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Title: Pioneers of Science

Author: Sir Oliver Lodge

Release date: April 26, 2009 [eBook #28613]

Language: English

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 Transcriber’s Note
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have been corrected.

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PIONEERS OF SCIENCE
 NEWTON
From the picture by Kneller, 1689, now at Cambridge

PIONEERS OF SCIENCE

BY
OLIVER LODGE, F.R.S.
PROFESSOR OF PHYSICS IN VICTORIA UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LIVERPOOL

WITH PORTRAITS AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS

 London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK
1893

R
F
F
F
 "I count myself happy, in the search after truth, to have so great an ally as
yourself, and one who is so great a friend of the truth itself. It is really pitiful
that there are so few who seek truth, and who do not pursue a perverse method
of philosophising. But this is not the place to mourn over the miseries of our
times, but to congratulate you on your splendid discoveries in confirmation of
truth. I shall read your book to the end, sure of finding much that is excellent
in it. I shall do so with the more pleasure, because I have been for many years
an adherent of the Copernican system, and it explains to me the causes of many
of the appearances of nature which are quite unintelligible on the commonly
accepted hypothesis. I have collected many arguments for the purpose of refuting
the latter; but I do not venture to bring them to the light of publicity, for fear of
sharing the fate of our master, Copernicus, who, although he has earned immortal
fame with some, yet with very many (so great is the number of fools) has become
an object of ridicule and scorn. I should certainly venture to publish my
speculations if there were more people like you. But this not being the case, I
refrain from such an undertaking."

Kepler urged him to publish his arguments in favour of the Copernican theory,
but he hesitated for the present, knowing that his declaration would be received with
ridicule and opposition, and thinking it wiser to get rather more firmly seated in his
chair before encountering the storm of controversy.

The six years passed away, and the Venetian Senate, anxious not to lose so bright
an ornament, renewed his appointment for another six years at a largely increased
salary.

Soon after this appeared a new star, the stella nova of 1604, not the one Tycho
had seen—that was in 1572—but the same that Kepler was so much interested in.

Galileo gave a course of three lectures upon it to a great audience. At the first the
theatre was over-crowded, so he had to adjourn to a hall holding 1000 persons. At
the next he had to lecture in the open air.

He took occasion to rebuke his hearers for thronging to hear about an ephemeral
novelty, while for the much more wonderful and important truths about the permanent
stars and facts of nature they had but deaf ears.

But the main point he brought out concerning the new star was that it upset the
received Aristotelian doctrine of the immutability of the heavens. According to that
doctrine the heavens were unchangeable, perfect, subject neither to growth nor to
decay. Here was a body, not a meteor but a real distant star, which had not been
visible and which would shortly fade away again, but which meanwhile was brighter
than Jupiter.

The staff of petrified professorial wisdom were annoyed at the appearance of the
star, still more at Galileo's calling public attention to it; and controversy began at
Padua. However, he accepted it; and now boldly threw down the gauntlet in favour
of the Copernican theory, utterly repudiating the old Ptolemaic system which up to
that time he had taught in the schools according to established custom.

The earth no longer the only world to which all else in the firmament were
obsequious attendants, but a mere insignificant speck among the host of heaven! Man
no longer the centre and cynosure of creation, but, as it were, an insect crawling on
the surface of this little speck! All this not set down in crabbed Latin in dry folios
for a few learned monks, as in Copernicus's time, but promulgated and argued in rich
Italian, illustrated by analogy, by experiment, and with cultured wit; taught not to a
few scholars here and there in musty libraries, but proclaimed in the vernacular to the
whole populace with all the energy and enthusiasm of a recent convert and a master
of language! Had a bombshell been exploded among the fossilized professors it had
been less disturbing.

But there was worse in store for them.

A Dutch optician, Hans Lippershey by name, of Middleburg, had in his shop a

curious toy, rigged up, it is said, by an apprentice, and made out of a couple of
spectacle lenses, whereby, if one looked through it, the weather-cock of a
neighbouring church spire was seen nearer and upside down.

The tale goes that the Marquis Spinola, happening to call at the shop, was struck
with the toy and bought it. He showed it to Prince Maurice of Nassau, who thought of
using it for military reconnoitring. All this is trivial. What is important is that some
faint and inaccurate echo of this news found its way to Padua, and into the ears of
Galileo.

The seed fell on good soil. All that night he sat up and pondered. He knew about
lenses and magnifying glasses. He had read Kepler's theory of the eye, and had
himself lectured on optics. Could he not hit on the device and make an instrument
capable of bringing the heavenly bodies nearer? Who knew what marvels he might
not so perceive! By morning he had some schemes ready to try, and one of them was
successful. Singularly enough it was not the same plan as the Dutch optician's, it was
another mode of achieving the same end.

He took an old small organ pipe, jammed a suitably chosen spectacle glass into
either end, one convex the other concave, and behold, he had the half of a wretchedly
bad opera glass capable of magnifying three times. It was better than the Dutchman's,
however; it did not invert.
It is easy to understand the general principle of a telescope. A general
knowledge of the common magnifying glass may be assumed. Roger Bacon
knew about lenses; and the ancients often refer to them, though usually as
burning glasses. The magnifying power of globes of water must have been
noticed soon after the discovery of glass and the art of working it.

A magnifying glass is most simply thought of as an additional lens to the

eye. The eye has a lens by which ordinary vision is accomplished, an extra glass
lens strengthens it and enables objects to be seen nearer and therefore apparently
bigger. But to apply a magnifying glass to distant objects is impossible. In order
to magnify distant objects, another function of lenses has also to be employed,
viz., their power of forming real images, the power on which their use as burning-
glasses depends: for the best focus is an image of the sun. Although the object
itself is inaccessible, the image of it is by no means so, and to the image a
magnifier can be applied. This is exactly what is done in the telescope; the object
glass or large lens forms an image, which is then looked at through a magnifying
glass or eye-piece.

Of course the image is nothing like so big as the object. For astronomical
objects it is almost infinitely less; still it is an exact representation at an accessible
place, and no one expects a telescope to show distant bodies as big as they really
are. All it does is to show them bigger than they could be seen without it.

But if the objects are not distant, the same principle may still be applied,
and two lenses may be used, one to form an image, the other to magnify it;
only if the object can be put where we please, we can easily place it so that
its image is already much bigger than the object even before magnification by
the eye lens. This is the compound microscope, the invention of which soon
followed the telescope. In fact the two instruments shade off into one another,
so that the reading telescope or reading microscope of a laboratory (for reading
thermometers, and small divisions generally) goes by either name at random.

The arrangement so far described depicts things on the retina the

unaccustomed way up. By using a concave glass instead of a convex, and placing
it so as to prevent any image being formed, except on the retina direct, this
inconvenience is avoided.
F
 "So far as concerns the clearing of my own character, I might return home
immediately; but although this new question regards me no more than all those
who for the last eighty years have supported those opinions both in public and
private, yet, as perhaps I may be of some assistance in that part of the discussion
which depends on the knowledge of truths ascertained by means of the sciences
which I profess, I, as a zealous and Catholic Christian, neither can nor ought to
withhold that assistance which my knowledge affords, and this business keeps
me sufficiently employed."

It is possible that his stay was the worst thing for the cause he had at heart.
Anyhow, the result was that the system was condemned, and both the book of
Copernicus and the epitome of it by Kepler were placed on the forbidden list,[11] and
Galileo himself was formally ordered never to teach or to believe the motion of the
earth.

He quitted Rome in disgust, which before long broke out in satire. The only way in
which he could safely speak of these views now was as if they were hypothetical and
uncertain, and so we find him writing to the Archduke Leopold, with a presentation
copy of his book on the tides, the following:—
"This theory occurred to me when in Rome whilst the theologians were
debating on the prohibition of Copernicus's book, and of the opinion maintained
in it of the motion of the earth, which I at that time believed: until it pleased those
gentlemen to suspend the book, and declare the opinion false and repugnant to
the Holy Scriptures. Now, as I know how well it becomes me to obey and believe
the decisions of my superiors, which proceed out of more knowledge than the
weakness of my intellect can attain to, this theory which I send you, which is
founded on the motion of the earth, I now look upon as a fiction and a dream,
and beg your highness to receive it as such. But as poets often learn to prize the
creations of their fancy, so in like manner do I set some value on this absurdity
of mine. It is true that when I sketched this little work I did hope that Copernicus
would not, after eighty years, be convicted of error; and I had intended to develop
and amplify it further, but a voice from heaven suddenly awakened me, and at
once annihilated all my confused and entangled fancies."

This sarcasm, if it had been in print, would probably have been dangerous. It was
safe in a private letter, but it shows us his real feelings.

However, he was left comparatively quiet for a time. He was getting an old man
now, and passed the time studiously enough, partly at his house in Florence, partly
at his villa in Arcetri, a mile or so out of the town.

Here was a convent, and in it his two daughters were nuns. One of them, who
passed under the name of Sister Maria Celeste, seems to have been a woman of
considerable capacity—certainly she was of a most affectionate disposition—and
loved and honoured her father in the most dutiful way.

This was a quiet period of his life, spoiled only by occasional fits of illness and
severe rheumatic pains, to which the old man was always liable. Many little
circumstances are known of this peaceful time. For instance, the convent clock won't
go, and Galileo mends it for them. He is always doing little things for them, and
sending presents to the Lady Superior and his two daughters.

He was occupied now with problems in hydrostatics, and on other matters

unconnected with astronomy: a large piece of work which I must pass over. Most
interesting and acute it is, however.

In 1623, when the old Pope died, there was elected to the Papal throne, as Urban
VIII., Cardinal Barberino, a man of very considerable enlightenment, and a personal
friend of Galileo's, so that both he and his daughters rejoice greatly, and hope that
things will come all right, and the forbidding edict be withdrawn.

The year after this election he manages to make another journey to Rome to
compliment his friend on his elevation to the Pontifical chair. He had many talks with
Urban, and made himself very agreeable.

Urban wrote to the Grand Duke Ferdinand, son of Cosmo:—

"For We find in him not only literary distinction but also love of piety, and he
is strong in those qualities by which Pontifical good will is easily obtainable. And
now, when he has been brought to this city to congratulate Us on Our elevation,
We have very lovingly embraced him; nor can We suffer him to return to the
country whither your liberality recalls him without an ample provision of
Pontifical love. And that you may know how dear he is to Us, We have willed to
give him this honourable testimonial of virtue and piety. And We further signify
that every benefit which you shall confer upon him, imitating or even surpassing
your father's liberality, will conduce to Our gratification."

Encouraged, doubtless, by these marks of approbation, and reposing too much

confidence in the individual good will of the Pope, without heeding the crowd of half-
declared enemies who were seeking to undermine his reputation, he set about, after
his return to Florence, his greatest literary and most popular work, Dialogues on the
Ptolemaic and Copernican Systems. This purports to be a series of four conversations
between three characters: Salviati, a Copernican philosopher; Sagredo, a wit and
scholar, not specially learned, but keen and critical, and who lightens the talk with
chaff; Simplicio, an Aristotelian philosopher, who propounds the stock absurdities
which served instead of arguments to the majority of men.

The conversations are something between Plato's Dialogues and Sir Arthur
Helps's Friends in Council. The whole is conducted with great good temper and
fairness; and, discreetly enough, no definite conclusion is arrived at, the whole being
left in abeyance as if for a fifth and decisive dialogue, which, however, was never
written, and perhaps was only intended in case the reception was favourable.

The preface also sets forth that the object of the writer is to show that the Roman
edict forbidding the Copernican doctrine was not issued in ignorance of the facts of
the case, as had been maliciously reported, and that he wishes to show how well and
clearly it was all known beforehand. So he says the dialogue on the Copernican side
takes up the question purely as a mathematical hypothesis or speculative figment, and
gives it every artificial advantage of which the theory is capable.

This piece of caution was insufficient to blind the eyes of the Cardinals; for in it
the arguments in favour of the earth's motion are so cogent and unanswerable, and
are so popularly stated, as to do more in a few years to undermine the old system than
all that he had written and spoken before. He could not get it printed for two years
after he had written it, and then only got consent through a piece of carelessness or
laziness on the part of the ecclesiastical censor through whose hands the manuscript
passed—for which he was afterwards dismissed.

However, it did appear, and was eagerly read; the more, perhaps, as the Church
at once sought to suppress it.

The Aristotelians were furious, and represented to the Pope that he himself was
the character intended by Simplicio, the philosopher whose opinions get alternately
refuted and ridiculed by the other two, till he is reduced to an abject state of
impotence.

The idea that Galileo had thus cast ridicule upon his friend and patron is no doubt a
gratuitous and insulting libel: there is no telling whether or not Urban believed it, but
certainly his countenance changed to Galileo henceforward, and whether overruled
by his Cardinals, or actuated by some other motive, his favour was completely
withdrawn.

The infirm old man was instantly summoned to Rome. His friends pleaded his
age—he was now seventy—his ill-health, the time of year, the state of the roads, the
quarantine existing on account of the plague. It was all of no avail, to Rome he must
go, and on the 14th of February he arrived.
F
it, and her distress may be imagined. Moreover, it is not as if they had really been
F
 V Mm
r2
where V is a constant, called the gravitation constant, to be determined by experiment.

If this is the centripetal force pulling a planet or satellite in, it must be equal to the
centrifugal force of this latter, viz. (see above).

4π2mr
T2
Equate the two together, and at once we get

r3 V
= M;
T2 4π2

or, in words, the cube of the distance divided by the square of the periodic time for
every planet or satellite of the system under consideration, will be constant and
proportional to the mass of the central body.

This is Kepler's third law, with a notable addition. It is stated above for circular
motion only, so as to avoid geometrical difficulties, but even so it is very instructive.
The reason of the proportion between r3 and T2 is at once manifest; and as soon as
the constant V became known, the mass of the central body, the sun in the case of
a planet, the earth in the case of the moon, Jupiter in the case of his satellites, was
at once determined.

Newton's reasoning at this time might, however, be better displayed perhaps by

altering the order of the steps a little, as thus:—

The centrifugal force of a body is proportional to r3/T2, but by Kepler's third law
r3/T2 is constant for all the planets, reckoning r from the sun. Hence the centripetal
force needed to hold in all the planets will be a single force emanating from the sun
and varying inversely with the square of the distance from that body.

Such a force is at once necessary and sufficient. Such a force would explain the
motion of the planets.

But then all this proceeds on a wrong assumption—that the planetary motion is
circular. Will it hold for elliptic orbits? Will an inverse square law of force keep a
body moving in an elliptic orbit about the sun in one focus? This is a far more difficult
question. Newton solved it, but I do not believe that even he could have solved it,
except that he had at his disposal two mathematical engines of great power—the
Cartesian method of treating geometry, and his own method of Fluxions. One can
explain the elliptic motion now mathematically, but hardly otherwise; and I must be
content to state that the double fact is true—viz., that an inverse square law will move
the body in an ellipse or other conic section with the sun in one focus, and that if a
body so moves it must be acted on by an inverse square law.

F
F
F
F
 "Of the joys and pleasures which all felt at this long-wished-for meeting with
my—let me say my dearest—brother, but a small portion could fall to my share;
for with my constant attendance at church and school, besides the time I was
employed in doing the drudgery of the scullery, it was but seldom I could make
one in the group when the family were assembled together."

While at Bath he wrote many musical pieces—glees, anthems, chants, pieces for
the harp, and an orchestral symphony. He taught a large number of pupils, and lived a
hard and successful life. After fourteen hours or so spent in teaching and playing, he
would retire at night to instruct his mind with a study of mathematics, optics, Italian,
or Greek, in all of which he managed to make some progress. He also about this time
fell in with some book on astronomy.

In 1763 his father was struck with paralysis, and two years later he died.

William then proposed that Alexander should come over from Hanover and join
him at Bath, which was done. Next they wanted to rescue their sister Caroline from
her humdrum existence, but this was a more difficult matter. Caroline's journal gives
an account of her life at this time that is instructive. Here are a few extracts from it:—
"My father wished to give me something like a polished education, but my
mother was particularly determined that it should be a rough, but at the same
time a useful one; and nothing further she thought was necessary but to send me
two or three months to a sempstress to be taught to make household linen....

"My mother would not consent to my being taught French, ... so all my father
could do for me was to indulge me (and please himself) sometimes with a short
lesson on the violin, when my mother was either in good humour or out of the
way.... She had cause for wishing me not to know more than was necessary for
being useful in the family; for it was her certain belief that my brother William
would have returned to his country, and my eldest brother not have looked so
high, if they had had a little less learning."

However, seven years after the death of their father, William went over to
Germany and returned to England in triumph, bringing Caroline with him: she being
then twenty-two.

So now began a busy life in Bath. For Caroline the work must have been
tremendous. For, besides having to learn singing, she had to learn English. She had,
moreover, to keep accounts and do the marketing.

When the season at Bath was over, she hoped to get rather more of her brother
William's society; but he was deep in optics and astronomy, used to sleep with the
books under his pillow, read them during meals, and scarcely ever thought of anything
else.

He was determined to see for himself all the astronomical wonders; and there being
a small Gregorian reflector in one of the shops, he hired it. But he was not satisfied
with this, and contemplated making a telescope 20 feet long. He wrote to opticians
inquiring the price of a mirror suitable, but found there were none so large, and that
even the smaller ones were beyond his means. Nothing daunted, he determined to
make some for himself. Alexander entered into his plans: tools, hones, polishers, and
all sorts of rubbish were imported into the house, to the sister's dismay, who says:—

F
lending a hand. I became, in time, as useful a member of the workshop as a boy
 It is highly desirable to acquire an intimate knowledge of the constellations
and a nodding acquaintance with their principal stars. A description of their
peculiarities is dull and uninteresting unless they are at least familiar by name.
A little vivâ voce help to begin with, supplemented by patient night scrutiny
with a celestial globe or star maps under a tent or shed, is perhaps the easiest
way: a very convenient instrument for the purpose of learning the constellations
is the form of map called a "planisphere," because it can be made to show all
the constellations visible at a given time at a given date, and no others. The
Greek alphabet also is a thing that should be learnt by everybody. The increased
difficulty in teaching science owing to the modern ignorance of even a smattering
of Greek is becoming grotesque. The stars are named from their ancient grouping
into constellations, and by the prefix of a Greek letter to the larger ones, and of
numerals to the smaller ones. The biggest of all have special Arabic names as
well. The brightest stars are called of "the first magnitude," the next are of "the
second magnitude," and so on. But this arrangement into magnitudes has become
technical and precise, and intermediate or fractional magnitudes are inserted.
Those brighter than the ordinary first magnitude are therefore now spoken of as
of magnitude ½, for instance, or ·6, which is rather confusing. Small telescopic
stars are often only named by their numbers in some specified catalogue—a dull
but sufficient method.

Here is a list of the stars visible from these latitudes, which are popularly
considered as of the first magnitude. All of them should be familiarly recognized
in the heavens, whenever seen.

Star. Constellation.

Canis
Sirius
major
Canis
Procyon
minor
Rigel Orion
Betelgeux Orion
Castor Gemini
Pollux Gemini
Aldebaran Taurus
Arcturus Boötes
Vega Lyra
Capella Auriga
Regulus Leo
Altair Aquila
Southern
Fomalhaut
Fish
Spica Virgo
α Cygni is a little below the first magnitude. So, perhaps, is Castor. In the
southern heavens, Canopus and α Centauri rank next after Sirius in brightness.

F
F
F
 Tides are of course produced in the sun by the action of the planets, for the
sun rotates in twenty-five days or thereabouts, while the planets revolve in much
longer periods than that. The principal tide-generating bodies will be Venus and
Jupiter; the greater nearness of one rather more than compensating for the greater
mass of the other.

It may be interesting to tabulate the relative tide-producing powers of the

planets on the sun. They are as follows, calling that of the earth 1,000:—

R
 A

A
 THE END.

RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.

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