Bangladesh Press, Media, TV, Radio, Newspapers

Number of Television Stations: 15

Number of Television Sets: 770,000
Television Sets per 1,000: 5.9
Number of Radio Stations: 26
Number of Radio Receivers: 6,150,000
Radio Receivers per 1,000: 46.9
Number of Individuals with Computers: 200,000
Computers per 1,000: 1.5
Number of Individuals with Internet Access: 100,000
Internet Access per 1,000: 0.8

Background & General Characteristics

Bangladesh has the dubious distinction of being the most densely populated country in the world and
one of the poorest. Roughly 85 percent of its population lives in villages, where there is a frequent
possibility of natural disasters such as floods, severe storms or tidal waves. Around two-thirds of the
people live on agriculture and there is little industry. Illiteracy is at an unacceptable high; only 38.1
percent of the population, age 15 or older, can read and write. Of these, the ratio of males to females is
2:1. The per capita income is $380, which may not take account of lots of economic transactions in the
countryside because they are barter transactions or do not enter the government statistics.

On the plus side, despite the apparent economic misery, the people always seem tremendously
interested in public affairs and eager to know what appears in the press or over the radio and television,
even though only a small segment can afford a television set. The people are ethnically homogeneous,
98 percent of them speaking Bengali, which is the national language, mandatory in all government
offices; English is understood by the elite and serves also as an official language. Most of the press as
well as radio and television broadcasting is consequently in Bengali although the small English-language
press — newspapers and weeklies — has an influence far out of proportion to its circulation numbers.

The predominant religion is Islam (88.3 percent), with Hindus (10.5 percent) as the principal minority,
adherents of Buddhism, Christianity and others account for 1.2 percent. Officially, the Republic of
Bangladesh is a secular democracy with everyone above the age of 18, regardless of race, religion or
gender having the right to vote. An amendment to the constitution adopted in 1988 established Islam as
the state religion. Also in practice, Islam is supported by the government, which disallows any criticism
of it in the media. However, despite the religious affinity with the Islamic world, culturally Bangladeshis
feel closer to the speakers of the Bengali language in the Indian part of Bengal, sharing with them the
rich cultural traditions manifested in literature, music and the arts. The press and media reflect such a
love among the citizens of Bangladesh and regularly publish special articles and features on Bengali
culture.

History and Recent Politics

From August 1947 when the British carved out the two dominions of India and Pakistan until Dec. 16,
1971, the present area of Bangladesh comprised the Eastern wing of Pakistan, designated as East
Pakistan. In the absence of genuine social, cultural and economic integration between the two wings of
Pakistan, East Pakistan remained neglected and disgruntled as its cultural ethnic identity overwhelmed
the common Islamic tie with West Pakistan, whose bureaucracy and military gave a disproportionately
low representation to East Pakistanis, who numbered 55 percent to West Pakistan's 45 percent.

The diverse differences came to the fore in December 1970 when in the elections to Pakistan's
Constituent Assembly and provincial assemblies, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, of the Awami League (AL),
campaigning on a "Six-Point Programme" which included greater autonomy for East Pakistan, won 167
out of 169 seats there. The victory gave AL an overwhelming majority in Pakistan's Constituent Assembly
and made Mujibur Rahman a legitimate contender for the position of Prime Minister of Pakistan. The
total reluctance of President Yahya Khan and of Zulfikar Bhutto, leader of the Pakistan People's Party
(PPP), to implement the electoral results led to Mujibar Rahman's declaration of a political strike (hartal)
and the AL's assumption of power in East Pakistan. In March, 1971, Yahya Khan cracked down on Dhaka,
East Pakistan's capital, massacring thousands and arresting Mujibur Rahman and detaining him in West
Pakistan on charges of treason. The AL was declared illegal, an action which drove its leaders into India
where in April 1971, they formed the Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh in Exile. They also formed the
Mukti Bahini, a force composed of Bengalis in Pakistan's army and volunteers, as "freedom fighters"
setting the stage for a civil war between the two wings of Pakistan. A million East Pakistanis crossed the
border into India as refugees.

Partly to resolve the problem of the refugee burden and partly to help the Mukti Bahini in its political
goals, the Indian Army joined in the war against Pakistan's military forces beginning Dec. 16, 1971. Two
weeks later, with the surrender of the Pakistani troops, the nation of Bangladesh was born. On Jan. 12,
1972, Mujibur Rahman, released from Pakistani jail, returned to Dhaka a hero to become the first Prime
Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.

The Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh, consisting of those elected in 1970, adopted a constitution
effective December 1972, providing for a parliamentary democracy based on four principles: democracy,
socialism, secularism and nationalism. A series of natural disasters, economic problems and domestic
disorder led to the proclamation of a National Emergency in December 1974 and the adoption of the
fourth amendment to the Constitution enabling Mujibur Rahman to become the President, dissolve the
Parliament and replace the AL with a new party, the Bangladesh Peasants and Workers League
(BAKSAL). He banned all other parties. It was the worst year for fundamental freedoms, including
freedom of expression. The government imposed restrictions on the press and the media which
remained in place for the large part until the mid-1990s.

The reaction to the emergency was swift. On August 15, 1975, some elements in the army assassinated
Mujibur Rahman, some of his family and close supporters, and prevailed on Khondakar Mostaque
Ahmed, a former minister of commerce, to become the President. He dissolved the BAKSAL, declared
martial law but restored the parliament. He was soon replaced by an army general. The political position
remained fluid moving from one point of instability to another until in l978, under the revised
constitution, General Ziaur Rahman (Zia) became President and leader of a new party, the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP) and abolished the martial law. His assassination in 1981 led to instability again
until in March, 1982, Lieutenant-General Ershad assumed authority. He established the Jatiya party (JP)
and by the end of the year became President, remaining in that position until 1990, when he was
deposed, subsequently tried and convicted of a number of offenses and sent to prison.

In February 1991, following elections, Begum Khaleda Zia, the widow of former president Zia, became
the Prime Minister leading the majority of the BNP members in the parliament. In September, the
constitution was revised. The country returned to a parliamentary system of government, ending 16
years of executive presidential rule. In early 1996, the press played a key role in persuading the BNP
government, whose term of office had just ended, to hand over authority to a caretaker government in
April and thereby set the stage for national elections in June. The media succeeded; the general election
of June 1996 held by the caretaker government put a coalition government under the AL's Sheikh
Hasina.

The victory of the press in enabling a transition of government through the mechanism of a "caretaker
government " led to the adoption of a constitutional amendment at the end of 1996. The "Caretaker
Government Amendment" made it obligatory that, in future, all general elections in Bangladesh would
be held by a neutral, non-partisan caretaker administration headed by the President. Accordingly, on
July 13, 2001, Hasina stepped down as Prime Minister handing over the charge to a caretaker
administration. The general elections of October 2001 held by the caretaker administration brought in a
new government, this time under the BNP's Khaleda Zia as Prime Minister.

History of the Press

The early history of the press in Bangladesh is inextricably linked to the Bengal presidency, which
covered the present Bangladesh and the Indian states of West Bengal and parts of Orissa and Assam
under the East India Company (until 1858) and thereafter under the direct British rule. Calcutta, being
the capital of all the British Indian possessions, became a major center for newspapers and magazines.

Looking narrowly at the history of the press in the area covered by the present Bangladesh, one readily
sees the importance of Bangladesh's capital, Dhaka (formerly Dacca) as the second major center (after
Calcutta) for the concentration of newspapers and magazines. Two of the earliest magazines in Bengali
— Kabita Kushumabati and Dhaka Prakash —were published around 1860 in Dhaka. Over the following
two decades, Dhaka published several newspapers in Bengali: Mahapap , Bangabandhu and Balyabibah .
Lesser centers like Banshal published Gram Dut , BalaranjikaHitasandhani and Barishal Barta; Rajshahi
published Hindu Ranjika . Also of note is the fact that a newspaper of great distinction on the Indian sub-
continent, Amrit Bazar Patrika , was first published in Jessore in 1868.

With the partition of the Indian sub-continent and the emergence of Pakistan in two wings — West and
East — in 1947, East Pakistan began publication of two dailies: Purba Pakistan and the Paigam and a
weekly, Zindagi . In the following year, the daily Azad and the morning News , which were published in
Calcutta since 1936 and 1942 respectively shifted to Dhaka. Two more Bengali dailies, which grew into
being the most important newspapers in Bangladesh — the Sangbad and the Ittefaq — began
publication in 1950 and 1955 respectively while another daily, the Pakistan Observer in English started in
1948.

The period around the birth of Bangladesh witnessed the birth of many new papers and magazines. Such
include: Banglar Bani (1971), GanakanthaSamaj (1972), Janapada (1973), Bangabarta (1973) — all in
Dacca; Andolan (1973), People's View (1970), Dainik Michiil (1972), Dainik Swadhinata (1972) — all in
Chittagong and Daily Janabarta , Dainik Prabha and Tribune in Khulna.

Modern Press

Statistics of number of newspapers and their circulation vary with different sources. According to the
Editor and Publisher International Year Book 1999, there were 40 daily newspapers in Bangladesh, and
the number of cities with competing newspapers is substantial. Dhaka, for example, is the home of 21
newspapers, four of which boast a circulation of more than 100,000. Five of Dhaka's newspapers are
printed in English, and 16 in Bengali.

The city of Chittagong prints seven newspapers — five in Bengali and two in English -— one with a
circulation of more than 20,000; four with a 10,000; and two with 5,000. Khulna has six newapapers,
one of which is printed in English. Four have a circulation of greater than 5,000. Jessore has three
papers, all printed in Bengali; Rajshahi has two Bengali newspapers; and Dinajpur has one Bengali
newspaper.

Of these, the largest two dailies in Bengali — the Ittefaq and Dainik Inquilab — are published from
Dhaka with a circulation of 215,900 and 180,140 respectively in 1999.

The total circulation of the eight English language dailies was a little over 145,000; those published in
Dhaka had a circulation of nearly 117,000. Although only about 10 percent of the total circulation of all
newspapers, the English press is very influential because it is read by intellectuals, academics,
sophisticated politicians and foreign diplomats. Many of its columnists enjoy an international reputation
for their superior abilities in reporting and analysis.

The newspapers suffered a major blow when most of them came under fire under the Emergency
Regulations in 1974. In 1972, the Mujibur Rahman government took over the ownership and
management of four daily newspapers and one periodical: Morning News , Azad , Observer , Dainik
Bangla and Purbodesh . The government imposed severe controls over those which survived the
onslaught. By 1997, following the return of the Awami League Party to power, the controls were relaxed
though four publications still remained under the government-controlled trust. These were: Dainik
Bangla , Bangladesh Times, weekly Bichitra and fortnightly Ananda Bichitra. Except for these, most of
the newspapers in Bangladesh at present are entirely owned privately, mostly by limited liability
companies.

Economic Framework

For years after its independence, Bangladesh needed massive economic assistance because of a series of
natural disasters, governmental mismanagement and rampant corruption all of which hampered
development. In the last decade or more, economic conditions have improved. The economy is market-
based, but the Government owns all utilities, most transport companies, and many large manufacturing
and distribution firms. A small, wealthy elite controls much of the private economy, but a middle class is
emerging.

Bangladesh needs industrial development and massive foreign direct investment, which is currently very
low, concentrated in the gas sector and in electrical power generation facilities. Remittances from
workers overseas in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Qatar, Malaysia and Singapore
enable the government to bridge the gap between exports ($5.1 billion) and imports $8.01 billion), for
example, in 1998. The exports are principally in garments, jute and jute goods, frozen fish and seafood,
with the United States being the best destination (33 percent), Germany (10 percent) and the United
Kingdom (9 percent). Imports have been largely of machinery and equipment, chemicals, iron and steel,
raw cotton, food, crude oil and petroleum. The principal trading partners in imports are India (12
percent), China (9 percent), Japan (7 percent), South Korea and Hong Kong each 6 percent. Foreign aid
($1.475 billion in fiscal 1996-1997) remains an important source of the much-needed foreign exchange;
the external debt was an estimated $16.5 billion in 1998.

Financial Condition of Newspapers

Newspaper ownership and content are not subject to direct government restriction. However, if the
Government chooses, it can influence journalists through financial means. Government-sponsored
advertising and allocations of newsprint from the state-owned newsprint mills in Khulna are central to
many newspapers' financial viability. At times, the government creates an "artificial scarcity" of
newsprint and denies allocation or delays allocation of newsprint to certain newspapers, which are even
mildly critical of the government. The Newsprint Control Order of 1974 entrusted the Ministry of
Commerce and Foreign Trade as well as the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting with control over
the production, consumption and distribution of newsprint.

Government-sponsored advertising is the largest source of revenue, taking 50 percent of the space of
the newspapers. In allocating advertising through the Department of Films and Publications, the
Government states that it considers circulation of newspapers, implementation of wage board
recommendations, objectivity in reporting and coverage of development activities. In the past,
commercial organizations often were reluctant to advertise in newspapers critical of the Government
due to fear of government or bureaucratic retaliation, however, this appears no longer to be the case.

Under the State of Emergency regulations of 1974, most newspapers were closed down or regulated. At
that point, the government itself took over some newspapers and prominent political weeklies. By 1997,
most such restrictive regulations were removed except that four publications continue to be financed
and managed by the government-appointed trust: Dainik Bangla . Bangladesh Times, weekly Bichitra
and fortnightly Ananda Bichitra .

Among the well-funded publication groups in the private sector are the Ittefaq Group and the Inquilab
Group. The Ittefaq , which commands the largest circulation. was founded by the late legendary Tofazzal
Hossain; it is now run by his son, who claims it is non-partisan and meant for all classes. Its non-partisan
claims are sometimes questioned particularly because its editor/owner has been a minister in two
governments. The financial independence of the other popular daily, Sangbad, is also well assured partly
because of the support of the industrialist, Ahmadul Kabir.

Press Laws

Article 39(1) of the Constitution provides for freedom of speech, expression and the press but Article
39(2) makes the enjoyment of these rights subject to "reasonable restrictions" in the interests of "the
security. of the state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency and morality in relation
to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.". Numerous Acts inhibit these freedoms,
most notorious in this respect being the Special Powers Act (SPA) of 1974, whose rigor was marginally
lessened in 1991 by allowing bail for journalists and others arrested under that Act. The SPA made it an
offense, punishable by five years' imprisonment and/or fine "to print, publish or distribute prejudicial
reports." Journalists were required to identify all sources of information and authorities were given
draconian powers to seize documents and newspapers, to ban publications and to search premises.
Section 99A of the Code of Criminal Procedure made any printed matter, defamatory of the country's
President or the Prime Minister, an offense punishable by imprisonment from two to seven years.

The worst years for legislation limiting the freedom of the press were 1973 to 1975, following the brief
honeymoon with Prime Minister Mujibur Rahman, who had emerged as the nation's hero after the birth
of Bangladesh. Besides the SPA, a State of Emergency declared in 1974 empowered the government to
ban any foreign periodical. By June 1975, 20 dailies and all political weeklies were banned except those
taken over by the government: Dainik Bangla , Bangladesh Times , weekly Bichitra and fortnightly
Ananda Bichitra .

The Press Council Act of 1974 ostensibly entrusted the Press Council (PC) with preserving the freedom of
the press. Its responsibilities included responsibility for devising a code of conduct for maintaining high
professional standards. In practice, the PC would help the press to avoid a conflict with the government
through self-censorship. The PC Act held the PC responsible for protecting the fundamental rights of the
citizens against any "unscrupulous or irresponsible" newspaper or journalist. The Act did provide the
right of the journalists to confidentiality of a news source. The PC has no powers to take action against
the government for transgressing the freedom of the press, nor does the government consult the PC
before taking action against a newspaper or a journalist.

The Government's human rights record has remained poor in many significant areas. It has continued to
commit serious abuses, although it respected citizens' rights in some areas. The Police committed a
number of extra-judicial killings, and some persons died in police custody under suspicious
circumstances in the 1990s. Police routinely use torture, beatings and other forms of abuse while
interrogating suspects. Police frequently beat demonstrators. The government rarely punishes persons
responsible for torture or unlawful deaths. It continues to arrest and detain persons arbitrarily under the
Special Powers Act (SPA) and Section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

A silver lining of the situation is that the higher levels of the judiciary display a significant degree of
independence and often rule against the Government; however, lower judicial officers tend to toe the
line of the executive, and are reluctant to challenge government decisions.

Despite such restrictions, self-censorship and governmental abuse of power, the press, numbering
hundreds of daily and weekly publications, provides a lively forum for a wide range of views. The free
spirit of the Bengalis prevails. While most publications support the overall policies of the government,
several newspapers report critically on government policies and activities, including those of the Prime
Minister.

Censorship

All publications are subject to Press and Publication Act of 1973, which requires four copies of each issue
to be sent to a "designated government agency." While the government categorically denies the
existence of censorship, in practice, papers are "guided" by the advice and briefings of the Principal
Information Officer of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting as well as by the External Publicity
Division of the Ministry of External Affairs. The President's Council of Advisors controls the newspaper
editors informally. In general, criticism of economic policies is more likely to be tolerated than sensitive
political issues.

Foreign publications are subject to review and censorship. Censorship most often is used in cases of
immodest or obscene photographs, perceived misrepresentation or defamation of Islam, and
objectionable comments about national leaders. In October 2001, the BNP Government banned the
popular Calcutta-based, Bangla-language magazine Desh . The Government alleged that the magazine
was offensive to the country and its citizens.

A government Film Censor Board reviews local and foreign films, and may censor or ban them on
grounds of state security, law and order, religious sentiment, obscenity, foreign relations, defamation or
plagiarism. In general, the Film Censor Board looks kindly at the Bangladesh-made films, occasionally
suggesting some cuts. However, the Board has habitually banned the screenings of several imported
English-language movies for their pornographic content. Video rental libraries provide a wide variety of
films to their borrowers, and government efforts to enforce censorship on these rental films are
sporadic and ineffectual. The Government does not limit citizens' access to the Internet.
State-Press Relations

Journalists and others are potentially subject to incarceration when criminal libel proceedings are filed
by private parties. Members of Parliament from the ruling party have, in the past, filed separate criminal
libel suits against several newspapers after articles were published that the politicians viewed as false
and defamatory. The journalists in all cases received anticipatory bail from the courts, and none of the
cases moved to trial. Sedition charges remained pending, and those persons accused remained on bail.

In November 2000, a new sedition charge (there was another sedition charge already pending against
him) was filed against an editor, Bahaudin, for publishing a parody of the national anthem mocking the
Prime Minister. When the police arrived at Bahauddin's residence to arrest him, he was not there, so
they arrested his brother, Mainuddin, instead under the PSA and, therefore, not eligible for bail.
Mainuddin was not charged; after 16 days he was released. Charges against editor Bahauddin remain
pending in both sedition cases.

Virtually all print journalists practice self-censorship to some degree, and commonly are reluctant to
criticize politically influential personalities in both the Government and the opposition; however, some
journalists do make such criticism. Many journalists cite fear of possible harassment, retaliation, or
physical harm as a reason to avoid sensitive stories. Violent attacks on journalists and newspapers, and
efforts to intimidate them by government leaders, political party activists, and others frequently occur.
Violence against journalists has increased since 2001. Political parties and persons acting on their behalf
conducted attacks both on media offices; individual journalists were targeted for their unfavorable news
reporting. These crimes largely remained unresolved and the perpetrators, often identified by name or
party affiliation in press reports, have not been held accountable. Attacks by political activists on
journalists also are common during times of political street violence, and some journalists were injured
in police actions.

Broadcast Media

To start with, East Pakistan, as Bangladesh was then known, had very poor telecommunications.
Between 1959 and 1963, the first 100 KW medium wave and short wave transmitters were installed in
Dhaka in order to improve communication between the two wings of Pakistan separated from each
other by over 1,200 miles. There were relaying stations in Chittagong, Sylhet, Rangpur, Rajshahi and
Khulna.

The 1971 war for the liberation of Bangladesh destroyed most of the facilities particularly in Khulna.
Immediately after liberation, the government established the Bangla Betar Radio (BBR) with eight
regional stations. In June 1975, Bangladesh opened its first earth satellite radio station at Betbunia, 140
miles south-west of Dhaka with $8 million from the Canadian International Development agency.

Television began in 1964, thanks to Nippon Electric Company as part owner of the pilot TV project. By
the end of the 1960s, there was a satellite station operating from Chittagong along with two relay
stations in Khulna and Rajshahi. By 1970, there were 35 hours of weekly telecasts, mostly in Bengali.
Following the liberation of Bangladesh, Mujibur Rahman nationalized TV Bangladesh (BTV) Corporation
with the government as the controlling stockholder and Nippon Electric as a major stockholder. The BTV
has expanded considerably since then with its headquarters in the Rampura sector of Dhaka.

The Betar Radio (BR) has eight radio stations in Dhaka, including one for overseas service. There are FM
facilities in Dhaka, Sylhet, Chittagong, Rajshahi, Rang-pur and Khulna. As for television, there were 15
broadcast stations in 1999 with an estimated 1.5 million sets in 2001. Programs are aired nationwide
and to the other countries of South Asia, South and Southeast Asia, Middle East, Europe and the US. The
BTV covers 95 percent of the population with relay stations in Dhaka, Rangpur, Mymensingh, Noakhali,
Satkhira, Sylhet, Khulna, Natore, Rangamal, Chittagong, Cox's Bazar, Jenaidah, Thajurgaon, Brahmanpura
and Patunkhali.

Together, the BR and BTV have a workforce of nearly 4,000 and are responsible to the Parliamentary
Committee for their functioning. In practice, they are virtually controlled by the Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting.

In the early 1990s, Cable TV was introduced. It became quickly popular and was availed of in more than
one million homes with about 2,000 cable operators having an average of 200-250 subscribers, mostly in
Dhaka and Chittagong. In 2002, they charge an average $3 or about 175 takas per connection. All
operators need a license from the BTV, costing them an annual 25,000 Takas in the four main cities and
10,000 Takas in other urban centers.

In 1991 and 1996 elections, both the principal political parties —the AL and the BNP— called for a free,
national and democratic broadcasting system under an independent authority. On Sept. 9, 1996, the AL
government appointed a 16-member committee to recommend measures and authorize private TV and
radio. In 1997, the committee submitted its report. The US Department of State's Report on Human
Rights, 2001 observes that the Bangladesh Ministry of Information and Broadcasting thought the
recommendations for privatization were "unrealistic." The first measure toward privatization was,
however, taken in March 1999, authorizing privately owned Ekushey TV to go on air by the end of 1999.
It has agreed to follow the existing censorship guidelines.

The government owns and controls virtually all radio and television stations with the exception of a few
independent stations, such as Ekushey Television (ETV) and Radio Metrowave. The activities of the
Prime Minister occupy the bulk of prime time news bulletins on both television and radio, followed by
the activities of members of the Cabinet. Opposition party news gets little coverage. As a condition of
operation, both private stations are required to broadcast for free some government news programs
and speeches by the Prime Minister and President. In 1996, a government committee recommended
measures for authorizing autonomy for radio and television broadcasts. On July 12, 2001, Parliament
approved two bills granting autonomy to state-run Bangladesh Television (BTV) and Bangladesh Betar
(Bangladesh Radio). Even with passage of these laws, the public still believes that there is no real
autonomy for BTV and Bangladesh Radio. Government intrusion into the selection of news remains a
pervasive problem. Many journalists at these stations exercise self-censorship out of regard for what
they feel were the government's wishes.

http://www.pressreference.com/A-Be/Bangladesh.html itinneire
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COUNTRY CASE STUDY: BANGLADESH (AUGUST 2012)

Support to media where media freedoms and rights are constrained

Introduction : http://downloads.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction/pdf/globalsynth.pdf

Bangladesh Judged to have a press that is ‘partly free’ press by Freedom House, Bangladesh has a rich
tradition of independent media – a media that has grown significantly over the past ten years. At the
national level, the media business has become more dominated by a few large corporations, while at the
local level there is a wide range of independently produced printed material available. Radio is still
dominated by the State broadcaster, but independent satellite channels are, increasingly, gaining a
larger market share at the expense of the State, which has a monopoly on terrestrial TV. In general, the
media can speak out on most issues, but there is a strong current of both legal and extra-legal pressure,
intimidation and censorship facing any media outlet – a current that is driven by national and local
administrative, commercial and even criminal bodies. Media at the local level face more dangers than
national media, and self-censorship is common across the board.

Who owns and runs the media? http://downloads.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction/pdf/bangladesh.pdf

The media in Bangladesh is diverse, competitive, commercial and profitable. This is a boom time, with
most media outlets making money and wielding some political influence in an expanding market. With
the advent of popular, independent, commercial satellite TV in the past ten years, as well as better
communication, higher literacy rates and mass audiences (the daily Prothom Alo had more than five
million readers in March-April 20119 ), the potential for the media to wield political influence over its
audiences has grown. How does the media use this new-found commercial strength and political
influence to engage with those audiences on key issues? How does it navigate continuing restrictions?
The picture that emerges from this study is of a mixture of occasional risk-taking, frequent self-
censorship and a reliance on safe, mass appeal formats, rather than in-depth coverage and debate.
Interviews and research for this paper also revealed disparities between media freedom at national and
local level, with most respondents seeing the national media as powerful enough to be outspoken on
some issues. At local level, however, the media can face threats, intimidation and worse.

Bangladesh: Judged to have a press that is ‘partly free’ press by Freedom House. Bangladesh has a
tradition of diverse and independent newspapers run by owner-editors who have influenced politics
since the country’s liberation from Pakistan in 1971. Over the past decade, however, large privately
owned Bangladeshi corporations have moved into the media market, and most of the national media is
now owned by one of the seven biggest corporate groups in the country.10 Several of these are large
buyers of media advertising, eager to reach an attractive advertising market: the country’s burgeoning
middle class.11 Some argue that stiff competition keeps their political preferences in check, and that the
need to build and maintain market share provides a strong incentive to report events honestly and
professionally. Manzoor Hasan, Advisor to the Institute of Governance Studies at BRAC University, says:
“The media in general plays a very important role as a watchdog in Bangladesh, raising issues and
protecting individuals and causes. It’s prominent in promoting good governance and, despite [political]
partiality, there’s a consensus among the media on key issues.”12 Critics argue that the media has
become increasingly corporatised, and owned by companies with roots in more traditional businesses
(real estate, pharmaceuticals, shopping malls, garments, banking, and so on).The Transcom group, for
example, with interests in electronics, mobile phones, pharmaceuticals, food and beverages, publishes
the highest circulated Bangla daily Prothom Alo and the leading English daily The Daily Star, and owns
the FM radio channel ABC Radio. Leading real estate company, the Bashundhara Group, which has
diversified into shopping malls and media, publishes the vernacular dailies Kaler Kantho and Bangladesh
Protidin, the English daily The Daily Sun, and the online BanglaNews24.com (not to be confused with
Bdnews24.com). Shahidul Alam, founder of the internationally respected Drik social advocacy media
group, argues that, “The mainstream media outlets won’t cover Telecoms companies in negative ways
as that is their main source of revenue.”13 Similarly diverging perspectives apply to the broadcast
sector. While there continues to be near universal access to radio across the country, listenership is
declining as access to television increases. Indeed, TV has become the dominant form of mass
communication over the past decade. In 2011, according to the A.C. Nielsen National Media and
Demographic Survey, 74 per cent of the population had access to TV.14 The same survey suggests that
radio listening had declined to only 16 per cent of the population by 2011. While the state-owned
broadcasters retain the largest audience share through their monopoly on terrestrial TV (BTV) and on
national FM and AM radio The media context Occasional daring, frequent self-censorship and a reliance
on safe, mass appeal formats, rather than in-depth coverage and debate. Chris Stowers/Panos Below A
man reads a newspaper in front of a mosque in Chittagong. 6 BBC MED BBC MEDIIA ACTIION • COUNTRY
CASE STUDY: ON • COUNTRY CASE STUDY: BANGLADESH BANGLADESH Sign up for our newsletter: Sign
up for our newsletter: bbcmediaaction.org bbcmediaaction.org THE MEDIA CONTEXT broadcasting
(Bangladesh Betar), audiences are dwindling as private commercial, terrestrial and satellite channels
spring up, satellite dishes (long available in the cities) become more available in rural areas, and as
private FM radio stations set up linked networks, such as Radio Foorti and Radio Today that have, since
2006, set up relay stations and studios in the main provincial cities.15 As they manoeuvre to capture the
lucrative advertising market, worth a reported Taka 1,000 crore ($122 million) represented by this level
of access to TV,16 media corporations want to be seen as purveyors of reliable and objective
information by an increasingly media-savvy public. Some of those interviewed for this study suggest that
objectivity sells better than bias – so news stories need to be covered professionally regardless of their
impact on the image of a particular business interest or political party. In the words of Transparency
International Bangladesh’s Director of Outreach and Communications, Rezwan-ul-Alam, “Even pro-
Awami League journalists have to cater to what people want to hear, most recently about an allegedly
corrupt Minister taking a large bribe to award a massive bridge-building contract to a particular
company”.17 Others, however, argue that television is subject to the same commercial and political
pressures as print. In terms of international broadcasters, popular Indian TV channels (mostly
entertainment) have, some say, “established a cultural hegemony”.18 Broadcasters such as the BBC, Al-
Jazeera, and CNN have a following among an urban English-speaking middle class. The same goes for
radio, with the continuing popularity of the BBC World Service’s Bangla programmes. The BBC is, in
general, a trusted source for news on Bangladesh. The programme Bangladesh Sanglap (‘Dialogue’)
developed by the BBC World Service Trust (now BBC Media Action) has had an impact: “people believe
that they have been given a platform to challenge governments in ways never before experienced”19,
and this has influenced the Government to react to people’s wishes expressed on the programme. It has
also created, as described by David Page in a 2007 report on talk shows and accountability in
Bangladesh, an “emulation effect”: stimulating other Bangladeshi TV channels to copy the talk show
format.20 There are, however, risks linked to the presence of foreign media (and media support)
organisations: with their sometimes larger budgets and salaries, they may compete with indigenous
media organisations for staff, market share and, in some cases, funding. The author’s impression is that
the recent exponential growth of TV and radio broadcasting in Bangladesh has reduced the space
available for, and indeed the desire for, foreign-based channels – with the exception of Indian channels
based on pure entertainment.

The media policy landscape

The Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees press freedom, but these rights are subject to “reasonable
restriction.”28 Libel, sedition and reporting on national security issues are subject to criminal
prosecution, and reporters – like other Bangladeshi citizens – can be held for up to 90 days without trial
under the 1974 Special Powers Act. In 2010 the Government took a step forward by scrapping the
provision for courts to issue arrest warrants on journalists, editors, writers and publishers in defamation
cases. Legislative changes, such as the Right to Information Act (RTI) in 2009, seem to demonstrate
Government commitment to media freedom – as guaranteed by the Constitution – but ideas circulated
in 2011 for a restrictive new National Broadcasting Policy suggest strong

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where-media-freedoms-and-rights-are-constrai

media and politics

Asif Saleh
https://asifsaleh.wordpress.com/2009/06/28/media-and-politics/

Mridul Chowdhury and Asif Saleh

Published in the Seminar, June 2009

THE media scene in Bangladesh has undergone a dramatic transformation over the past forty years.
What initially started as an outcome of missionary zeal has now grown into a full-fledged industry,
employing a significant number of journalists and plays an important role in the shaping of democracy in
Bangladesh. With an increase in the number of distribution channels as a result of significant new
investment, the media’s role has expanded in both the print and electronic domains.

However, with the rise of media, in particular new media, industry insiders face many questions about
their role, practices and business viability. On one hand, the media has been hailed for raising awareness
about democratic principles and, on the other, it has been accused of serving as a tool for influence
peddling. This short paper attempts to analyze the political impact of the growth of mass media in
Bangladesh, focusing particularly on how changes in media ownership and control have altered its role
in politics, in particular how media has influenced the citizens’ ‘demand for democracy, accountability
and transparency.’

Bangladesh now has more than four hundred registered newspapers. However, of significance are the
top seven in Bangla and top three in English. Based on circulation data, the top seven Bangla
newspapers together sell about 800,000 copies across the five divisions every day. The weekly
newspapers have, however, been declining with very few reaching significant circulation, in part
because almost all the leading daily newspapers have free weekend supplements, thus negatively
affecting the demand for weeklies.

The electronic media sector is highly competitive, with about twelve independent satellite channels and
one government controlled terrestrial channel. The degree of professionalism and public acceptance of
the channels vary widely. As in the print sector, most of these channels are not economically viable and
survive only due to political patronage.

Private radio channels too have been increasing in recent years. Until very recently, the government
controlled Bangladesh Betar was the only radio option available in addition to the BBC Bangla Radio
Service broadcast from London. However, within the last five years, several private radio channels have
come up. Though mostly focusing on entertainment and targeting the young urban population, they are
now showing an increasing maturity in news reporting.

With the rise of internet usage, new media outlets have seen a steady increase in Bangladesh. The
premium news outlet among them is bdnews 24.com which, within the last couple of years, has
positioned itself as a significant player dominating news coverage among the urban educated populace,
sometimes covering politically sensitive news items that mainstream papers would prefer to avoid, such
as human rights violations by the military intelligence. Apart from newspapers, major Bangla blogs such
as somewhereinblog.com and Sachalayatan.com have also seen a marked rise in readership. More
people are now using blogs to look for news with personal viewpoints, express their own opinions and
use them as outlets for citizen journalism.

The birth of media in Bangladesh can be traced to the involvement of political parties in the early ’60s
during the heady days of the anti-autocratic movement in then East Pakistan. The build-up to the
national struggle for independence and the subsequent liberation war in 1971 saw the emergence of a
fervent nationalistic media attempting to counter the media propaganda from West Pakistan. The
immediate post-liberation era during the regime of the founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
ironically culminated in efforts at a ‘nationalization’ of the print media, thus largely stripping it off its
independence. The infamous Printing Press and Publications Ordinance enacted in 1973 was used by
successive governments for the next 18 years to keep a tight control over the media.

During the subsequent General Zia ur Rahman regime that assumed power in 1976, although
newspapers were once again ‘deregulated’, they continued to be placed under strict censorship by the
military, an approach that was largely followed, if not further intensified, by the next military dictator,
General Ershad. Public criticism of the government was discouraged, often resulting in years of
incarceration.

By the mid-1980s, as unrest against the government began to mount, Bangladesh saw the rise of a new
kind of media outlet – 32 page weeklies printed on inexpensive newsprint and carrying extensive
political and social commentary. These new brand of weeklies led by Jai Jai Din became instantly
popular. Though barely viable commercially, they served as spontaneous outlets of resistance against
military rule. Jai Jai Din was banned twice, and its editor was thrown into jail. Other papers such as
Bichinta and Kagoj too met a similar fate.

However, as the anti-autocracy political movement gathered strength in the late 1980s, journalists
became increasingly bold, eventually resulting in a media non-cooperation movement with the
government and a refusal to publish in solidarity with the opposition’s campaign. It is believed that this
non-cooperation by the media played an important role in the eventual down-fall of autocracy, thus
elevating the status of media and certain editors and journalists in popular perception.

The first caretaker government which assumed power after the fall of the Ershad regime in 1991
annulled the abusive and undemocratic Printing Press and Publications Ordinance, resulting in the
reopening of newspapers and renewed press freedom. This was a new dawn in the print media of
Bangladesh. In the new era of a relatively free environment, the media thrived. The complete
dominance of Ittefaq that lasted through most of the ’70s and ’80s was soon challenged by a new group
of journalists and papers. Ajker Kagoj was the first newspaper to be bank-rolled by a businessman and
had a more contemporary approach to news. About the same time, The Daily Star was set up,
challenging the dominance of Bangladesh Observer. Both its treatment of news and get-up was
different, and the paper was printed at a modern computerized press, giving it a more contemporary
look.

Slowly, other new entrants joined the market as Bangladesh’s economy grew at a rate of five to six per
cent and corporates became more aware of creating brand awareness through advertising. In the Bangla
newspaper domain, Banglabajar, Manab Jamin, Jai Jai Din, Bhorer Kagoj, Prothom Alo, Shomokal,
Jugantar, Naya Diganta, to mention a few, entered the fray. Incidentally, all of them were financially
backed by some of the biggest business houses in Bangladesh.

Private electronic media entered the scene in 1999 with Ekushey TV (ETV), which was the sole player till
2001. ETV effectively changed the media landscape by infusing high levels of professionalism in the field
of television journalism. ETV acquired a wide reach because it had a terrestrial license, soon bypassing
the popularity of the national TV channel, Bangladesh TV. Within a short time, ETV built a wide following
among the public with its newscasters and reporters gaining instant celebrity status. The channel
showed what was possible with a good mix of investment and a vision for the industry. However, in
2001, ETV was shut down by the government, ostensibly because of some legal complications. Insiders
claim that it was a political decision after the change of government in early 2001.

Within a year of the shutdown of ETV, new private channels started to appear. In less than five years,
five new channels started to operate. Unlike in the past, it is worth noting that each of these were fully
or partially owned by leaders of the governing political party.

Accompanying the growth and diversification of new distribution channels for information was the
growing demand for quality. From 2006 till 2008, Bangladesh went through probably the most turbulent
time in its recent political history. As a result, people’s appetite for news and analysis also increased. The
year 2006 saw the first political talk show with expert analysts holding differing views coming together
to analyze the day’s events. Tritiyo Matra, a pioneer of this trend, saw its popularity rocket in its first
year.

A quick glance at the ratings reveals that the financial returns on making a talk show far outweigh costs,
since production expenses are minimal. On average, each channel runs two talk shows every day,
repeating them at least once the same day. Currently the twelve active channels produce about 18 TV
hours of talk shows every day. Typically, the shows are telecast in the evening. Within a 12 hour news
cycle, any event of consequence is subjected to detailed scrutiny and analysis. Over the past three years,
the shows have technically improved to incorporate call-ins from the audience to ensure greater public
participation.

The pioneer of the talk show in Bangladesh was the BBC Sanglap, which started off as an experimental
programme of the BBC World Service Trust. The aim of this show, where lawmakers are questioned by
the audience, was to demand greater accountability from the government. The programme became
extremely popular with Bangladeshi audiences and soon other talk shows began adopting its format.

With the declaration of a state of emergency on 11 January 2007, the country was once again plunged
into an era of state suppression as regards press freedom. However, this time press censorship took a
different form, enforced more through self-censoring by the editors rather than an outright banning of
publications. It was alleged that the military controlled government defined clear boundaries that media
outlets should not transgress.

Arguably, some of these pressures culminated in a change of ownership structure fuelled by an anti-
corruption drive that put many of the media owners behind bars. During this period, different media
outlets took varying editorial positions on the ‘interventionism’ of the military-backed regime – some
critical while others broadly supportive of the effort at ‘cleaning up politics’ and the army’s anti-
corruption drive. Whether this was a reflection of choice or coercion remains a matter of discussion, but
it does appear that the news coverage was slanted to conform to boundaries that were not meant to be
crossed.

A majority of the newspapers are affiliated or owe allegiance to some political party or the other, some
more explicit than others. The two leading dailies – Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, both unquestioned
leaders in Bangla and English daily newspaper segments are, however, exceptions. Nevertheless, these
two newspapers have also faced some public criticism for being ‘sympathetic’ to the military-backed
caretaker government during 2007-2008.

Most of the private TV channels were founded by political leaders, who continue to maintain significant
ownership. However, there are a few notable exceptions such as Channel I, ATN Bangla and ETV, which
have been founded by businessmen and media personalities.

Most party-affiliated newspapers reflect clear bias towards their favoured party in terms of news
content and editorial position. However, political bias is generally less marked in the electronic media
than in print and there is greater even-handedness in the coverage of the two major parties. One
possible reason for this is that viewers can easily switch channels and see the other side of a certain
news story, something that is not as easy with the print media. Probably, the fear of losing audiences if
they appear too biased in their treatment of news, has served to modulate their political inclinations.

There are generally two schools of thought regarding the level of influence that political ownership of
the media has on public opinion. While some argue that political ownership of the media significantly
influences people towards one party or the other through selective news content, biased treatment of
news and even outright propaganda, others disagree, pointing to the relative absence of bias in most of
the leading newspapers (indicating people’s general preference for politically unbiased news) and the
electronic media.

While assessments of the possible influence of political ownership of media in shaping public opinion
may vary, most experts do agree that the media affects the ‘demand for democracy’, even though there
are differences of opinion as to the degree. The media’s role as a significant force in augmenting citizens’
‘demand for democracy’ first became apparent during the campaign against the Ershad regime.
Subsequently, in the 1990s, newspapers such as The Daily Star, Prothom Alo, and TV channels such as
ETV, created a public appetite for professional and unbiased news, thus strengthening the foundation
for democratic behaviour. For the first time, both in print and on TV, people saw a more balanced
treatment of the news about and views of both major parties.

During the reign of the military backed caretaker government that lasted for nearly two years,
newspapers played an increasingly active role in contributing to and augmenting the efforts of civil
society for democratic reforms, particularly in demanding political party reforms and clean and honest
candidates, as also a strengthening of independent commissions. The electronic media too played a
significant role in ensuring that politicians engage with common people.

During this phase, ‘reformists’ emerged in both major parties demanding better democratic practices
and transparency within parties, thus directly challenging the long-held dominance of Khaleda Zia and
Sheikh Hasina in their respective parties. The media, for the most part, highlighted the issues raised by
the reformists. While some contend that the media coverage was due to directives from military
intelligence, whose agenda was to highlight flaws in political parties, it is undeniable that the media
played a crucial role in enhancing people’s awareness about non-democratic behaviour and lack of
transparency within parties.
Simultaneously, there were several civil society groups such as Shushaner Jonno Nagorik (Shujon), which
became extremely active in campaigning for clean and honest candidates and transparency in campaign
expenditure. Leading dailies such as Prothom Alo and The Daily Star actively participated in these
campaigns, highlighting information about candidates, tracking fulfilment of criteria set for political
candidacy and closely monitoring campaign expenditure. The efforts of civil society groups were thus
significantly augmented by the active participation of the media.

Electronic Media

Owner’s Party Affiliation

NTV
BNP
RTV
Formerly owned by BNP leader but has now been sold off to a businessman
Channel One
BNP/Business partner of PM’s son Giasuddin Mamun
Boishakhi
BNP/MP Mirza Abbas
Bangla Vision
BNP/MP Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan
ETV
AL inclination/Abdus Salam
ATN Bangla
AL inclination/Mahfuzur Rahman
Channel I
None/Shaikh Siraj and Faridur Reza
DeshTV
AL/MP Saber Hossain Chowdhury
Diganta TV
Jamaat-i-Islami
Islamic TV
Islamist (BNP leader Syeed Iskander)
The media also significantly contributed to the campaign against war criminals by encouraging talk
shows and presenting non-stop news about the anti-corruption drive and the crackdown on war
criminals. The results of the 2008 election clearly indicate some success on both these counts, although
it may be hard to establish any direct causality with the media efforts. Many of the known corrupt
people and also the most prominent alleged war criminals failed to win parliamentary seats.

Efforts at strengthening democratic institutions, particularly the independent commissions, were also
highlighted by a segment of the media. By facilitating interaction between the Election Commission and
the public, the media helped maintain continued public pressure for accountability. Reforms in the
Public Service Commission was another focus of the media, leading to significant changes in the
administrative structure of the commission. The establishment of the Human Rights Commission too
was a result of public pressure, augmented by the media. Again, though it is hard to establish direct
causality, there is a pattern that significant coverage led to greater transparency of and proactive action
by the government.

However, similar success cannot be claimed in the campaign for accountability of the Anti-Corruption
Commission and the functioning of the special anti-corruption courts. Although both the public
discourse and media coverage throughout the two years of the caretaker government was largely
dominated by charges of corruption in the political sphere, there was much less focus on the working of
the Anti-Corruption Commission itself in ensuring due and fair processes while framing charges and
jailing people. Here was a chance for the media to create public pressure for more transparency.
Instead, it chose to remain on the sidelines, ultimately failing to optimally utilize the power and
influence that it had managed to gain over the years. Although the media did turn its attention to this
issue during the last half of 2008, there were limits that were never crossed, possibly because of the
covert role of military intelligence.

In free societies, the media’s role is often compared to that of the opposition in attempting to make the
government accountable. Unfortunately, because of the failure of the opposition parties in Parliament,
it has fallen to the media to ensure governmental accountability, so much so that analysts wonder
whether the media in Bangladesh actually undermines parliamentary democracy. This role of the media
will possibly remain significant so long as the politics of the country does not become sufficiently mature
for healthy debate between the governing parties and the opposition inside the Parliament and outside.

However, with power comes responsibility. Bangladeshi media has yet to mature and shoulder
responsibility to consistently provide analytical and unbiased views in their news coverage. With an
increasing number of entrants in the industry, motivated more by influence peddling than
professionalism, the industry as a whole is yet to become mature. Nevertheless, it has come a long way
from where it started and has played a pivotal role by demanding more accountability from the state
and its actors and in pro-actively engaging citizens in political processes. The media today stands at a
critical juncture where it needs to constantly evaluate itself to avoid the threat of once again being
placed under a restrictive regulatory frame.
 Media in Bangladesh
Z A M Khairuzzaman 30 October, 2016 12:00 AM

In Bangladesh, press has always played a vital role in the development of the country.

Although most of the newspapers here have limited circulations but it would be a grave mistake to
estimate the influence of press by its circulation. This is because more than one person reads one
newspaper.

The impact of the press is much wider than its readership.

The civil society rely more on the press as reliable sources of news and opinion. The press is also one of
the most important sources of information for politicians. People always watch the noisy proceedings in
the Jatiya Sangsad (parliament) during active sessions. They often see an opposition MP brandishing a
newspaper as he demands an explanation from the treasury bench on certain burning issue. Press
reporting is the basis for the opposition campaigns which have the most profound influence on
Bangladesh politics in the last few decades.

The impact of press on Bangladeshi society is very positive. National newspapers are almost entirely
owned by industrialists or businessmen. The newspapers provide a broad sweep of information where
news is presented in a straightforward and independent manner.

The press is an institution which has developed fast since independence of Bangladesh. It has a lively
tradition of political reporting, but investigative journalism has also expanded to all fields.

In Bangladesh, media remains the key actor in achieving the global goals.

Media professionals try to uphold professionalism while performing their duties. As humanitarian issues
have received special attention in recently adopted global architectures, including 2030 Agenda for
Sustainable Development, Paris Climate Agreement, Addis Ababa Agenda on Financing for
Development, Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction and the first ever UN Humanitarian
Summit, media remains as one of the key actors in achieving these forward-looking global initiatives.

There is no doubt that the national press has made a major contribution to the preservation of
democracy in Bangladesh.

However, the government retains its monopoly over state-run radio and television. The Ministry of
Information totally controls Bangladesh Television (BTV) and Bangladesh Betar.

Instead of listening to the news of BTV and Betar, general people are accustomed to listening the news
of private-owned TV channels or foreign broadcasters or TV. It is especially during emergency period or
at the critical juncture of the country, they rely on them most. One obvious reason is that the
bureaucratic structure of a government department is just not suited to running a television or radio
station. It is impossible to give producers the freedom which is an essential requirement of creative
broadcasting when there are ministers, members of parliament, secretaries of the government, joint
secretaries, and a whole army of auditors and accountants looking over the director-general’s shoulder,
and claiming the right of interference.

The basic weakness of the government’s radio and television strategy is that it assumes the electorate
cannot see through the game, and Bangladeshi people do not like being taken for fools.

Although Bangladesh Betar faced competition from foreign broadcasters but Betar ignored the reality,
making very few changes in its style or content to match or beat it, and continuing to give little beyond
the government line. Betar has to clear news with the government.

BTV also faces a challenge from CNN, BBC World Service TV or other foreign channels. But seemingly
bureaucracy is not prepared to face the new challenge.

Today, cultural invasion of Indian television into Bangladesh is another matter of great concern. Patriotic
people of Bangladesh want to watch a television service that is based on their own culture. The answer
lies in Bangladesh using the undoubted talents of its own people to provide a television service of own
culture that is the greatest challenge facing the media in Bangladesh today.

Before conclusion, the writer salutes the courageous foreign media personalities who unfolded the
atrocities committed by the Occupation Pakistan Army in the then East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, in
1971. They bravely and boldly reported the massive violations of human rights and humanitarian
principles in Bangladesh. The massacre of innocent people by the Pakistani military would not have
reached global audience if they did not do the right job at that challenging time. It was because of their
reporting and editorial comments, attention of the international community could be drawn to the

untold sufferings on our innocent people. This was due to timely information and communication,
humanitarian organisations and agencies around the world responded to the appeal for emergency
humanitarian need in Bangladesh. Alongside, world opinion was created in favour of the freedom-loving
people of Bangladesh. Ultimately, Bangladesh emerged as an independent country.

Last but not the least, the entire nation always remembers with gratitude the extra-ordinary
contributions of celebrated editors and journalists like Tofazzal Hossain Manik Mia, Zohur Hossain
Chowdhury, Abdus Salam, and many others, including legendary film director Zahir Raihan towards
freedom of the nation. It is undoubtedly the victory of media.

Bangladesh country profile

21 September 2016
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Bangladesh is one of the world's most densely populated countries, with its people crammed into a
delta of rivers that empties into the Bay of Bengal.

Poverty is deep and widespread, but Bangladesh has in recent years reduced population growth and
improved health and education.
 Formerly East Pakistan, Bangladesh came into being only in 1971, when the two parts of Pakistan split
after a bitter war which drew in neighbouring India.

Bangladesh spent 15 years under military rule and, although democracy was restored in 1990, the
political scene remains volatile.

Islamist extremism has been rising in the usually tolerant country.

The low-lying country is vulnerable to flooding and cyclones, and stands to be badly affected by any rises
in sea levels.

Bangladesh profile - Media

 18 February 2016
The main broadcasters - Radio Bangladesh and Bangladesh Television (BTV) - are state-owned and
government-friendly.

TV is the most popular medium, especially in cities. BTV is the sole terrestrial network. Popular satellite
and cable channels and Indian TV stations have large audiences.

State-run radio covers almost the entire country. BBC World Service in English and Bengali can be heard
on 100 MHz FM in Dhaka.

Newspapers are diverse, outspoken and privately-owned. English-language titles appeal mainly to an
educated urban readership.

Media outlets tend to be polarised, aligning themselves with one or other of the main political factions.

In 2014, the government prompted concern from media freedom advocates by issuing a policy banning
TV and radio stations from broadcasting material deemed to harm the image of the armed forces and
law-enforcement agencies impede state security.

Around 6.8% of Bangladeshi citizens are online (InternetLiveStats.com, 2014).

US-based Freedom House says there are periodic blocks of YouTube, Facebook and high-profile blogs.

A temporary block imposed on Facebook and other platforms in late 2015 was criticised by social media
users, while businesses reported a negative effect on trade.

Some prominent bloggers, especially those commenting about Islamic fundamentalism, have been
murdered for their writing. Bloggers and social media users have been arrested on blasphemy-related
charges.

The press
 The Daily Star - English-language
 New Age - English-language daily
 The New Nation - English-language daily
 The Independent - English-language daily
 Daily Sun - English-language
 Holiday - English-language weekly
 Daily Prothom Alo - Bengali daily
 Dainik Ittefaq - Bengali daily
 Dainik Jugantor - Bengali daily

Television
 Bangladesh Television (BTV) - government-run
 ATN Bangla - private, via satellite and cable
 Channel i - private, via satellite and cable
 NTV - private, via satellite and cable
 RTV - private, via satellite
 Ekushey TV - private, via satellite

Radio
 Betar-Radio Bangladesh - government-run, operates networks A, B and C from Dhaka and local services
 Radio Today FM - privately-owned
 Radio Foorti FM - privately-owned
 ABC Radio - privately-owned
 Radio Aamar - privately-owned

News agencies/internet
 Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) - official, English-language pages
 bdnews24 - private
 Banglanews24.com - private

NEW NEWS: Analysis to be given on overall Media in

Bangladesh

Broadcast act draft to be placed next JS session: Inu

20 February 20, 2017 The Daily Ittefaq

The draft of the National Broadcast Act-2016 is set to be placed in the next session of the parliament
for passage, stated Information Minister Hasanul Haq Inu.
Inu made the statement while addressing a programme in Dhaka Reporters’ Unity (DRU).

The Information Minister also said that a broadcast commission will be formed based on the act.
Inu said, “The commission will be a powerful institution and it will possess the authority to issue or
cancel licences to electronic and online mass media.”

Talking about BNP’s polls-time supportive government idea, Inu came down hard on the party and
criticized them for their attempt to create grounds for forming an “abnormal government”.

Terming the polls-time supportive government idea a conspiracy, “Proposal of forming an unelected
election-time supportive government when an elected government would take over charges from
another elected government is basically nothing but foiling election and creating grounds for forming
of an abnormal government.”
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Press freedom challenged: Media practitioners

Staff Correspondent | Update: 18:30, Nov 11, 2016

Freedom of expression has been constrained by newer, critical challenges across the globe, editors and
media advocates from around the world said in Dhaka on Friday, calling for continuing fight to reclaim
ethos of journalism.

They regretted the tendency of the rulers to deny freedom of the press as enshrined in the constitutions
of most countries in today's world.

The media professionals also expressed apprehensions that the incidents that explicitly and implicitly
curtail media freedom, might increase in view of the revival of prejudice, chauvinism, racism, and rise of
anti-immigration policy and Islamophobia.

Their observations came at an exchange of views meeting, organised by Prothom Alo to hear from
senior journalists and media practitioners who came to Dhaka to join the observance of 18 years of
publication of the country's largest Bangla daily newspaper.

Over twenty foreign media practitioners including editors of different newspapers from different
regions, media professionals and activists joined the meeting at Prothom Alo’s Karwanbazar office.

Journalists spoke of problems and challenges they face in their respective countries and touched on
some in the Bangladesh context.

Pointing out the challenges facing the media across the globe, some of them observed that the media
professionals would have to live with those challenges to continue the media's fight for freedom of
expression.
Some of them even called for an introspection to reclaim journalism, a profession that is meant for
upholding rights and interests of the people.

“We're losing values of independent journalism across the globe. It is our biggest problem,” the
International Press Institute executive director Barbara Trionfi told the views exchange meeting.

That is why, she pointed out, the people’s lack of trust in the media is increasing.

She went on to say the journalists are outspoken and they criticise the government for checks and
balance and that’s why journalists face constraints like sedition charges and sentences.

She called on the media practitioners to put forth a set of suggestions as to how to overcome the
challenges at hand.

The media practitioners said social media has thrown a big challenge for journalism. The election of
Donald Trump as US president shows the rise of extreme forces in society and also shortcomings of the
media, they said.

BBC Scotland’s managing editor for North East and Northern Isles Sandy Bremner said the media face
some common challenges globally apart from national ones.

He said the media globally work defying several common challenges like rumours in social media,
corporate pressures, political pressures and legal system.

South Asia news director for The Associated Press Bernat Armangu called for facing the challenges in
unison. “Things are getting complicated. We should take care of ourselves. We need to bring solidarity
between us.”

Group Editor of Indian daily Dainik Bhaskar Prakash Dubey, also the member of the Indian press council
and general secretary of Editors Guild of India, echoed Bernat and said things are going to get worse for
journalism globally in the coming days.

The chief editor of The Indian Express, Raj Kamal Jha, noted that the biggest challenge is to reclaim
journalism by reaching out to the people who are not often asked for comments.

Critical of television journalism practised these days, he said, “Televisions are making the governments
feel that journalism is the government's.”

He termed nationalism and development as the two weapons of mass destruction for journaism as they
constrain media freedom.

Indian daily The Hindu's editor Mukund Padmanabhan said the media in his country face the problems
the way the media in other countries do.

He referred to several laws that have been what he said were instrumental to harassment of the media
people in India.
He called for raising the issue through collective voice.

Regretting that the media now take easily available, dominant sound bites, he called upon the media to
reach out to the poorer and grassroots people to make their voices heard.

Dwelling on repressive measures on the two Bangladeshi dailies -Prothom Alo and The Daily Star - such
as filing cases to cause harassment and stopping advertisement, general secretary of Indo-Bangla
Moitree Shuvodeep Dutta said it is the medal of success of the newspapers.

He said the repression manifests that the newspapers are on the right track in pursuing journalism.

“The more number of cases you will be accused in, the more readership you will get.”

Many of them called for woman’s increasing participation in journalism to ensure gender parity not only
in the media but also in society.