on modern lines, to do
away with sinecure offices, to establish a national bank, to provide a general administration
for mining, railway, agriculture etc. to found a national Peking university and many more.
Chinese historians unanimously agree that the reform movement had serious limitations and
was destined to fail. According to Tan Chung, it failed to grasp the crucial problems of China
and thus did not reflect the aspirations of China’s revolutionary masses. An illustration
almost always mentioned to substantiate this point is the total unconcern of the reformers.
For Chung it was the greatest social evil at that time and could not be ignored by anyone.
However, Mao Zedong mentions the 1898 reform movement same as Taiping, Boxer, 1911
revolution as the highlighting of the revolutionary movements and the example of Chinese
people’s indomitable spirit in fighting imperialism and its lackeys. He explains the failure of
the Reform movement. In his opinion, the Chinese were not pupil and they learnt good deal
from the west. They started as the western teacher taught, industries, railways, telegraph
office and what not. They switched over to western education. They left no stone unturned
in their rage for westernisation. Only the result evaded them. The reformers, of course,
could be blamed for relying on outmoded monarchy to carry out modernization.
Conclusion
It can be held that Hundred Days Reform Movement was a short-lived movement due to
which many of the reforms undertaken were never implemented. One may even question
whether they would have succeeded even if they were implemented. Despite its short-lived
character. the reformists attempt left a deep mark on the country for it helped to familiarise
educated people with political change and new ideas. Its failures affected the reformers
themselves in different ways, most of them adopted more gradual methods and turn to
immediate limited goals which dependent on individual rather than government action:
target such as if the establishment of modern business and schools, or the administration of
local communities but other reformers concluding that peaceful change was doomed to
failure turned to revolution.
Q- Discuss the role of various social groups in the in the 1911 revolution with special
reference to those of the bourgeoisie.
Q- Assess the role played by the following groups in developing the revolutionary
movement of 1911 in China. (Bourgeoisie, gentry, new army, young women & girls,
proletariat, students and youth)
Q- Discuss the role of various social classes in the 1911 revolution of China. Was the
republic a success?
Q- Discuss the various strands of Chinese nationalism in the first decade of 20 th century?
Q- Critically explain/analyse various trends of Chinese nationalism in the first decade of
the 20th century.
Q- The first decade of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of New China. Discuss.
Introduction
The 20th century was a watershed moment in the history of China because Chinese
mainland was changing & the change was apparent. The feeling of nationalism was on the
rise among different sections of population. Reforms were taking place throughout the
country in the field of administration, education & military. It was in this background that
the Chinese revolution of 1911 took place. It marked a major turning point in the modern
Chinese history because it led to the overthrow of Manchu dynasty & establishment of a
republic. It also brought chaos in the shape of warlordism & left China under imperialist
oppression. A new China was in making under the veil of the revolution. Lenin was of the
view that a quarter of the earth’s population was moving forward & that hundreds of
millions of men were awakening to life, light & freedom.
A paramount issue that concerned New China in the first phase of the revolution was the
rise of nationalistic feelings among the Chinese. Mary. C. Wright understood Chinese
nationalism in three dimensions: Firstly, it called for the resistance to imperialism in the
reclamation of territorial integrity. Secondly, it demanded the organisation of China as a
centralized nation-state. And thirdly, nationalism meant to overthrow the Manchus who
were seen in association with the foreigners.
By the late 19th century, we see the emergence of new lexicon in China with terms like
national sovereignty & sovereign rights gaining political parlance. The internal policy
differences of the officials were buried under a wave of determination to strengthen the
country and reclaim all that had been lost. Under the blind of nationalism, Chinese state
projected their anti-imperialist sentiments by re-claiming various territories as a part of
mainland China. By 1905, China was claiming Tibet with its capital at Lhasa. This was
followed by reassertion of historic claims over Bhutan, Nepal, Sikkim & Burma. China’s claim
to sovereignty over Mongolia brought them in direct confrontation with Russia. Similarly,
their assertion over the Manchurian homeland turned them against the Japanese.
Nationalism in China also meant the triumph of nationalism over provincialism. The
provincial assemblies provided local leaders with the platform where they could develop
their contacts with various organizations throughout China. Discussion of many local issues
inevitably became propelling forces of new nationalism. According to Immanuel Hsu, the
anti-Manchu sentiments of the masses was evident in various popular uprisings, the most
prominent being Taiping & Boxer rebellions. Mary. C. Wright is of the view that the anti-
Manchu strain of nationalism was the least revolutionary of the three & that it has been
“grossly exaggerated”.
Nationalism propelled the imperial government into a series of reforms that proved to be
one of the main forces behind the revolution. The reforms brought about fundamental
changes in every sphere of Chinese life & directly gave rise to a political revolution. The
most important reforms were introduced in the sector of education with the creation of a
new educational system in both form & substance. The abolition of the Examination System
in 1905 and the simultaneous creation of a Ministry of Education altered the basis of
gentry’s power and the recruitment of the bureaucracy.
The imperial government’s military reforms coupled with their modern training, made them
highly receptive to ideas of revolution in the name of nationalism. The third major group of
imperial reforms included general reorganization of the entire administrative apparatus of
the Empire. The fourth series of major reforms were those intended to encourage industry.
These imperial reforms faced massive resistance from the people thus adding to the growing
revolutionary pressures in society.
One of the academic debates which centred on the revolution of 1911 is regarding the role
of various groups & social classes who took part in the revolution. In New China, dynamic
new groups were developing & old social classes were transforming. The rising tide of new
nationalism was influenced & motivated by the following groups: Youth, Women, the new
Military Men, Overseas Chinese, the Working class, the Gentry, the Bourgeoisie & the
Peasantry.
The Bourgeoisie
At the turn of the nineteenth century, as a result of the impact of the foreign trade and
treaty port system, a new class of commercial bourgeoisie developed in China. As pointed
out by Marie-Clare Bergere, commercial bourgeoisie was "a group comprising entrepreneurs
in the modern style businessmen, financiers and industrialists." However, the oppression by
imperialism and feudalism, the national bourgeoisie necessarily conflicted with them in
order to survive and develop.
The reason was particularly psychological, as they were plagued by the idea of social
isolation and had been looked down upon and prevented from taking part in public affairs.
Gradually a new self-awareness and political attitudes were adopted by the Chinese
bourgeoisie, which largely were a crystallisation of experiences undergone in dealing with
Qing officials and Western businessmen.
The government failed to provide adequate protection against foreign encroachment, and
the privileges granted were rendered ineffective by the breakdown of administrative system.
The system of taxation made the merchants shy away from investment lest they should be
gratuitously exacted by the government or officialdom. The attempt at industrialisation
through the system of "social supervision and merchant management" instead of providing
any fillip to the industries, stultified them, because the officials were extremely
"unbusinesslike" and feudalistic in their approach.
There was no unified currency, no budgetary system and no organisation of public accounts.
In such circumstances, it was only natural that, despite the good relations which the
merchants were sometimes able to establish with the local officials, feeling of distrust and
hostility towards the Imperial government became widespread.
On top of all this, the Confucian mould of society and social values were hardly conducive to
the development of a modern entrepreneur class. The merchants were placed at the lowest
rung of the social ladder and could wipe out their ‘original sin’ only by gaining admittance
into the rank of the officialdom or the gentry. The government policy of being averse to
breaking away from the Confucian morality and conservative past as well as the official
depredations made the merchants suspicious of the Qing policies.
Thus, after having exhausted all patience, the bourgeoisie opened its purses to the
revolutionaries with the aim of bringing about the end of the dynasty. The basic purpose of
such a move, as Mary C. Wright points out, was to bring about a strong central, government
which could end special foreign privileges and provide the conditions in which a national
market could develop. In the words of V.P. Dutt, "Though the merchants were involved
neither in instigating nor directing the revolutionary movements, leading to the final
conflagration, but by preventing any economic crisis, they helped the revolution in its
conclusion.
The Gentry
For centuries the Chinese gentry had gained access to public office through the Examination
System. They were the social class with the highest stake in the old order. However, the old
social order was undergoing significant change after 1900. The abolition of the Examination
System in 1905 destroyed the primary basis of their status.
The gentry were not isolated from the main currents of the time. They read newspapers and
wrote letters to the editor. They were the leaders of the local self-government associations
and dominated the provincial assemblies. Mr. Chang argues that the gentry were in fact the
active constitutionalists, the men who organized petitions and protests and made speeches.
Men like Chang Ping-lin, at this time a far more radical revolutionary than Sun Yat-sen, was a
member of the gentry and maintained his gentry connections.
New Military Men
In the wake of modernisation in China, a group of new military men had been sent to Japan
for training. There, they not only received military training but were also influenced
ideologically. They became radical in their mindset. Moved by an acute sense of national
humiliation, they responded readily to the revolutionary propaganda & developed a feeling
of nationalism of the modern intellectuals. The morale of these men was good because
they wanted to become national heroes & restore China to greatness.
Women
The position of women in China started to improve & they played a prominent role in the
revolutionary movement. The age-old practices of foot-binding started dying out & women
were increasingly seen in the public sphere. The Tatsu Maru case of 1908 brought girls &
women to the forefront of the patriotic demonstration. For instance, Chiu Chin, a young
woman who was executed for her participation in the revolution was identified as a martyr.
This change in the position of women was lasting and irreversible & can be considered as a
hallmark of a major social revolution.
Students & Youth
Mary. C. Wright has called the students, & youth in general, the most vibrant force of the
nation in the first phase of the revolution. They were courageous & intelligent in character.
Moreover, they were politically aware & understood the nuances of the governance. Among
the most active youth were those who went to Japan to study. They understood the
weakness of the Manchu government & the need to overthrow it. They were tired of the old
Confucius value system & were attracted to new ideas of democracy, liberty & socialism. All
this fuelled them with fervour to take up violent revolutionary measures in national interest.
The Working Class/Proletariat
Another new group to enter Chinese public life was the working class who were employed in
modern industries. According to V. P. Dutt, the working class had a symbiotic relationship
with the nascent bourgeoisie. They frequently held strikes in foreigners’ owned factories
which were largely political in nature rather than economic. The emerging classes became a
significant force in the revolution because they were well aware of the Chinese state of
affairs. There were several similarities between these groups. All of them had been subject
to deprivation in traditional Chinese society; all were in positions where action seemed
possible; and all of them wanted a change in the existing social setup. Nonetheless, the
Chinese establishment was vast & deeply rooted with the existence of traditional social
classes who were both receptive & sceptical to the changes.
Overseas Chinese
The overseas Chinese emerged as an important group in the course of the revolution &
acted as a revolutionary social force. The revolutionaries & reformers sought their political &
financial support in the revolution. This does not mean that all overseas Chinese were
revolutionaries but their loyalties lied with the native Chinese, be it their family or their
ancestral land. When we analyse the revolution by focusing on Dr. Sun Yat Sen & the
Revolutionary Alliance, the ability of the overseas communities to supply funds, the
influence of their newspapers and the competition for their support emerge as central
factors.
Conclusion
Thus, under the 1911 revolution, the dominant theme in the ideology of the revolutionary
activists was nationalism, but it was nationalism that included a number of strains, as we
have indicated: the reassertion of Chinese power along the frontiers, anti-imperialism, China
for the Chinese, modernization, and anti-Manchuism.
Q- Critically assess the Chinese revolution of 1911.
Q- Analyse the main currents within the revolution of 1911. Would you agree that the
1911 revolution represents the first phase of China’s revolutionary struggle?
Q- Examine the international struggle for concessions in China from 1895 to 1911.
Introduction
The 20th century was a watershed moment in the history of China because Chinese
mainland was changing & the change was apparent. One of which from the century is the
Chinese Revolution of 1911. It was a major land-mark in the history of the modern world.
This Revolution marked the end of one era and the beginning of another. It brought to an
end centuries old dynastic cycle of absolute rule once for all and in its place came the
republican form of government. At the same time this Revolution brought all kinds of untold
miseries and sorrows for the people of China. It brought chaos in the shape of warlordism
and left China under the imperialist and feudal oppression.
Thus, in the following paragraphs, we propose for a critical analysis, to examine the
background to the causes of the origin and development of the revolutionary movement as
well as evaluate its consequences.
Impact of the dynastic cycle
By the second half of the nineteenth century, a decline and degradation of the Qing
(Manchu) dynasty could be clearly seen. The death of Emperor Kuang Hsu and Empress
Dowager Tzu Hsi in 1908 provided an opportunity to the revolutionaries to strike at the root
of the Manchu dynasty.
The ‘Heavenly Mandate’ of the Manchus was getting exhausted at a pretty fast pace. What
scholars have observed as the cyclical rise and fall of dynasties had also contributed its share
in accelerating the demise of a worn-out dynasty. The dynastic wheel which had once
carried the Manchus to the heights of their glory was now dragging them quickly towards
their nadir.
By the beginning of the twentieth century, the governmental system had become corrupt in
all possible ways. One could not expect longevity for a dynasty which was constrained to sell
the offices of state and thus, put a premium on money rather than merit. Perversion,
degeneracy, extravagance, recklessness and intrigue had made deep inroads into the
imperial court life which revolved around the whims and fancies of eunuchs.
Impact of the West and Japan
The impact of the West and Japan was perhaps one of the most important factors that
convinced the majority of Chinese people that the Manchus had failed to uphold the Dao,
leading to disharmony in the society. After the ignominious defeat in the Opium wars, there
was the influence of Western political philosophy as well on Chinese. Practically all the
Chinese revolutionary leaders had studied abroad and were greatly inspired by the Western
revolutionary concepts such as democracy, liberty etc.
On the other hand, Chinese defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1904-05 convinced the
imperialist powers to partition out various parts amongst themselves. This was followed by a
policy of conquest by rail-roads and banks, which gave a ruinous blow to the Chinese
economy. This relentless exploitation carried out by the foreigners produced violent reaction
from the Chinese populace and went on until the Revolution of 1911 intervened.
Economic decay and social unrest
The economic forces which had characterised the rise and fall of the previous dynasties,
were also in operation in the case of the Manchus. Rapid increase in population without any
corresponding increase in the arable land, unfavourable foreign trade, foreign indemnities
and natural calamities led to the deterioration in living standards, particularly that of
peasants, which resulted in uprisings, further aggravating the economic situation. As the
burden had to be borne by the masses, the government was compelled to tax people to the
maximum extent possible. Thus, all this served to upset the delicate balance of the Chinese
finances and the ruin of the traditional agricultural economy.
Regionalism
Regionalism and the rise of provincial leaders became a characteristic feature of the late
Qing period. Regional personalities like Zeng Guofan and Zuo Zongtang had arisen in various
provinces and this shift in power-balance was the direct result of Qing inability to preserve
peace and order and their manifest reliance on able provincial leaders to keep the system
going. The provinces had become states within state especially after the Taiping Movement
was put down with the help of some vigorous provincial leaders. Now the Manchus could
keep themselves on the Dragon Throne only by playing one powerful mandarin official
against another.
Nationalism
A paramount issue that concerned New China in the first phase of the revolution was the
rise of nationalistic feelings among the Chinese. Mary. C. Wright understood Chinese
nationalism in three dimensions: Firstly, it called for the resistance to imperialism in the
reclamation of territorial integrity. Secondly, it demanded the organisation of China as a
centralized nation-state. And thirdly, nationalism meant to overthrow the Manchus who
were seen in association with the foreigners.
In New China, dynamic new groups were developing & old social classes were transforming.
The rising tide of new nationalism was influenced & motivated by the following groups:
Youth, Women, the new Military Men, Overseas Chinese, the Working class, the Gentry, the
Bourgeoisie & the Peasantry.
Emergence of secret societies
Emergence of secret Chinese societies also contributed for the Revolution of 1911. The most
important among them was Tung Meng Hui which was organized by Dr. Sun-Yat-Sen in 1905.
There were several revolutionaries and groups that wanted to overthrow the Qing
government to re-set up a Han Chinese government.
The earliest revolutionary organizations were founded outside of China, such as Sun Yat-
sen's Xingzhonghui (Revive China Society) was recognized in Honolulu in 1894 with the main
purpose of raising funds for revolutions. The Huaxinghui (China Revival Society) was founded
in 1904 and their motto was ‘Take one province through force, and inspire the other
provinces to rise up’. Thus, several revolutionaries promoted anti-Qing/anti-Manchu
sentiments and promoted the thoughts of "Resist Qing and restore Ming" that had been
brewing since the days of the Taiping Rebellion.
Immediate outbreak cause
The immediate cause for the outbreak of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 was the problem of
railroad nationalization. The Chinese people put demands for the construction of railroad in
China on a provincial basis which should be financed by the Chinese capitalists rather than
foreign financiers. But the Chinese Government was not in a position to fulfil these demands
because it required a huge amount for the construction of railroads which could not be
raised in the provinces. Therefore, the Imperial Government had decided to adopt the policy
of railroad centralization where the railroad constructions in these areas and the right for
the constructions was given to the bankers of America, Britain, France and Germany against
a loan of six million pounds. It annoyed the Chinese people because nationalization and
foreign financing of railroad construction threatened the interest of the provincial
authorities. Therefore, to oppose this Imperial Government's decision, an open rebellion
was organized at Szechuan province of China in 1911.
Consequences of the Revolution
The Revolution of 1911 had far-reaching impacts in the history of China. It inaugurated a
new era in the Chinese history by putting an end to the Manchu dynasty. At the same time
the revolution resulted in the emergence of a republic in China which indirectly save the
political integrity of China and helped her to get rid from the foreign control. The very
character of Chinese Revolution of 1911 was anti-Manchu, anti-foreign and anti-traditional.
It was organized by the nationalists with a view to remove the Manchu Government because
the later had failed to protect China from national humiliation and economic exploitation by
the foreign powers. At the same time, they realized that the weakness of China was mainly
due to her backwardness which was because of her too much adherence to her old and
traditional ways of life. Therefore, the revolutionaries wanted to replace the old traditional
order by introducing progressive western ideas in the Chinese society.
Shortcomings/ failures
The Revolution of 1911 had its shortcomings and failures also. The revolutionaries lacked
unified thinking on the political problems of the day and the revolution lacked a coherent
and acceptable philosophy beyond the deposition of the Qing dynasty and the
establishment of a republic. There were acute differences over major issues. Sun's Three
Principles were opposed by many.
Apart from factionalism, provincialism also plagued the revolutionary organisation. The
inner struggles made them weak, and therefore, not surprisingly, as soon as victory was in
sight many members of the Tongmeng Hui faltered in their purpose and seemed to be keen
to make a deal with the conservative and militarists to enjoy the fruits of the victory.
In the opinion of Chen Tiejian, Imperialism and feudalism took advantage of the
bourgeoisie's compromises and jointly killed the 1911 Revolution. Consequently, the
revolution only overthrew the last feudal dynasty. It did not end the exploitation and
oppression by imperialism and feudalism. China still remained a semi-colonial and semi-
feudal society. The bourgeois democratic revolution was far from completed. In spite of all
these deficiencies, the Revolution of 1911 can in no case be dismissed as a cyclical dynastic
change or a sub-grade revolution.
Conclusion
Thus, with the above discussion it becomes evident that the Chinese revolution of 1911 was
a major landmark in the history of the modern era. It made positive contributions to the
establishment of the Chinese national community. Once the Qing Dynasty collapsed, the
revolutionaries instantly embraced the equality of all ethnic groups, emphasized the removal
of obstacles among different ethnic groups and promoted ethic harmony.
Q- Bring out the importance of the May fourth movement in the political and intellectual
life of China.
Q- Analyse the socio-political, cultural and intellectual events within the May fourth
movement.
Q- Examine the political and cultural aspects of the May fourth movement.
Q- The may fourth movement was multifaceted movement comment.
Q- The May fourth movement was essentially a socio-political intellectual revolution.
Analyse.
Q- In what ways can the May fourth movement of 1919 be regarded as the sequel to the
1911 revolution and precursor of the Chinese Communist revolution?
Q- The May fourth movement inaugurated a new age in the Chinese society. Comment.
Q- What was the significance of the May fourth movement? Why has it been considered as
a starting point of the contemporary era in China?
Q- What was the significance of the may fourth movement? How far would it been to call
it China’s cultural revolution?
Q- The may fourth movement of 1919 was an intellectual awakening of China against the
western imperialism and Confucian traditional value. Comment.
Introduction
The period between 1971 and 1923, hailed a New Cultural Movement, sometimes been
described, as a “Chinese Renaissance”. A high point in this turbulent period was the gigantic
student demonstration in Peking on May 4, 1919, which quickly evoked nationwide
response. Hence this period is commonly known as the May fourth movement. It reflected
the current socio-political and intellectual realization of China, which fought the challenges
of twentieth century imperialism. May 4 was the climax of the intellectual ferment which
begun in 1915. It was also the start of a movement of growing political awareness which
affected mainly young intellectuals and worker resulting in the founding of communist part
in 1921. It marks the turning point between the modern and contemporary history of China.
Background
On May 4th 1919, 3000 odd students of Peking University and other educational institutions
staged a protest at Peking, against the Treaty of Versailles which gave the former German
held Chinese province of Shantung to Japan after World War-I instead of returning it to
China, as China was hoping when it entered World War I on the Allied side.
The protest in Peking soon turned violent as pro-Japanese government officials were
attacked. The press and the moderate bourgeoisies all came out in support. Within weeks
the movement spread through China, with students launching boycott of Japanese goods,
founding students’ unions and Chancellor of Peking University resigning in protest. By June,
the Peking Government succumbed to Japanese pressure to put an end to the protest and
declared martial law in Peking, arresting 1,150 people between June3-6th.
Jean Cheneaux says now began the second phase of the movement- centred in Shanghai,
numerous merchants called for a general strike and 60,000 industrial workers went on strike.
Soon many towns of South China were engulfed by merchant and worker strikes that the
Government on 12th June finally gave in by refusing to sign the Treaty of Versailles, releasing
the jailed students and dismissing three pro-Japanese ministers. Student protest and
merchant-worker strikes subsided, yet the boycott of Japanese goods lasted the summer.
Anti-imperialist
Thus, the movement emerged with its intellectual base amongst the students and new
culture intellectuals’ teachers and its emotional base amongst the industrialists, merchants
and workers. Historian Chow Tse Tsung highlighted the main characteristics of the May
Fourth movement- Led mainly by young students it emerged as an anti-imperialist campaign,
advocating modernization of China through intellectual and social reforms. It also aimed to
reform China internally and expel “traitors” from the government. Its leaders stressed
Western ideas of democracy and science while rejecting traditional Chinese ethics,
literature, customs and rituals.
Chow Tse Tsung warns that this seemingly short-lived anti-imperialist movement was not
limited to the events of the May Fourth “Incident”. Historians Jean Cheneaux, Tse Tsung and
John Fairbank all agree that the May Fourth Movement started between 1915-1917 with
Japan’s Twenty-One Demands, cannot be separated from the New Culture Movement (1917)
and lasted till around 1921-the founding of Chinese Communist Party.
Economic aspect
While exploring the background of the May Fourth Movement various-economic, social,
political and cultural factors contributed to the movement. Amongst economic factors, Tsung
says that, the pressure of foreign commercial competition on the Chinese only ceased during
World War I. During war time, Chinese national industries, credit and banking systems grew
rapidly. Yet as the war ended, foreign completion resumed, plunging Chinese industry into
acute crisis. This struggle for economic survival, contributed to the contemporary rise in
political and cultural activities and the May Fourth movement, explaining the participation of
industrialists and workers.
Social aspect
Amongst social factors from 1900 China witnessed a decline of traditional powerful groups
like the landlords and gentry and rise of new merchants, industrialists and urban workers.
Between 1915-1922, China was plagued by civil war as various warlords controlled the
country. This spelt calamity for the rural economy and a number of landless peasants
increasingly left their villages to feed warlordism. One also saw the rise of a new western
educated intelligentsia by 1900s. This intelligentsia, inspired by Western ideals led restless
people in the May Fourth period to “Save China” from warlordism and the threat of
imperialism.
Political aspects
The political background to the May Fourth movement according to historians Cheneaux and
Chow Tse Tsung was not just limited to the immediate political cause –Shantung question
and Japanese imperialism. Internally it was stimulated by the decline of the Republic under
military dictator Yuan Shikai and increasing warlordism. In the international sense it went
back to Chinese humiliation at the hands of Japan’s Twenty-One Demands of 1915.
In January 1915, Japanese Minister to China presented Twenty-One Demands which asked
for Japanese control over Manchuria, Mongolia, Shantung, South East Chinese coast and
Yangtze Valley. Apart from these other demands called for effective Japanese control over
China’s territories, administration and economy. Immediately the Demands led to a huge
outcry in the press. By 9th May 1915, the Chinese Government was forced to accept most
demands. Upon this people came out to mark May 9th as “Commemoration Day of National
Humiliation”.
The demands had a twin impact- Firstly a new spirit of nationalism developed which was
directed for the first time against foreign aggression, with slogans like “Externally resist the
Great Powers”. This spirit was also the hallmark of the May Fourth Movement. Secondly a
spirit of national unity developed for now as political factions like the KMT rallied to support
Yuan Shikai. The demands also sparked off boycott of Japanese goods, a feature seen after
May Fourth also.
Cultural aspect
Yet one of the most important impacts of the Twenty-One Demands was the reaction of
Chinese students studying abroad and the growth of the New Culture Movement (1917).
Chinese students in Japan, USA and France, began analysing the fundamental problems
facing China and believed that Chinese civilization needed to undergo complete
modernization along Western lines- in spheres of philosophy, ethics and social theories
which had never been attempted before. Previously Chinese modernization had been
limited to economy, law, political institutions and science. Chinese students studied various
intellectual doctrines such (as liberalism, socialism, pragmatism etc). They returned to China
in protest and initiated The New Culture Movement by 1917, the ideas of which laid the
intellectual base for the students of May 4th and the leaders of which led the students on
May 4th.
The New Culture Movement led by foreign educated intellectuals like Huh Shih, Chen Tu Hsiu
and Tsai Yuan Pei, called for a rejection of traditional Chinese philosophy, Confucian codes,
ethics and literature in favour of a “new culture” along Western line. Thus, they championed
the ideas of individual human rights, national independence, social equality, democracy,
liberalism etc. Huh Shih and Chen Tu Hsiu also called for “literary revolution” by promoting
vernacular written language in favour of Classical Chinese language. Hu also promoted
popular literature and ushered in a “poetic renaissance” freeing up poetry from Classical
conventions.
Intellectual aspect
Proponents of new culture set up numerous magazines such as New Youth set up by Chen Tu
Hsiu and New Tide, students of Peking University. Thus, by May Fourth movement one saw
an explosion of student’s reviews and clubs. Magazines like ‘Emancipation and
Reconstruction’ were founded in Peking and Shanghai and the Xiang River Review was
founded by Mao Tsetung. Cheneaux says such magazines attacked Confusion family values of
blind obedience and upheld women’s rights etc. The banners and pamphlets of the May
Fourth appeared in vernacular, so that they could be understood by the common man. The
emphasis on individual rights and national independence, contributed to a sense of
nationalism.
Tsai Yuan Pei the Vice Chancellor of Peking University played an important role in the New
Culture movement and May Fourth movements. He supported the new culture by inventing
numerous professors with varying intellectual leanings to come a lecture- Huh Shih who was
influenced by John Dewey’s pragmatist lectured, Chen Tu Hsiu who was influenced by ideas
of democracy also lectured, Marxist co-founder of CCP- Li Ta Chao was the head librarian at
the University. In fact, John Dewey and Bertrand Russell, themselves came and lectures. All
this contributed to the intellectual cosmopolitanism and high student participation in the
May Fourth Movement. Teachers at the University and the Pei came out to lead the May
Fourth movement. This can also be linked to the political turn the movement took post May
4th 1919, where Left Wing emerged strong.
Liberals such as Chen Tu Hsiu, Hu Shih and Chiang Monlin at the time saw the movement as
a “Chinese Renaissance”, as they said like in the European Renaissance, the May Fourth
movement saw the birth of a new literature in vernacular and a championing of reason,
freedom, emancipation of the individual and human rights. Chinese Christians then viewed it
as a “Christian Renaissance”.
Significance
Historians Jean Cheneaux and Chow Tse Tsung point out that the May Fourth movement was
highly significant for various reasons. It was clearly anti-imperialist as it attacked the
meddling of the “Great Powers” in China and It was also anti-warlord and aimed to expel
internal traitors who didn’t have the best interest of China at heart.
Tse Tsung mentions that it had the long-term legacy as it was marked by the starting of the
contemporary era in China as it contributed to the birth of the Chinese Communist Party. By
1921 the Chinese Communist Party was founded by intellectuals who participated in the
May Fourth movement.
Conclusion
In conclusion the May Fourth movement was a culmination of various sentiments and issues
that had been brewing in China for a while. Yet after it one saw the development of new
political interests. The movement’s politicization and influence of the new culture ultimately
led to splitting of intellectuals down a new fault line that developed due to the growth of
Marxism and this was highly significant for the subsequent development of China.