2.mitra and Ural 2008
2.mitra and Ural 2008
To cite this article: Devashish Mitra & Beyza P. Ural (2008) Indian manufacturing:
A slow sector in a rapidly growing economy, The Journal of International Trade &
Economic Development: An International and Comparative Review, 17:4, 525-559, DOI:
10.1080/09638190802250282
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The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development
Vol. 17, No. 4, December 2008, 525–559
Introduction
In recent years, economists have understood and have emphasized the role
of institutions in growth and development. The Nobel laureate Douglass
North (1981, 201–2) defines institutions as ‘a set of rules, compliance
procedures, and moral and ethical behavioral norms designed to constrain
the behavior of individuals in the interests of maximizing wealth or utility of
Related literature
Hall and Jones (1999) look at how capital accumulation, productivity and
therefore output per worker are affected by social infrastructure. Social
infrastructure here refers to institutional and policy variables that determine
the economic environment determining capital accumulation, skill forma-
tion, invention, innovation and technology transfer. Their measure of social
infrastructure is based on measures of corruption, expropriation risk,
government repudiation of contracts, law and order, bureaucratic quality
and trade barriers. While output is made a function of social infrastructure
in their estimation framework, they correct for endogeneity of the latter
using instruments such as geographical variables, mainly distance from the
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equator and the extent to which modern European languages are spoken as
first languages today, which captures European influences on institutions.
Their study concludes that countries with better social infrastructure have
higher levels of output per worker in the long run, have higher investment
rates and are more efficient at converting inputs to output.
Recently, a major advance in this literature has been made by Acemoglu
et al. (2001) who have looked at former European colonies to study the
impact of institutions on per capita income levels. For these countries, they
are able to use European settler mortality rates as instruments for
institutions. In countries conquered by Europeans, whether they decided to
permanently settle or not was determined by their ability to survive there (by
their mortality rates). If they decided to settle in a country themselves, they
adopted good institutions, while if they decided to rule from their home
country, they put in place extractive institutions. Their decision to settle in a
region, therefore, was a function of their mortality there; on the other hand,
mortality rates of potential settlers, to begin with, can be viewed as a function
of geographical variables. While Acemoglu et al. find statistically significant
effects of institutional variables on per capita income in the expected
direction even after instrumenting institutions (with variables capturing
expropriation risk that current and potential investors face), this instrumen-
tation completely removes the effect of geographical variables on income.
From the literature on institutions, we move to trade policy. The effects
of trade barriers on growth and income have been studied since the early
1990s. While Dollar (1992), Sachs and Warner (1995) and Edwards (1998),
using different measures of openness, in many cases constructed from
standard policy measures, showed positive effects of trade on growth, these
papers have been strongly criticized by Rodriguez and Rodrik (2001) for the
problems with measures of trade openness and the econometric techniques
used, as well as for the difficulty in establishing the direction of causality.
While Rodriguez and Rodrik (2001) have criticized the measure of openness
used by Sachs and Warner (1995) as capturing many aspects of the
macroeconomic environment in addition to trade policy, Baldwin (2003) has
The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development 531
recently defended that approach on the grounds that the other policy
reforms captured in the measure, although not trade reforms per se,
accompany most trade reforms sponsored by international institutions.
Therefore, using such a measure tells us the value of the entire package of
trade and accompanying reforms. Wacziarg and Welch (2003) have updated
the Sachs–Warner dataset and have again shown the benefit of such reforms
in driving growth.
Just as in the case of the literature on the effect of institutions as
explained above, the trade literature has also shifted focus to levels from
growth rates. Frankel and Romer (1999) look at the effect of trade share in
GDP on income levels across countries for the year 1985. They construct an
instrument for the trade share by summing up the gravity-model driven,
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The standard deviation of tariffs during this period went down from 41
percentage points to roughly 15.4 As far as the non-tariff barriers were
concerned, prior to 1991, there were quantitative restrictions on 90% of the
value added in the manufacturing sector. In April 1992, all 26 import-
licensing lists were eliminated. However, a ‘negative list’ (from which most
intermediate and capital goods were excluded) of items, whose imports were
prohibited, was introduced, thereby eliminating many of the licensing
procedures and discretionary decisions of the previous import regime.
As far as the exchange rate is concerned, the Indian Rupee was devalued
20% against the US dollar in July 1991 and further devalued in February
1992 when an explicit dual exchange market was introduced. The percentage
reduction in tariffs and non-tariff barriers were much greater than the
percentage devaluation (and even larger relative to the real exchange rate
devaluation on account of fairly high inflation, hitting roughly 14%, during
the initial years of the reforms).
any seven workers in an enterprise to form and register a trade union, it has
no provisions for union recognition (for example, via a secret ballot),
leading to multiple, rivalrous unions within the same firm, a consensus
among which becomes a virtual impossibility (see Anant 2000).
Panagariya (2001) argues very persuasively about the costs of these labor
laws. These laws restrict the size of firms below their minimum efficient scale,
hurting their competitiveness in export markets. Hiring workers under these
conditions, he argues, is a prohibitively costly activity when the number of
workers runs into thousands. Finally, these laws prevent entry and reduce
competition. This aspect of the cost of labor regulations goes beyond what
costs existing entrepreneurs incur.
It is important to note, however, that not all analysts agree that India’s
labor laws have made for a rigid labor market. In particular, a counter-
argument to the views discussed above is that India’s labor regulations
relating to job-security have been either ignored (see Nagaraj 2002) or
circumvented through the increased usage of temporary or contract labor
(see, in particular, Dutta 2003). Ultimately, whether India’s labor laws have
created significant rigidities in labor markets or not is an empirical issue. It is
hard to imagine that they have not created any rigidities or have not
constrained entrepreneurs at all in adjusting to shocks.
Empirical analysis
Data
The variables required are measures of employment, output and value
added, and indicators for protection, labor-market rigidity and industrial
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Notes:
1) Output and Net Value Added are deflated by WPI obtained from Reserve Bank of India
Database on Indian Economy at http://www.rbi.org.in/. Base year for WPI is 1981.
2) Development expenditures are deflated by the GDP deflator.
3) Number of workers includes direct and contracted employment.
Methodology
Our basic measure of productivity in this paper is labor productivity, which
is real net value added divided by the number of workers. This measure of
productivity is regressed on our policy and institutional variables, and their
relevant interactions.
The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development 537
Table 2. Labor market flexibility.
Rajasthan Inflexible
Tamil Nadu Inflexible
Uttar Pradesh Flexible
West Bengal Flexible
Y ¼ AKa Lb ð1Þ
where Y is the real net value added, A is the productivity level, K is the
amount of real capital and L is the labor used in the production. Let
s ¼ 1, . . . ,S index states, i ¼ 1,..,I index industries and t ¼ 1, . . . ,T index
time in years. Our estimating equation can be written as:
with i denoting industries, s denoting states and t denoting time. The i and s
subscripts denote the cross-section dimension and t denotes time
series dimension of panel data. Productivity Aist depends on the policy
variables:
and
1981 until about 1991, there was about a 50% increase in average state per
capita development expenditure.16 While this itself may have been driven by
economic growth in the 1980s, it is also quite plausible that economic growth
itself was partly driven by per capita development expenditure growth. This
The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development 541
may look like a virtuous circle, especially if we fail to take into account the
macroeconomic crisis of the late 1980s and the early 1990s. Our labor market
flexibility variable, namely FLEX, remains unchanged in this 1980–2000
period and there we do not plot it. It only varies across states and not over
time.
Since India is a large country with many states that are larger than the
member countries of the European Union (EU), labor mobility across these
states is probably more imperfect than within the EU. Therefore, it makes
sense to take a look at the spatial (interstate) distribution of output in
addition to looking at the interindustry distribution. So for each year, we
calculate the coefficient of variation (a measure of inequality), the ratio of
standard deviation to the mean, of output and value added across the
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Figure 6. Overall inequality of output per worker and net value added per worker.
Figure 9. Inequality of output per worker and NVA per worker across industries.
544 D. Mitra and B.P. Ural
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Figure 10. Inequality of output per worker and NVA per worker across states.
Regression results
In Tables 3 to 9, we present the effects of different policy and institutional
variables and their interactions on the real value added per worker, the total
factor productivity (using a production function approach), on employment,
on capital and on investment. The variable ‘NRP’ denotes annual average
nominal rate of protection at the two-digit industry level. The variable
‘FLEX’ is a measure of labor market flexibility of a state. As explained in
the subsection on measuring labor market flexibility, this is based on the
Besley–Burgess measure of labor market flexibility combined with David
Dollar’s survey. This is a binary variable where a value of 0 represents a
state that has a rigid labor market while a value of 1 represents a state that
has a flexible labor market. There seems to be no variation in this variable
over time for the period we are looking at, i.e. it varies only across states. In
order to control for the export oriented industries, we determined two-digit
industries with exports greater than imports in each state in 1991, which is
called the ‘export dummy’ in the regressions.
The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development 545
Table 3. Labor productivity – determinants of real net value added per worker.
(70.96) (70.21)
Development 0.139 0.16811 0.14906 0.17524
expenditures (3.15)*** (3.74)*** (3.50)*** (3.89)***
(real, per capita, log)
FLEX 0.07071 0.03115 70.01614 70.04965
(1.27) (0.57) (70.22) (70.66)
NRP6FLEX 70.00094 70.00069
(72.07)** (71.56)
NRP6development 0.00000 0.00000
expenditures (0.49) (1.41)*
NTB6FLEX 70.00021 0.0001
(70.21) (70.09)
NTB6development 0.00000 0.00000
expenditures (0.98) (1.09)
Gross state domestic 0.12148 0.09814
product (constant 93 (2.27)** (2.02)**
prices, log)
Constant 73.04707 75.05252 73.13712 74.78256
(77.45)*** (75.27)*** (77.70)*** (75.07)***
Time effects Yes Yes Yes Yes
Industry effects Yes Yes Yes Yes
Number of observations 2970 2970 2970 2970
R-squared 0.92 0.92 0.92 0.92
close to being CRS (or mildly IRS). Again NRP has the right (negative)
sign and is significant. The interaction of NRP and FLEX also has the
correct (negative) sign and is very significant without the state GDP
control and is somewhat significant with the right sign using state GDP as
a control. Again, this means that the positive effect of trade reforms on
TFP is stronger in states with more flexible labor markets. While a
percentage point reduction in NRP raises TFP by 0.2–0.3% in the rigid
labor market states, this increase can be about 0.4% in the flexible states.
FLEX by itself has the right (positive) sign but is not significant. Per
548 D. Mitra and B.P. Ural
capita development expenditure does have a positive effect on TFP. As
indicated by the coefficient of the state GDP variable, TFP also is
increasing in state size, showing economies of scale. The effect of non-tariff
barriers on TFP turned out to be insignificant (columns 3 and 4).
investment, the positive effects of both FLEX and per capita development
expenditure are very robust to the inclusion and exclusion of the state GDP
variable. Investment is about 40 to 80% higher in a flexible labor market
state as compared to a similar state with a rigid labor market. In addition, if
per capita development expenditure rises by 1%, investment can go up by
0.37 to 0.63%. We find negative effect of NRP and non-tariff barriers on
investment, and this effect is more pronounced in states with flexible labor
markets.
Table 8. Determinants of labor productivity (real net value added per worker)
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(1) There has been an increase in the inequality of aggregate and per
capita output and value added across industry-state units over time.
Inequality of these variables increases across industries over time.
While the inequality of the aggregate variables decreases across
The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development 553
Table 9. Determinants of labor productivity (real net value added per worker)
extending to the impact of export promotion.
states, the interstate inequality of the per capita variables has been
decreasing over time. This clearly shows imperfect interindustry and
interstate labor mobility as well as misallocation of resources across
industries and states.
(2) Trade liberalization increases productivity in all industries across all
states.
554 D. Mitra and B.P. Ural
(3) Productivity is higher in the less protected industries.
(4) The effects in points (2) and (3) above are more pronounced in states
that have relatively more flexible labor markets, i.e. the beneficial
effects of trade reforms on productivity are stronger in states with
more flexible labor markets. In such states, there is a bigger variation
in productivity across sectors based on the protection received.
(5) Labor market flexibility, independent of other policies, has a positive
effect on productivity.
(6) Per capita development expenditure by itself seems to be the
strongest predictor of productivity.
(7) Furthermore, there is some evidence that the above effects of
policies, institutions and their interactions on productivity are both
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Concluding remarks
While India has not really been a part of the global production-sharing
network in manufacturing, her manufacturing sector has gained from
globalization. This probably has been from tougher competition from
imported products or from a larger variety of imported inputs that has led
to higher productivity through greater division of labor. That productivity,
whether labor productivity or total factor productivity, is negatively
related to trade protection, is a result we see in all our regressions and is
quite robust to specification of the regressions or the set of control
variables used. The ‘pro-competitive effect’ clearly dominates the ‘market-
size effect’. However, there seems to be some evidence from our
regressions, that a stronger beneficial effect of trade reforms on
productivity is felt in the presence of more flexible labor market
institutions. Not only is there direct impact of these variables on
productivity, there also seems to be an impact of these variables on factor
accumulation and employment. Labor market flexibility, by itself, can
improve productivity to a large extent and has a positive effect on
employment and investment as well. The trend in value added and output
inequality (both in aggregate and per worker terms) across states and
industries clearly shows resource misallocation and barriers to factor
mobility within the country. Thus, the challenge for the Indian government
is to get rid of the rigid labor laws, whose operation over several decades
has created strong vested interests. We also show in this paper that
deregulation can only be useful in the presence of better labor laws. In
The Journal of International Trade & Economic Development 555
states with better labor institutions, deregulation has had a positive effect
on productivity, but not in other states. Even after controlling for
delicensing, trade liberalization is shown to have a productivity-enhancing
effect.
We also find that trade liberalization benefits most the export-oriented
industries located in states with flexible labor-market institutions. This
clearly shows complementarities between policies – between lowering
protection, promoting exports and having a smoothly functioning, flexible
labor market. Thus, various types of economic reforms should go hand in
hand for these reforms to generate maximum benefits.
Finally, it turns out from our econometric analysis that the most
important and robust determinant of productivity and factor accumulation
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in the last two decades has been state development spending (spending on
infrastructure, health, education, etc.). It shows that the public sector has an
important role to play here. This is so since, in this area, especially in
infrastructure provision, private returns are much below social returns and
so there could be coordination failure if the private sector alone were to
perform this function.
The positive role played by government development spending is
particularly remarkable since India is a developing country. Corruption is
a serious problem in the developing world. Even though India is better
than most developing countries in this regard, it still does not do very well
in the world corruption rankings. Thus, for government spending to
matter in a positive way in such an environment is quite impressive. It also
means that, in the absence of corruption, things could have been even
better. While trying to reduce or eliminate corruption is important, it
cannot always be done directly. Policy reforms are an important way of
cleaning the system since they reduce the incentives for corruption. The
more rigid are the rules, regulations and restrictions (associated with doing
business) that require government monitoring, the greater is the scope for
corruption.
Acknowledgements
This paper is part of a ‘Research Project on the Rise of India and China’ undertaken
jointly by the World Bank and the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), Singapore. We
thank IPS for financial support and Will Martin of the World Bank for very useful
discussions and valuable suggestions, as well as for detailed comments on an earlier
version. We would also like to thank Carmen Pages and Rana Hasan for advice and
for sharing their data with us. The standard disclaimer applies. This paper represents
the views of the authors and does not necessarily represent those of the World Bank
or the IPS or the institutions to which they belong.
Notes
1. In many cases, the dividing line between policies and institutions is very thin.
2. In this paper, we mainly focus on the gains to producers.
556 D. Mitra and B.P. Ural
3. See Bhattacharjea (2006) for an exhaustive and critical survey of the empirical
evidence on the relationship between industrial performance and labor-market
regulation in India. In this survey, Bhattacharjea takes issue with the measures
of labor regulation used in existing studies, and argues in favor of outcome-
based measures, especially to take into account the enforcement of labor laws.
While Bhattacharjea is extremely critical of the Besley and Burgess (2004)
measure, he is less critical of the measure we are using in this paper. While this
measure, also used in Hasan et al. (2007), is derived from Besley and Burgess
(2004), the modifications (explained later) are important and make the cross-
state variation in labor regulation look more plausible.
4. See Dutt (2003) and Krishna and Mitra (1998).
5. See Dutt (2003) for a more detailed discussion of India’s labor-market
regulations.
6. Until 1976, the provisions of the IDA were fairly uncontroversial. The IDA
allowed firms to layoff or retrench workers as per economic circumstances as
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