BHIE-142

HISTORY OF MODERN EAST ASIA:

JAPAN (C. 1868-1945)

School of Social Sciences

Indira Gandhi National Open University
EXPERT COMMITTEE
Prof. Brij Tankha (Retd.) Prof. Swaraj Basu Prof. Abha Singh
Department of East Asian Studies Faculty of History, SOSS Faculty of History,
University of Delhi, Delhi IGNOU, New Delhi SOSS, IGNOU, New Delhi
Shri Ajay Mahurkar Prof. S.B. Upadhyay
Dr. Nalini Taneja (Retd.) Faculty of History, Faculty of History,
School of Open Learning SOSS, IGNOU, New Delhi SOSS, IGNOU, New Delhi
University of Delhi, Delhi

COURSE EDITOR COURSE COORDINATOR

Prof. Brij Tankha (Retd.) Prof. S.B. Upadhyay
Department of East Asian Faculty of History,
Studies University of Delhi, SOSS, IGNOU
Delhi New Delhi

COURSE PREPARATION TEAM

Unit No. Contributions Format Editing
Units 1-8, Prof. Brij Tankha Prof. S.B. Upadhyay
10, 12, 14 Department of East Asian Studies Faculty of History,
University of Delhi, Delhi SOSS, IGNOU, New Delhi

Unit 9 Mr. G. Balatchindrane

Deptt. of Chinese and Japanese
Studies, Delhi University, Delhi

Unit 11 Dr. Lalima Verma

Centre for East Asian Studies
School of International Studies
Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi.

Unit 13 Dr. Lalima Verma

Centre for East Asian Studies
School of International Studies
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Acknowledgement
This course is a thoroughly modified version of IGNOU’s earlier BDP course entitled History of China and Japan
(1840-1949). We express our gratitude to Prof. Kapil Kumar, Prof. Salil Misra, Ms. Mira Rai and Mr. Anil Kanungo
who were part of earlier course preparation team.

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 Course Structure
Page No.

Course Introduction 5

Unit 1 The Roots of Modern Japan 7

Unit 2 Early Modernity: The Tokugawa Period 1600-1868 20

Unit 3 The Meiji Restoration and the Creation of Modern Japan 34

Unit 4 The Meiji Political Order 48

Unit 5 Civilization and Enlightenment: Creating A New Social Order 63

Unit 6 Meiji Industrialization and Development 76

Unit 7 Other Voices: Opposition to Meiji Policies 88

Unit 8 Meiji Japan: Seeking International Equality 102

Unit 9 Japan’s Emergence as an Economic Power 115

Unit 10 Imperial Democracy and Political Parties 130

Unit 11 Rise of Militarism 143

Unit 12 Japan: Supporting Anti-colonial Movements Against The West 156

Unit 13 Japan’s Colonial Empire and its Defeat 168

Unit 14 Japan: Defeat and the Allied Occupation 183

COURSE INTRODUCTION
This course deals with the history of Japan from the late nineteenth century to
the twentieth century. It discusses the historical background of modern
development and then surveys key areas of Japanese history from the pre-
modern, or Tokugawa, period through the Meiji restoration and the formation
of a modern nation-state, to Japan’s imperial expansion and the wars it fought
down to the Second World War. The course concludes with Japan’s defeat and
occupation by the U.S led Allied forces, the postwar reconstruction and Japan’s
emergence as a democratic global economic power.

Japan’s rapid modernization has attracted scholarly and popular attention, and
it has been seen as the exception in Asia. The focus of this course is to
introduce you to the main events and issues of modern Japanese history. One
overarching question is of why Japan was it the sole Asian country to become
a modern, industrial nation within a short time. Earlier explanations saw the
pre-modern period as feudal and backward so the transformation appeared
even more dramatic but today scholarly opinion regards the Tokugawa period
as developing institutions and practices that made possible Japan modern
developments. Tokugawa Japan saw growing commercialisation of the economy,
the growth of cities, literacy and the increasing recognition of merit rather than
status. This laid the foundation for the rapid industrialization in the nineteenth
century.

China was historically the model for Japan to emulate but because of the
distance that separated them, it was never really a political threat. Japan learnt
to adopt Chinese ideas and institutions but also to resist and assert its own
independence of the Chinese order. This allowed it to use diplomacy and
negotiations to preserve and strengthen its independence in the nineteenth
century. Japan framed its imperial project as a way to resist the West and
liberate Asia. Japanese colonial expansion was tolerated and sometimes backed
by the U.S and Europe for their own objectives but it ended in war and defeat.
The price the ordinary people of Japan and the colonies paid was heavy. The
painful history of this period, still not completely resolved, still influences
how countries in the region see Japan.

The way Japan preserved its traditions has always been seen as the mark of
modern Japanese development. However, scholarly research has shown how
many of these so-called ‘traditions’ are really created in the modern period.
Japan borrowed heavily from European models to refashion the imperial court,
an institution that claims a very long, and unbroken, history. These ‘inventions’
point to comparisons with other nations in the region and how ‘traditions’ are
always in the process of change and reformulation.

Writing on Japanese history in English has been dominated by the U.S area
study model, where each country was studied in isolation and the aim was to
interpret it to the West. This model has been largely overturned but its effect
is still seen in popular writing. Japan’s colonial expansion earlier thought to
have had no influence on developments within Japan is now shown to have
played a crucial role in shaping Japanese developments. Japanese Japan’s
History of Modern East Asia: history placed in a wider regional and comparative perspective show connections
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
and similarities that were earlier ignored. It is not just new areas that are being
studied but the material we use to study history has also expanded. Today
historians are using, not just documents and archival material but objects,
clothes, photographs, film to study the many ways life was being transformed.
This course introduces you to some of the major developments in Japanese
history and provides a spring board for further exploration.

6
 The Roots of Modern Japan
UNIT 1 THE ROOTS OF MODERN JAPAN
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 East Asia and Its Neighbourhood
1.3 Japan: The Geographical Environment
1.4 Approaches for Studying Japanese History
1.5 Periodisation in Japanese History
1.6 The Making of Classical Japan
1.7 Competing Powers: Emperor, Religious Groups and Warriors
1.8 The Rise of the Daimyo: Oda Nobunaga
1.9 Hideyoshi: A Commoner Who Became Ruler of Japan
1.10 Emergence of Tokugawa’s Power
1.11 Controlling the Barbarians or Emishi
1.12 Let Us Sum Up
1.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

1.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will learn about the following:
A broad survey of Japanese history, upto the 16th century and the key
political institutions that have shaped the country,
The economic development and the transformation of daily life, and
the major religious systems and intellectual trends that form the bedrock
of Japanese thinking.

1.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit provides a background essential to understanding the history of modern
Japan. The Unit will locate Japan within the East Asian region, introduce you to
some characteristics of the geographical environment, and give a broad outline
of historical development till the 18th century.

1.2 EAST ASIA AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD

The key features important to keep in mind are that Japan, composed of four
main islands, and other smaller ones, was physically separated from the
continental mainland but not isolated from its influences. The Japanese were
bound to the mainland through maritime connections. The Straits of Tsushima
that lie between Japan and the Korean peninsula are only 120 miles wide so
Korean connections were an important route for the entry of people, ideas, and
trade to the Japanese islands. In this period, crossing the East China Sea was
7
History of Modern East Asia: dangerous so Japan was insulated from direct contact, and the possibilities of
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
invasion by China, which was the dominant political and cultural power in the
region. Japan was connected to the continent but protected from political
interference.

The maritime routes also linked the Japanese islands to Southeast Asia. In modern
times, nationalists who wanted to assert the superiority of Japan and its role as
leader of Asia argued that Japanese civilisation was shaped by Asian civilisations,
but since it was never colonized it best preserved these elements.

Most importantly China, as the most developed civilisation in the region, exerted
a powerful influence in East and Southeast Asia. The Chinese language became
the language of the elites and Chinese religious and philosophical ideas were
adopted, and adapted, in Japan, Korea and Vietnam. These bonds created a
common language and a shared sense of values but also tensions and conflicts as
each struggled to maintain its autonomy from Chinese political control and the
dominance of its ideas.

1.3 JAPAN: THE GEOGRAPHICAL

ENVIRONMENT
It is important to understand geography when studying history as it defines what
is possible for the inhabitants. The Japanese archipelago is a relatively recent
creation. The process started only some fifteen million years ago but it has mostly
been during 2-5 million years that the islands, as we know them, have been
created. These islands were brought about by the collision of four tectonic plates.
These collisions continue to produce earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. This
unstable condition has resulted in periodic disasters forcing the inhabitants to
learn to anticipate and cope with these recurring disasters.

The East and southeast Asian region were not affected by ice-age glaciers and
because the Japanese archipelago was connected at various periods to the
continental mainland it has benefitted from the biological riches of the region.
For instance, North America has some 250 varieties of commercially useful
indigenous trees while Japan has around 500 such varieties. This has been a rich
resource for development but also allowed nature to respond in a variety of ways
as Japan developed.

Japan’s terrain is 80 % mountainous, and these mountains are on an average 2-

3,000 metres in height and very steep. The mountainous terrain of narrow valleys
has streams that can turn into raging torrents. This has made water management
very important and led to the development of sophisticated water management
techniques. Agricultural development was largely confined to the plains but
swidden, or slash and burn agriculture, was practiced. The cultivation of the
steep hillsides for fuel, fodder, and mulch lead to erosion and flooding as hillsides
were denuded of their forest cover. It also led to efforts to maintain forested
areas. Today 70% of Japan still remains wooded.

The climate is largely of mild winters and hot summers which allows irrigated
rice-culture in the alluvial plains along the coast. Rice culture has been dominant
8
because it yields a high caloric count per hectare and, despite only 20 % cultivable The Roots of Modern Japan
land, Japan has historically been able to support higher populations. The volcanic
soil was largely acidic but was improved by extensive use of fertilisers. This
need lies behind the fact that in modern times Japan became the largest user of
chemical fertilisers in the world. Maritime resources have always been an
important source of food as well.

1.4 APPROACHES FOR STUDYING JAPANESE

HISTORY
Our understanding of modern Japanese historical development has been shaped
by a variety of historical sources: Western missionary accounts, Japanese writings
and that of Western, notably U.S scholars. The ‘area study’ approach that was
developed in the U.S in the post WW-II period, was based on the idea that countries
in Asia were different and they needed ‘interpreters’ to understand their societies.
This approach looked at these countries in isolation and defined them through
their religion and philosophical traditions emphasising the exceptionalism of
Japan. It sought to understand Japan which, unlike other Asian countries,
‘modernised’. It looked for answers in the intellectual traditions and ignored
such factors as the role of colonialism in preventing development.

In Japan conservative thinkers have based their ideas on the mythic tales of the
Chronicles of Japan or Nihon shoki (720) and Record of Ancient Matters or
Kojiki (712). In these texts it is written that the islands were created by the gods
and the Sun Goddess sent her grandson to rule the country. To this was added the
myth that there has been a direct and unbroken line of emperors down to the
present emperor, so the emperor was considered a living god. This myth was
used in the modern period to mark Japan as different and superior to China, and
other countries. It was a powerful idea that underpinned political institutions and
shaped common understanding.

Academic writing in the post-World War- II period has largely represented Japan
as the only Asian country to modernise. The modernisation approach glossed
over conflicts, peasant rebellions and the experience of Japan as a colonizer to
underline its difference from China and other Asian countries. These arguments
were questioned, particularly after the Vietnam war in the 1960’s and 1970’s and
Japanese developments were located within a regional context to show links and
similarities, Japan’s colonisation of Korea, Taiwan and parts of China was shown
to have shaped Japanese history in decisive ways. Further postmodernist writings
deconstructed ideas about Japan, by examining institutions and ideas that seemed
to have a long history, and showed how they were constructed as Japan
modernized. Other scholars began to see Japanese developments within a global
perspective and how these affected Japan. For instance, global silver flows in
the premodern period led to a shortage of silver and Japanese rulers began to
carry out measures to produce silk that was being imported and reduce the outflow
of silver. In the subsequent units we will see how these views have shaped our
understanding of modern Japanese history.

The early dominance of Chinese culture in the East Asian region has meant that
Chinese influences shaped the area and the Chinese language became the carrier 9
History of Modern East Asia: of civilization and the lingua franca of the elites. Japan adopted Chinese by the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
8th century as the language of administration and culture. The Japanese language
is a polysyllabic and conjugated language and very different from Chinese.
Japanese used Chinese ideographs (kanji) but also created two alphabets, which
they used along with the Chinese ideographs to write Japanese as it was spoken.
Knowledge of Chinese gave the elites access to Chinese civilization but the
knowledge they gained was diffused to a wider popular level because texts written
in the local alphabet could be read by those who were not educated in the high
culture. For instance, Buddhist religious teachings were written using the phonetic
alphabet in a simple style and illustrated to spread their teachings. Even the way
peasant petitions were written shows the influence of elite styles. Ideas of high
culture spread beyond the elites.

1.5 PERIODISATION IN JAPANESE HISTORY

The dominant political categorisation of Japanese history by ruling dynasties
has been questioned in many ways. The standard political divisions are the
classical period with the Heian (794-1180) marking the peak of Japanese
civilization with its distinctive characteristics. In the Heian period the imperial
government was the dominant power. This was followed by the warrior
governments or bakufu of the Kamakura (1185-1333), then the short Kemmu
restoration when imperial power was restored (1333-1336), and then again
power passed to a warrior house, the Ashikaga or Muromachi bakufu (1336-
1573). The period from 1573 to 1603 saw the emergence of daimyo houses that
began to control large parts of Japan. The first to emerge form among the daimyo’s
of the military conflicts of the time was Oda Nobunaga. He was followed by
Toyotomi Hideyoshi and then Tokugawa Ieyasu who established Tokugawa rule
which lasted from 1603 to 1868. The modern period dates from 1868 when a
revolution made Japan into a modern-nation state. This broad classification has
been refined in many ways but is still the prevailing periodisation.

Ecology that is looking at the dominant relation between man and his environment
rather than using political events to demarcate periods provide another way of
looking at the broad sweep of Japanese history. The historian Conrad Totman
divides Japan’s history into three stages: forager, agricultural and industrial. The
forager period was when people lived off what the land produced naturally. This
would be roughly up to 400 BCE and encompass the early Jomon (1400-300BCE)
and Yayoi (350BCE-250) cultures. The second period, marked by the use of
agriculture goes though many sub-phases. Agriculture begins to develop from
the Tomb Culture (Kofun 250-538) period to the classical period of the Heian
dynasty but it becomes more intensive by the 12th century when power shifts to
the warrior class during the Kamakura and Tokugawa periods. The third stage is
from around 1890, as industrial society develops on what Totman calls ‘the
exploiters of the dead’, in other words society is now living off not just what
nature produces but is using what was produced in the earlier periods. In other
words Totam argues, it is depleting the natural resources that have been stored,
such as fossil fuels and using up stored resources.

10
Check Your Progress 1 The Roots of Modern Japan

1) Briefly discuss the role of geographical environment in shaping Japan?

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2) What are different approaches for studying Japanese History?

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3) Critically evaluate different approaches for periodising Japanese History?

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1.6 THE MAKING OF CLASSICAL JAPAN

In 794 the Yamato state built its capital at Heian. This marks the beginning of the
what has come to be seen as the classical age of Japan when the main
characteristics that are at the core of Japanese civilization were formed. The
Heian period spans the years from 794 when the capital was built at Heian-kyo
to 1185 when power shifted to the warrior governments. This long period of 400
years is the longest of the standard divisions of Japanese history.

It was the period when Chinese influence, through Buddhism, was absorbed,
adapted and used to create an imperial state, where the emperor exercised direct
political power. Buddhism became the state religion. The Chinese language was
adopted by the elites and through it Chinese philosophies and literature were
introduced and came to play an important part in intellectual life. Thus was also
the period when women writers produced literature written in the Japanese
language, and not Chinese. The Tale of the Genji, a novel by Murakami Shikibu,
written in Japanese kana and not Chinese characters, paints a picture of Heian
aristocratic life and she has come to be seen as the greatest Japanese writer,
somewhat like Kalidas in Sanskrit, or Shakespeare in English.

11
History of Modern East Asia: The Heian period, named after the capital, which in turn was modeled on the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Chinese capital of Chang’an brought together earlier clan (uji) based groups into
an imperial state modeled on the Tang dynasty state (618-907) in China but
adapted to Japanese ideas. The emperor was the sole ruler but, unlike in China,
was considered divine. In China the bureaucracy was well developed and strong
but while the Japanese had bureaucratic organisations, posts were manned by
hereditary nobles. Rules and regulations were developed to create a military
organisation and a system of tax collection collectively known as the ritsuryo
(penal codes and civil codes) system. The country was divided into provinces,
each to be ruled by a governor. However unlike China, a council of religious
practices was placed above all other offices.

The area ruled in this period was mostly in the Kyoto region and the southern
island of Kyushu but emperor Shomu began to send expeditions to Tohoku, the
northern region of the main island Honshu and by 725 had ‘pacified’ the area
upto modern day Sendai.

There is a theory, not accepted by everyone, that the ‘emishi’ were people from
the Jomon culture who had been driven north as the Yayoi people took over the
main islands of Japan. These northern expeditions marked the advance of settled
agriculture to this region. The ‘emishi’ were foragers. The ‘emishi’ are later known
as Ainu, the original inhabitants of Japan. The Ainu were animists and their
language, as well as cultural practices, was very different from the Japanese, or
wajin as they were known then.

In effect the trappings or structure of an imperial state was created but its power
on the ground was limited. One of the major characteristics of the period is that
even though the trappings of imperial power were based on a bureaucratic model
and land belonged to the emperor, ‘familial authority’ was widespread and this
appeared in different forms. One was the spread of ‘shoen’ private estates only
nominally under imperial control. Two periods when ‘retired emperors’
(insei) had control. Emperors would retire and a child would be put on the throne.
Rule was exercised by guardians. For instance the Fujiwara family, or
‘retired’ emperors. Thirdly, power was held by exercised by samurai bands or
governors.

Scholars have tended to see Heian Japan as ‘ancient’ as opposed to the medieval
Kamakura period but this classification follows a Western model of history. Today
scholars, such as C. Cameron Hurst argue that the Heian period should be divided
into two periods, the early period up to the tenth century when elements of the
Tang model were dominant but ‘feudal’ tendencies were beginning to develop.
The latter part saw these feudal characteristics strengthening as the central power
eroded and passed first to the Fujiwara family, and then to the retried sovereigns.

Scholars have argued that the emperor and nobility did not simply surrender
their power to outside interests but rather the nobility created a ‘royal court state’
(ocho koka) whereby they contracted certain political duties to concentrate on
rituals, which were in those times an equally important part of ‘politics’. They
did not surrender or lose sight of how this power was exercised but were involved
in different ways. For instance, scholars have pointed out that documents show
that the appointment of governors was carefully done so that there would be no
impediment to the income of the state.
12
Imperial power was established but direct imperial rule did not last long. The The Roots of Modern Japan
Fujiwara family became the major power from 794. They exercised this power
as regents and by marrying their daughters to the Japanese emperors. The striking
and recurrent feature of Japanese history is the division between legitimacy and
power. The Emperor continued to remain the legitimate ruler, the source of power
but actual power was exercised by the Fujiwara family, the most powerful of
whom was Fujiwara-no-Michinaga (966-1028 AD).

The Culture of the Heian Period

Heian civilization was an aristocratic culture which was created and carried on
by a few thousand courtiers. During the tenth and eleventh centuries this culture
produced a highly sophisticated and refined aesthetic philosophy. Material life
was, however, extremely simple and austere. The diet was rice, vegetables and
very little meat or fish was eaten. Tea was introduced from China only in the
ninth century but was used only as a medicine. The ox-cart was the major form
of transport. Ships were simple and could not safely make voyages across the
seas but had to hug the coast.

Buddhism became the religion of the state. Shinto, the whole set of earlier popular
religious practices, became a part of Buddhism. The relationship between the
two is complex. The word Shinto was rarely used in classical Japan, but when it
was it meant only ‘popular religious practice’. The word came to take the meaning
the ‘way of the gods’, under Buddhist influence as Buddhism is ‘the way of the
Buddha’. Shinto evolved as it became inter-linked with Buddhism and soon Shinto
gods or kami were identified with the Buddha.

Buddhism came to Japan from China through Korea. Buddhism provided the
religious foundations for the new imperial state. In the 740s emperor Shomu
(724-749) built the Todaiji, a Buddhist temple reputed to be the largest wooden
structure of its time. Initially supported by the state Buddhist sects such as Tendai
founded by Kukai (774-835) and Shingon (True Word) by the monk Saicho (767-
822) developed. Saicho based his teachings on the Lotus Sutra, formulated a
religious system which held that work, meditation and faith led to enlightenment.
Both these sects flourished through the ninth and tenth centuries and found favour
among the Heian aristocracy.

New movements such as Zen, Jodo and Nichiren developed in Buddhism as it

spread from the elites to the people. By the 13th century Buddhism was no longer
confined to the elites but a part of the political and religious life of the people.
Monasteries were powerful centres bringing together monks and lay followers,
sometimes in conflict with the ruling powers.

Buddhism had from its introduction into Japan moved from an esoteric and
aristocratic religion spread out to become a religion of the people. Japanese tribute
and trade contacts with China stopped after 800 and in 1274 and 1281 the
expanding Mongol empire of Qiblai Khan of China launched two invasions. The
first Mongol invasion was to test the ground and the second, said to be the largest
sea expedition till the twentieth century, was defeated partly because of Japanese
preparations but also because a typhoon caused extensive damage to the ships. It
seems that the Japanese would have won in any case but the ‘divine wind’
(kamikaze) that destroyed the Mongol ships became a major mythic event that
was used by some to underline how Japan has been protected by the gods. In the
13
History of Modern East Asia: last days of WW-II as Japan was running out of resources it took desperate
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
measures, such as raising a squadron of ‘suicide bombers’, named kamikaze
pilots. These young men were brainwashed to crash their planes into their targets.
They functioned like human bombs.

1.7 COMPETING POWERS: EMPEROR,

RELIGIOUS GROUPS AND WARRIORS
The imperial state’s power did not last long as it gradually conceded land and the
right to collect revenue to noble families and Buddhist monasteries. The nobility
and the Buddhist monasteries acquired control over land estates or shoen and
collected the taxes and raised their own armies. They became politically powerful.
By 1200 over half of all imperial tax lands had become ‘shoen’, that is privately
held land outside the state’s control.

The imperial state also lost control over its armed retainers and by 1150 samurai
or warriors bands owing loyalty to their leaders had emerged. These groups were
hierarchically organized and bound by kinship and loyalty to their leaders.
Minamoto Yoritomo (1147-1199), the leader of the Taira, one of the major families
that was contending for power emerged as the most powerful leader.

The revenues extracted from the Osaka-Kyoto (Kinai) were restricted and
supported a very small elite. By the 11th century the Kinai region had been
stripped of extractable resources. It was against this background that by 1190
real power had shifted from the Imperial Capital Kyoto to Kamakura. The
Kamakura bakufu (the word literally means “tent government” and originally
referred to the headquarters of the army in the field) had a wider revenue base.
The samurai or warrior groups now emerged as a major group competing for
power.

The Japanese scholar Kuroda Toshio argues that between the eleventh and fifteenth
century state authority was divided between three powers working together. He
uses a word used for family in this period – kennmon or powerful families. Kuroda
identifies three groups of families- the courtiers (kuge), warriors (buke or samurai)
and religious institutions (jisha). Kuroda looked at these three groups the courtiers,
the warriors and religious institutions as part of one political system, organized
similarly and interdependent. Each needed the other. So the transition was not
just that imperial power was replaced by warrior governments but the transition
was marked by a period when these three groups competed for power.

Yoritomo established his warrior government or bakufu at Kamakura, in the Kanto

region working out a power sharing arrangement with the emperor. Yoritomo
received many titles from the emperor as a mark of his power and authority. One
of these titles, ‘barbarian subduing generalissimo’ (seii tai shogun), has become
the best known in English.

The next bakufu, the Ashikaga or ((1333-1573, also called by the name of their
capital Muromachi), nominally acknowledged the authority of the emperor.
Traditionally ‘medieval’ Japan was said to begin with the Kamakura bakufu in
1180 but today scholars see the Kamakura period as a transition from the Heian
period and see the 1330’s as a turning point when the Kenmu rule and the Ashikaga
brought about a new type of rule. This was a shift where military power became
14
the basis for rule. Earlier authority was based on legitimacy given by status or The Roots of Modern Japan
position now superior force was enough.

The Kamakura bakufu was defeated and followed by the rule of Emperor Go-
Daigo, and then the Ashikaga warrior government. This period of rapid change
was marked by new ways to establish political control. Political power was based
on the daimyo or regional lords who exercised a high degree of autonomy in
their domains. Each daimyo attempted to increase his power by encroaching on
imperial lands, or that of other lords, leading to a period of instability, termed
‘gekokujo’ or ‘those below toppling those above’.

This politically volatile atmosphere meant that only those daimyo were successful
who had a reliable vassal base, were successful in organizing economically well
run domains, and created efficient military forces to protect their territories. These
daimyo concentrated on consolidating their domains rather than expanding their
control. They were called ‘warring states lords’ (sengoku daimyo) From this
process of local consolidation emerged the leaders who would unify Japan.

Religious institutions were an integral part of the political system and politics
were not separate elements as in the modern period. The major religious centres
was in Mt Hiei, near Kyoto which belonged to the Tendai sect, Nara where the
major temples of Kofukuji and Todaiji were located was dominated by sects that
were more philosophical and appealed to the aristocracy, and Mt. Koya, the
headquarters of the Shingon sect of Buddhism. Tendai and Shingon were the
major Buddhist sects with followers across the country, patronized by the state
and leading families, and they produced influential writings that shaped the
religious and intellectual life of the people.

Zen Buddhism, which stressed meditation as a way to attain salvation, was divided
into two sects, Soto and Rinzai. Zen was imparted through rigourous training
through such exercises as koan or riddles that forced the adherents to think about
their assumptions. Zen exercised a powerful influence on the warriors and in the
arts. Zen monks because of their connections with China played an important
role in trade with China.

Trade with China was started after a long gap in the 1300’s and from the 1400’S
Japan sent tribute missions to both gain recognition and for trade . The Zen
monasteries, many of whose monks had trained in China, became important
players in this trade.

1.8 THE RISE OF THE DAIMYO: ODA

NOBUNAGA
From the end of the fifteenth century war became a constant feature. There were
competing forms of government at this time. The imperial house was marginalized,
and the major forces that competed for power and dominance were the samurai
retainers bound by feudal ties to the daimyo, the monasteries which controlled
lands and armies, and bands or ikko (solidarities) formed by farmers and
cultivators.

The solidarities or Ikko groups were religious groups based on principles of

equality and hierarchical like the samurai. Their battles between the 1560’s and
15
History of Modern East Asia: 1570’s threatened the daimyo centred power of the samurai. Religious sects, like
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
the Ikko sect of Amida Buddhism in Echizen and Kaga (modem Fukui and
Ishikawa) and were behind the ikko-ikki or uprisings of these times.

In the political anarchy which prevailed up to the middle of the sixteenth century
the economy grew and institutions developed a degree of sophistication. The
feudal lords devoted much of their attention to consolidating their holdings and
preventing antagonistic alliances. In this unstable situation three figures gradually
brought the main islands under their control: Oda Nobunaga (1543-82), Toyotomi
Hideyoshi (1537-98) and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616). These three men of
widely differing character followed each other and brought about not only the
political unification of Japan but also its economic and social consolidation.

The decisive event that marked this change was in 1568 when Oda Nobunaga
forced the emperor to recognise Ashikaga Yoshiaki (1537-1597), and then when
the shogun proved disobedient drove him out. Nobunaga never took the title of
shogun but through his military skill brought large areas under his control.

Nobunaga brought the daimyo under his control but he also demolished the power
of monasteries and village based Ikko groups. In October, 1571 Nobunaga
destroyed the Tendai Buddhist monastery of Hiezen. This monastery was a vast
complex with large estates and its own warriors. Its destruction and the massacre
of over three thousand monks effectively put an end to their bid for political
authority.

Nobunaga fought the armed leagues of the Jodo Shinshu sect of Buddhism, the
Ikko lkki, as they were called, centred around the temple of Ishiyama Honganji
in Osaka and crushed them. With his power squarely established, he then built
the magnificent castle of Azuchi, reputed to be a magnificent structure, which no
longer exists.

Nobunaga at the time of his death controlled over one-third of Japan and laid the
basis for the emerging political structure. In 1571 he started a new system of
land tax assessment and in 1576 he began to disarm the peasantry. Long years of
continuous warfare had led to the emergence of an armed population. Nobunaga,
to ensure peace, not only disarmed the peasantry so that they could return to
their primary occupation of working on the land but also brought the warriors or
samurai to the castle towns, which were to form the nucleus of the emerging
cities. This step helped to reduce the independent power of the military landed
aristocracy. Nobunaga also attempted to introduce uniformity in weights and
measures.

1.9 HIDEYOSHI: A COMMONER WHO BECAME

RULER OF JAPAN
Nobunaga was murdered in 1582 and in the following years Hideyoshi (1536-
1598) emerged as the key figure uniting Japan. Hideyoshi came from an ordinary
family but because of the unsettled times he could rise through his abilities to
become a powerful ruler of the country. He managed to defeat other daimyo
contenders such as Shibata Katsuie and in 1585 had himself appointed Kampaku
(regent) by the Emperor. Many titles were a taken as a way of gaining legitimacy
16
in the formal hierarchy. For the next few years he dealt with other rivals and by The Roots of Modern Japan
1590 had defeated his major opponents.

Hideyoshi built on the work done by Nobunaga and put into place a system that
would lay the basis for Tokugawa rule. In 1588 he began a ruthless sword hunt,
the aim of which was to clearly demarcate the farmer from the soldier. The samurai
were the only class allowed to carry swords. In 1590 a land survey recorded
fields in the name of the free cultivator, this clearly identified the owner of the
land and the person responsible for paying taxes. Assessment of taxes was to be
based on productivity but was levied on the village as a unit. The record ensured
that the government had the basis for knowing its expected revenues and planning
its expenditure. All proprietary rights in land were with the daimyos or feudal
lords.

Hideyoshi dreamt of world conquest. He launched an abortive invasion of Korea

in 1592 but faced stiff resistance from the Korean and Chinese and he had to call
off his invasion. The dream of invading China and later India ended in failure.
Part of the failure was also due to his inability to recognize the importance of
naval power. However, for Japan an important benefit of this failed invasion was
the arrival of many Korean artisans, particularly potters who settled in areas of
Kyushu, which became an important centre for ceramic production.

1.10 EMERGENCE OF TOKUGAWA’S POWER

When Hideyoshi died Tokugawa Ieyasu was the strongest daimyo with holdings
twice as large as any other daimyo (2.3 million koku). Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542-
1616) had been powerful in eastern Japan since the time of Nobunaga and his
relations with Hideyoshi had see-sawed but both realized that confrontation was
not advisable. Ieyasu, after Hideyoshi’s death, established his supremacy by
forming an alliance with other daimyo’s and they defeated their rivals on 20th
October 1600 on the field of Sekigahara. On the strength of this alliance Tokugawa
leyasu was appointed Shogun in 1603 and his authority as the leader was
confirmed. Ieyasu has been glorified in later accounts so that the work of his
successors has been largely overlooked but he did play a major role in laying the
basis of Tokugawa rule.

1.11 CONTROLLING THE BARBARIANS OR

EMISHI
Till the fifteenth century the Ainu were able to hold their territories but from the
sixteenth century rulers in the Tohoku region established a foothold in what is
called Hokkaido. These rulers acknowledged Ieyasus’s rule and changed their
name to Matsumae, which gave its name to their castle town in southern Hokkaido.
The rest of the area, known as zo then was populated by Ainu. Clashes and
disease led to a reduction of population and a major rebellion in 1669 by the
Ainu was put down severely. Edo rule extended upto Matsumae and Matsumae
managed relations with the Ainu. Trade was largely in timber and fish and fish
meal used as fertilizer. This was the pattern of relationships between Edo and the
outlying territories of the Ryukyu islands. Here the han of Satsuma handled trade
and diplomatic relations. Similarly the han of Tsushima handled relations with
Korea.
17
History of Modern East Asia: Check Your Progress 2
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
1) Describe the main features of Classical period in Japan.
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2) What were the main contributions of Hidoyeshi as a ruler?
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3) Briefly discuss the rise of Tokugawa.
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1.12 LET US SUM UP

This brief introduction to the history of Japan till the sixteenth century covers a
very long period. This is to introduce some of the main developments that have
shaped Japan. The Japanese islands lay on the fringes of the Asian continent,
close to the China, the dominant power in the region. Rulers on the Japanese
islands always had the example of China but hardly ever faced the prospect of
direct rule. They borrowed heavily but adapted freely. The tension of having to
assert their difference has been a major factor in Japanese history.

The Japanese islands were also part of an intricate maritime network that brought
in people, goods and ideas. The influence from the Pacific islands, for instance,
can be seen in the language and architecture of Japan. Korean influences also
played a vital role as can be seen in the early art and ceramics. The Koreans
brought in sophisticated techniques of production.

The political organization created during this period developed from simple clan
based groups to a sophisticated imperial state. The imperial state soon became
one element in the system where other types of rulers vied for power. By the
sixteenth century the daimyo ruled han became the successful form of rule. Yet
18 the daimyo continued to give allegiance to the emperor, who even while lacking
political power continued as the source of legitimacy. This inviolability of the The Roots of Modern Japan
imperial institution continued and was used in the modern period to build a
modern-nation state.

1.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See section 1.3
2) See section 1.4
3) See section 1.5
Check Your Progress 2
1) See section 1.6 for details
2) See section 1.9
3) See sections 1.10 and 1.11

19
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 2 EARLY MODERNITY: THE
TOKUGAWA PERIOD 1600-1868
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The Tokugawa Daimyo-Han System
2.2.1 Categories of Daimyo
2.2.2 The System of Alternative Attendance
2.3 The Administrative Structure
2.4 Tokugawa Economy
2.5 Tokugawa Intellectual Currents
2.6 Culture in Tokugawa Japan
2.7 The Regulation of Foreign Contact
2.8 Tokugawa Decline
2.9 The Tokugawa Economy: A Case of Proto-industrialization?
2.10 Famine, Distress and Peasant Protest
2.11 A Changing Intellectual Environment
2.12 Let Us Sum Up
2.13 Key Words
2.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

2.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will know about the followings:
The nature of Tokugawa feudalism and its administrative system,
The nature of economy and culture under Tokugawa rule,
Reasons for decline of Tokugawa rule, and
The changes in economic, political and intellectual environment in the
last phase of Tokugawa rule.

2.1 INTRODUCTION
The Tokugawa peace, based on what has been famously termed ‘centralised
feudalism’ laid the basis for economic growth and population expansion, from
somewhere between 12-18 million in the 1600’s to nearly 30 million, in the early
nineteenth century. The political system was a balance of power between the
central government and the han or domains. The country was closed to foreigners
and, even within the country, the movement of people was controlled and society
was theoretically divided into status groups.

In fact our present understanding of the Tokugawa period is that it was a vibrant
time when the country had contacts with the outside world, trade and commerce
was developing, merchants played an important role, as production for the market
20
grew, with inter-regional trade and specialization. Political stability spurred Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
urbanization and economic growth, the spread of literacy making the government
increasingly rely on merit rather than status to appoint administrators. These
developments supported a vibrant culture.

2.2 THE TOKUGAWA DAIMYO-HAN SYSTEM

The system instituted by Tokugawa Ieyasu is called the baku-han system: this
refers to the Bakufu or central government and han or feudal domain or fief. The
political structure established a system dependent on a balance between the
Tokugawa house and the semi-autonomous feudal fiefs (han). The han were
allowed a degree of autonomy, the extent of which is debated by scholars, but
regulatory mechanisms kept them within central control. The daimyo or domainal
lords were controlled in a variety of ways: they were involved in Tokugawa
projects that used up their resources, rules governed marriages and the building
of forts. The degree of control exercised by the Tokugawa and the extent of
autonomy of the daimyo are still a matter of debate, with some scholars even
arguing that the daimyo were quite independent while others see the emergence
of strong regional bonds that transcend the daimyo’s domains and lay the basis
for the building of a nation state in the Meiji period.

Tokugawa Ieyasu, unlike his predecessor took the title of seii-tai shogun (barbarian
subduing general) from the emperor but, like them he exercised total control. In
fact he controlled the imperial household. The titles by themselves carried no
authority but maintained the symbolic authority of the Emperor. Regulations
were laid down for each status group, the imperial household and nobility, the
samurai, the peasantry and merchants. Monks and temples were also regulated.
A small group of outcast were also confined to certain areas and their occupants
restricted.

The Tokugawa house exercised direct power over its own territories which were
over 4 million koku, ( a koku was about 150 kg of rice, what was considered
enough to feed one man for a year. Productivity of an area and the tax was
calculated in rice. The daimyo had annual tax revenues of 10,000 koku or more,
depending on the size of their domain) but that was about a one-fourth of the
land available, and they directly controlled the major cities, such as Osaka and
Nagasaki, as well as the copper and silver mines. Their direct retainers, the
bannermen and housemen, as they were classified, were liable to military service
but also manned the administration. The government employed censors (metsuke)
who secretly kept a watch on daimyo and reported on their activities.

2.2.1 Categories of Daimyo

The daimyo were divided into three categories: ‘shinpan or blood relations, loyal
vassals (fudai), and those who had opposed the Tokugawa and were considered
less loyal, the ‘outside lords’ (tozama). The ‘shinpan’ or blood relatives controlled
only about ten per cent but were placed in crucial areas such as Kyoto, Owari,
(present day Nagoya) Kii (Wakayama) and Echizen (Fukui). The ‘fudai’ or loyal
vassals were given 26 per cent of the land and placed in strategically important
positions, and, together with those of the Tokugawa house, their number exceeded
21
History of Modern East Asia: that of the ‘tozama’ daimyo. The ‘outside lords’, or less loyal allies controlled 38
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
per cent of the land. This intricate balance gave a high degree of autonomy to the
daimyo but made it difficult for opposition to come together.

The daimyo swore loyalty to the Tokugawa house but in the initial years between
1600-1650 many domains changed hands, particularly of the ‘outside daimyo’,
to underline the authority of the Shogun and establish his right to over the land.
Thus, as a reward for services, 172 new daimyos were created and on 281
occasions daimyos were transferred. This transfer policy helped to weaken the
links between the daimyo and the people of the province.” During the 17th century
over two hundred daimyo lost a part or all their territory for various offences.

2.2.2 The System of Alternative Attendance

The sankin-kotai system, or alternative attendance, was another way to control
the daimyo. This requirement was formalized in 1635 by Iemistu, the third shogun.
The daimyo had to go to Edo, (present day Tokyo) the capital, on a regular basis
and live there. When they returned to their domain their families were left back
as hostage. The back and forth travel required heavy expenditure, as daimyo
depending on rank, travelled with between 15-300 retainers. They followed
designated routes and this led to the development of roads, hostelries, temples,
and businesses that supported this movement of people. A vast and fascinating
literature on travel also developed.

2.3 THE ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

The routinization of administration gradually weakened the power of the shogun
who were sometimes overshadowed by their administrative officials. In the early
period the Shoguns exercised power but from 1666 effective power passed to
administrative heads - Grand Chamberlain and subsequently the chief Councillors.
This was a reflection of the increasing importance of merit rather than status and
the need for a trained bureaucracy to administer and manage an increasingly
complex economic system. These officials were from the ranks of medium and
minor vassals while the ‘outside lords’, the great vassals were excluded from
office. The houses which could provide heirs to the Tokugawa house were also
excluded from holding office. Officials held concurrent appointments and were
also rotated so one job was carried out by multiple officials. All policy matters
were dealt with in consultation and required joint approval. This system worked
as an effective system of checks and balances to prevent the consolidation of
opposition to Tokugawa rule and ensured that conciliation and consensus were
important means of government.

The Tokugawa system of administration was at one level a national government

and at another a large daimyo government. The Shogun at the top over-saw both
functions. Over it’s long rule the centre of power shifted and sometimes individuals
became powerful through their hold on important offices such as Tamuna Okitsugu
(1719-88) or Matsudaira Sadanoba (1758-1829)· The Tokugawa controlled the
major levers of power: armed forces, control over foreign relations, coastal defence
and key urban centres, as well as the gold and silver mines. This system brought
about two and a half centuries of peace and stability.
22
Check Your Progress 1 Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
1) Discuss the main features of Daimyo-Han System.
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2) What were the different categories of Daimyo?
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3) Briefly describe the system of sankin-kotai.
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2.4 TOKUGAWA ECONOMY

The Tokugawa economy while predominantly rural changed in many crucial
ways. Peace and prosperity, as well as the concentration of samurai in castle
towns led to a high level of urbanization, before any industrialization took place.
By the end of the 18th century the capital Edo had a population of nearly a
million people, making it one of the largest cities in the world. Compared to pre-
industrial Europe premodern Japan had many large urban centres.

The growing demand in cities led craftsmen and shopkeepers to migrate to Osaka-
Kyoto, and castle towns like Kanazawa, Sendai, Kagoshima, which had
populations of over 50,000. The development of roads, like the Tokaido (eastern
sea road) Nakasendo (middle of the mountain road) Sanyodo (road on sun side
of the mountains) and Sanindo (road on the shadow side of the mountain)
improved commerce and communications.

Urbanization and Town culture

The town culture which developed was essentially a merchant led movement.
The merchants (chonin) were the early entrepreneurs of Japan. They worked
hard and contributed to the development of a vibrant social system. In 1627, for
instance, Mitsui Toshitsugu opened a small drapers shop in Edo called Echigaya
which developed into today’s Mitsukushi owned by the Mitsui Company. 23
History of Modern East Asia: Tokugawa society was far more complex than the earlier characterization of it as
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
composed of samurai- farmer-artisan-merchant (shinokosho) would suggest. The
kuge or nobility was a small class confined to Kyoto, the warriors (samurai or
bushi) about 400,000 mostly lived in towns, had hereditary pensions but many
lived in poor circumstances and took up farming or teaching, or some other
profession; and some of the merchants grew in wealth while artisans were mainly
in the big urban centres and either self-emplyed or working for daimyo and rich
patrons. The biggest class of farmers was actually a very diverse group ranging
from wealthy landlords, who were educated and often involved in by-employment,
to poor and illiterate indentured labour.

Urbanization led to the growth in urban centres of a whole class of people outside
official society: shop hands, day labourers, domestic servants, and outcaste groups,
who are often ignored in discussions. There was a growing number of people
classified as vagrants, urban poor. On the edges of society were the pariah groups-
the eta, who were confined to so-called unclean professions, the hinin or non
people, who had been punished for crimes and could get back to society, after a
period. There were entertainers, story tellers, and prostitutes. Tokugawa society
saw prostitution not as a moral problems but one of management. It was permitted
in licensed areas, such as Yoshiwara in Edo and Shimabara in Kyoto. Geisha
were bought, particularly easy in times of famine, and lived confined and difficult
lives but a few, because of their beauty and accomplishments could become
wealthy, and even enjoy a measure of fame. Society was more complex than the
usual division of would suggest.

The growth of rural distress and urban poor raised the question of how to tackle
poverty. The cities mostly administered directly by the Shogunate set up relief
shelters in the mid-seventeenth century. These provided temporary help after
which the people were sent back to their villages. By the late seventeenth and
early eighteenth century, rural distress led to an increase in the underclass and
these became permanent facilities.

In the late eighteenth century a type of workhouse was started in Edo where the
aim was to help those without a criminal background to learn new skills and
become gainfully employed. This was in part a reaction to famine as well as
urban riots. The inmates were also given a course of practical ethics to ensure
that they were provided the appropriate moral basis to develop their lives. Along
with this a fund was created for providing temporary relief during emergencies
as well as on-going help for the aged, children and the ill without relatives.

The scale of the help provided can be gauged from the fact that in 1805 about 4
out of 1,000 townspeople in Edo received help. This relief system was sustained
by a special tax and managed by wealthy merchants. This was then compared to
Shogunal benevolence a more public and sustained relief system than the measures
practised in the villages that tended to deal with specific emergencies.

2.5 TOKUGAWA INTELLECTUAL CURRENTS

It is commonly said that Ieyasu became ruler through his military powers but ran
the government using Confucian ideas. Confucian ideas were known from early
times but during the Tokugawa period they provided rules for government, for
the economy, familial relationships and ethics. These ideas came from the Neo-
24
Confucian schools that emerged in twelfth century China to challenge Buddhism. Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
The neo-Confucian ideas of Zhu Xi (1130-1200) were first introduced to Japan
by a Zen monk Fujiwara Seika (1561-1617) and formalised by Hayashi Razan
(1583-1657) who established a school, the Shoheiko ( named after Confucius’s
birthplace Changping pronounced Shohei in Japanese ) that became the officially
sponsored centre of Neo-Confucian learning from 1797.

Buddhism was strictly controlled and sects kept apart. Births were registered in
temple records so everyone belonged to a sect and funeral were conducted
according to Buddhist rituals. Buddhist temples were rich but their power limited.
Shinto sects also played an important role. Some argued that Buddhist deities
were manifestations of Shinto gods. Ieyasu was exalted as a manifestation of
Shinto and Buddhist gods.

There were other influential thinkers such as those of the school of Ancient
Learning (kogaku). These scholars stressed that the original writings must be
studied and not the commentaries as was the usual practice.

Ogyu Sorai, one of the most important thinkers of this period, was linked to this
school but differed crucially in that in that he even questioned the superiority of
the canonical texts and argued that these text have to be applied to the new
circumstances. In other other words these were not immutable principles of nature
but an ‘invention’ (sakui), and could not be taken literally but applied taking into
consideration the changing times.

Christianity was also an important part of the history of pre-modern Japan. It

was brought by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century and by the early
seventeenth century there were some 30000 converts, including people from the
ruling houses. It was suppressed in the 1620s and 1630s and, for a variety of
political reasons, banned. Along with this ban the entry of foreign knowledge
was severely curtailed, a strict censorship was imposed on all books that entered
the country, till the eighteenth century.

2.6 CULTURE IN TOKUGAWA JAPAN

One way of thinking about culture is to look at popular and elite cultures. Japanese
scholars such as Nakano Mitsutoshi have identified courtly culture or aristocratic
(Ga or miyabiyaka) that was largely influenced by Chinese classical texts. This
would be classical poetry, such as waka or linked verse, renga, noh drama, the
paintings of the Kano school and the tea ceremony. The zoku or ‘coarse’ (iyashi)
was the common, plebian culture. This was best represented by the ‘ukiyoe’ or
culture of the ‘floating world’. The ‘floating world’ was the world of the geisha
or courtesans, entertainers, much like the tawaifs in northern India, who were
trained in literary and musical arts and entertained those with wealth. They were
confined to licensed areas, where swords and weapons were not allowed, and
money mattered not social distinction. The writer Ihara Saikaku (1649-193) has
brilliantly depicted the world of the courtesan where men squandered fortunes in
the pursuit of pleasure. The ‘floating world’ of courtesans was depicted woodblock
prints, kabuki theatre and haikai or comic poetry. Some of the most iconic
productions of Tokugawa art and literature occurred during the Genroku period
(1688-1704).

25
History of Modern East Asia: The growth of urbanization and economic prosperity fuelled the growth in literacy
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
and the creation of a large reading public which sustained a vibrant publishing
industry. Japan has a long history of printing, in fact the one of the oldest printed
text dates back to between 764-770. The vitality of Tokugawa culture was
sustained and invigorated by a sophisticated printing industry. Print culture was
as complex and varied as in Western countries. Every year some 3,000 new titles
were published. This does not include the regular reprints of Chinese and Buddhist
texts. At the peak there were 6,747 publishing houses spread across in the country.
Classical Buddhist and Confucian texts, and Japanese histories were published
alongside, plays, poetry and fiction, primers for reading and writing, as well as a
range of single sheets showing leading sumo wrestlers, courtesans, and actors.

Theatre was a popular among all classes. Kabuki, (the word means ‘to tilt or
look askance’ implying irreverence) plays first had women actors. These plays
attracted a diverse social crowd and were seen as provocative and flouting social
norms. In 1642 the authorities clamped down on them and banned women actors.
Kabuki then developed roles for men playing women and became a vibrant
theatrical form patronised by the rich merchants of cities such as in Osaka. Samurai
were banned from attending but many went incognito.

Among the visual arts the development of ‘pictures of the floating world’ are
perhaps the most distinctive representation of the Tokugawa period. Ukiyo-e
were woodblock prints carved on blocks of cherry block, each block used for
one colour. By the eighteenth century polychrome prints, sometimes single sheets,
at others a series of prints, were being produced depicting landscapes, famous
actors, courtesans, and book illustrations. One of the more famous is Hiroshige’s
Fifty-Three Stages on the Tokaido highway (1833-4).

2.7 THE REGULATION OF FOREIGN CONTACT

The work of scholars, such as Ronald Toby in English, has altered our picture of
Japan as a closed country to a more nuanced view. Japan restricted contacts in
the 1630’s not because of anti-foreignism, or because they did not want to trade
but because they did not want to be in a subordinate position within the Sino-
centric world order. Restrictions on foreign trade in the early seventeenth century
were introduced because the export of silver to finance silk imports had led to
the depletion of the silver mines and this, in turn, led to a currency crisis. To stem
this flow the Tokugawa took measures to restrict imports and support domestic
silk production. These measures introduced sericulture and the production of
high quality silk. Kyoto emerged as one of the major centres for silk production.
As this domestic production grew foreign trade declined till ports were opened
to foreign trade in 1859.

The Dutch Trading Station at Deshima

The Dutch were given a small trading station in Deshima, Nagasaki and from the
eighteenth century they began to import books as well. Some Japanese scholars
who became interpreters for the Dutch, studied Dutch and became known as
‘Dutch scholars’ or rangakusha. They studied and translated books on Western
medicine, science and mathematics and spread this new knowledge. Their work
turned attention away from China as a source of knowledge to the West. In 1771
when the Dutch scholar Sugita Genpaku (17233-1817) participated in a dissection
26 of a human body he realised that the Western books accurately showed the working
of the human body and that Chinese medicine had nothing to offer. His translations Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
communicated these ideas to a wider public. Other scholars, like Honda Toshiaki
(1744-1821) advocated economic development and foreign expansion and Kaiho
Seiryo (1755-1817) urged the government to engage in trade and commerce.
These ideas were derived from their reading of Western works and studies of
Western societies.

It was only in the end of the eighteenth century that anti-foreignism becomes
important. Japan maintained different relations with foreign countries. Korea
regularly sent diplomatic delegations and Japan traded with China. Books were
an important component of trade, and these along with reports based on
information given by captains of ships that came to trade became an important
source of information about global developments. For instance Japan became
aware of Indian colonization by the British by the early nineteenth century. India
became a powerful example of the dangers of colonization. Similarly, the work
of scholars on Hokkaido and Okinawa has raised questions about the boundaries
of Japan, and the premodern relationship between these peripheral areas and the
main islands.

2.8 TOKUGAWA DECLINE

The decline of the Tokugawa order has its roots in a contradiction which lay in
the structure itself when it was built in the seventeenth century. The contradiction
was between the ideal which visualized a hierarchic status divided society based
on a simple agrarian economy and the reality of a more complex commercial
economy along with a social order which again was much more complex. The
changes brought about by a long period of peaceful development generated such
social and intellectual forces which questioned and undermined the basis of
Tokugawa rule.

The growth of a cash economy and cottage industries increased commercialization

and led to the diffusion of new technologies such as better seeds, planting
techniques, greater use of fertilisers to increase production.

The commercialization of the economy and a fairly constant tax base, because of
the Tokugawa Bakufu’s inability to effectively manage the new sources of wealth,
led to financial problems for both the Shogun and the Daimyo and their samurai
retainers. In 1830, for instance the domain of Satsuma owed thirty-three times
its annual revenue and by 1840 Choshu owed twenty-three times its annual
revenue. This deterioration in finances affected the samurai whose incomes were
low even in the seventeenth century and who were now faced with rising prices
and an inability to satisfy their increasing demands.

The rural economy was rapidly changing in character and by the nineteenth
century regional specialization had produced a variety of economic activities. In
central and southern Honshu commercial activity had spread widely with many
villages specializing in growing cotton, oil seeds, and other products for the
market. In the area around Edo nearly a quarter of the rural population was by
now employed in commerce and handicrafts. The cities had become the production
centres of textiles, lacquer and pottery. As these activities shifted from rural
areas the cities became commercial and administrative centres and continued to
attract immigrants from rural areas.
27
History of Modern East Asia: The Failure of Reforms
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
The Bakufu had taken recourse to various steps to alleviate these problems but
these measures failed because of the lack of a clear understanding of the nature
of the problems. In 1705 the Bakufu had confiscated the wealth of merchants,
like the rich and powerful Yodoya, but this was of no use. In 1720’s Tokugawa
Yoshimune (1684 -1751) took measures to reform the fiscal and administrative
system in which he licensed the merchants but he also took measures to reduce
consumption and money supply, a traditional prescription.

The only attempt which was substantially different was by the Bakufu official
Tanuma Okitsugu (1719-1788) who sought· to encourage commerce and by
taxing it raise government revenues. But these attempts were foiled and he was
removed from office. His successor Matsudaira Sadanobu (1758-1788) sought
to repeat the steps taken by Yoshimune and in 1841 Mizuno Tadakuni went so
far as to abolish government sanctioned trading rights. These measures merely
served to complicate and confuse the already grave situation and they had to be
withdrawn.

The inability of the Bakufu to implement effective and suitable policies was
matched by a growing increase in unauthorized trade between producers and
local merchants, a trade which the domains were forced to accept or even actively
support to overcome their own financial difficulties. In Choshu, for instance, in
1840 gross non-agricultural income was the. same as net agricultural income but
while agricultural income was taxed 39 percent non-agricultural income was
taxed only 10 per cent. By 1840 in the commercialized regions in Honshu and
Shikoku villagers were firmly linked to a cash economy.

2.9 THE TOKUGAWA ECONOMY: A CASE OF

PROTO-INDUSTRIALIZATION?
Current scholarship uses the concept of ‘proto-industrialization’ which looks at
how commercialization of agriculture leads farmers to produce goods through
cottage industries and sell these in far off markets. This happens in Japan from
the mid-eighteenth century. How this worked is debated. Karen Wigan has shown
that farmers in Shimoina valley, in central Japan, began to produce textiles,
hardwood products, and paper craft for the market. David Howell has argued, in
studies of Hokkaido, that proto-industrialisation far from being linked to the
commercialization of agriculture actually developed where agricultural
productivity was low as in Hokkaido. Here the fishing industry grew by supplying
fish fertilizer to the Osaka region and this trade transformed the way the fishing
industry had been organized- from a contract based system it became more capital
intensive with rich merchants controlling proletarianised labour. Similarly in
other areas rich farmers (gono) began to emerge as they made their wealth as
money lenders, by producing sake or tea, and in inter-regional trade.

The major cities developed, farmers produced more for the market, inter-regional
trade expanded. Far from being overtaken by commercial developments or not
understanding them officials began to change their policies to encourage and tax
this rural production. Susan Hanley, for instance argues that material life increased
28
for the better: houses were bigger, people ate better and lived longer, even by Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
Western standards in Tokugawa Japan.

In studies on the han of Tosa it has been argued that merchants developed the
idea of Kokueki ‘the prosperity of the country or domain’. Public officials
incorporated this idea into their thinking and made policies to support commercial
activities such as to encourage production of eggs, sugar, paper production, and
gun powder. They would reduce or waive taxes for a period of time to encourage
merchants to move into these areas.

2.10 FAMINE, DISTRESS AND PEASANT PROTEST

The other side of these developments was that there were major famines in the
1730s, 1780s and 1830s that led to the death of hundreds of thousands indicating
the precarious lives of farmers. Stratification of rural society and the uneven
benefits of growth are also reflected in rural protest and peasant uprisings, which
were in the latter part of the period directed against the rural rich. Peasant
rebellions and the rich literature around them underline the different ways people
benefited from economic growth.

The growth of a cash economy and the consequent changes in social relations
generated tensions and conflicts. The divisions within the samurai, status
difference between lower and upper, prevented the formation of a community of
interests. The merchants too were not a monolithic bloc but divided by their
interests, The Osaka merchants favoured by the Bakufu were closely tied to the
Tokugawa structure and when it collapsed they too were finished. The Mitsui
house was an exception. It survived because of the farsightedness of its founder,
who had ruled that they must always maintain a large reserve fund.

The rural merchants who had begun to play a dynamic role were excluded from
the benefits of privilege and they were responsive to the need for change. As in
the cities so also in the rural areas too, economic changes disrupted the social
fabric and disorders became both frequent and increasingly violent.

The Tokugawa peace had been enforced with vigour over the peasantry. As early
as 1637 the Shimabara rebellion had been put down with great severity. In the
1780s and 1830s famine, price rise, and excessive taxation resulted in peasant
protests. Over the intervening years protests developed from mass petitions to
violent actions involving thousands and spread over many villages.

Scholars have calculated that in the seventeenth century peasant rebellions

averaged one or two a year while after 1790 they had gone up to over six a year.
The early peasant actions had been as village solidarities, largely peaceful and
concerned with reduction of taxes. But in the latter period they were often against
the advice of village elders, violent and often destructive of property. Peasant
protests also evolved, at times, a millennial character. Thus, for instance, even in
urban centres protests increased in the last years of the Tokugawa. The most
representative of these urban protests were called Yonaoshi (world renewal) which
drew their inspiration from folk traditions and sought a restoration of
righteousness. Rural unrest was as much a product of economic changes as it
was of increasing education and awareness.
29
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 2.11 A CHANGING INTELLECTUAL
ENVIRONMENT
The end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century brought changes
to the East Asian environment, the increasing interventions of the Western powers
in China and Southeast Asia was known to the Japanese.

One of the more influential ideas came from the National School of Learning,
whose influence continued into the modern period. Motoori Norinaga (1730-
1801) is one of the major representatives of this school. He studied the Kojiki
(712), a text that narrated the divine origins of Japan and it’s imperial dynasty, to
argue against Confucian ideas and assert that Shinto (the Way of the Gods) was
the basis for Japanese civilisation. The emperor as the direct descendent of the
Sun Goddesses marked the superiority of Japanese civilization and its difference
from China. These ideas were further developed by Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843)
and provided the basis for conservative nationalism in modern Japan.

Translations of books and plays showed the dangers of colonization to the

Japanese. An often translated section of a book by Wei Yuan, an influential Chinese
scholar who wrote on how to combat the West, was his chapter on the colonization
of India. It was translated multiple times in Japan and India became an example
of a ‘lost country’.

There were other critical voices arguing against the prevailing political order.
Some turned to the past and looked to resurrect the old imperial state built around
the emperor, other questioned the legitimacy of the right of the samurai to rule.

The loyalist ideals inspired by the imperial institution which sought to reassert
the purity of Japanese culture and at times to incorporate Western technology to
reinforce and strengthen these native concepts was further strengthened by other
intellectual currents. The growth of historical scholarship around the Mito school
also played an important role by sponsoring a study, The History of Great Japan
(Dai nihon shi) that stressed on the central position occupied by the Emperor in
Japan. At a time when Tokugawa rule was being questioned this became an
important intellectual support for imperial loyalists calling for a return to imperial
rule.

Among the critical voices, perhaps the most wide ranging criticisms of the basis
for Tokugawa rule was that of Ando Shoeki, (1703-1762), a medical doctor by
training, who went beyond administering to the needs of the sick to think about
what ailed society. His response to the rifts that economic and political changes
had created led him to make a thoroughgoing critique of feudal society grounded
in a rejection of the rule of the samurai but also of the foundational teachings of
the Neo-Confucians and Buddhists.

Ando Shoeki wrote, ‘All people are one person’ and advanced an ecological
philosophy of nature to realize true autonomy and freedom. Shoeki’s major
surviving work, The Way of the Operation of the Self-Acting Truth (Shizen Shin
ei do) was begun in 1750 and published in October 1752. Shoeki defined what
he called the World of the Law (ho no yo) where people were held in thrall, and
in opposition to this world he posited the world of Nature where writing (artifice)
had not alienated human beings from Nature (speech). This domination, he argued,
30
was maintained in three ways, through military force, through the medium of Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
economic exchange, that is ‘gold and silver’ and, equally importantly, through
the medium of thought, that is words.

Shoeki’s writings were only discovered in 1899 but became an important text
for modern scholars to think about the many ways the Tokugawa order was being
criticized.

Other thinkers who were critical of the samurai class emphasized the importance
of the merchant, traditionally looked down upon. One such person was Ishida
Baigan (1685-1744). His ideas drew on traditional Confucian and Buddhist
concepts to advance the idea of ‘heart learning’ which taught you how to align
your thinking with the universe. During this period his disciples developed and
spread his teachings. They spoke not to the intellectual elites but the ordinary
people. They established nearly two hundred schools by 1800 and had developed
a well thought out teaching programme aimed not only for adult males but was
also for women and children. These teachings were supported by the bakufu as
they did not aim to over turn the political order.

The problems of rural distress and peasant uprisings inspired ideas about how to
alleviate poverty and reduce radical opposition. Ninomiya Sontoku (1787-1856)
was the most famous of the philosophers coming out of a prosperous farming
family who advocated self-help. He and other reformers like him preached
Confucian ideas of filial piety and diligence but they did not see the social order
as static. They argued that even poor peasants by working hard, being thrifty and
improving productivity by using new agricultural methods could improve their
lot and become wealthy.

Exposure to ideas from the West, form the late eighteenth century also influenced
intellectual explorations. The Bakufu itself while was not united on what policy
to pursue took measures to understand these new challenges. Using the expertize
of the Dutch scholars the Bakufu established a school to study Western books
and this by 1857 became the Institute for the Investigation of Barbarian Books.
Many of the Dutch scholars, familiar with the activities of the Western nations in
China and other parts of Asia, advocated reform measures, particularly of the
Tokugawa’s military capabilities to meet the foreign threat. For instance, as early
as 1784 Hayashi Shihei (1738-1793) published A Discussion of the Military
Problems of a Maritime Nation advocating extensive military reform.

One of more influential ideas oabout how to meet the challenge of the West was
expressed by Aizawa Seishisai in ‘The New Thesis’ (Shinron,1825). Aizawa,
(1781-1863) aware of the advances of the Russians in the north saw that the
strategy that could counter the Western threat required military strength as well
as a cultural regeneration. The West used Christianity and conscription and hence
Japan must modernize its weapons and revive its kokutai national essence. He
wrote “The sun rises in our ‘divine Land: and the primordial energy originates
here. The heirs of the Great Sun have occupied the Imperial Throne from time
immemorial.” Aizawa was thus drawing on various traditions to put forward a
new programme for meeting the challenges posed by the Western threat and he
was using Western knowledge to reassert the primacy of Japan and Japanese
values.

31
History of Modern East Asia: Sakuma Shozan ( 1798-1866) another influential scholar, who had studied gunnery
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
and other Western subjects coined the slogan “Eastern ethics and Western science”.
This became an important way for people to accept certain areas of this new
knowledge, such as in medicine, where the efficacy of vaccination to combat
smallpox was evident.

In the components of the new ideas prevalent in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries was the awareness that the state must combine administrative,
entrepreneurial and military skills to create a new and stronger Japan. Also
suggested was the central importance of the Imperial institution.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Briefly discuss the nature of economy under Tokugawa.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Does the Tokugawa economy represent a case of Proto-industrialization?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
3) Analyse the Changes in intellectual environment towards the end of
Tokugawa rule.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

2.12 LET US SUM UP

These trends coalesced and came together when political criticism of the Bakufu
increased. The Bakufu was increasingly unable to tackle the problem of coping
with the Western powers who were demanding that Japan open her doors and
allow free access to trade and diplomatic relations. How the Bakufu dealt with
the Western powers will be dealt with in Unit 3 on the Meiji restoration.

The long Tokugawa rule saw remarkable changes transforming the country from
a largely rural economy and a traditionally status divided society to one where
32 the commercialization of agriculture could support a large urban population.
The demand for skilled manpower in the economy and administration led to the Early Modernity: The
Tokugawa Period 1600-1868
spread of education and encouraged social mobility. The social and intellectual
vitality of the country allowed it to respond to the new challenges posed by the
threat of Western imperialism and the new ideas that they brought with them.
The Tokugawa rulers made unsuccessful attempts to meet the challenges.
Ultimately a coalition of domains managed to carry out a relatively peaceful
political change even as they claimed to be restoring the rule of the emperor.

2.13 KEY WORDS

Bakufu: Central government dominated by military commander under Tokugawa
rule.
Baku-Han: Division of powers between central government and domains of
Daimyo.
Daimyo: Feudal lords Under Tokugawa rule.
Hinin: Socially out-cast social group in Tokugawa Japan.
Koku: A unit of revenue or tax calculated in kind (a koku was equivalent of 150
kg of rice).
Proto-industrialization: Production of commodities under craft-techniques for
sale in distant markets.
Sankin-Kotai: System of alternate attendance for daimyo under Tokugawa to
control them.

2.14 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See section 2.2
2) See sub-section 2.2.1
3) See sub section 2.2.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Section 2.4
2) See Section 2.9
3) See Section 2.11

33
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 3 THE MEIJI RESTORATION AND
THE CREATION OF MODERN
JAPAN
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 The Coming of the ‘Black Ships’
3.3 Whaling and the Opening of Japan
3.4 The Bakufu and Daimyo Reactions to Western Demands
3.5 The Coming of Perry
3.6 Steps to the Meiji Restoration
3.7 British and French Rivalry in Japan
3.8 Economic Problems and Anti-Foreign Sentiments
3.9 The Meiji Restoration
3.10 The Significance of 1868
3.11 Scholarly Approaches to the Meiji Restoration
3.12 Some Japanese Views
3.13 Scholarship after World War-II
3.14 The Meiji Restoration in a Global Context
3.15 From Saving the People to Mobilising them to Serve the State
3.16 Let Us Sum Up
3.17 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

3.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to learn about:
The problem posed by the European intervention to the old regime in
Japan,
The Meiji Restoration of 1868, and
The role of Meiji Restoration in creation of modern Japan.

3.1 INTRODUCTION
In this Unit we will look at the how the Western powers, starting with Russia,
Great Britain, and the United States tried to establish diplomatic relations with
Tokugawa Japan. These attempts were initially resisted but soon the Tokugawa
regime relented and negotiated trade and diplomatic relations with the United
States, Great Britain and other European powers. Imperialist intrusion led to
debates about alternative models of government, and finally to an alliance led by
the Satsuma and Choshu to overthrow the Tokugawa bakufu and bring about the
Meiji Restoration in 1868. Scholarly opinion may be divided on how it looks at
this period and it’s analysis of the Meiji ‘restoration’ but there is agreement that
34 it marked the beginning of modern Japan.
 The Meiji Restoration and the
3.2 THE COMING OF THE ‘BLACK SHIPS’ Creation of Modern Japan

Tokugawa society was, in spite of its dynamism, largely isolated from

developments in Europe. When foreign ships began appearing and demanding
access to Japanese ports it was faced with a serious problem. During the
seventeenth century Japanese military capabilities were not very different from
the Portuguese or English but by the nineteenth century the European nations
had developed in ways unimaginable in Japan. In the Tokugawa period Europe
largely meant Holland and Portugal. It is only towards the end of the period that
they began to learn about Great Britain and its empire, the colonization of India,
and about the United States. The encounter with the West in the nineteenth century
posed new problems for the Tokugawa and it was not equipped to deal with
these problems. In ways similar to other countries in the region the period from
the late seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century Japan faced the
problems of dealing with Western imperial threats and restricting society and
government to meet the challenges of the modern world.

In 1853 Commodore Matthew Perry appeared with a flotilla. His ships were
called black ships because coal tar was used to seal the cracks between the planks
of the ship. The following year a treaty of Amity and Friendship was signed.
This marked the culmination of a process which had begun much earlier. The
Russians and British had been pressing on the coast of Japan since the seventeenth
century. The Russians had established themselves on the Sea of Okhotsk and
from there they made exploratory trips. In 1738 Martin Spangberg, a Russian
explorer had discovered a route to Japan. Subsequently serious efforts were made
to open Japan and establish relations. In 1792 Lieutenant Adam Laxman (1766-
1806) arrived in Ezo (modern Hokkaido) but was denied entry and failed to win
any concessions to open trade. The next Russian envoy went to Nagasaki, which
was the only port where foreigners were allowed, but the Japanese were not
interested in foreign trade. In 1806 and 1807 the Russians raided Japanese posts
in Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands and this led to tensions and confrontations
between the two countries.

The British had been attempting to explore this area as early as the seventeenth
century. Captain Cook was planning to go to Japan when he died in 1793. The
embassy led by Earl George Macartney (1737-1806) to China in 1793 also failed
to go to Japan though Macarteny carried letters to the emperor of Japan. He was
later Governor of Madras and opposed the East India’s trade in opium. In 1797
an English ship went to Hokkaido and in 1808 the frigate Phaeton entered
Nagasaki.

3.3 WHALING AND THE OPENING OF JAPAN

In the nineteenth century whaling was the fifth largest industry in the U.S. and
whaling ships sailing across the Pacific needed safe ports for refueling and
supplies. This, as well as the attraction of the China market, led the U.S to play
an increasingly important role in opening Japanese ports to foreign trade. The
writer Herman Melville depicts this world of the whalers in the novel Moby
Dick (1851) and writes, if Japan the ‘double bolted’ land is ever opened it will be
because of the whale ships. The westward expansion of United States in the
35
History of Modern East Asia: 1840’s, fuelled by ideas of ‘manifest destiny’, that it was the destiny of white
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Americans to rule the native populations, also encouraged U.S businessmen to
try and gain access to China but this proved futile and the government began to
be more interested in Japan. From 1835 attempts were made to conclude
diplomatic arrangements. In 1846 Commodore Biddle came to Edo Bay but he
was refused entry. Commander Glynn subsequently went to Nagasaki in 1849
but did not make any arrangements to carry on trade.

3.4 THE BAKUFU AND DAIMYO REACTIONS

TO WESTERN DEMANDS
The pressure on Japan to conclude diplomatic and commercial relations, with
the Western powers placed the Bakufu in a difficult situation. The initial reaction
since the Russian ships appeared was to firmly reject trade and the opening of
ports. In 1806 a decree ordered local officials to keep foreigners out and in 1825
the officials were told to destroy any ships which came near the coast. This was
not just based on a xenophobic anti-foreignism. It was a reaction to a complex
problem. On the one hand the Japanese clearly lacked the military capability to
keep the Western nations out but on the other hand most groups were adamant
that there should be no concessions to these demands.

However, in 1842, when the Japanese learned from the Dutch of the Qing defeat
in the opium war, they softened their policy and allowed the entry of foreign
ships in need of aid. Subsequently British and French ships visited ports to
negotiate trade deals but failed. They were, however, not fired upon reflecting a
softening stand. The Bakufu now began to work on building coastal defence and
adopted a conciliatory policy of dealing with foreign powers.

3.5 THE COMING OF PERRY

In 1853 Commodore Matthew Perry came to Japan via China and Okinawa in a
squadron of two steam frigates and two sloops, entered Edo Bay in July 1853 to
demand the opening of ports and ensure a supply of coal. Perry presented a letter
from the President of the USA. Perry’s imperious behavior, backed by superior
military power, underlined the inability of the Tokugawa Bakufu to deal effectively
with the power of the Western nations. In the spring of 1854 the Bakufu signed a
Treaty of Amity and Commerce and opened two ports, Shimoda and Hakodate.
where U.S. ships could refuel and provision their ships. There was a most favoured
nation clause which would automatically extend any benefits granted to any
other country. The United States was also allowed to post a counsellor agent at
Shimoda. The treaty was a a beginning as the ports opened were small and remote
but it was a major departure from the Bakufu’s earlier policy of isolation.
Just as Perry had concluded his treaty the Russians had also been active. Yevfimiy
Putyatin (1803-1883) had been trying to extract a treaty and settle the boundary
to the north of Hokkaido but had failed. In October the Bakufu concluded a
similar treaty with the British and then with Russia in which Nagasaki was also
opened. In 1855 the Dutch too signed a treaty with the Japanese.
The United States sent Townsend Harris as its counsel to reside in Shimoda in
36 1856. Here, he faced considerable difficulties, but through patience and tact
managed to convince the Bakufu that they would be better served by signing a The Meiji Restoration and the
Creation of Modern Japan
treaty with the United States otherwise they might have to sign more onerous
treaties with the other Western powers. The Hams Treaty signed on July 29,
1858, opened the ports of Kanagawa and Nagasaki and by stages Niigata and
Hyogo. Foreigners were to be allowed to reside at Osaka and Edo and they were
to have extra-territorial privileges. Finally, the two countries would exchange
representatives. Similar treaties were concluded with the other nations. Aside
from opening ports, the major concession the Japanese made was to fix import
and custom duties at low rates.

3.6 STEPS TO THE MEIJI RESTORATION

The period from 1853 onwards, when Commodore Perry landed in Japan can be
divided into three sub-periods:

1) 1853-1858: During this period the Bakufu tried to minimize foreign

demands to open ports. Abe Masahiro (1819-1857), the bakufu official,
argued that rejecting. Perry’s demands for a treaty would invite the danger
of war while acceptance would give them a breathing space during which
they could strengthen themselves. The real danger, as perceived by the
bakufu was not so much to do with trade as the fear of social disorder.
Foreign penetration threatened the capital Edo and even more importantly
the Imperial capital of Kyoto. As a bakufu official ‘wrote, arguing that
Yokohama should be opened to keep foreigners away from “the Imperial
Palace, the shrine territories· and the private fiefs” so that it could preserve
the natural order by making only the minimum concessions.

The chief bakufu official Hotta Masyoshi (1810-1864) advanced the idea
of kaikoku or open country. He argued that in the new conditions trade
and alliances with other countries were vital and necessary. Japan had to
reconsider her policy of isolation because “military power always springs
from national wealth and the means of enriching the country are principally
to be found in trade and commerce.” This was a new argument for the
ruling establishment as up to now traditional wisdom had seen only
agriculture as the basis of wealth and commerce and merchants were
frowned upon.

Hotta was advancing a new proposition but he was still bound in the old
dream of keeping the foreigners at bay. He was proposing that Japanese
go out to acquire this wealth but such arguments still did not concede the
right of residence in Japan to foreigners.

The Bakufu signed the treaties in 1858 which allowed trade at Yokohama
and permitted foreign residence in Edo from the following year in 1859.
These moves gave an impetus to opposition movements and the “revere
the Emperor expel the barbarian” (sonno joi) movement gathered·
momentum particularly when one of the loyalists assassinated Ii Naosuke
(1815-1860) , a Bakufu official.

2) 1860-1864: During 1860 and in 1863 there was an unsuccessful attempt

to restore the Emperor. In this fast paced political scenario there were
37
History of Modern East Asia: other attempts to broaden the base of political participation. The great
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Daimyo who had been excluded from power and kept out of the decision-
making councils sought to use the beleaguered Bakufu’s weakness to
increase their role and strength. One such move was an alliance of Court
and Shogun (kobugattai). This move wanted to bring together a coalition
of high ranking members of the nobility and the samurai to work in unison
for national unity. This move too was unsuccessful but the danger of civil
war was averted for the time being. The overriding fear that foreigners
would make use of internal disunity was ever present in the minds of the
leading. political actors. The 1860’s saw the foreigners still excluded from
the area around the Imperial capital of Kyoto called the Kinai and steps
were taken to ensure its defence and protection .

In 1864 the bakufu agreed to give indemnities for foreigners but did not
allow them to reside in the Kyoto area . In 1865 the Court approved the
treaties but refused to allow foreigners in Hyogo, even though this was
agreed to in the treaty. The bakufu had to accept a ruinous rate of tariffs in
lieu of this provision.

The bombardment of the han of Satsuma and Choshu marked a clear lesson,
which showed the futility of both the policies of the forceful expulsion of
foreigners and of giving limited concessions. By 1865 it was clear that
sakoku or closed country could not succeed. It should be pointed out that
the word ‘sakoku’ or closed country was only used in 1801 in the translation
of a 17th century German book on Japan.

3) 1865-1868: This period marks the triumph of an open country policy and
an acceptance of the new order. The Bakufu sent official embassies to
London and Paris in 1867 and even before that an official, Ikeda Nagasaki
wrote, after a tour of Europe, that “to Lay the foundations of national
independence it is fundamental that national unity be attained within
Japan.” He advised that it was imperative that the Japanese sign treaties
and travel, gather information and study Western countries. In this changed
situation the Shogun Yoshinobu could write, “if we alone, at such a time,
cling to outworn custom and refrain from international relations of a kind
common to all countries, our actions will be in conflict with the natural
order of things.” These statements could not have been made earlier and
clearly indicate an intellectual transformation. No doubt their ideas had
been transformed under the pressure of circumstances but the choices they
made were a creative response to a new situation.

3.7 BRITISH AND FRENCH RIVALRY IN JAPAN

Up to now it had been a question of Japan and the foreigners but soon Anglo-
French rivalry began to intervene in Japanese affairs with the French gravitating
towards the Bakufu and the British supporting Satsuma and Choshu. The French
connection began in 1864 when a Bakufu official was sent to Paris and Leon
Roches (1809-1901) came to Japan. Roches gradually began to pursue an
independent French policy rather than work in concert with the other Western
powers. He favoured a strict response to Japanese attacks on foreigners, advanced
38
loans to the Bakufu to build the Yokosuka arsenal and the idea of a joint Franco- The Meiji Restoration and the
Creation of Modern Japan
Bakufu trading company was also floated.

The British, too, were gradually shifting towards supporting the han. In 1866
Ernest Satow, an official of the British Legation had translated into Japanese a
series of articles that he wrote urging foreigners not to treat Japan as one single
entity but rather as a collection of Daimyo ruled han. Japan was gradua1ly
intertwined in Anglo-French rivalry and the danger of imperialist incursion was
rapidly assuming dangerous proportions. The linking of Bakufu with France and
Britain with Satsuma-Choshu had serious internal repercussions. The daimyo on
the one hand were strengthened against the Bakufu but mutual suspicion also
increased and conciliatory overtures were made difficult. Finally, the dependence
of both daimyo and the Bakufu on Western military technology and training
increased.

The war against Choshu enabled the foreign powers to further increase their
levels of involvement particularly in the matter of supplying guns to the various
groups. Sometimes the fears were incorrect but there were many rumours that
the daimyo were receiving financial aid and military help. Katsu Kaishu, a bakufu
official described England as a “famished tiger” and he went on to warn that the
bakufu too should not borrow money from France as that was a “hungry wolf’.

Inland travel by foreigners and missionary activity were two areas which were
also creating problems. By 1867 not only diplomats but technicians and
missionaries were moving about in areas of Japan. Once Hyogo and Osaka were
opened this travel increased and the bakufu issued instructions to allow foreigners
to travel, to visit Nara and to enter the “theatre and restaurants in Edo and Osaka”.
This led to incidents of violence as the public had still to accept the idea of
foreigners entering Japan. Attacks on foreigners increased and this further
increased demands for indemnities.

The opening of Japan had not meant that Christianity would be allowed and the
ban on the religion continued. However, with the growing presence of foreign
residents Christianity was allowed to be practiced in the treaty ports. Missionaries
began to arrive and, in spite of the ban, took steps to spread their religion. French
missionaries had opened a church in Nagasaki in 1865 and they allowed in those
Japanese who began to practice the religion openly. A Japanese official wrote in
complaint to the French representative Leon Roches (1809-1901) that missionaries
were preaching in villages, staying in peoples homes, collecting gold and silver
and that their activities were disruptive and must be stopped. These problems
created tensions not just between the bakufu and the foreigners but between the
local people and the foreigners and the bakufu, aggravating an already complex
problem.

3.8 ECONOMIC PROBLEMS AND ANTI-

FOREIGN SENTIMENTS
By 1867 the foreign powers had become deeply involved in the internal rivalries
and this involvement created a dangerous situation for Japan in which it could
easily have been colonised. The economic effect of the treaties and the entry of
39
History of Modern East Asia: foreign trade had been disruptive. Cheap manufactured goods like cotton fabric
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
were ruining traditional domestic industry. In particular the favourable gold and
silver exchange in Japan was used by foreign traders to devastating effect. In
Japan the gold and silver exchange was 6: 1, whereas in the rest of the world it
was 15: 1. Traders brought in silver and bought the cheaper gold and then exported
this gold to make a handsome profit. The massive export of species and influx of
silver disrupted the Japanese economy and caused undue hardship to the people.
The large number of peasant uprisings and urban disturbances is ample reflection
of the strains the economy and society were undergoing.

Instead of considering the history of the closing years of the Bakufu as a period
when two static positions confronted each other it is more productive to consider
these as instrumental devices by which ideologues. and policy makers sought to
realize certain social ideals. As we have seen Tokugawa Japan was not really
‘closed’, trade and diplomatic relations were an important aspect of government
policies. In the nineteenth century as imperialist powers pressed on the rulers to
open trade how to deal with this threat became the major concern.

In this context anti-foreignism became an important aspect. The debate now

centred around the question of how to meet the foreign threat. The debate on
how to deal with foreigners was within the context of how to strengthen the state
and it’s abilities to meet this challenge. The initial measures included better coastal
defence, better arms and modern training for soldiers, and producing arms locally.
It did not stop there. The need for a different kind of political organization, the
need to encourage industry and science and reform religious systems was keenly
felt and debated.

These ideas coalesced around the effort to build the new state with the imperial
house at the centre. The emperor came to represent the symbol of a common
cultural and ethical values. This shift was supported by intellectual and economic
changes which increased the level of public participation in making policy
decisions in foreign relations.
Check Your Progress 1
1) What was the initial reaction of Bakufu towards imperialist interference?
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2) Briefly discuss the Anglo-French rivalry in Japan in the nineteenth century.
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40 .......................................................................................................................
 The Meiji Restoration and the
3.9 THE MEIJI RESTORATION Creation of Modern Japan

The return of power from the bakufu to the Emperor in 1868 marks the Meiji
Restoration. This was brought about by a coalition of daimyo’s led by Satsuma
and Choshu, two of the major ‘outside lords’. The abdication of Tokugawa
Yoshinobu (original name Keiki, ruled from 1866-67) was announced by an
Imperial Edict on January 1868. This marked the formal end of the long rule of
the Tokugawa. In April the Court announced the Charter Oath which laid down
the policies the new government would follow and in October, 1868 the Emperor
selected the Chinese characters meaning “enlightened rule” or Meiji by which
his reign, 1868-1912, would be known.

The restoration or ishin (the word means renewal) as the event is known was
carried out by some sections of the nobility and particularly the hans of Satsuma,
Choshu, Hizen and Tosa. It was supported by sections of the samurai and rural
rich who found the constraints of the Tokugawa system increasingly restrictive.
These groups wished to share power with the Bakufu and when foreign pressure
made it difficult for the Bakufu to maintain its position these groups asserted
themselves.

Foreign demand to open the treaty ports and the Bakufu’s vacillation allowed
these groups to rally around the Imperial Court and demand that the Tokugawa
hand back power to the Emperor. In this demand they were supported by the
loyalists who genuinely wished to have an active Imperial Court. The han,
particularly Satsuma and Choshu had initially been at loggerheads, each leading
their groups but they came together and used the court to topple the Tokugawa
Bakufu.

In 1854 the Treaty of Kanagawa was signed and by 1859 Japan’s foreign relations
were established on the basis of the unequal treaties as in China. The pressure to
open treaty ports, (Kanagawa, Nagasaki, Hyogo, Niigata) created a sense of crisis
in which various critics of the Tokugawa came together. For instance, even
conservatives within the Tokugawa camp who disapproved of the treaties allied
with the Kyoto nobility and they tried to reform the Bakufu.

Satsuma and Choshu played a dominant role because they were “outside lords”
who had considerable land and revenue’s. even though they were excluded from
decision making. Their domains were far from the Tokugawa areas and their
territories integrated. Many of the daimyo had begun to reform their domains to
meet the new challenges they faced.

3.10 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF 1868

The political change of 1868 was one step, albeit a major step, in a process. The
new government did not start with a clear agenda but through debates and
experiments they created a modern constitutional monarchy by 1890. There were
various movements that reflected a search for an alternative form of government.
One major model available was to build the daimyo ruled han. Many han had
begun reforms to strengthen their finances, restructure their administration and
even build an army trained in modern methods. In the han of Choshu and Kii, for
41
History of Modern East Asia: instance, they hired foreign ors to train their soldiers. In Kii a militia that was
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
composed of peasants and monks was raised thus breaking the monopoly of the
samurai on the right to bear arms.

The second model was to look back at the ‘ritsuryo’ system of imperial rule in
the Heian period. This was supported by the growing strength intellectual
movements placing the emperor at the centre of Japanese culture. The third was
the models provided by Western countries. Japanese had been studying these
countries, and the bakufu had begun to send embassies to study the West. These
embassies came back with ideas that were used to design new policies. Scholars
have come to see that many of what were considered traditional institutions were
actually created during this period. The imperial house, no doubt an old institution
was re-shaped along Western lines. Even the way the emperor dressed came to
resemble the uniform of a European monarch.

3.11 SCHOLARLY APPROACHES TO THE MEIJI

RESTORATION
Whether the events of 1868 mark a restoration or a revolution are questions
which scholars are still debating. Tetsuo Najita, for instance writes that, “The
Japanese Emperor did not have a specific structure of power to restore, and
whatever grandiose images came to be associated with him· after the ‘restoration’
(ishin) were the result of the ideological construction of the modern state and not
the legacy of recent history.” The events of 1867 and 1868 were not of a
cataclysmic nature and if only this period is considered, then the transition from
Tokugawa to Meiji seems easy and with little conflict. However, when viewed
from the beginning of the nineteenth century then it can be seen that the changes
which were brought about profoundly altered Japan and created a modern nation
state. The view of the nature of this transition has been influenced by the concerns
of the writers and their times.

3.12 SOME JAPANESE VIEWS

A well-known Meiji intellectual Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957) argued that it was
not Meiji leaders but the circumstances which helped to create a modern Japan.
He saw feudal Japan as already weakening with the emergence of rural leaders
whose strength was based on a productive and rich economy but who were denied
political power. The 15th and last Tokugawa shogun Yoshinobu, after retiring
led a quite life. He argued in his memoirs, written in 1915, that the forces of
Imperial loyalism were responsible for bringing about the restoration.

A very influential analysis of the Meiji Restoration was made by the Marxists in
the 1920s. when internal repression and an aggressive foreign policy led them to
re-examine the nature of the modern Japanese state. A vast range of detailed and
scholarly works were produced and the views were divided into two broad groups:

The Labour-Farmer group (rone-ha ) saw the restoration as fundamentally

a bourgeois revolution which ended feudalism and laid the basis for
capitalist development.
42
 The other group, which took its name from the series or lectures (koza) The Meiji Restoration and the
Creation of Modern Japan
they produced. The ‘koza’ group, argued that the Meiji Restoration was
not a successful capitalist revolution but one which ushered in an absolutist
rule. This was based on the “Emperor System” and the power of this system
rested on feudal relations which had continued. in the countryside .

The Marxist arguments were closely tied to their political programmes. If

feudalism had ended then it was not necessary to fight the Emperor which would
bring about the proscription of the party but if feudalism was still important
then the Emperor system had to be countered and this meant the party would be
banned.

An influential Japanese ideologue Kita Ikki (1883-1937) saw the restoration as a

restoration-revolution recognizing both the forward looking elements as well as
the constraints of the past which continued. In a work which was banned almost
immediately after it was published he forcefully put forward this view. He
identified the new thinking and the elements that led from the political changes
to the declaration of a modern constitution.

3.13 SCHOLARSHIP AFTER WORLD WAR-II

In post-WWII period in Japan the debate has continued. E.H. Norman in his path
breaking work put forward an interpretation which has influenced many scholars.
Norman saw the restoration as the work of a coalition of “lowers samurai” And
“merchants”. This coalition was crucial to creating the Meiji state and it was
responsible for the features which were developed, namely foreign expansion
and internal centralization. However, other scholars have found this framework
difficult to substantiate by detailed studies.

Albert Craig has argued that “lower samurai “ is analytically meaningless as

“upper samural “ were a very small percentage and any movement would include
a large number of lower samurai. Thomas Huber who, like Albert Craig studied
the han of Choshu, has defined the lower samurai by their income and concluded
that they included commoner village administrators. Shibahara Takauji has seen
the popular anti-feudal sentiments as the driving force behind the restoration
movement. Conrad Totman, however, argues that commoners took part on all
sides and it is not possible to equate anti-feudal with anti-Bakufu.

The role of popular discontent is difficult to analyse. Certainly there were popular
movements but, as one study points out, many of them took place in the Tokugawa
areas which were relatively more prosperous than the anti-Bakufu domains. The
role of merchants also needs to .be carefully studied before it can be conclusively
argued that they were supporters of the loyalist movement.

Marius Jansen has questioned the actual danger posed by foreign intervention
arguing that the governments were not either really interested or in a position to
increase their influence. However, he does concede that the Japanese perceptions
of foreign threat were an important force in making the people. take action. In
particular the fear of foreign loans played a crucial part in this period as well as
in the Meiji era.
43
History of Modern East Asia: The debates will continue and we need to further refine our understanding of the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
actual processes by careful and detailed study. However, if can be said that there
are three major areas around which the debates centre:

i) The first is that the Meiji ishin arose as a protective reaction against Western
imperialist threat.

ii) Secondly, the real conflict lay between the forces of feudalism and the
emerging capitalist forces and the Meiji state which emerged was a mix of
these two elements.

iii) Thirdly, the nature and role of the lower samurai is debated. Conrad Totman
has argued that the prime cause of the Meiji Restoration was the internal
collapse of the Tokugawa Bakufu and this was brought about by a long-
term decline caused by an inability to respond to the new forces generated
by the continuous peace and economic development. He sees the
movements of the early 1860’s such as the ‘sonno-joi’ ( revere the emperor,
expel the barbarians) and the move to unite the court and the bakufu
(kobugattai) as voluntaristic but, he argues that they failed to unify the
country. His analysis stresses the importance of national political
considerations and consequently he does not place a crucial significance
on domainal affairs and problems. The problem of the domains was
important but not the crucial determining factor in the type of change that
was brought about.

Harold Bolitho who has studied the fudai daimyo of Tokugawa Japan takes an
opposite view. He argues that central authority had not developed but rather the
weak shoguns had increased the strength ‘and power of the han. The domainal
interests then became the crucial force in the last years of the Bakufu. These han
interests found symbolic leadership under the Emperor. This coalition of hans
under the Emperor could challenge the Bakufu and press its demand for political
change. The kobugattai movement was the main attempt to replace the Bakufu
by this coalition. The sonno-joi movement was national in scope and brought
lower and middle ranking samurai together against the Bakufu.

Thomas Huber, as mentioned earlier, in his study of Choshu focuses on the class
nature of the movement which helped to bring about the Meiji Restoration. Huber
agrees with Bolitho in placing importance on imperialist pressure but he disagrees
with both Bolitho and Totman and argues that both domainal consciousness and
national consciousness were not crucial in the anti-Bakufu movements. Huber’s
study of the movement called Heaven’s Revenge in Choshu shows that it was a
consciousness of class and a desire for social justice which was the prime driving
force. Huber’s examination of the Bakufu’s attempts to reform the structure from
within is less hopeful. He sees the Bakufu as essentially conservative and
incapable of change and the reformers were at best marginal within this structure.

3.14 THE MEIJI RESTORATION IN A GLOBAL

CONTEXT
The events of the Meiji Restoration have been examined by scholars working on
Japan but few specialists from other areas have tried to look at this event within
44
the larger framework of how societies have made the transition to a modern The Meiji Restoration and the
Creation of Modern Japan
state. The process is difficult and has not always been successful. Mexico
experienced a peasant revolution in 1910 which was put down but after decades
of capitalist development it still remains an underdeveloped country. Turkey, on
the other hand carried out, under Kamal Ataturk in 1919, a national transformation
but it too failed to develop. In Asia, China carried out a republican revolution in
1911 and in 1949 the Chinese Communist Party came to power but it was able to
successfully industrialize only after 1970s. Japan’s Meiji Restoration thus is
important as marking the successful transformation of a non-industrialized society
into a modern nation state. This event needs to be considered as part of a larger
historical process.

3.15 FROM SAVING THE PEOPLE TO

MOBILISING THEM TO SERVE THE STATE
The Meiji Ishin was a period when society was thrown into turmoil and ideas
and relations had not yet jelled into the later “oligarchic state” and therefore to
impose an order from later interests restricts the field of inquiry, as well as casts
that inevitability so apparent on historical writing on Japan. Tetsuo Najita has
looked at the transformation that took place in the way knowledge and the political
economy were perceived. The Tokugawa concerns were with “ordering society
and saving the people” (keisei saimin) but with the Meiji the prime interest has
become “rich country, strong army” (fukoku kyohei). The change from “saving”
to “mobilizing” the people occurred with the Meiji lshin. This process occurred
over a period of time and was preceded by debates and confrontation.

The transformation of Japan was not something which was carried out through
consensus and harmony. When we consider these questions it becomes difficult
to accept J.W. Hall’s view that “Japan saw little of the social antagonisms or
political ideologies which the French or Russian revolutions saw ... “ The Meiji
Restoration was neither bourgeois nor a peasant revolution, although both peasant
and merchant were found among the individuals who led the attack on the
Shogunate.

The Russian historian I.A. Latyshev notes that between 1868-1873 there were
over 200 peasant uprisings and he argues that it would be better to see the
restoration as an “unaccomplished revolution”. It is also important to remember
that while the Tokugawa house was not killed but continued, the battles which
brought down the Bakufu at Toba and Fushimi involved 120,000 government
troops and 3,556 were killed and 3,804 injured. Compare this with the 5,417 lost
in tile Sino-Japanese war of 1894-5 and then only the magnitude of the struggle
can be appreciated.

The upheaval of the Meiji Restoration has been examined from various
perspectives. Irokawa Daikichi, an influential Japanese historian whose work on
the democratic struggles of the people has established him as a major interpreter
of Japanese history has stressed on the confrontation between “civilization” and
“westernization”. He argues that the hopes of the common . people in the Great
Renewal (goishin ) as the Meiji Ishin was called were thwarted and with the
arbitrary changes in customary practices their disillusionment increased and this
45
History of Modern East Asia: discontent fuelled the anti-establishment struggles, such as peasant rebellions. It
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
was also evident in the increased popularity of popular religions, also known as
new religions, such as Maruyama and Tenri. These were outside the established
and officially recognized religious groups and were formed around charismatic
leaders.

The tension between the demands for modernity and the destruction of. the way
of life of the common people was the driving force for the violent incidents
during the restoration and immediately after.

In conclusion it needs to be emphasised that while the Meiji Restoration

inaugurated a new era for Japan the reason for Japan’s successful transformation
lie not merely in the breathing space which it enjoyed. The Western imperialist
powers were certainly more interested in the great China market and did not see
any great potential in Japan. This gave Japan the chance to carry out a series” of
reforms but that she was able to conceive and execute these reforms, that she
was able to use the chance that she had was more due to internal strengths and
indigenous institutions.
Check Your Progress 2
1) What was the significance of events of 1968 for Japanese History?
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2) Evaluate the different interpretations of Meiji Restoration in brief.
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3.16 LET US SUM UP

The decline of the Tokugawa was caused by the generation of new social forces
and the tensions these created. Samurai, merchants and peasants found increasing
problems, some of them due to increasing productivity and prosperity. The Bakufu
did respond and change but the long term changes in the economy, as well as the
new intellectual trends but above all the hostile international environment
undermined Tokugawa rule.

The middle of the nineteenth century was the high tide of Western imperialism
and Russia, Britain, France were active in this region. Japan was saved the brunt
of the onslaught because the powers were more interested in China. Yet it must
46
be emphasised that Japan’s transformation was carried out under imperialist threat The Meiji Restoration and the
Creation of Modern Japan
and this conditioned and directed her responses. The fear of being colonized as
the example of India showed, the burden of unequal treaties which removed
foreigners from Japanese jurisdiction and imposed heavy tariffs, fuelled the drive
to transform Japan into a modern nation-state.

3.17 ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See Section 3.4 and 3.5
2) See Section 3.7
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Section 3.10
2) See Section 3.11

47
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 4 THE MEIJI POLITICAL ORDER
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Establishment of an Imperial Government
4.2.1 No to Privileges
4.2.2 A National Army
4.2.3 Tax on Land and Pensions
4.3 Towards Constitutionalism
4.3.1 Meiji Constitution
4.3.2 The Debate
4.4 Protest and Revolts against the Meiji State
4.4.1 Against Dismantling of Privileges
4.4.2 Freedom and Peoples’ Rights Movement
4.5 The Nature of the Meiji Political System
4.5.1 The Emperor
4.5.2 Bureaucracy
4.6 Let Us Sum Up
4.7 Key Words
4.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

4.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be able to:

familiarise yourself with the steps the Meiji leadership took to establish a
new political order based on a constitutional monarchy,
know about the demands of the opposition groups for a constitutional
representative government, and
understand the nature of the Meiji state and the meaning of the Emperor
System.

4.1 INTRODUCTION
The new Meiji government built on an alliance of leading domains led by Satsuma
and Choshu which initiated far reaching changes between 1868 and 1890. In the
early decades it put down opposition, moving the emperor away from Kyoto to
Edo, renamed Tokyo to get away from the old orthodoxy, used force to put down
opposition, and began the process of re-organising the political and economic
system and building their military strength. In the 1880’s they had established
the new institutions along European lines, and in 1899 when the emperor
announced the new constitution all the main features of the Meiji political order
were in place.

These rapid changes were carried out to show the Western powers that Japan
was a mature and civilised nation that should be treated equally. Japan soon
48
emerged as a power in the world with a developed economy and a powerful The Meiji Political Order
military capability.

In this Unit the nature, characteristic and process of the political structure that
was created will be examined. In this Unit we are concerned with the principles
by which the Meiji oligarchy as well as those in opposition were motivated. This
Unit also discusses the Peoples’ Rights Movement. The demand for a democratic
system and the nature of the Meiji State.

4.2 ESTABLISHMENT OF AN IMPERIAL

GOVERNMENT
The Meiji leaders had ideas but their programme developed over a period of
time. Their immediate concern was to dismantle the structure of the old
government. As early as January 3, 1869 the old offices were abolished and a
new council formed with an Imperial prince at the helm. These changes were not
final. Various changes followed as the power of the new rulers expanded and
their control increased. The new rulers crossed certain hurdles by initiating some
major steps.

4.2.1 No to Privileges
The first major hurdle in consolidating the new basis of power was to abolish the
rights and privileges enjoyed by the Daimyo and samurai. The Daimyo enjoyed
a certain degree of autonomy. Abolishing the privileges of the Daimyo was
perceived as the dismantling of an outmoded feudal structure and a confirmation
of the power of the Emperor. The fear of opposition held the leaders back but an
initial step was taken when a decree requiring the Daimyo to separate- “public”
and “private” business and select officials on the basis of talent and not birth was
issued. Subsequently the leading han (Satsuma, Choshu, Tosa and Hizen) offered
to surrender their privileges and asked that “the court issue such orders as it may
deem necessary, disposing of the lands of the great. domains and deciding changes
in them .... so that state affairs, both great and small, may be in the hands of a
single authority.”

This created the opportunity but it took more negotiations and political
manoeuvring till finally the Emperor issued an Edict on August 29, 1871:

“We deem it necessary that the government of the country be centred in a single
authority, so as to effect a reformation in substance as well as in fact. ... “

The abruptly worded document putting an end to an age old system was of
profound significance The abolishing of the han laid the basis for extending the
prefectural system all over Japan and creating a centralized authority. This time,
the inspiration for these steps was the West and not China as it had traditionally
been.

4.2.2 A National Army

The second major step in the building of the nation state was the creation of a
national army. Traditionally the privilege of bearing arms had been monopolized
by the samurai ever since Hideyoshi carried out a sword hunt in the sixteenth
century which disarmed the peasantry and ushered in a period of relative peace.
49
History of Modern East Asia: The closing years of the Tokugawa saw both the Bakufu and the han improving
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
their military organization. In Kii and Choshu irregular forces of commoners,
peasants, and even monks, and in continuation of these trends Omura Masujiro
(1824-1869) of Choshu put forward a proposal for a conscript army in July 1869.
This was met with hostility as it struck at the age old privileges and moreover.
His proposal required that the recruits sever all connection with their domains.

The proposals to reform the military forces were supported by Yamagata Aritomo
(1838-1922), one of the leading Meiji leaders. He saw the importance of western
training and organizational methods and he also saw that the trained recruits
would return to their villages and become a reserve force. He wrote that stability
at home and defence against foreign attack “were aspects of a single problem”.

On January 10, 1873 a conscription law was promulgated requiring adults of

twenty years to put in three years of active military service and four years of
reserve service. The country was divided into six army districts· with a combined
strength of 31,000 men. The conscription law introduced uniformity and
centralization to what had been a piecemeal approach. Since 1853, because of
the multiplicity of political power centres, a number of approaches had been
tried. But it was only when the Meiji came to power it became necessary to have
an effective force to quell internal disturbances and protect the nation from the
foreign threat. The han, now prefectures, were also facing financial problems
and this coupled with the fear of internal unrest led them to accept this centralized
military structure. A Ministry of Military Affairs (Hyobusho) had been created
in 1869 and it was fully integrated into the bureaucratic structure. It was staffed
by professional officers.

The commonly held view is that Japan was influenced by the success of Prussia
in the Franco-Prussian war (1870-71) and switched from following the French
model to the Prussian system in organizing the army. But in actual fact it adopted
the French model one month after the war. Conscription was instituted not because
there was a dearth of recruits for the military forces. Even if half of the 450,000
unemployed samurai were recruited there would have been more than the troops
Japan had in the 1880’s.

4.2.3 Tax on Land and Pensions

The third major step in the creation of a centralized political system was the
institution of a land tax. Tax had been paid, during the Tokugawa period, in rice
and there were many local customs and practices. Moreover, land could not be
sold. The complex problem was debated and in March 1872 the ban on the sale
of land was abolished and after a period of intense debates a land tax payable in
cash was instituted in 1873. The tax was based on 4 per-cent of the land’s capita
value. Without going into the details of the manner in which this measure was
carried out and the effect it had, here it needs to be noted that now the government
had the basis for a stable source of revenue.

The fourth major problem was dealing with the commutation of samurai pensions.
In the Tokugawa period the samurai had, as a privilege of their rank, been given
stipends. This burden of stipends cost the Finance Ministry a third of the total
yield from the land tax. The new government could not reduce these stipends as
they had been substantially reduced over the years and it did not want to increase
the burden of taxes on business as it soughs to encourage growth. It was therefore,
50
willing to abolish this privilege as well. However, given the political impact of The Meiji Political Order
such a step it had to be carried out with moderation and care. A few tentative
proposals were tried but finally in March 1876 the commutation of stipends was
made compulsory for all samurai. The smallest stipend holders were given
government bonds at fourteen times the annual value. These bonds bore a 7 per
cent interest rate. Larger stipend holders were given bonds five times their annual
value and the interest rates were 5 per cent.

The commutation of samurai stipends reduced government expenditure by 30

per cent. Its benefit was felt in the process of economic development but it created
social and political problems. The loss of economic as well as social privileges
by the samurai fuelled their anger and provided an impetus to the rebellions
against the new government. The most serious of which was the Satsuma
Rebellion of 1877 led by Saigo Takamori (1828-1877), Meiji leader from the
influential han of Satsuma.

The important changes which these reforms reflect and which they brought about
transformed the basis and nature of rule. The Daimyo and the upper samurai as
well as some court nobles were deprived of power though they still retained their
economic clout. At the lower levels many samurai merged with the peasantry,
others became landlords or merchants and some joined the bureaucracy or the
military forces. Power was now centralized and controlled by a political system
which had the Emperor at the helm and under whom was the bureaucracy and
armed forces. In this context changes were carried out to create a constitutional
form of government which would be more acceptable to the Western powers as
above all Japan desired to end the unequal treaties that had been imposed upon
it. To this end Japan had to transform itself into a modern nation which at that
time meant a westernized nation.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Discuss in about ten lines how and why a National Army was created in
Japan?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( ) or (×).

i) The inspiration for establishing prefectural system in Japan came from
China.
ii) The ban on the sale of land was abolished in 1872.
iii) Japan adopted the Prussian model for her army.
iv) The commutation of samurai stipends reduced government
expenditure.
51
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 4.3 TOWARDS CONSTITUTIONALISM
The Meiji Constitution which came into effect on February 11, 1889 and lasted
till May 3, 1947 was the basic document which gave form to the final political
structure. But the political system cannot be understood only by studying this
document. The constitution was formulated in a context of debate and discussion
within the ruling oligarchy and demonstrations and petitions from emerging
political associations. The constitution was effected only after a host of other
crucial political changes were carried out. Examining the nature of the
constitution; the process by which it was formulated and the views of the
opposition group indicates the nature and character of authority in Meiji Japan.
First we will look at the Meiji constitution, then at the opposition demands and
finally consider the chief characteristics of the Meiji political structure.

4.3.1 The Meiji Constitution

Japan has a long history of constitutions and the earliest is the 17 Article
constitution issued by Shotoku Taishi in 604 A.D. but the idea of a modern
constitution owes more to western legal influence then to Chinese ideals. Before
the Meiji period there had been deliberative assemblies of feudal lords and there
was a tradition of public authority or kogi which many scholars see as the basis
on which modern constitutionalism was successfully built. In other words there
was a tradition of arriving at decisions through discussion. We have already seen
that the authority of the Shogun during the Tokugawa period was not feudal but
purely autocratic.

The Meiji leaders in the initial months issued a statement which was in effect an
appeal for unity and which laid down the basis for future change. The Charter
Oath issued by the Emperor on April 6, 1868 had five articles. The first among
these promised: “An assembly widely convoked shall be decided by public
discussion.” This laid the basis for the creation of a constitutional system of
government.

The crucial problems which arose while deciding about the nature of the
constitution were to do with:
the speed at which these measures would be carried out,
the power and authority of the Emperor, and
how these laws would be integrated within Japanese traditional practices
so that society would not be disrupted.

The Meiji leaders were also aware of the dangers of socialism and did not want
Japan to be faced with these problems.

Among the Meiji leaders Yamagata Aritomo argued that an excessively fast pace
would alienate the people and lead to social instability. Ito Hirobumi (1841-
1909), on the other hand argued that Japan was now part of an interdependent
world and within Japan the privileges, stipends and power enjoyed by the samurai
had been abolished. Hence, in. this changed environment it was not possible to
ignore democratic ideas and it was necessary to share power.
52
The most liberal view was put forward by Okuma Shigenobu (1838-1922) who The Meiji Political Order
advocated a British style parliamentary system. Okuma was from the province
of Hizen and had served as councellor, and between 1873-1880 as a Finance
Minister. His memorial of March 1881 was a radical proposal advocating the
establishment of a Parliament by 1883 with election in 1882. The government
would be formed by the majority party. He wrote, “Constitutional government is
party government and the struggle between parties are the struggle of principles.”

Almost diametrically opposed to this was the view of Iwakura Tomomi (1825-
1883), an influential noble who belonged to the core group of Meiji leaders. He
and Inoue Kowashi (1843-1895) argued that in Japan, unlike Britain there was
no tradition of political parties and they would not be successful. Therefore, the
Emperor should appoint and dismiss the Cabinet independent of a parliamentary
majority. Such views were supported by influential newspapers. The Tokyo nichi
nichi shinbum, a paper close to the government was a strong supporter of the
divinity of the Emperor.

The loyalist tradition had argued that Japan was created by the gods and the
Emperor was a direct descendant of the Sun Goddess, whose grandson was the
first Emperor of Japan. The lineage of the Imperial House had continued in an
unbroken line and this established the uniqueness of Japan’s political structure.
Kokutai literally means the national body and this became a key word in the
debates which took place around the functions of the Emperor. During the Meiji
period this word was interpreted in many ways even to argue against the mythical
traditions but later it came to be exclusively associated with the idea of a divine
Emperor.

An influential Meiji intellectual Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901) who was an

ardent moderniser wrote an article on the Imperial house. In this he argued that
the Imperial family should stay out of politics as it belonged to all the people.
The Emperor would remain a symbol of unity and continuity while power would
rotate between responsible parties.

These debates reflect the range of ideas within the ruling establishment and the
different perceptions these leaders had even while broadly agreeing on the goals
that national policy must aim for. The process of drafting was carried out in great
secrecy by a team headed by Ito Hirobumi and they were advised by German
legal scholars H. Roesler and A. Morse. However, before the draft was even
prepared an Imperial ordinance created a peerage system in 1884 and in 1885 a
Cabinet system with Ito Hirobumi as the first Prime Minister was established.

An Imperial decree on October 11, 1881 promised a constitution so that “our

imperial heirs may be provided with a rule for their guidance.” The constitution
would come into effect in 1890 and its basic premise was that parliamentary ·
democracy should be controlled otherwise it would disrupt the social and political
order. To further ensure that the opposition did not create problems, laws were
enacted to control public meetings and publications. Finally in 1887 the Peace
Preservation Law gave the police the power to, remove anyone “who plots or
incites disturbance, or who is judged to be scheming something detrimental to
public tranquility.”

53
History of Modern East Asia: The final draft was submitted in April, 1888 and on February 11, 1889, a day
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
called Kigensetsu, when the supposed anniversary of the first Emperor Jimmu is
celebrated, the constitution was gifted by the Emperor to his people.

4.3.2 The Debate

There are debates about whether the constitution was merely a facade or a genuine
attempt to chart out social change. One view sees the Meiji oligarchy as an alliance
of factions (hanbatsu) from the bans (Satsuma, Choshu, etc.) but this overlooks
the centralizing forces at work in the Meiji Government. Other scholars have
argued that Japan like Prussia, because of late development, chose the idea of a
social monarchy and was able to carry-out its programme of modernization. The
ambiguity of retaining a traditional Emperor with sacrosanct powers (Article-I:
“The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of Emperors
unbroken for ages eternal. Article 4 The Emperor is head of the Empire, combining
in himself the rights of sovereignty') was to remain a source of tension until the
end of the Second World War when the occupying forces of the United States
imposed a new constitution.

The proponents of the Meiji state as “absolutist” argue that the samurai were
able to use the Imperial institution to free themselves from a feudal system and
base their power on a coalition of class forces. This was possible because no
single class was dominant; feudal power was in decline, the peasantry was
rebelling and the bourgeoisie was rising. E.H. Norman argued that it was this
absolutist state which could have carried out the immense task of modernization.
Allied to this argument is the view of peasant rebellions as creating a climate of
fear that a popular revolution would endanger the social system and therefore,
absolutism was acceptable to a wider range of groups.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss the various views within the oligarchy as to the nature of the
constitution.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( ) or (×).

i) The loyalist tradition regarded the Emperor as a direct descendant of
the Sun Goddess.
ii) Fukuzawa Yukichi did not want the Imperial family to stay out of politics.
iii) The first article of the Charter Oath laid the basis for the creation of a
constitutional government.
iv) The drafting of the constitution was done openly.
54
 The Meiji Political Order
4.4 PROTEST AND REVOLTS AGAINST THE
MEIJI STATE
We have looked at the way in which the Meiji oligarchy carried out a series of
reforms to create a new political structure. This entailed wide ranging debates
within the ruling oligarchy but it also created dissension, protest and turmoil
outside the ruling establishment. In this Section we shall consider the areas in
which protest was voiced, the nature of these protests and the ideology that these
opposition groups articulated.

There were protests against the land tax but here it can be noted that in general
the measures were a political success and they removed the element of
arbitrariness which was present in the Tokugawa system. The changes worked to
the advantage of the larger landholders. By abolishing many customary rights
landlord-tenant disputes increased mainly aver the question of rents. However,
the class which was most adversely affected, subsistence farmers for instance,
were also the most powerless to protest.

4.4.1 Against Dismantling of Privileges

The more violent reactions were provoked by the dismantling of the structure of
privileges of the traditional elite. The Shizoku rebellions between 1874 and 1877
were serious challenges to the new regime. These revolts were led by young
samurai who had been active in the anti-Tokugawa movement and occupied
important positions in the new Meiji government. Eto Shimpei (1834-1874),
who led the Saga rebellion of 1874 was a member of the Council of State; Maebara
Issei (1834-1876), who participated in the Shinpuren uprising in Kumamoto was
in the government, and Saigo Takamori, who led the last and most serious uprising,
the Satsuma Rebellion of 1877 was one of the core group of the Meiji leaders
and had occupied important posts.

The elites found their traditional privileges taken away and were looking for an
opportunity to assert themselves. They came together over the question of whether
Japan should invade Korea or not. Korea had refused to open diplomatic and
trade relations with Japan and Saigo hoped to use this to build a Samurai army.
Saigo had earlier proposed a development model in which he argued for adopting
Shinto as a state religion; specific measures to revitalize the rural economy and
the manufacturing sector would support the stipends of the Shizoku.

The Meiji leaders did not object in principle to invading Korea but were opposed
to the timing as they felt that Japan was still not sufficiently strong and such
adventurous action would invite Chinese or Russian intervention as well. The
Iwakura Mission, which had toured Europe and the United States 1871-1873
was well aware of Western military and economic strength; These leaders argued
that Japan could not afford to divert precious resources urgently needed for
modernization though the hard liners failed this had repercussions.

Satsuma played a crucial role because the samurai population there was very
large, as the rural warriors or goshi were also considered samurai. In the rest of
Japan samurai had lived in castle towns through out the Tokugawa period and
had no direct connection with the land. The changes directly affected the privileges
55
History of Modern East Asia: and livelihood of the goshi and they provided willing recruits to the anti-
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
government normal revolts.

The failure of these revolts attests to the success of the government in· establishing
its power and creating a wide support structure. It was also due to the failure of
the rebel leaders to effectively mobilize and use their supporters and sympathizers.
The Satsuma rebellion was however, better organized and larger in scale with
22,000 supporters. The government sent an army of 33,000 and later reinforcement
of 30,000. The success of the government forces was due as much to the narrow
political base of the rebels, their tactical errors as to the superiority of an army
based on universal conscription.

4.4.2 Freedom and Peoples’ Rights Movement

The Meiji government also faced opposition from within the oligarchy over its
policies. Itagaki Taisuke (1837-1919) and Goto Shojiro (1838-1897), who
belonged to the Tosa (a leading hanin the Meiji Restoration) faction were one
group who argued for a democratic government. They led the Peoples’ Rights
Movement which began as an upper class anti-government movement. The early
advocates of peoples’ rights were samurai and wealthy farmers (gono) who had
been active in the Meiji Restoration but gradually the supporters expanded to
include school teachers, priests, petty merchants and small landholders. The
changing character of the movement reflects this change in its composition. ·

The Peoples’ Rights Movement also put forward a vision of Japanese politics
which was different from that supported by the Meiji leaders. Therefore, even
though there are many features which are in common and though some of the
movement leaders compromised with the government this differing basis marks
a clear divide. The movement also created political consciousness and contributed
to the growth of· political associations and political parties. Finally, the growth
of the movement within a decade of the Meiji Restoration points to the existence
of local traditions of protest and solidarity. The rapid spread of Western liberal
ideas was possible not only because of reasonably high levels of education but
because there was a background within which these new ideas could be
assimilated.

In the formative period (from 1874-1878) several political organizations were

formed, such as the Public Party of Patriots (Aikokuto ) in 1874 and the Society
to Establish One’s Ambitions (Risshisha ). The membership of these groups was
largely in Tosa, now called Kochi Prefecture and its leaders, like Itagaki Taisuke
or Ueki Emori (1857-1892) called for a popular assembly and a representative
government. These institutions, they felt, would remedy the problems created by
the concentration of power, conscription, heavy taxes and the mismanagement
of foreign affairs.

The manifesto of the Risshisha proclaimed:

“We, the thirty million people in Japan are all equally endowed with certain
definite rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life arid liberty,
acquiring and possessing property, and obtaining a livelihood and pursuing
happiness. These rights are by nature bestowed upon· all men, and therefore,
cannot be taken away by the power of any man.”
56
However, all scholars are not unanimous in accepting these statements at their The Meiji Political Order
face value. Robert Scalapino sees this rhetoric as a tool with which certain
members of the ex-samurai class sought to gain political power for they could no
longer rely either on military power or on intellectual and social prestige. Itagaki
Taisuke was far from liberal in his views of the people and sought to build his
base on the samurai, richer farmers and merchants. He argued that political power
should rest with the moneyed class.

From 1878 to 1881 the movement spread, in spite of government repression. as

it was fuelled by the growing discontent of the common people (heimin) who
were affected by the land tax revision. This discontent led to the formation of
numerous societies particularly at the village level. Irokawa Daikichi, who has
done pioneering work on these groups calculates that over 150 were formed. In
October 1881 when the Freedom Party or Jiyuto was formed. It had 149 affiliates
and by November of that year it could mobilize more than 135,000 people in a
petition “campaign to demand representative government”.

The oligarchs had announced in 1881 that they would form a national assembly
within nine years. Okuma, who had advocated an early date for convening the
national assembly resigned and formed his own party, the Constitutional Reform
Party (Rikken Kaishinto). This party drew its support from the urban middle
class while the Jyuto was largely supported by wealthy farmers even though its
leadership was mostly of former samurai.

The movement had been growing particularly in the rural areas and conventions
were held demanding a constitutional government. To take an example, in March
1880 the 4th general convention of the “Association for the Establishment of a
National Assembly” was held with 114 delegates representing 96,900 members
spread over 28 prefectures.

This intense political activity was also reflected in the large number of private
constitutional drafts which were written. Between 1879-1881 there were more
than forty drafts by private individuals. This political activism reflected the desire
to escape feudal restraints and create a wider awareness. Societies formed at the
village level, such as the Learning and Debating Society at the small market
town of Itsukaichi (the name means fifth day market town), near Tokyo, read
western liberal works, debated ways to improve society and this “ignorant rabble”
discussed drafting a national constitution, a legal system and a code of civil
rights. One of the members Chiba Takusaburo (1852-1883) produced a full
constitutional draft which is highly evaluated as an enlightened document.

The government’s repressive machinery was being enforced. The promulgation

of laws restricting the press and limiting public meetings in 1875 and 1877 silenced
many supporters. Under the 1875 and 1876. laws some sixty persons were arrested
but by 1880 the number had gone up to more than three hundred. The Ordinance
on Public Meetings (1880) allowed the police powers to regulate the activities of
political groups. Moreover, soldiers, teachers and students could not attend
political meetings. In 1881, 131 political meetings were disbanded followed by
282 in 1882. The press was treated equally harshly. The editor of a Tokyo paper,
Azuma, was sent to jail for two years and fined 200 yen for saying that the
Emperor was, like other government officials, a public servant.
57
History of Modern East Asia: After 1881 the Peoples’ Rights Movement began to splinter and according to
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
some scholars the violent incidents which took place between 1882-1885 form a
separate phase which they call “incidents of extremism” (gekka jiken). These
incidents in Fukushima, Gumma, Kanagawa, Ibaraki and Saitama were largely
organized by leaders from the Jiyuto “to overthrow the oppressive government,
which is the public enemy of freedom.” In 1884 in the Kabasan incident they
attempted to assassinate the government ministers to “protect the citizens’.
happiness and natural liberties.” The Kabasan incident was not an uprising of
people caused by economic difficulties but an attempt to change the government
by insurrection. However, in the Chichibu uprising of 1884 the economic distress
of the people was the prime factor.

The suppression of the Chichibu uprising marked the end of the movement. In
fact, the movement had, in spite of the long period of agitations, achieved very
in little. The Meiji oligarchy promulgated a constitution in 1889 which limited
political rights and it was only in 1918 that the prime minister came from the
parliament. The movement was limited by internal factionalism, a weak leadership
and above all by its acceptance of the central role of the Imperial institution.
This laid them open· to attack by the oligarchy who controlled the Emperor.

However, the movement, in part, was responsible for pushing the Meiji leaders
to convene an assembly and promulgate a constitution. It helped to establish the
basis for a system of political parties. These traditions of political dissent were
carried on later by the socialist and Christian movements though the people’s
rights leaders were not successful in countering the Meiji political culture of
authoritarian rule.

4.5 THE NATURE OF THE MEIJI POLITICAL

SYSTEM
In the above Sections we have seen how the Meiji political system evolved and
what were its basic features. The opposition and its demand of a different and
more democratic structure has also been examined. In this Section we look at the
guiding principles behind the political changes which built a modern nation state.
The predominant thrust of the Meiji oligarchy in the political sphere is best
summed up in the slogan “rich country, strong army” (fukoku kyohei). This slogan
illustrates the Meiji oligarchy’s idea- that for Japan to survive and preserve its
national integrity in the face of Western imperialist threat it had to create a wealthy
and prosperous nation and build a strong defence force to protect it. The Meiji
leaders efforts were directed by these goals and to achieve them they carried out
a process of centralization of power and suppression of dissent on the grounds
that it dissipated national energies, created social disorder and increased the danger
of foreign domination.

4.5.1 The Emperor

The key figure in the political system was the Emperor, who, even though he did
not exercise personal power, became the source of power. It is for this reason
that many Japanese historians speak of an Emperor system or describe the Meiji
period as “emperor system absolutism (tennosei zettaishugi): It is important to
58
remember that in Japanese the word used for the emperor-tenno has a much The Meiji Political Order
more religious significance than the word Emperor in English. The Emperor had
lived in relative obscurity throughout the Tokugawa period. He was dependent
on the Bakufu for finances. Yet, he was regarded as the source of virtue and the
central figure in Japanese culture. The Meiji leaders set about building up the
image of the divine Emperor and to present him as the “axis of the nation” (Ito
hirobumi).

The Emperor made (from 1878-1885) six great circuits of the nation. These
Imperial progressions, in the words of Inoue Kaoru, were carefully designed not
only to inform the people of the emperor’s offers the opportunity of displaying
direct imperial rule in the flesh thus dispelling misgivings about monarchical
government.

The Meiji leaders were very consciously using the Emperor for political ends
though at the same time his direct involvement was severally curtailed and he
lived in the expressive phrase of the times “above the clouds”. The Emperor was
projected as an aloof and distant ruler who was above politics. He became in the
words of Mori Arinori the “peerless capital, the greatest possible treasure in the
enterprise of fostering loyalty and patriotism.”

Goto Yasushi divides the development of the Emperor System into three periods:
the first from 1868 to 1884, saw the formation of the basic features of the
system,
in the second, from 1885-1895, the system was implemented, and
in the third, from 1895-1905; there was a restructuring.
The two pillars on which the system rested were the bureaucracy and the military.

4.5.2 Bureaucracy
The bureaucratic structure was formed over a period of time but by 1872 a
hierarchical system with 15 categories of bureaucrats had been created. These
were divisible into three broad categories of which the first two groups were
direct imperial appointees and were, treated differently even under law. Moreover,
the policy of recruitment allowed access to people from various social classes
and only a small percentage of the nobles and samurai became bureaucrats. The
powers and privileges of these officials were not because of their birth but because
they were employees of the Emperor. Similarly, the military was directly
answerable to the Emperor and they were to later use this power to topple cabinets
and enforce their view.

The Meiji Government even while creating political institutions denied political
activity as a legitimate right. It saw politics as something which divided people
and represented selfish group interests and it projected the Emperor as representing
the will and interests of the nation in a non-partisan manner. This was enforced
by excluding groups from taking part in political activity. As mentioned earlier
minors, women, teachers and soldiers were forbidden to attend political meetings.
In the Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors it was written “neither be led astray by
current opinions nor meddle in politics but with single heart fulfill your essential
59
History of Modern East Asia: duties of loyalty.” Women were not permitted to go out of the house on political
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
business till 1922.

The Meiji Emperor ruled till his death in 1912 and his reign marked the transition
of Japan from. a closed and isolated country to a major world power. Japanese
institutions were radically transformed and though hesitatingly, a constitutional
structure was created. The parliament or Diet as it is called in Japan was able to
assert a small degree of authority and influence on the ruling oligarchy. From
these tentative and hesitant steps a party system evolved and political debates
increased. But right from the beginning the Meiji leaders were able to seize the
initiative and take. decisions on the course of national policy. This was because
they controlled and kept out of the constitutional process both the bureaucracy
and the military. Key institutions and ministries functioned directly under the
Emperor. It is for this reason that even though in the subsequent periods there
were changes, there were no violent social upheavals because different
government institutions were jockeying for power. Thus in the 1930s it was the
army which became the dominant force within the government.

Check Your Progress 3

1) Discuss the Peoples’ Rights Movement in Japan.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the position of the Emperor in the political system.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

3) Fill in the blanks :

i) Risshisha was a .................................................. organisation which
.................................. rights for the ................................................
ii) Iwakura mission was ......................... the invasion of ...........................
iii) Goshi were ..................................................... warriors who were also
considered ....................................................................
iv) The society at Itsukaichi discussed the drafting of a ......................., a
........................................... system and a code of .......................................
rights.
v) The Imperial policy of bureaucratic recruitment ............................. access
to people from .............................................. social classes.
60
 The Meiji Political Order
4.6 LET US SUM UP
The political changes in the Meiji period were carried out by a small group of
leaders who had helped bring about the Meiji Restoration. They were motivated
in part by the desire to transform Japan into a modern nation so that they could
revise the unequal treaties. They were also interested in building a powerful and
prosperous country. They used the existing institutions, such as the Imperial
institution or religious ideas to effect slow and gradual change. The Meiji leaders
were concerned about the possibility of social disruption and the influx of divisive
ideas from the Western nations. That is why they borrowed selectively from
countries like Prussia to fashion a political structure suited to their idea of Japan.

The opposition movements also wanted to build a Japan but their vision differed
from that of the Meiji oligarchy. The anti-Meiji revolts by the traditional elite,
the shizoku were backward looking and arose out of the loss of privileges and
destruction of customary rights. These elites were thrown to market forces which
they could neither understand nor control.

Among the opposition to the Meiji State the Peoples’ Rights Movement
represented a liberal and democratic opposition in its initial phase but its scope
and intensity increased and gradually as other social groups who were
disadvantaged were included. There were even violent incidents which threatened
the authority of the state. The failure of the movement lay in a number of factors,
such as factionalism and a weak leadership, but essentially the Meiji government
was already too firmly entrenched both ideologically as well as institutionally to
be dislodged.

The basic structure of politics that was created had certain ambiguities which
were to pose problems in the following years. Japan became a centralized and
aggressive nation using the myth of imperial divinity to not only unite its people
but to expand its borders. Internal suppression and external aggression emerged
from the same political outlook. The idea of a democratic government based on
the will of the people espoused by the Peoples’ Rights Movement was defeated
but remained to inspire democrats of other generations.

4.7 KEY WORDS

Goshi : Warriors who lived in villages in Satsuma. Though the samurai had to
live in the castle towns these warriors were treated at par with samurai.

Kogi: Public discussion. The word was also used to refer to the Shogun during
the Tokugawa period. During that time the word Shogun was rarely used.

Shizoku: After the restoration status distinctions were abolished and the former
samurai were known as shizoku.

4.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 4.2.2.
61
History of Modern East Asia: 2) (i) x (ii) (iii) x (iv)
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Check Your Progress 2
1) Your answer should include the various views mentioned in Sub-secs.
4.3.1 and 4.3.2.
2) (i) (ii) × (iii) (iv) ×
Check Your Progress 3
1) Your answer should include the various political organisations; their
leaders, demands and methods. See Sub-sec. 4.4.2.

2) Mention the status of the Emperor along with the reasons as to why and
how this status was attributed to him. Base your answer on Sub-sec. 4.5.l.
3) i) political, advocated, people
ii) against, Korea
iii) rural, samurai
iv) constitution, legal, civil
v) allowed, various.

62
 The Meiji Political Order
UNIT 5 CIVILIZATION AND
ENLIGHTENMENT: CREATING A
NEW SOCIAL ORDER
Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Japan and the Western World
5.2.1 The Tokugawa Period
5.2.2 The Meiji Period
5.2.3 Role of Intellectuals
5.3 Education and Development
5.3.1 Initial Efforts
5.3.2 Reforms under the Cabinet
5.4 Conservatives and the Educational Reforms
5.4.1 The Imperial Rescript
5.4.2 The Conservatives’ Arguments
5.4.3 Conservatives’ Impact
5.4.4 The Socialist Views
5.4.5 Pan-Asianism
5.5 Let Us Sum Up
5.6 Key Words
5.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

5.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to:
know about the quest and efforts of some of the Japanese intellectuals
about the Western ideas,
learn how Western ideas came to Japan and the reactions of conservatives
towards them,
familiarise yourself with the processes through which the Western ideas
were utilised for Japan’s development into a modern nation-state, and
understand the various reform measures adopted in the field of education.

5.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit discusses the modernization process in the field of ideas and ideologies
in Japan. The transformation of Meiji Japan involved not only the creation of
new political and economic institutions to create a centralized state. Also, the
people at Japan had to come to terms with the new ideas which entered from
Western nations. The ideas, which covered a wide range of positions, came from
a number of countries — principally England, France, Germany and the United
States. The Unit takes into account how the Meiji intellectuals understood and
used these new ideas as well as the counter reaction these Western ideas provoked.
63
History of Modern East Asia: During this period there emerged an influential and important trend i.e. the return
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
to native sources for organizing Japanese life.

The debates related to the need and degree of westernization necessary for a
modern society were also reflected in the educational system and the experiments
which were carried out to reform and transform it to serve new needs. Along
with the educational system, many of the Meiji intellectuals and leaders were
concerned with creating a sense of citizenship among the people.

5.2 JAPAN AND THE WESTERN WORLD

In this Section we discuss the relations between Japan and the Western World
during the Tokugawa and Meiji period.

5.2.1 The Tokugawa Period

Japan had not been strictly isolated from foreign contact even during the Tokugawa
period. Japan had allowed limited rights of residence to Dutch traders at the
man-made island of Deshima off Nagasaki. It is important to note that during the
Tokugawa period two of the most important sources of knowledge were from
outside Japan i.e. China and Holland. This experience of Western knowledge
provided a basis with which the Meiji intellectuals could learn from the West.

Through translations the Japanese had access to a vast amount of information

about not only these countries but about foreign affairs in general. Books were
imported and the Dutch had to give regular reports on the world situation. Because
of their heritage of learning from Chinese books the Japanese rapidly learnt from
the Dutch works and by the middle of the nineteenth century there was a strong
and active tradition of scholars who were aware of the world. These scholars
were now increasingly desirous of actually seeing the world and once Perry’s
Black ships appeared they were eager to go and study the sources of Western
strength.

The loyalist teacher Yoshida Shoin (1830-59) exercised a deep influence on many
of the Meiji leaders. He was a fiercely nationalistic person and was executed for
his extremist ideas under the Tokugawa rule. He tried to smuggle himself on to
Perry’s ship but was thwarted in his attempt. Later another intellectual Niijima
Jo (1843-1890) managed to smuggle himself abroad. He was helped by various
people who were impressed by the intensity of his desire to see the world. He
studied in the United States and later became a respected figure in Japan by
founding a university. Both of these men had very different ideas, but they saw
the West as a source of strength from which they could learn and this learning
was to be used to build the foundations of the state.

Though individual contacts and trips gradually increased the Bakufu also sent
official missions. In 1860 a mission was selected to go to the United States. One
of the officials, Oguri Tadamasa (1827-1868), played an important role in building
the Yokohama and Yokosuka foundry and shipyard with French help. The first
Japanese ship to cross the Pacific Ocean was the Kanrin Maro and on board was
Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901).

Fukuzawa Yukichi became the most famous of the westernizers. His books
describing the West were written in easy Japanese to follow unlike the literary
64
style then favoured and they became best sellers. Other Bakufu missions went to Civilization and
Enlightenment: Creating A
Europe and though they travelled on specific diplomatic duties they also gathered New Social Order
knowledge about the West and many of them systematically investigated Western
institutions and practices. Thus, they would study the school system or the
functioning of politics and reports were written. Fukuzawa, for instance, wrote
extensively on what he saw and he assiduously investigated not only the
functioning of Western gadgets but also the social and political organization. His
book Conditions of the West (Seiyo iijo) published between 1866-69 is a mine of
information but it also provided a model of what Japanese society could be
transformed into. Japanese visitors to other countries wrote their books but many
others translated Western works. One of the most popular translations was by
Nakamura Masanao of Samuel Smiles’ Self Help.

5.2.2 The Meiji Period

After the Meiji Restoration travel became easier and was actively encouraged.
The new government, in spite of the problems with which it was faced, sent the
Iwakura Mission which included many important leaders of the new government.
Their members included veteran diplomats and the purpose of this mission was
to carefully study the West in all its aspects. The members concentrated on certain
areas. For example, Okubo Toshimichi (1830-1878) studied industry and the
economic systems by touring factories as well as the slums where the workers
lived.

The Japanese sought for knowledge from around the world. As their understanding
increased they began to rank nations; For example :
England served as a model for industrial development,
Prussia for the military,
France for the police and educational system, and
America for agricultural development.

Another important way that the Japanese learnt from the West was by employing
foreign employees for teaching them. Initially the Japanese had learnt from the
Dutch but later they were replaced by the English and the French. In the Meiji
period by 1875 there were 520 foreign employees in the Japanese government.
This number gradually declined, but the number of foreigners employed by private
companies increased. In 1897 there were 760 such individuals. These employees
were in a wide range of professions like education, engineering, and there were
many technicians. It is interesting to note that the Japanese government spent
lavishly to buy the best expertize available. Foreigners salaries amounted to one-
third of the Ministry of Industries regular budget and one-third of the allocations
for Tokyo Imperial University: This indicates the financial burden the government
was willing to bear to gain access to the knowledge they thought necessary. At
the same time the high cost probably led them to learn rapidly and this was
continuously emphasised upon. For example Ito Hirobumi said in a lecture in
1873 :

“It is imperative that we seize this opportunity to train and educate ourselves
fully .... then as a matter of course we will be able to do without foreigners ...
65
History of Modern East Asia: Therefore let all ambitious youths throughout the land proceed vigorously with
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
their studies.”

However, the desire to learn and copy the West also reached absurd levels. For
example the craze for Western things is best symbolized by the “hall of the Deer
Pavillion” where the Meiji elite dressed in Western formal attire, complete with
top hats, and held ballroom dances. However, this was not the only side of
westernization and though there were excesses there was a deep and serious
desire to learn the new knowledge.

5.2.3 Role of Intellectuals

The Japanese phrase ‘bunmei kaika’ or civilization and enlightenment which
was popular at this time indicates the trend of the times. On February 1, 1874
thirty-three intellectuals formed a society, the Meirokusha, to promote civilization
and enlightenment. This society included many of the prominent members of the
Meiji elite. Its first president Mori Arinori (1847-1889) was Japan’s first envoy
to the United States and served in various capacities in the government including
Minister of Education. He had conceived the idea of the society because he was
interested in education and was looking for ways to further it in Japan.

The members of the society also included a wide range of intellectuals. There
were Confucian humanists like, Nishimura Shigeki (1828-1902) who argued that
the key to Western success was in morality. Nakamura Keiu (1832-1891) also
stressed individual morality and self reliance and because of this he translated J.
S. Mill’s On Liberty and Samuel Smiles’ Self Help.

Intellectuals like Kato Hiroyuki (1836-1916) and Tsuda Masamichi (1829-1903)

and Nishi Amane (1829-1897) talked of the organic nature of society. They argued
that Western strength lay in the fact that its society was rationally constructed
and operated. But their positions were quite different. Kato, for instance, stressed
the importance of the Imperial institution while Tsuda argued for developing
enlightened legal and bureaucratic institutions.

Fukuzawa Yukichi who was also a member was the only one who consciously
remained outside the government and operated as an independent intellectual.
He helped to establish the Keio University. He argued that the people had yet to
develop the sense of independence and because of this the government still
remained despotic for the “people are still powerless, ignorant”. He was quite
contemptuous of government saying that it was “simply a place where many
people of intelligence gather to work like one stupid person”.

Mori Arinori on the other hand was insistent that all capable people must work
for the government and help the nation advance. He was also instrumental in
setting up the Commercial Institute which later developed into the Hitotsubashi
University.

The search for enlightenment and civilization was a quest to imbibe Western
values and ideas. The ideals were expressed in the Charter Oath of 1868 in which
it was written :

66
‘Evil customs of the past shall be abandoned and everything shall be based on Civilization and
Enlightenment: Creating A
the just laws of Nature. Knowledge shall be sought throughout the world so as to New Social Order
strengthen the foundations of Imperial rule.’

The period of ‘civilisation and enlightenment’ introduced the whole range of

Western liberal ideas and this was carried on by the peoples’ rights intellectuals
like Ueki Emori and Nakae Chomin (1847-1901). However, these views were
dominated by a dismissive attitude to Japanese culture and values. The laws
governing civilization were seen as universal and Japan had merely to learn
them to advance as the Western societies had done. All civilized people would
become one in their humanity was the message these intellectuals learnt.

The intellectuals were also engrossed in the idea of learning science and
technology subjects which were modern and would develop the nation. Their
ideas also were premised on the equality of men. Fukuzawa began his book The
Advancement of Learning with the words : “Heaven did not create men above
men, nor set men below men.” It was from this vision of self-reliant individuals
that these writers were critical of the persistence of feudal practices which
inculcated blind obedience and slavish imitation. The continuation of these values
was through the family system. The ‘civilisation and enlightenment’ intellectuals
were for an open democratic society where talent would be rewarded and where
internationalism would be the order of the day. National differences would
gradually be reduced. Taguchi Ukichi (1855-1905) could write that then an
Englishman living in Tokyo would be a Tokyoite as much as a Kagoshima man
living in Tokyo.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Write what you know about Fukuzawa Yukichi.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) What were the reasons behind the quest of Japanese intellectuals about
Western ideas? How did they learnt from the West?
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67
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 5.3 EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT
Meiji Japan inherited a number of systems of education from the Tokugawa
period but above all it inherited an attitude to education which saw its importance
and necessity. During the Tokugawa period there were spread over the country
temple schools (terakoya) where reading, writing and arithmetic were taught.
These schools were meant to give a basic knowledge which would enable the
students to function effectively in society.

Thus they used books like A Primer on Business. There were schools run by the
han and largely attended by samurai where the education was more literary than
practical. The Bakufu also established the Shoheiko where law, the Chinese
classics and mathematics was taught. The Kaiseijo (School of Foreign Learning)
established by the Bakutu became a source of knowledge about the west and
illustrates the concern that the ruling powers had with studying the outside world.

By the middle of the nineteenth century there were 250 han schools. The Dutch
influence led to establishment of schools of Western learning. Unlike the modern
system the Tokugawa schools were decentralized and often run at the home of
the teacher. The pupil went to study to the teachers he selected rather than go to
a school with a set curriculum. This allowed for a great deal of variety but the
quality also varied.

5.3.1 Initial Efforts

It is interesting to note that with the Meiji Restoration and even as the country
was caught up in the confusion of civil war and revolution the government opened
these schools to “cultivate our human resources”. In 1869 a university was
established in Tokyo and in 1871 a Ministry of Education was set up. In 1872 the
government issued an Education Act which divided the country into eight
university districts and these were sub-divided into thirty-two middle school
districts. The middle school districts were further divided into two hundred and
ten elementary school districts. Outside this system the government also set up
specialized schools and universities such as an Agricultural College and a Centre
for Commercial Studies.

The Meiji programme was ambitious in scale but it faced financial difficulties.
There was also further adjustments and changes in the system as they learnt
from other countries. Much of the educational budget was spent in sending
students abroad to study. For example in 1873 out of a total of 800,000 yen,
100,000 yen were for study abroad .

The system established by the 1872 Act was modeled on the French system but
it was different in important ways. In Japan ii was a single track system and
elementary education was free while in France it was a dual track with the Church
controlling elementary education till 1833. However, there were riots against
this system. The people had to bear a large part of the cost of establishing and
running the schools and they found this burden excessive. In 1873 the government
assistance to schools was only 12 per cent of the total budget.

The financial burden of the new educational system was a cause for opposition.
The materials and teachers for running this new system also proved inadequate.
68 There were few textbooks and the teachers did not really know how to use the
ones that were there. In 1876 only 1/6 of the 52,000 teachers had been trained in Civilization and
Enlightenment: Creating A
the new system. New Social Order

Finally, the westernization of education, as of other aspects of life also provoked

a critical reaction. The riots were directed against not only the financial burden.
but also against the imposition of the Gregorian calendar as well as against
conscription.

In 1879 an Educational Ordinance, under the influence of ideas from the United
States instituted some changes which led to a greater degree of decentralization
and local autonomy. These reforms had been instituted during a period when the
Peoples’ Rights Movement was becoming stronger and also as the tide against
westernization was increasing with ideologues demanding a greater stress on
traditional values. The reforms failed to tackle these problems and were a failure.

5.3.2 Reforms under the Cabinet

In 1885 the Cabinet system was started and Mori Arinori became the first Minister
of Education. Mori, influenced by the Prussian methods, had always been
concerned with education. He saw education as firmly linked to the development
of the nation. He wrote : “In the administration of all schools, it must be kept in
mind, what is to be done is not for the sake of the pupils, but for the sake of the
country.” Thus, the pupil should be obedient as well as trained. Mori recognized
the need to have well-trained people but he also saw that the critical spirit could
also be directed against the state and pose a threat to the governments order. To
fulfil both these objectives Mori’s reforms established a dual structure :

School education was subordinated to political objectives and the

inculcation of loyalty and patriotism was emphasised upon.

University education, on the other hand, was relatively free and advanced
research as well as graduate training was encouraged.

Tokyo University had been established in 1877 but in 1886 a system of Imperial
Universities was established and Tokyo University became Tokyo Imperial
University. The state placed great importance on creating an appropriate system.
The Diet could exercise very little control over education as it was placed in the
administrative structure of the state. This meant that education also came under
the control of the Emperor. In 1899 when Yamagata Ariktomo had been Prime
Minister he issued an ordinance which made it necessary to have the approval of
the Privet Council before there could be any changes in the basic educational
law. Finally, by 1913 the state had the exclusive right to produce text books.

5.4 CONSERVATIVES AND THE EDUCATIONAL

REFORMS
The educational reforms were part and parcel of the Meiji state’s creation of a
centralized political structure and reflected a desire to mould a plaint and obedient
citizenry. On this question of values which were to be stressed a debate arose
and it marked the assertion by conservatives and traditionalists of indigenous
values and beliefs. The rampant westernization provoked a reaction and many
who had supported the Meiji reforms now questioned the direction and manner
of change.
69
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
5.4.1 The Imperial Rescript
In 1890 an Imperial Rescript on Education was issued. This document laid the
conservative and traditionalist argument with great clarity.

The Rescript had been drafted by Motooda Eifu, a Confucian tutor to the Emperor
and Nishimura Shigeki, also a Confucianist. These two articulated the conservative
position which resembled the earlier view of combining Western techniques with
an eastern ethic. Motooda as tutor to the Emperor had been campaigning against
the replacement of Confucian teaching by American and French moral books.
Motooda also used the Emperor to back his argument saying that the Emperor
was deeply troubled. In The Great Principles of Education (Kyogaku taisbi), an
Imperial rescript of 1879, he had argued that the westernizers “take into themselves
a foreign civilization whose only values are fact gathering and technique, thus
violating the rules of good manners and bringing harm to our customary ways.”
Japan, he felt, must reassert the primacy of its values which are based on loyalty
and filial piety.

It was after this statement that centralization of education increased and pupils
and teachers were forbidden to attend political meeting. Motooda’s view was
not fully supported within the ruling oligarchy. Ito Hirobumi represented a
constitutional monarchist position and he was opposed to Motooda’s argument
for direct imperial rule.

Nishimura Shigeki who had initially been in the Meirokusha and supported the
introduction· of “civilization and enlightenment” now began to publish Confucian
ideas modified by Western ideas. In a book called Discourse on Japanese Morality
published in 1886 he had called for reviving the fundamental Confucian values
integral to Japan and using Western ideas selectively to support and “strengthen
this Confucian framework.

In 1889 Mori was assassinated and Motooda and Nishimura were able to have
the Emperor issue a “sacred rescript” which was issued before the first Diet
opened. The Imperial Rescript proclaimed :

“Our subjects ever united in loyalty and filial piety have from generation to
generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental
character of Our Empire, and herein lies the source of Our Education.”

It went on to encourage the people to “advance public good and promote common
interests”, respect the constitution, offer their lives to the state and “thus guard
and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and
earth.”

This document became the crucial expression of conservative ideas. It was also
treated in the schools and in society at large as a sacred scripture. Gradually as
Imperial ceremonies, which had been private court ceremonies, became national
ceremonies the Rescript on Education began to be treated with reverence. In
1891 the Regulations for Elementary School Ceremonies on Festivals and
Holidays. required that students and staff bow before the Imperial photograph,
read the Rescript and sing the national anthem. The Emperor was the link binding
the people into loyal citizens.

70
5.4.2 The Conservatives’ Arguments Civilization and
Enlightenment: Creating A
New Social Order
Among the conservatives a number of arguments were advanced to uphold
traditional values. The philosopher Inoue Tetsujiro (1855-1944), tried to defend
tradition by showing that it was rational and necessary but others objected to
such arguments. Kuga Katsunan (1857-1907) the editor of a newspaper called
Nihon (Japan) argued against accepting the idea that Japan must develop as the
West has developed. He was critical of the argument that there were universal
laws of development and argued that advocates of this position did not understand
that each society developed according to its own history and traditions. Each
nation had a living culture which was reflected in the way its people Jived and
thought. For Kuga accepting filial piety or loyalty to the Emperor required no
rational justification or academic defense but was justified because these were
the historic customs of Japan.

Kuga Katsunan further went on to argue for the importance and necessity of
preserving the cultural traditions of a country. A nations traditions provided the
basis on which its people could be united; these values knitted society and gave
strength to the nation. Force was not the only way that a nation could be defeated
for if it lost its historical tradition it would also lose its independence. This was
a strong and persuasive argument given by Kuga.

At the time the Rescript was issued a Christian philosopher Uchimura Kanzo
(1861-1930) refused to bow to the document and wrote an essay about the clash
between religion and education. Uchimura argued that as a Christian he could
not reconcile his belief in the universal brotherhood of man with the idea that the
Emperor was a divine being. But Kuga argued that if Christianity was indigenized
and became part of Japanese tradition just as Buddhism had become then there
should be no conflict. He objected to Christianity because of its foreign trappings.

The argument between the Westernisers and the conservatives was not conducted
in a political vacuum but was taking place even as Japan was attempting to achieve
equality in its relations with the foreign powers. The unequal treaties imposed
during the Bakufu were still in force and foreigners enjoyed legal” and economic
privileges. The Meiji government was also greatly concerned about negotiating
an end to these treaties and for this it set about creating a modern nation so that
it could claim that they were equal to the Western countries.

In this context these thinkers were attempting to answer the fundamental question
of what social progress meant. Most accepted the idea that progress was necessary
but whether this meant that all societies would become the same or that each
would preserve its essence were the questions debated. Of course, it can be argued
what the essence of a society is or whether this too develops and changes over
time.

Miyake Setsurei (1860-1945), leader of a society called the Seikyosha and editor
of a journal Nihonijin (The Japanese) sought to preserve the national essence. In
his most influential book The Japanese : Truth, Goodness and Beauty (written in
1891) he argued that world civilization advanced through competition and each
national had its characteristic talents. The West might be the most advanced
today but the world would progress only if other cultures and values flourished.
For Miyake promoting one’s own cultural values was essentially to be working
for world progress.
71
History of Modern East Asia: Miyake defined the ultimate goals of world civilization as truth, beauty and
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
goodness. Here the Japanese could :
contribute to the spread of truth by projecting knowledge about Asia in
which Europe was deficient,
propagate goodness by defending Asia against Western imperialism, and
finally, because of their unique sense of beauty, which was different from
the Western conception, contribute to world civilization. ·

5.4.3 Conservatives’ Impact

The conservative position was influential among the wider public and its effect
on policy was also considerable. For instance the government was in the process
of revising the civil codes and conservative opposition delayed not only the Civil
Code (1898) but the Commercial Code (1899) as well.

The search for Japanese tradition and the importance of preserving indigenous
values was not confined to the intellectual and political world but was also pursued
in the arts. Okakura Tenshin (1862-1913) helped to revive an interest in Japanese
art with the help of Ernest Fenellosa (1853-1908). Okakura was also instrumental
in setting up the Fine Arts University and collecting and studying Asian art. His
famous statement “Asia is one” inspired many to work for Asian unity. Okakura
and Fenellosa helped to stem the wholesale fascination with Western painting
and divert the eyes of their contemporaries to see the beauty and strength of their
art as well as appreciate the richness of their aesthetic values.

The conservative adherence to the values enshrined in the Imperial institution

was reinforced by the Meiji government’s political policies of using “the Imperial
household as the cornerstone of the nation”, in the words of Ito Hirobumi. The
Meiji leaders after the crisis of 1881 when Okuma had been expelled were
concerned about the political demands for democracy voiced by the Peoples’
Rights Movement and they sought to balance the need to develop and industrialize
while at the same time preserving social order. Ito himself toured Europe and
found inspiration in conservative European thinkers. The Motooda groups of
conservatives had a mystical vision of the Emperor and this was developed by
Hozumi Nobushige (1855-1926) who linked ancestor worship and loyalty through
the Imperial House.

In society as well there was a growing intolerance of criticism against the Emperor
and a scholar Kume Kunitake (1839-1931) was expelled from Tokyo University
for describing Shinto as a primitive form of worship. In schools a host of textbooks
glorified the Emperor and from 1903 the Ministry of Education compiled ethical
books so that it could keep a control on the content of the books.

5.4.4 The Socialist Views

The disillusionment with the Western ideas of ‘civilisation and enlightenment’
brought about the widespread interest in traditional values but gradually as these
ideas became excuses for preventing reform and change many conservatives as
well as liberals were disillusioned. The end of the 1880’s with the progress of
industrial development saw the rise of trade unions and labour organizations and
the building up of a socialist movement. Matsuzawa Koyo, a Japanese historian
has argued that the first socialists in Meiji Japan were influenced by their
72
experiences of socialism in the United States. The subsequent socialists like Civilization and
Enlightenment: Creating A
Kinoshita Naoe (1869-1937) were influenced by the ideas of the Peoples’ Rights New Social Order
Movement and many of them worked as journalists. The final group of Meiji
socialism, those born in the 1880, like Osugi Sakae (1885-1923) had first
experienced the influence of regional movements.

These socialists were influenced by the tensions of development and the problems
of poverty that were created. They sought to find ways to reduce the differences
between the rich and poor. They were largely agreed that the Meiji Restoration
had been a progressive revolution which had overthrown feudalism and
established freedom and equality. In 1903 Kotoku Shusui (1871-1911) wrote a
book on the essence of socialism as did the other famous Meiji socialist Katayama
Sen (1859-1933). Both socialists were concerned with establishing an economic
system which would eliminate economic inequality. For this they argued for
public ownership of production facilities and equal distribution. They also felt
that this could be brought about by peaceful means and so they supported a
universal suffrage law and worked to increase general education. Finally the
socialists were also influenced by Social Darwinism which saw history as a
process of continuous growth and development. However, their weakness was
that they were addressing only the small section i.e. the middle class and failed
to develop organizations to bring about social change. Just as the ‘civilisation
and enlightenment’ advocates could not offer arguments to the conservatives the
socialists, Christians and pacifist groups also failed to spread their ideas. Once
Japan had won its victory against China in the Sino-Japanese war (1894-95), the
nationalist ideas spread with greater intensity.

5.4.5 Pan-Asianism
The fight against Western imperialists, both to preserve the political as well as
the cultural independence of Japan, led some thinkers to think of an Asian alliance
against the West. Thinkers like Okawa Shumei (1886-1957) and Kita Ikki (1883-
1937), argued that Japan must work with other Asian countries to liberate Asia.
They felt that only in this way would Japan be able to protect itself. Japan was
part of Asia and it shared common values and a cultural tradition with other
Asian countries. Many of them worked with Koreans and Chinese to advance
the cause of revolution in these countries. Miyazaki Totten (1871-1922) met Sun
Yatsen (1866-1925) and went with him to China to work for the Chinese revolution
of 1911. Sun himself saw the Meiji Restoration as the first step and the 1911
Revolution as the second step in the regeneration of China.

The idea of the pan-Asianists, as these people were called because they advocated
Asian unity, was very easily subverted and used by the militarists to advance the
cause of Japanese expansionism. In their thinking there was a great deal of
ambiguity and when they talked of an Asian alliance, for many it really meant
with Japan as the leader.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( ) or (×).

i) Mori Arinori, was against linking education with development.

ii) The Conservatives were opposed to following the Western ideas.

73
History of Modern East Asia: iii) The idea of having an alliance of Asians against Westerners was used
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
to further Japan’s interests.

iv) Kuga Katsunan argued that Japan must develop in the same manner
as the West.

v) By 1880s socialist ideas were propagated in Japan.

2) Why did the Meiji Government spent more on education?
.......................................................................................................................
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.......................................................................................................................
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.......................................................................................................................
3) Discuss the basic arguments of the Conservatives.
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.......................................................................................................................

5. 5 LET US SUM UP
Meiji Japan saw the development of a range of ideas and ideologies but many of
them could not go beyond the official orthodoxy. It saw the creation of a sense of
nationhood. In the 1870’s Fukuzawa Yukichi had written that “In Japan there
was a government but no nation” for he argued that “just birth does not make one
a citizen for that a sense of nation must be cultivated.” The Meiji oligarchy linked
the idea of patriotism and nation to the Imperial House and bound the people to
the state through the ties of loyalty and filial piety to the Emperor.

The Peoples’ Rights Movement ideologues like Nakae Chomin and Ueki Emori
wanted to create a sense of nation by involving the people in a democratic
political system. They argued that the real strength of Japan to defend itself lay
not in a strong army or a vibrant economy alone but in the strength of its people
and their commitment to the nation.

The socialists emphasised the need to end economic inequality to complete the
political equality that had been brought about by the Meiji Restoration. They felt
that as long as social problems divided society democratic development
would not be possible.

Historians have evaluated the performance of the Meiji Oligarchy with varying
degrees of sympathy. E. H. Norman argued that it was the speed with which the
reforms were carried out that involved a neglect of democratic and liberal reform
but later he was to be more critical. On the other hand George Akita describes
the Meiji oligarchy as enlightened leaders who carried out liberal reforms even
though the climate was not forcing them to do this.
74
 Civilization and
5.6 KEY WORDS Enlightenment: Creating A
New Social Order
Bunmei kaika: Civilization and Enlightenment : advocated as a slogan by those
who were inspired by Western ideals to search for universal truths and spread
science and rationality.
Rescript: Edicts issued in the name of the Emperor.

5.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress l
1) Read Sub-sec 5.2.1 to write your answer.
2) Base your answer on Sub-secs. 5.2.1 and 5.2.3.
Check Your Progress 2
1) i) X ii) iii) iv) v)
2) The government realised that investment in education was necessary for
Japan’s modernization. See Sub-sec 5.3.1.
3) Base your answer on Sub-sec 5.4.2.

75
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 6 MEIJI INDUSTRIALIZATION AND
DEVELOPMENT
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 The Meiji Restoration and the Economy
6.3 The Initial Phase of Economic Development
6.4 Building the Infrastructure
6.5 The Development of Trade Unions
6.6 The Rural Areas
6.7 Assessment
6.8 Let Us Sum Up
6.9 Key Words
6.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

6.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to :
know about the characteristic features of Japan’s pre-modern economy
and its transformation in the Meiji period,
know about the building up of a modern industrial infrastructure,
understand the economic policies of the Meiji period,
familiarise yourself with the growth of labour unions and factory legislation,
learn about developments in agriculture, and
understand the role of the state in promoting economic growth.

6.1 INTRODUCTION
The economic transformation of Meiji Japan has evoked a great deal of interest
and attention because Japan represents the most successful attempt at
industrialization by an Asian country. This success has led scholars to examine
the policies and programmes adopted by Meiji leaders in this regard. There has
been an extensive debate on whether Westernization and modernization mean
the same thing and the example of Japan shows that an industrial society need
not necessarily come to resemble the Western society.

The question of how far the pre-modern economy of Japan contributed to Japan’s
modern growth is also a complex one. Economic historians are not of one opinion
on the question. But most of them recognize that extensive development of
economic institutions and practices had taken place which made it possible to
build a modern economic organization with remarkable speed and dispatch.

The international situation also played a role in this. Though Western imperialist
pressure in a sense created a crisis, Japan was able to use the breathing space
76
rapidly and effectively to create a prosperous economy. Moreover, access to Meiji Industrialization and
Development
technology and skills was not restricted and Japan could send its leaders out to
shop for appropriate skills and. materials.

Finally, it must be remembered that though Japan is poor in resources, it had

sufficient coal deposits and nineteenth century industrialization was based on
coal.

This Unit discusses the economic condition at the time of Meiji Restoration and
goes on to explain the policies of the Meiji leaders. The Unit also takes into
account the agricultural reforms as well as the efforts of the state in the field of
industrialization. The role of banking institutions and foreign trade has also been
discussed. As a result of rapid industrialization there also emerged a labour
movement under the trade unions. The Unit also deals with the governments’
policies in this regard.

6.2 THE MEIJI RESTORATION AND THE

ECONOMY
The new Meiji Government inherited a host of problems from the Tokugawa
Bakufu and perhaps the most important one was the financial debts which had
accumulated. The financial problems of the Bakufu and the growing debts of the
han had played a major role in the downfall of the Tokugawa. The management
of this vast debt as well as the expenses which were incurred in the restoration
wars was the most pressing problem which the new leaders faced. To be sure of
a stable source of revenue the government could only turn to the agricultural·
sector and to reduce its debts it had to cut the stipends of the samurai.

During the Tokugawa period the stipends of the samurai retainers formed nearly
30 per cent of the revenue. In the han the Daimyo spent nearly 20 per cent of
their revenues in maintaining their residences in Edo which was demanded of
them because of the system of alternative attendance. The government took
immediate steps to reduce these stipends and reform the land tax. The stipends
were commuted into government bonds or lump sum payments. The amount
was effectively reduced further because of increasing inflation so that the
government’s fiscal burden became manageable. This provoked armed rebellions
and discontent amongst the displaced traditional elite.

Agricultural reform was the next crucial area and though it began in 1873 it took
six years to complete. During the Tokugawa period land tax was based on
productivity and theoretically paid in rice but with the reforms the tax was payable
in cash on the assessed value of the land. The national tax rate was 3 per cent of
the assessed land value and the local tax one-third of the national tax. Now the
tax payer became the owner of the land.

These measures had been preceded by changes such as abolishing customary

restrictions on land use and land surveys. In spite of the governments care in not
provoking outbursts there were protests, the largest of which was in 1876 in
Wakayama Prefecture. Though the government initially adapted a rigid stance it
softened as other samurai revolts erupted and in 1877 the land tax was lowered
to 2.5 per cent of market value which meant a 17 per cent reduction in the yearly
tax.
77
History of Modern East Asia: Politically the measure was a success for between 1874-1881 there were only
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
ninety nine incidents of protest and of these thirty seven were really landlord
tenant disputes. Tax assessments were now equalized and rational but it worked
to the greater advantage of the landlords particularly as customary land rights
did not ensure permanent tenancy. This also explains the increase in landlord
tenant disputes. However, it has been argued by Sydney Crawcour that the new
tax as a proportion of output was no higher than the old rate and in some cases
actually lighter.

The main effect of the land tax was that land now became a capital asset
which could be bought and sold.

6.3 THE INITIAL PHASE OF ECONOMIC

DEVELOPMENT
The years between 1868 and 1885 mark a period when the government sought to
bring order and lay the groundwork for economic development. The Meiji
government inherited not only heavy debts but also some newly built factories
and shipyards. The political compulsions of the Meiji leaders forced them to
consider the development of defense industries even while they were establishing
their political hold. In the closing years of the Tokugawa the Bakufu as well as
several han had begun to tentatively establish ironworks and foundries. For
example, the han of Hizen had in 1850 established a reverberatory furnace for
smelting iron and subsequently it was able to cast cannon using the iron it
produced.

Similarly in shipbuilding there had been certain developments. The Bakufu as

well as other ban had built steamships. Coal mines were being modernized and
cotton spinning plants built. The Meiji government built on this small but
developing foundation. The government was also faced with a decline in foreign
trade earnings hence, it set about building an infrastructural base so that Japanese
manufacturing would be encouraged. The leaders were wary of being swamped
by foreign goods. The capital expenditure required was too heavy for
entrepreneurs to attempt on their own and the government by actually importing
and setting up plants hoped this would introduce new technology and
organizational methods.

ln 1872, for instance the Tomika silk filature plant was set up. Most of these
government plants did not function well but they as well as the experimental
stations and farms brought in the latest technologies and methods. Between (1868-
1881) the government spent about 36.4 million yen in these enterprises. These
enterprises were subsequently sold at low prices to private entrepreneurs and
businessmen to lay the basis for the development of capitalism.

In the field of agriculture, which continued to provide the revenue for growth
and development, there is a controversy about growth rates. Kazushi Ohkawa
estimates that between 1878 and 1882 the annual value of agricultural production
was 432 million yen in current prices. He later revised this figure by 50 per cent.

In 1874, according to a survey taken at that time, 60 per cent of the physical
output was from agriculture and 30 per cent from industrial goods and the rest
from extractive industries like mining, fishing and forestry. In agriculture rice
78
was the major crop. It is interesting that sake, a rice wine and processed food Meiji Industrialization and
Development
accounted for 42 per cent of the industrial production the rest being yarns and
textiles.

This survey gives an idea of the general features of the economy at the time of
the Restoration revealing that it was still undeveloped compared to the economies
of the Western nations.

In 1881 Matsukata Kasayashi (1835-1924) became Finance Minister and he had

to tackle the severe inflation faced by Japan. Because of the decline in earnings
as well as the drain of specie, Matsukata reduced the currency in circulation by
increasing the specie backing. This in effect strengthened the hands of the stronger
businesses and channeled resources into the modern sector. The recession in the
economy severely affected those at the margins of society and worsened the
conditions of tenants and small farmers.

The commutation of stipends and the writing off the han debts (estimated to be
47 million yen) and such measures helped to transfer invertible resources into
the hands of government and the rural rich. This set the framework for the growth
of economy. What should be emphasised here is that there were certainly
institutions in the Tokugawa economy which made it possible for the Meiji leaders
to build a modern economy but as some scholars like James Nakamura point out
that the growth rate at this time was not remarkably high. Such an argument
suggests that the Meiji success may have more to do with the fact that they could
restrict consumption and keep it at low levels till the Second World War.

6.4 BUILDING THE INFRASTRUCTURE

A major reason for the growth of economy was the heavy expenditure undertaken
by the government in building the infrastructure. In 1872, the National Banking
Act, based on the U.S. model, led to the establishment of some 150 national
banks. There were other private banks and the capital came initially from the
commuted stipends of the samurai. According to E.H. Norman “the feudal lord
ceased to be a territorial magnate drawing his income from the peasant, and
became instead, by virtue of the commutation of his pension, a financial magnate
investing his freshly capitalized wealth in banks, stocks, industries or landed
estates, and so joined the small financial oligarchy.”

Gradually the rural rich and businessmen came to dominate this sector. By 1900
there were a variety of banks such as the Hypothec Bank, the Industrial Bank,
etc.

On the advice of the Meiji Government the big financial houses had also formed
Tsusho Kaisha (Commercial Companies) and Kawase Kaisha (Exchange
Companies). These Kaishas were regulated by Tsushoshi (Commercial Bureau
established in 1869). The banking and loan capital depended heavily upon the
state for support. The Meiji Government in turn used this to develop such
industries which needed huge capital investments. It is worth mentioning here
that capital accumulation played a major role in industrialization. By the end of
the 19th century the rate of interest on loans was between 12 to 18 per cent
where as on deposits it was 7 to 8 per cent.

79
History of Modern East Asia: Transport and communication were also given great importance. The first railway
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
line was built from Tokyo to Yokohama and by 1881 there were just two hundred
miles of rail lines. In this field the government encouraged private investors by
guaranteeing their investments. For example, by 1903 there were 4,500 miles of
operating track and 70 per cent of this was built by private companies. In 1906
the Railway Nationalization Bill led to the acquisition of seventeen companies
and the Imperial Japanese Railways had more paid up capital than all industrial
companies combined.

In shipbuilding also the government followed a policy of selective subsidies to

encourage . the growth of indigenous business enterprises. Initially Iwaski Yataro’s
(1835-1885) Mitsubishi Company was given massive subsidies and it was able
to effectively counter foreign competition. But soon there were changes and the
‘NYK (Nippon Yusen Kaisha), formed in 1885, became the major company.
Between 1883 and 1913 the government gave subsidies so that the company
could expand its fleet and they were able to raise their share of tonnage carried
into Japanese ports to 50 per cent. As a side benefit the development of
shipbuilding industries led to development of engineering and other related skills.

There were similar developments in the generation of. electric power which was
increased by technological developments in hydroelectric generation and high
tension transmission. Cheaper labour and capital costs allowed small companies
to buy cheaper motors which in turn enabled them to increase their productivity.

The economic landscape of Japan began to be transformed. Nakamura Takafusa,

an economic historian describing the initial period opined that modern industry
was like sparsely scattered islands in a sea of traditional industry. But the
introduction of these new developments led to a gradual change. Between 1883-
1913 the labour force increased from 22 to 26 million. Employment was still
mostly in the traditional sector which accounted for nearly 60 per cent of the
employment. In output agriculture accounted for 20 per cent and other traditional
sectors for another 40 per cent.

The point to notice is that the modern sector was still increasing at a modest pace
and that the traditional sector played an important role in the economic
development of the Japanese economy. Similarly in agriculture there was little
change in the size of farms. The average size was just under one hectare and this
remained true for much of the period. However, concentration of land did increase.
From 1885 to 1914 tenancy rose from 35 to 45 per cent. The growth in numbers
and power of the landlords is clearly reflected in their increasing role in business
and politics.

Agricultural growth again is a controversial topic but there is an indication that

gross farm value of production grew at an average annual rate of 1. 7 per cent in
constant 1934-36 prices. The growth was caused by the increase in fertilizers,
machinery and labour as well as technological changes. Moreover the growth of
village co-operatives also contributed to the spread of new ideas as well as an
improved marketing. However, it has to be noted that Japanese agriculture
benefited not from trying to import European techniques which were tried but
proved unsuccessful but by using traditional small-scale farming and improving
it.

80
Whatever the rate of growth and whether it was as high as once thought the Meiji Industrialization and
Development
important point to be noticed is that food production kept up with demand and
there was no lag. In 1880 the agricultural labour force was 17 million and it fed
a population of 36 million but by 1920 while the agricultural population had
declined to 14 million the total population had increased to 55 million, Food
imports from the colonies were not that substantial. Unlike other developing
countries food habits hardly changed with the income increases. Income
inequalities also contributed to raising savings among the rich and reduced
consumption among the poor.

Foreign trade also played a crucial role in the initial years when it was 6 per cent
of the total but by 1905 it was 28 per cent. Moreover, silk had initially formed
the major export item but gradually the quantity of agricultural products was
reduced though they still contributed one-fourth of total commodity exports.

Traditional industry supplied goods as well as contributed to capital formation

and exports and while the Meiji Government initially attempted to organize trade
associations it later concentrated on promoting industries using new technologies.
But from 1879 when the Osaka Chamber of Commerce organized traditional
trades, various laws to organize this sector were enacted. The fact is that this
sector supplied a range of demand and gained from the cheaper electricity and
transport as well as the cheaper and superior materials produced in the modern
sector. Finally the traditionally produced products were able to compete in the
export market. That is why Sydney Crawcour has argued that industrial growth
in Japan before World War I was really the growth of the traditional sector.

In certain regards Japan’s experience has been different from the Western
countries. The normal pattern of industrialization as in the Western countries has
been a progress from light industry, like textiles to mining and metallurgical or
chemicals to mass produced goods. In Japan railways developed even before the
iron and steel industry as the materials and components were imported. The
textile industry was established almost simultaneously with iron and steel,
shipbuilding, etc. In other words these industries could be established because
the state was willing to bear the burden through subsidies and protection. The
criteria used was the national interest rather than the economic viability of the
project.

The Shipbuilding Encouragement Act of 1896 is a good example of the way in

which domestic construction was promoted. The Act provided that steel
steamships built in wholly owned shipyards would get a subsidy of 12 yen per
ton for ships of 700-1000 tonnes and 20 yen per tonne for 1,000 or more tonne
ships. If the engines were Japanese made than 75 yen per horsepower would be
given addition. Even this was not enough to compete with foreign made ships
and it was only in 1899 when the Navigation Subsidy Act was amended and
subsidies for foreign-built ships cut to half of that for domestically built vessels
that domestic production picked up.

What becomes evident in looking at the growth of the modern sector is the close
links it had with military demands. When military expenditure increases then the
modern sector grew as it did during the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese wars.
Scholars like W.W. Lockwood see military expenditure as a drain but others like
Kozo Yamamura argue that it helped to disseminate Western technology and
skills.
81
History of Modern East Asia: Check Your Progress 1
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
1) Discuss the impact of Land Tax on Japanese economy.
.......................................................................................................................
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.......................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the efforts made by the Government to industrialize Japan in the
key sectors.
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.......................................................................................................................
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.......................................................................................................................
3) Was the Japanese experience of industrialization similar to that of the Western
countries?
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6.5 THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRADE UNIONS

The first Japanese workers union was formed in San Francisco around 1890 by
Takano Fusataro and when he returned to Japan he formed one in 1897. Takano
was influenced by the ideas of Samuel Gompers. He rejected all demands for
radical action and was opposed to socialism. Takano felt that inequality of wealth
was inevitable and that it was only possible to carry-out moderate and gradual
reform.

The other pioneer in the trade union and socialist movement was Katayama Sen.
Katayama Sen started as a Christian socialist and he worked among the poor and
it was this experience which led him to organize workers in Tokyo. In 1897 he
established the Society for the Promotion of Trade Unions.

Oi Kentaro (1843-1922), a radical thinker was active in the Osaka region. He set
up vocational training centres, night schools and even special banks. There was
a growing realization that concrete steps must be taken to better the lot of the
working men and this required· not only organizing them but creating facilities
for their education and material well-being.

82
The early trade union thinkers were in general moderate in their programmes Meiji Industrialization and
Development
stressing the need to work in harmony and co-operation. But Katayama was
insistent that the feudal relations which continued to govern the relations between
workers and capitalists must be ended. In spite of their moderateness the
government suppressed them within three years and this led the organizers to
think of ways to act politically.

The socialist movement had been gaining strength and influence among the
intelligentsia. In 1901 a Socialist Party was formed and this too was banned
almost immediately. As mentioned earlier the governments repressive legislation
like the Peace Preservation Law of 1900 as well as other administrative and civil
codes were used to suppress the growth of workers’ organizations. The
government’s policy reduced the growth of trade unions for a while but it also
increased their radicalism and many began to advocate class war.

The Russo-Japanese war of 1904-5 is an important divide in the economic history

of Japan. From this period onwards iron and steel, coal, metal mining, etc. began
to develop and Japan also began to pursue her policies of foreign expansion with
greater vigour. The economic growth also generated increasing disputes in
industry as well as tenant uprisings in the rural areas.

The initial years of the century from 1900 to 1910 saw-the labour movement
even more suppressed because of the various prohibitory laws and this suppression
led to increased violence which reached its peak in the Ashia copper mine case
in 1909. The mines were located near the resort of Nikko at the headwaters of
the Watarase river. Copper was an important raw material and the mines were
extensively developed without thought to the environmental pollution that they
were causing. In 1896 because of the deforestation of the watershed area floods
had devasted thousands of houses downstream leading to protests and the mines
came to symbolize the distorted development of Meiji industrial development.
In February 1909 the Ashio mine workers, some 1,200 went on strike for better
working conditions and higher wages.

The Meiji Government followed a policy of ruthless suppression but on the other
hand of trying to improve working conditions so that social discord would be
reduced. The government was quick to ban socialist societies. Here it is interesting
to note that it even banned a society to study insects, the Insect Society, because
it contained the dreaded word society (shakai) which suggested socialism.

The bureaucracy had begun to examine working conditions as early as 1882

when there were only fifty factories. The reports and studies of the minimum
standards necessary in the factories were however, not translated into law. The
first factory law was passed in 1911 in spite of the objections of business houses
but this law was considerably watered down and gave ample time to industry
before its implementation was made necessary.

6.6 THE RURAL AREAS

Greater interest was shown in the transformation taking place in the rural areas.
The Meiji land settlement had removed the traditional practices and customs
which at times protected tenants and now they were more vulnerable to landlord
pressure. Tenancy rights could be cancelled at any time and there was no restriction
on their property rights. This is the reason that in the early years there was an 83
History of Modern East Asia: increase in tenancy disputes. Even though the land tax was reduced from 3 per
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
cent to 2.5 per cent the tenants were unsuccessful in reducing their financial
burdens.

In the period from 1870-1880 many tenancy disputes also arose because of
ignorance as there was a bewildering variety of tenancies at the time of the
restoration and they gradually fell into disuse. Most tenants rented lands from a
number of landlords partly to spread their risks and partly because landholdings
were fragmented. Many landlords took to rural industries such as silk reeling;
they were also money-lenders. The landlords were, as Ann Waswo argues the
dominant elite in rural society and till 1900 or so they played a considerable role
in society.

The government actively encouraged the landlords to consolidate their holdings

so that it could provide better facilities like irrigation and drainage. The tenants
were on the one hand lured by a more profitable life in the cities where wages
were higher. This created a labour shortage in agriculture which led to an increase
in wages but it was still profitable for landlords to lease land rather than cultivate
it. Moreover, the increasing expenditure of the government led it to make local
governments responsible for public works and education. This added tax burden
was another source for tension in the rural areas.

To diffuse the problems of the rural areas the government bureaucracy ‘initiated
a Rural Improvement movement. This was a continuation of what had been done
in the 1870s by the Hotokusha or Repaying Virtue Society. These societies formed
under the leadership of landlords were based on the teachings of Ninomiya
Sontoku (1787-1856) an agricultural reformer active in the late Tokugawa period.
They sought to develop both the correct virtues as well as practical improvements
in agriculture. Such attitudes in the bureaucracy were responsible for the passage
of laws such as the Industrial Co-operatives Law 1899 which encouraged the
setting up of credit, consumer marketing and producers’ co-operatives. The
government was motivated by a desire to stabilize conditions in the rural areas
because it felt that this was vital for both the economic growth of the country as
well as its social stability. They were seeking for ways to encourage national
loyalty and patriotism.

In 1908 the Imperial Rescript (Boshin shosho) urged the Japanese to work hard
and co-operate so that by their efforts “the growing prosperity of our empire is
assured.” The government also used youth organizations and military associations
to spread these ideas of collective effort. This collective effort, it· was stressed,
would “protect the security of society”.

6.7 ASSESSMENT
The Meiji government played a decisive role in not only providing the resources
to build the industrial infrastructure but also in carrying out effective growth-
oriented economic policies. The government transformed the fiscal system and
it had at its disposal an average of 14 per cent of Japan’s gross national product.
This source of funds allowed it to pursue its developmental functions. The
government’s policy on taxation was to limit consumption and encourage savings.

A large proportion of the government’s expenditure went to the building up of

84 the military machine. In the 1880s these expenditures were in the region of 18
per cent, 1890-1900 they increased to 34 per cent and 1901-1910 they went as Meiji Industrialization and
Development
high as 41 per cent. This benefited the growth of the modem sector. Other policies
created income inequalities which allowed increased savings among the richer
classes and therefore encouraged growth.

Japanese government also followed an interventionist policy and it had not only
the political will but also the financial resources to carry this out. The Meiji
policy was to influence the direction of investment by favouring certain areas
through special guarantees of loans and dividends. The ethical dimension of
economic activity was also equally important. In Japan profit by itself could not
be a goal. The businessmen, because of the influence of Confucian thought, saw
service to the state as a valid and important goal. This enabled the government to
work closely with business leaders for commonly acceptable goals.

State intervention when it was through direct management of industries did not
prove to be successful but working through the business houses or zaibatsu was
responsible for development. In the traditional areas as these were not crucial to
national security the government did not intervene directly. It acted to prevent
social tensions and to preserve social harmony. Thus in agriculture it encouraged
co-operatives and credit unions. It also worked to improve production and quality
by setting up inspection facilities and research stations. Sydney Crawcour argues
that while government policy was not always successful and though it created
problems on the whole through co-operation between business and government
a greater developmental potential was realized from the economy than would
otherwise have been possible.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( ) or (×).
i) The first Workers Union of Japan was formed at Tokyo.
ii) The Socialist Party was encouraged by the government.
iii) The government encouraged the landlords to consolidate their holdings.
iv) The government was opposed to any kind of shakai and banned the
Insect Society.
2) Discuss the growth and suppression of labour movement in Japan.
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.......................................................................................................................
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3) Assess the industrial policy of the Meiji Government.
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85
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 6.8 LET US SUM UP
In this Unit we have seen the major features of Meiji economic development.
The Meiji leaders inherited from the Tokugawa Bakufu a complex economic
system and a bureaucratic structure which regulated and governed this economy
through direct intervention in certain key areas. The Meiji leaders also inherited
the vast financial problems which had helped to dismantle the Bakufu’s political
power. Finally, the samurai ruling class had been removed from direct control
over the land and many became a part of the bureaucracy. This meant that their
interests were not tied to any particular type of landholding system and so they
were able to adjust with less resistance to the changes initiated by the Meiji
Government.

The Meiji Government channelled its newly created resources into building the
transport, communication, energy sectors and building a strong military machine.
These policies reflected their understanding that for Japan to survive it must
pursue the goal of fukoku kyohei (rich country, strong army). The building of the
infrastructural facilities was accompanied by directly importing new industries
and selling them to businessmen at low prices as well as vigorous economic
policies: These -policies -selectively guaranteed investments, gave subsidies and
channelled resources into developing indigenous industry.

The economic policies were based on a common understanding between the

government and business leaders and were part and parcel of the centralization
which had taken place in the political sphere. Here, in the economic sphere key
houses were encouraged. This created what became a dual sector, that is a modern
sector and a traditional sector. These two sectors differed in size, productivity
and wages. However, as we have seen the traditional sector played a key role in
the growth and development of the economy.

Foreign loans were kept to a minimum as the Meiji leaders were worried about
Japan losing its sovereignty. They used these loans at a few occasions but growth
was financed by exports and by keeping internal consumption at low levels. This
was possible because of the political control the Meiji Government exercised.
The oligarchy was able to create a suppressive system which ruthlessly crushed
dissent but on the other hand it also carried out policies which built connections
of loyalty between the people and the government. This ideological linking of
the people to the state through the ideas of loyalty to the Emperor was a crucial
factor in the economic development of Japan as it encouraged self-sacrifice for
the nation.

The development policies exacted a toll both from the people who had to bear
the burden of sacrifice as well as from Japan’s neighbours who had to suffer the
consequences of her expansionist policies. These issues are dealt with in later
Units but here it needs to be pointed out that militarism and expansionism were
intimately connected to the successful economic growth of Japan. Moreover, the
role of the state was also of crucial significance.

The Meiji state protected the economy from foreign competition and actively
aided and developed indigenous industry, It created strong links between the
business and government so that policies which were in line with the political
objectives of the state could be carried out. The costs to both the people and the
86 environment were high and they were borne because of political control. ·
 Meiji Industrialization and
6.9 KEY WORDS Development

Modern Sector: Term used for those economic activities where modern scientific
technology has been, applied. The. terms ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ vary with
time and space i.e. what might have been modern fifty years ago may not be
considered modern today.

Specie : Bullion.

Traditional Sector: Term used for those economic activities which are based on
obsolete technology and traditional methods of production.

Zaibatsu: Monopoly houses which controlled diverse businesses. The Major

houses were Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo and Yasuda. The word literally means
financial cliques.

6.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Your answer should include the aspects of agrarian reforms discussed in
Sec. 6.2.

2) Base your answer on Secs. 6.3 and 6.4 by taking into account the
governments’ policy in supporting iron industry, shipbuilding, Railways,
electricity, etc.

3) See the second last paragraph of Sec. 6.4

Check Your Progress 2
1) i) × ii) × iii) v)

2) You should mention the emergence of trade unions, views of trade union
leaders; attempts by the government to suppress it; the prohibitory laws
etc. See Sec. 6.5.

3) Base your answer on Sec. 6. 7.

87
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 7 OTHER VOICES: OPPOSITION TO
MEIJI POLICIES
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Tanaka Shozo: Democracy and Protecting the Environment
7.2.1 Ashio Copper Mines: Modern Industry and Pollution
7.2.2 Tanaka and the People’s Rights Movement
7.2.3 Yanaka and the One Tsubo Movement
7.3 Bridging the Secular and the Religious
7.4 Ending Poverty and Establishing an Equal Society
7.5 The Struggle of the Hisabestu Buraku: Japan’s Levellers
7.6 The Influence of Anarchism in the Cultural Life
7.7 Questioning Racial Science
7.8 Religious Groups and the Suiheisha
7.9 Making the Ainu (Utari) Japanese
7.9.1 Resistance and Accommodation by the Ainu/Utari
7.9.2 Opening Hokkaido to Mainland Japanese
7.9.3 The Rise of Ainu Journalism
7.9.4 Post World War-II Situation of the Ainu
7.10 From Ryuku Islands to the Prefecture of Okinawa
7.11 Let Us Sum Up
7.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

7.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you shall be able to understand:
the impact of modernity of Meiji period and resistance to some authoritarian
ideas of Meiji period,
the critical voices which opposed Meiji policies and programmes,
the role of Tanka Shozo and Hisabestu Buraku’s ideas in this articulation
of resistance, and
the predicament of Ainu.

7.1 INTRODUCTION
The policies of the Meiji government were based on a top down programme of
transforming the country into an industrial nation-state, a constitutional monarchy
based on European models. Japan’s path to becoming modern is often presented
as a triumphal march without any debate or contestation. In fact there were many
hotly debated issues, views and policies about the direction the country would
take. In this Unit we will look at some of these critical voices.

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We will look at a few individuals who were critical of the Meiji governments Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
authoritarian policies, such as Tanaka Shozo (1841-1913), Kotoku Shusui (1871-
1911), and Minakata Kumagusu (1867-1941), who from their different
perspectives offered alternative perspectives.

We will look at how minorities reacted to the transformation in Japan, especially

the reactions of the Ainu, the indigenous inhabitants, who lived in the northern
island of Hokkaido, the Okinawans, whose islands were seperated from the main
islands, and the socially outcaste groups known as the ‘hisabtsu buraku’. Looking
at the Japan’s path to modernity from these different perspectives helps us to
understand how countries have modernised and the way minorities and other
marginalised groups been made into ‘nationals’.

7.2 TANAKA SHOZO: DEMOCRACY AND

PROTECTING THE ENVIRONMENT
In the Meiji period, as Japan was ‘modernising’, a former village headman Tanaka
Shozo emerged as the leader of a movement to stop the pollution of the Watarase
and Tone rivers by the Ashio copper mine. This movement brought together a
wide range of social activists, peasants, farmers, journalists, teachers, socialists,
Christians and Buddhists. The area was close to Tokyo so the movement gathered
support from the urban intelligentsia and was widely reported in the press.

Tanaka is many ways an heir to the same critical tradition that shaped Ando
Shoeki, as he draws both on popular traditions and a world of thinking that was
shaped by moral objectives. His thinking was also shaped by Christianity and
constitutionalism. Tanaka Shozo posed an early challenge to the Meiji state’s
drive to modernize the economy and society, a drive that began to create
environmental destruction and restrict political freedom.

Tanaka Shozo was elected to the first Diet where he took up the constitutional
struggle to use democracy to empower the people and ensure that public policies
were for the benefit of the people. Tanaka strived to realize a strong sense of
pluralism to preserve community and environment even as capitalist forces of
production were working to transform the economic and social landscape.

7.2.1 Ashio Copper Mines: Modern Industry and Pollution

The Ashio copper mines in the prefecture of Tochigi, north of Tokyo, were
functioning from the early Tokugawa period but in the early Meiji, with the
discovery of rich veins of copper and the introduction of new technologies, their
output began to increase dramatically. The mines employed what were then the
latest technologies available. By 1885 the mines effluents had begun to poison
the fish in the Watarase and Tone rivers and within a few years protests began.
By 1890, as the presence of copper in the fields was confirmed, the protests
grew. In 1896 major floods spread the pollution to a wider area and the
contamination caused by the mines became a national issue.

On one side was the Meiji government backing the owner of the mines Furukawa
Ichibei (1832-1903). The government sought to protect the functioning of the
mines arguing that they were private property and the government could not
interfere in their operation but, faced with the growing numbers of protestors,
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History of Modern East Asia: the officials switched their stand and began to put in place policies to manage the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
natural environment and prevent flooding.

Japan had developed sophisticated river management techniques. The practice

was to allow the rivers to overflow. The occasional floods were controlled by
levees at the lower reaches but now government policy was premised on the idea
of controlling the river and preventing any flooding. This shift underlined a major
change in thinking, the objective now was the control of nature on a national
scale.

The flood control policy led to the building of major flood control systems and
as Robert Stolz writes, “By its completion in 1930 Japan had constructed 186
linear kilometers of high-water levees and displaced 220 million cubic meters of
earth — by contrast the contemporary Panama Canal displaced 180 million cubic
meters.” Was this policy effective in stopping environmental pollution? Tanaka
Shozo argued that this was not the case, in fact he underlined the fact that the
problem had been further aggravated.

7.2.2 Tanaka and the People’s Rights Movement

Tanaka Shozo, who came from a rural elite background was influenced by the
democratic movement for civil liberties, the Peoples Rights movement of the
early Meiji. He played an active role as a member of the Progressive Party
(Kaishinto) and as a journalist and editor of the local newspaper, The Tochigi
News. The movement for civil liberties drew inspiration from the ideas of thinkers
such as Rousseau and J.S. Mill, the practice of constitutional government in
Western countries, as well as on the popular traditions of peasant protest, to
argue for a constitutional government for Japan. The movement brought together
differing perceptions but the activists were united in that they opposed the Meiji
governments idea of constitutionalism. In 1890 Tanaka Shozo won a seat in the
first national election to the Diet in 1890.

Tanaka brought his intimate knowledge of the region and environment as well as
his readings of the new Western learning to think about the problems that the
people were facing. He was familiar with some of the major European writers
and read Rousseau as well as writings of the Quackers. He became a Christian
but continued to maintain his connections with the Buddhists, many of whom
would be involved in his movement. Local meetings were usually held in the
Buddhist temples of the area. The basic principle that Shozo and his movement
was motivated by was that the people were the active agents of change and to
realize this the people must, first, be made aware of government policies.

The government enacted the River Law in 1896 based on the idea of control and
creating the orderly flow of rivers. Tanaka focused his criticism on this law as it
represented what he thought was fundamentally wrong with the premises of
government policies. Tanaka was inspired by the eighteenth century idea of the
eternal motion of material energy. He argued that nature was marked by movement
or flow (nagare) but to this he added the idea of ‘poison’ (doku). The polices of
controlling the natural ‘flow’ would result in a harmful ‘backflow’ (gyakryu).
The toxity so created would gradually accumulate and build up and flow back
into the system. Toxic substances once they entered a natural system would not
be gradually dissipated rather they would flow within and gradually render the
whole system toxic.
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In today’s terminology this would be called ‘ecocide’. So the policies of Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
controlling nature by stopping or obstructing the flow of nature were responsible
for creating famines and floods. Control, management, or addressing issues in
isolation and in a piecemeal fashion would not resolve the problems but merely
postpone them. It was necessary to address the fundamental approach of the
government’s centralized decision-making plan of industrialization.

The pollution of the Watarase and Tone rivers was destroying the fauna and their
habitat and, in turn, this pollution contaminated the rice fields. This cycle of
destruction was the logical result of the misguided policies of the government
that justified them as modern development.

7.2.3 Yanaka and the One Tsubo Movement

To highlight his opposition in 1904 Tanaka Shozo moved to the village of Yanaka,
which was to be flooded to make place for a reservoir. He and other activists
bought token pieces of land, and so the movement was called the ‘one tsubo
movement’ (1 tsubo =3.3 m2). Yanaka became a symbol of the devastation caused
by the governments’ policies and the people’s resistance to these policies.

The Yanaka based movement gave birth to what Tanaka Shozo called Yanakagaku,
or Yanaka-ology, an alternative form of knowledge that would focus on ways to
to nurture flow rather than the creation of poison. By buying a small piece of
land the activists sought to thwart the state’s claim that it could take over lands in
the national interest. Between 1904-1910 the new ‘villagers’ of Yanaka had to
fight against repeated demolitions of their village by the government. Even as
the people were sent off as soldiers to fight wars for the state (1904-5 the Russo-
Japanese war) and build its colonial empire the people’s lands were being taken
over and their livelihoods destroyed.

Tanaka’s appeal is perhaps best expressed in his declaration in 1912 when he

wrote “We have a constitution. Unfortunately this constitution is based on [narrow]
Japanese principles, not on universal [natural] principles (hiroki kempo, uchuteki
kempo). As such, even if Japan were to die, we are under no obligation to die
with it.” Shozo’s ideas and his struggles place him in a powerful and vital tradition
within Japan but his thinking also finds resonance in other parts where people
struggled with similar issues.

Tanaka Shozo’s ideas and struggle recall what Gandhi (1869-1948) was doing in
India In India. Gandhi also sought to address the problems of social and political
development within an over-arching moral and ethical framework.

7.3 BRIDGING THE SECULAR AND THE

RELIGIOUS
Minakata Kumagusu, naturalist, botanist, anthropologist and early environmental
activist sought to link protection of the environment with democracy and spiritual
traditions. His questioning of Western science through what Tsurumi Kazuko,
called the Minakata mandala provides a way to see how Minakata, drawing on
Buddhist ideas of inter-dependence, questions the widely influential evolutionism
of Herbert Spencer and Western science and offers an alternative world view.
Minakata’s fight was against the governments’ policies of unifying Shinto shrines,
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History of Modern East Asia: a policy he called ‘iegoroshi’ or ‘killing the home’. Minakata’s ideas built on
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
ideas from Japan and Asia’s past to seek a way to counter the social alienation
and economic destruction that marked the European project of modernity.

Minakata Kumagusu does not fit the typical image of the successful Meiji
intellectual in his personal trajectory or in his intellectual concerns. Minakata
differed from his contemporaries in three important ways. Firstly, unlike like
many of his compatriots though he went abroad to study getting a degree was
never important it was the search for knowledge that was a lifelong concern. He
lived for six years in the U.S and traveled to the West Indies and Cuba, Venezuela,
Haiti and Panama during that period. He spent eight years in England establishing
his reputation with the publication of an article “The Constellations in the Far
East” in Nature, a reputed science magazine. In England he became friends with
influential intellectuals and activists such as Sun Yatsen, who would go on to
become the Premier of China after the republican revolution of 1911.

His writings, as a scientist and a comparative folklorist, brought him recognition

within the English speaking intellectual world. His large library held books on
science, archaeology, folklore, religion and history and many annotated in a variety
of languages. Most intellectuals in the English speaking word would have been
familiar with the books in his library. He came into contact not only with English
intellectuals but also with nationalists and revolutionary exiles from India, China,
and other parts of the colonial world who gathered in London. Minakata’s thinking
was thus shaped not just by the concerns and debates within Japan but equally
by his interactions with people across the globe. This was something he shared
with many anti-colonial intellectuals.

Secondly, Minakata differed from many of his famous contemporaries in that his
life was not driven by the idea of ‘rising in the world’ (risshin shusei). Meiji
Japan was marked by making ‘worldy success’ important. This meant getting
the right degree, making a career, either in the bureaucracy or industry, and
contributing to making ‘modern’ Japan a ‘rich country with a strong army’ (fukoku
kyohei).

Minakata was a trained scientist who worked as a naturalist discovering mycetezoa

(nenkin) but he was above all concerned with integrating science, religion and
ideas about the environment into an intellectual system. He found the modern
Western systems unable to cope with the questions he raised. His intellectual
project was thus both wider in scope and more revolutionary in its objectives
than what many of his contemporaries were thinking.

Thirdly, he also differed from many of his academic contemporaries in that though
he was not a ‘political activist’ he was what could be called a public intellectual
taking a stand on what he considered were important issues. His writings on
shrine integration are an example of this. Minakata’s professional career and
social activisim needs to be seen within the framework of a larger colonial
intellectual network who acquired Western academic credentials but did not reject
their own, and other traditions. Their command over a set of professional skills
gave them access and recognition, but they were, at the same time, on the margins
of this world and in tension with many of its premises. This exclusion allowed
them to question prevailing assumptions and think of ways to articulate alternative
systems.
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Minakata wanted to to restore the break that modernity had created. The divide Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
between the secular and the religious, the idea that rationality meant a denial of
the spiritual, the invasion of the state into all aspects of life that was destroying
communities and the environment. He questined the idea that Japan had to ‘catch
up with the West’ as this drive was then characterised. Kumagusu questioned
these objectives and the assumptions they were based on to oppose the myths of
the state, modern myths that created an illusion among the people weakening the
critical exercise of power.

Shinto and the Amalgamation of Shinto Shrines

The Meiji government, in consonance with the self-perception it was creating of
being modern, projected an image of religion as marginal to the intellectual life
of Japan and Shinto as a ‘rite of state’ bound up with the imperial house and
Japanese traditions.

In pursuing this agenda the government attacked Buddhism as a foreign religion

and even destroyed temples. They looked at Shinto, as the original religion of
Japan, an idea that was in fact a modern idea. The Shinto priests welcomed this
idea as they were given state salaries and their lot improved. In 1906 all Shinto
shrines were graded and ranked in a hierarchy with the Ise shrine, where the
emperor worshipped his ancestors, at the top. In the interests of rationality and
management the government decreed that there should be only one shrine for
each village. This meant that many unmarked or small shrines were destroyed
and the god image moved to the officially supported shrine. All shrines were
surrounded by a sacred grove. Once the shrine was removed the trees could be
cut and sold. This destruction was most extensive in Wakayama, where Minakata
lived, and adjoining Mie.

Minakata’s attack on this policy was comprehensive and marked by great

intellectual depth. He argued that this policy would open to exploitation the sacred
forests around the shrine and lead to environmental destruction. The wars Japan
was fighting and economic development had led to an increase in demand for
lumber and the Wakayama was a major timber producing area so there were
economic reasons for this policy.

But Minakata also argued that these policies decided by bureaucrats in Tokyo
undermined the authority of the regions and local governments by centralizing
power and decision making. He also argued that shrines, small or big, had an
organic link with the religious sentiments of the people they were not just buildings
and through these ‘open air museums’ (yagai hakubutsukan) the people were
linked to their past and traditions. Destroying these shrines, he writes was really
iegoroshi or domicide, which can be understood as killing the ‘house’ (ie) in the
sense of severing its links with its past.

Minakata had long campaigned for ensuring protection of the environment, he

was the first person in Japan to use the word ecology, but in his thinking protection
of the environment was inextricably bound with protecting the democratic rights
of the people and could only be done if they were makers of their future. He
viewed the protection of the environment and the community not in a narrow
national framework but as a global issue.

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History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 7.4 ENDING POVERTY AND ESTABLISHING AN
EQUAL SOCIETY
Socialist ideas came to Japan from Europe and the United States. The U.S was a
major source. In the 1880s American socialism moved from social welfare to the
scientific socialism of R.T. Ely and the Christian socialism of Edward Bellamy
and from 1886 the American Federation of Labour (AFL) became an influential
force and these ideas shaped the thinking of many Japanese who went to the U.S
to study.

Japanese thinking about the social problems were mainly concerned with the
question of poverty and the elimination of economic inequality. In 1896 the Social
Policy Study Group (Shakai seisaku gakkai) was established to study these
questions. Other groups followed.

Many of the socialists looked at the Meiji restoration as an ‘ishin-kakumei’ or

restoration-revolution. They saw it as a progressive revolution which had
overthrown feudalism and established freedom and equality. Thus the anrcho-
syndicalist Kotoku Shusui wrote, “The restoration–revolution of our Japan truly
has the spirit of freedom, equality and altruism”.

The character of the ishin lay, for them, not in the imperial restoration, nor in the
opening of Japan to Western trade, but in the impact of nineteenth century liberal
ideas of freedom and popular government, which led to the establishment of a
constitutional government. Therefore, when they talked of resistance and change,
it was to restore the true aims of the ishin and to end the distortions that had
taken place.

The two most representative socialist works of this period were both written in
1903. They were Kotoku Shusui’s, The Quintessence of Socialism (Shakai shugi
shinzui), and Katayama Sen’s (1859-1933), Our Socialism (Waga shakaishugi)
Kotoku Shusui’s work, though based largely on the writings of Ely, Marx, and
Engels, is a pioneering effort, along with Morichika Unpei’s The Socialist
Programme (Shakai shugi koryo). It shows a good grasp of socialist ideas.
Kotoku’s use of the concept of class struggle cannot be reduced to an evolutionary
concept and linked to the struggle of the fittest. He sees society as progressing
(shinka) and his analysis of class domination is both in economic and moral
terms.

Katayama Sen’s, Our Socialism is a slightly longer work which starts by defining
the meaning of socialism and then proceeds to an analyses of capitalist society,
offering criticism from the point of view of workers. Katayama explains the
meaning of socialist revolution and argues that capitalist wealth will be
appropriated without compensation as it does not belong to the capitalists but is
produced by the workers.

In Meiji socialism it was the principle of economic organization that was fundamental
to what was considered socialism; politics, however was not just a conditional
element (jokenteki) it was an important way to bring about change. The socialists
recognized the importance of the political system in providing the framework to
realise their ideals.

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Kotoku’s writings on the electoral system indicate this understanding, and his Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
use of categories and stages to mark the dominant characteristics of a period
were part of the accepted framework that history moved from a period of ‘free
competition’, to one of ‘trusts and syndicates’ (shihongodo shugi), and finally to
world socialism.

The understanding of ‘‘people’’ in Meiji socialism is a very important issue.

Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957), who conceptualized the idea of “commonerism”
(heiminshugi), referred to those who were not nobility or samurai by the would
‘ordinary people’ heimin. In Kotoku’s understanding too the core of this group
constituted the ‘‘people’’. This included people who own land and can vote.

By the turn of the century most socialists were agreed upon the content of
socialism. Their ideas centred on a) public ownership of production facilities,
and b) equal distribution. To bring about these changes they argued that given
the level of development in Japan, violence was unnecessary. These changes
could be brought about peacefully through parliamentary institutions and that is
why they supported a universal suffrage law that would, they argued, enable
them to win power. Therefore, they were also active supporters of general
education that would create awareness among workers and tenants, who formed
a large part of the population.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Discuss the steps taken by Tanaka Shozo for preservation of Environment.
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2) Briefly describe the ideas of Minakata Kumagusu?

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7.5 THE STRUGGLE OF THE HISABESTU

BURAKU: JAPAN’S LEVELLERS
The socially outcaste groups became known as ‘burakumin’ after the Meiji
restoration, as earlier they had lived in designated villages or ‘’tokshu buraku’, a
word no longer used. Today the term used is ‘hisabtsu buraku’ or discriminated
communities or ghetoes. In 1871 a decree abolished the ‘ignoble classes’, today
it’s known as the Emancipation Edict. In the Meiji period and later the movement
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History of Modern East Asia: to end this discrimination was divided into two camps, one advocating
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
assimilation (dowa) and the other which was critical of the practices and called
for emancipation.

In 1905 the Japanese government sponsored the improvement project for the
hisabtsu buraku with an ideological campaign called the Yuwa (Harmony)
movement. Yuwa, was based on the idea of conciliation and sought to merge
minorities into majorities under the emperor’s authority. It was superseded by
popular movements that were more critical of the government. The government
backed the Yuwa movement till the beginning of the Asia-pacific war in 1942.

In direct opposition to the Yuwa movement, the Suiheisha, (Levellers, the 17th
century English movement that fought for popular sovreignty, universal suffrage,
and religious toleration) was independently organized by the hisabetsu buraku
people. Significantly it took the its name from the English Levelers suggesting
an appeal to a universal agenda not bound by nationalism. The Suiheisha issued
a declaration on March 3, 1922 calling for the restoration of humanity. It
proclaimed that the time had come ‘to throw off their stigma’ that had bound
them for centuries. The declaration said the time had come for the buraku to take
the blessings of the martyr’s crown of thorns’ to bring about the light of liberation.
As one of the founders, Mankichi Saiko (1895-1970) wrote, contrasting the
metaphor of light and temperature – the cold nightmare of alienation and
oppression that the buraku were subjected to against the warmth and light that
liberation would bring for the working class and tenant farmers – ‘let there be
warmth for human society; let there be light for all human beings’

The Suiheisha was a modern organization established to fight for the rights of
the hisabestsu burakumin, who though granted equality in principle, were
discriminated in practice. The language of the declaration and the idea of
martyrdom shows the influence of Christian beliefs.

It was also strongly influenced by anarchism. Two scholars who have examined
this, Miyazaki and Mihara, bring out the fact that anarchism was a major influence
in the Suheisha and it continued to play a vital role till the outbreak of the war in
1942, The movement had its economic basis in the idea of ‘snatch’ (ryaku) from
the capitalist or rich. Other specific aspects of anarchism in the movement were
expressed by their practice of communal living, and in their strong spirit of
solidarity. (spirit of “Ninkyo”). These ideas also linked them to religious groups
at that time.

7.6 THE INFLUENCE OF ANARCHISM IN THE

CULTURAL LIFE
Anarchism, as re-interpreted in Japan, exerted a profound influence in shaping
the fundamental conceptions underlying cultural life in modern Japan. In Japan
anarchism was refashioned, according to Sho Konishi, to develop a civilization
based on mutual aid from a Bakunist ideology of violent destruction.

This vision of cooperativist progress became a very powerful construct for the
conceptual basis of modern Japan’s cultural life. It provided the basis for
intellectual movements such as the, The New Man Society (Shinjinkai), set up
by Tokyo Imperial University students, to bring about democracy by ‘going to
96 the people’( jinmin no nakae). These ideas also influenced the Suiheisha.
Mankichi Saiko, one of the founders of the Suiheisha was influenced by his Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
reading of Marx and Engles, and Russian radical thinkers such as Kropotkin,
Bakunin, the writer Maxim Gorky, as well as French humanists like Romain
Rolland. He read Japanese socialists such as Kotoku Shusui, Osugi Sakae,
Yamakawa Hitoshi, Sano Manabu and others. He was familiar with the major
intellectuals of the time.

Scholars of Russian literature have pointed to the influences from Russian writing
on the Suiheisha’s idea of humanity. Gyofu Soma (1883-1950), poet and translator
of Russian literature, writing about Gorky’s novels especially “The Lower Depth”
(1902), argues that the importance of human dignity is very important as shown
in his descriptions of the underclass, such as vagabonds and ex-convicts, and
this resonated with Japanese readers.

This was true for others in the organization as well. Kondo Hikari (1887-1961),
an associate of Katayama Sen (1859-1933), one of the early socialists who took
steps to organize labour unions moved to Irkutsk in 1918 and became the
correspondent of Pravda. He came back soon after the Suiheisha was formed to
join it. The Suiheisha, in the period of its formation had a wide following in the
Kyoto area, which had a higher population of hisabtsu buraku.

7.7 QUESTIONING RACIAL SCIENCE

These radical ideas were used to question and the ‘racial sciences’ then being
popularised in Japan as well. In the 1920’s, European “racial sciences”, such as
genetics and criminal anthropology, which argued that each race had certain
inherent traits, were very widely accepted in Japan. Many people began to think
that poor people, vagabonds, criminals, disabled people and Burakumin were
“inferior” human beings. The appeal of anti-racist sentiments and the absolute
value placed on human life in anarchism is what lead to the Declaration asking
not for “compassion” from society, but for human dignity.

7.8 RELIGIOUS GROUPS AND THE SUIHEISHA

The Suiheisha worked along with other movements which sought to end
discimination within the temples. Buddhist sects also followed the social hierarchy
and outcaste priests were confined to their own temples. The refusal to silently
tolerate discrimination was increasing, and the monks turned to the judiciary to
find an answer to their plight. They also took to more direct action as well. In
1881 buraku believers took a head priest to court for his discriminatory behavior.
In 1902 a discriminatory remark by Ryuge, a Honganji priest sparked the largest
buraku demonstration since the beginning of the modern period.

Many of the activists associated with the Suiheisha were members of the Shin
Buddhist sects, which had a nation wide following. The linkages between the
Honganji and buraku activists is well illustrated in the three generations of the
Nakamura family from the Nishikoji temple in Nara Prefecture. Nakamura Teishi
a monk involved in the fight against discrimination, his son was removed from
priesthood by the sect because of a book that went against the official doctrine,
and then, the grandson, Nakamura Jinya, carrying on this fight against
discrimination, helped to establish the Suiheisha. He was also key figure in the

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History of Modern East Asia: All Japan Suiheisha Youth Alliance. The linkages between the struggle within
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
the temple and the Suiheisha were very close.

7.9 MAKING THE AINU (UTARI) JAPANESE

The Meiji government took control, after the restoration, of the land of Ezo
(Ezochi) and in 1869 renamed it Hokkaido, (Northern Sea Circuit, a name based
on the terminology used in the classical period). The government was worried
about Russia and wanted to establish clear control. Russian expeditions were
exploring this area and looking to colonise the islands.

The Japanese Ainu are considered the original inhabitants of Japan. Their
language, dress and culture are different, and, according to some scholars, their
origins go back to the Jomon culture. In the pre-modern period there were
rebellions against mainland rule but they enjoyed a degree of autonomy to practice
their culture and life.

The name ‘Ainu’ which means ‘human’ has been problematic because of its
derogatory nuance and they prefer to identify themselves as Utari (comrade in
the Ainu language). Official documents use both names. The Ainu lived in
Hokkaido, the Kurile islands, Sakhalin and parts of norhtern Honshu, the main
island. They called their land Ainu mosir.

The civilising mission of the Meiji government aimed to transform the Ainu into
modern imperial citizens through education, training them to shed their identity
even as legal regulations continued to create laws that marked their separateness.
To become modern they had to shed their ‘traditions’. Ironical, as the dominant
motif of Japanese modernity is the balance between ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’.

The initial thrust of the government was twofold, populate and colonise Ezo,
renamed Hokkaido, with people from the ‘mainland’ and carry out forced
assimilation. This meant that large tracts of land were given to mainlanders
brought to populate these ‘empty’ spaces. The Ainu were forced to use the
Japanese language, adopt Japanese names and traditional practices, such as
tatooing, were prohibited. The Ainu lost their lands and their history. In this
political process they were transformed into a trans-historical community. The
politics that defined them as a community, through their traditions, kept them
eternally discriminated. To end this discrimination what was required was not
the ‘preservation’ of an essentialised Ainu identity, defined by the politics of
modernity, but the questioning of the modern Japanese state and the politics that
it created.

7.9.1 Ressistance and Accommodation by the Ainu/Utari

Resistance and accommodation took many forms. Three areas mark the boundaries
of an alternative history of the Ainu. One, resistance to forced land acquisition,
two, the recovery of their own past, and three, the formation of groups to articulate
their interests and concerns. It was through these social, political and intellectual
struggles that the Ainu were becoming modern even as the Japanese state worked
to keep them as a ‘pre-modern community to mark the enlightened modernity of
Japan.

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7.9.2 Opening Hokkaido to Mainland Japanese Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
The Meiji period saw the forced resettlement of Ainu as their lands were opened
to colonization by the mainlanders, or wajin (that is people of Yamato), as they
were called. The Ainu population of Hokkaido stagnated around 18,000 but
between 1850 and 1913 the mainland Japanese population jumped from 111,000
to 1.8 million.

These people from the main islands were known by the Ainu as shamo’. This led
to battles over the right to possession. To give one example, in 1891 the Ainu
living on the river banks and around lakes in Asahikawa were forcibly moved by
the Hokkaido administration to the north-west of Chikabumi, where the
government reserved 1050,000 tsubo ( a measure of land about 3.3 sq metres)
land for their needs but in 1894 out of this only 46,000 tsubo was given to 36
Ainu households.

The Hokkaido government while recognizing their right to the use of this land
did not recognize their right of possession. In 1899 the native protection law
came into effect and as it was decided that the 7 th Division of the army would be
moved nearby. The Hokkaido government removed this land from the purview
of the law and stopped the Ainu grants. Finally, in 1900 Okura Zenhachiro, the
person who formed the Okura zaibatsu, which was constructing the buildings
for the 7 th Division, used a fake seal to hoodwink the illiterate Ainu to sign
away their rights. The adminsitration supported his contention that they had signed
away their rights. An Ainu group was formed to defend Ainu rights but it was not
until 1913 that the sale was cancelled and the Asahikawa city agreed to pay
compensation.

7.9.3 The Rise of Ainu Journalism

The government’s policy of spreading public education led to the growth of a
literacy and the growth of a reading public. Many Ainu turned to journalism to
raise consciousness of their problems. In the Taisho period (1912-1926) Ainu
journalism began to develop. In 1913 Yamabe Yasunosuke (1867-1923) published
the autobiographical, ‘The Story of the Ainu’ (Ainu monogatari), the first book
written in the Ainu language, which told the story of the Karafuto Ainu. In 1916
the first book about Ainu life and culture written by an Ainu.

Ainu organizations were established, such as the Kaiheisha (1926), which was
influenced by the Suiheisha (1922) the buraku organization. Other organizations
were formed and many published journals were published, such as ‘The Light of
Ezo’ (Ezo no hikari). Only four issues of this magazine survive but these show
that their programme was one of social reform and the encouragement of education
and an opposition to the native protection law.

Faced with these struggles the paternalistic protection laws were modified in
1937 and policies now began to provide subsidies not just to encourage Ainu to
become agriculturalists but also to take up other professions. The Ainu poet and
intellectual wrote in the 1970’s , That the Ainu were “nationals who are unequal
to [other] nationals” (kokumin nami de wa nai kokumin).

The premises of the 1899 Hokkaidô Former Natives Protection Act was that
‘former natives’ were ‘the same imperial subjects’ and yet, according to the
principle of ‘survival of the fittest,’ said that they had ‘lost the ability to live their 99
History of Modern East Asia: lives.’ Therefore, they must be ‘protected.’ This schema overlaps exactly the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
schema that says they are ‘Japanese nationals’ but ‘not equal’ and therefore must
be socially advanced through ‘welfare.’

7.9.4 Post World War-II Situation of the Ainu

In the post-World War- II period these ideas were questioned and groups organized
to fight for the return of the confiscated Ainu lands. They also began to question
the use of Ainu and began to see it as an insult to their identity preferring, instead,
to use the word uteri or comrade. It was not till June 6, 2008 that the Japanese
Diet approved a bipartisan, non-binding resolution recognizing the Utari as an
indigenous people of Japan with “an indigenous people with a distinct language,
religion and culture”and urged the end of discrimination. The government noted:
“The government would like to solemnly accept the historical fact that many
Ainu were discriminated against and forced into poverty with the advancement
of modernization, despite being legally equal to (Japanese) people.”

7.10 FROM RYUKU ISLANDS TO THE

PREFECTURE OF OKINAWA
The islands of Okinawa were originally called the Ryukyu islands. Their langauge
and culture was heavily shaped by Chinese influence and different from mainland
Japan. Historically they accepted the sovreignty of both China and Japan. The
Satsuma domain invaded the islands in 1609 and by 1611 annexed it but the
Ryukyu’s continued to be a vassal of China as well. After the Meiji restoration in
1872 they were made a domain (han) but continued as as a tributary of Japan. In
1879 when Japan declared that it would annex them, China protested but Japan
went ahead and converted them to the Okinawa prefecture. The king of Okinawa
Sho Tai (1843-1901) was exiled to Tokyo.

The people of Okinawa were hostile as Japan began to replace the language and
culture by enforcing the use of Japanese. Japan set up a system of public education
and Japanese was taught in schcols, as with the Ainu. The use of the local langague
was forbidden and students shamed for using it. Gradually a class of people who
spoke Japanese was created though tensions remained.

Okinawa was the only part of Japan where a major battle was fought, the Battle
of Okinawa in April-June1945 when over a 100,000 civilians died. Many hid in
caves and frightened of being captured by the U.S soldiers they committed mass
suicide. They were convinced by the governments propoganda that to surrender
was to be a traitor to the imperial cause. Some scholars argue that the ferocity of
the battle, and that the Okinawans, with no sight of help, resisted so fiercly, led
the U.S to use a nuclear bomb thinking that Japanese resistance would lead to
heavy casualties.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Briefly discuss how Ainu people resisted assimilation in the Japanese culture.
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100
 ....................................................................................................................... Other Voices: Opposition to
Meiji Policies
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2) Evaluate the influence of Anarchisim on the cultural life of Japan in the

context of Suiheisha organzation.
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7.11 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have looked at a few social activists and intellectuals who examined
the problems Japan was facing and offered a variety fo alternatives. We have
also looked at the socially disadvantaged groups, known as the hisabestsu buraku
and their organization known as the Suiheisha and discussed them. We have also
looked at two perhipheral areas of Japan, the northern island of Hokkaido and
it’s inhabitants the Ainu, and the ilands of okinawa to show that nation building
was a contested process and these groups, often had differing notions of what it
meant to be Japanese.

These differening voices are a few examples from the many voices that helped to
shape modern Japan. Each in their own way contribted to widening the area of
public debate and contributed to ending social discrimination and economic
inequalty and strengthening civil society.

7.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See section 7.2 and Sub-section 7.2.1
2) See section 7.3
Check Your Progress 2
1) See section7.9 and Sub-section 7.9.1
2) See section 7.6 and 7.8

101
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 8 MEIJI JAPAN: SEEKING
INTERNATIONAL EQUALITY
Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Unequal Treaties and Reform of Criminal Law and Prisons
8.2.1 Bentham and the Panopticon
8.2.2 Finding Similarities between Japan and Europe
8.2.3 Learning from Foreign Teachers
8.2.4 Using Law to End the Unequal Treaties
8.2.5 Life in the Treaty Ports
8.2.6 The Iwakura Mission and Treaty Revision
8.2.7 End of Unequal Treaties
8.3 The Importance of Colonial Territories
8.4 Becoming Civilized: The Idea of Race
8.4.1 The Modern Concept of Race
8.4.2 Exhibiting ‘Inferior Races’
8.5 East Asia: Contending Imperialisms
8.5.1 Turning Korea into a Colony
8.5.2 Japan’s War with China and Nationalism
8.5.3 Allying With Great Britain
8.5.4 Japan’s War with Russia
8.5.5 China and the War
8.5.6 The Effects of the War in Japan
8.6 Let Us Sum Up
8.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

8.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will understand:
How Japan was able to end the Unequal Treaties after Meiji restoration,
The reform of criminal laws and prisons in Japan,
Importance of colonies for Japan, and
Japan’s war with its neighbouring countries and its impact on Japan.

8.1 INTRODUCTION
Japanese policies after the Meiji restoration of 1868 were driven by the need to
preserve their independence and establish equal relations with the Western powers.
In this Unit we will examine some of the main elements of this policy. The idea
that a non-Western country would become equal seemed an impossible dream. It
meant Japan had to transform its institutions, ideas and practices, and even change
its dress.

Japan, historically had to contend with a great power, China, as it’s neighbour so
102 it had a history of thinking about foreign relations and how to negotiate and
work towards a favourable settlement. It paid close attention to international Meji Japan: Seeking
International Equality
norms to find a way to be included in the modern international system.

The drive to equality was aimed at both changing legal and political institutions,
reforming society as well as with re-writing the the unequal treaties that Japan
was forced to sign which gave extra-territorial privileges to foreigners. To end
them Japanese policy makers began to study the situation in other countries,
negotiate with each nation, and gradually win concessions until equal relations
were established.

These changes were backed by building military strength, through modernizing

the armed forces, and building an empire. Control over territories and resources
would balance Japan’s place in a world dominated by empires.

8.2 UNEQUAL TREATIES AND REFORM OF

CRIMINAL LAW AND PRISONS
Public opinion was vehemently opposed to the treaties that Japan had been forced
to sign. There were press campaigns and debates among intellectuals and officials
on how best to right this wrong. One of the arguments by foreign governments
for not allowing Japanese legal jurisdiction over their citizens was that the
Japanese used torture, which they considered outdated and barbaric. How the
question of physical torture was addressed shows the way Japan changed its
legal system.

The reform of criminal law and prison management was also, in part, carried out
to strengthen the demand to end unequal treaties. Prison reform had been a matter
of debate before but now it became an urgent necessity. The government sent
Ohara Shigechika (1834-1902) to Hong Kong in 1871 to study how prisons were
managed there. The question the Japanese faced was how to bring in European
ideas into their system. As Ohara wrote they needed to build prisons for rice
eaters and meat eaters so that they could achieve their national goals. (Traditionally
the Japanese didn’t eat much meat.)

Tsuda Masamichi (1829-1903), wrote in the leading magazine of the times, the
Meiroku, calling for legal reform and to buttress his argument, said that even the
‘Mongol and black races’ are now abolishing torture so Japan must start legal
reforms. By this he meant that if ‘barbarians’ were doing this Japan could not lag
behind. Tokugawa prisons were communal rooms with the inmates managing
the running. Some prisoners were even confined in cages. Now the prison was
transformed onto what the English philosopher called the ‘panopticon. The
panopticon is a metaphor for modern disciplinary societies.

8.2.1 Bentham and the Panopticon

In 1798 Bentham had proposed the design of a prison where all prisoners could
be observed from one station, this he wrote would be a “a new mode of obtaining
power of mind over mind, in a quantity hitherto without example’.

Inflicting punishment on the body, flogging, confinement were no longer

desirable. Now surveillance and changing the mind of the prisoner, reforming
him was the main objective. A new Japanese word for prison, replacing the earlier
word, was introduced — kangoku, meaning surveillance jail. Flogging was
103
History of Modern East Asia: replaced by hard labour, to “transform wild animals into productive workers’.
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Prisoners were sometimes exiled to Hokkaido, newly opened to mainland
Japanese, to work in developing new areas for settlement. Prisons were now
modern buildings made of stone where skills such as carpentry and masonry
were taught. Prisons became ‘industrial schools’. There were changes to reform
the death penalty as well.

8.2.2 Finding Similarities between Japan and Europe

The penologist Ogawa Shigejiro (1862-1925) turned the argument to show Japan
in a better light than Western countries by looking at how they treated minorities
in their country and prisoners in the colonies. He argued that flogging was
mindless, and criticized the U.S for lynching blacks, or the practice of convict
leasing. He also said the French and Dutch used flogging and other cruel measures
in their colonies. Japan became modern not with the coming of the West in1868,
he argued, but because of it’s medieval roots. There was a long practice if
reforming prisoners through work that dated back to the the late 18th century.
Japan feudal heritage, and the development of law, was held up to show how
similar and comparable the history of Japan was with Europe. Japanese legal
ideas and Germanic law developed in similar ways.

8.2.3 Learning from Foreign Teachers

The government invited legal scholars from Europe to advise them on how to
change their legal system. This was a common practice for other areas- education,
industry and in the modernization of the armed forces. The foreign employees
(oyatoi as they were known) were payed generously, far above what a Japanese
received for the same work. Usually they had a number of Japanese assigned to
observe and learn and be able to take over the work soon. Tokyo Imperial
University employed a number of foreign teachers and classes were held in
English, or the language of the instructor. Gustave Boissonade (1825-1907) helped
to write legal regulations loosely based on the Napoleonic Code. A commercial
code was designed with the aid of the German legal expert Herman Roesler. The
government sent officials to other countries, such as Egypt to see how extra-
territoriality worked, and how they dealt with Western countries.

8.2.4 Using Law to End the Unequal Treaties

The Japanese government used law to gradually build up it’s case for the
recognition of it’s rights. In 1872 a ship carrying Chinese labour bound for Peru
docked in Japan. The Japanese freed the labourers and declared their contract
null and void. The Maria Luz incident, as it was called by the name of the ship,
set a legal precedent that the Japanese government had sole jurisdiction over
unrepresented foreigners. Japan had no treaty with Peru. This showed that the
Japanese government saw the importance of international law, used it for it’s
advantage, to reach the objective of revising the unequal treaties.

This was also the reason behind enacting the law, in 1871, that emancipated the
discriminated outcasts (hisabetsu burakumin) prostitutes and other forms of labour
bondage.

It took further negotiations with the foreign powers before the unequal treaty
system was abolished in 1899.
104
8.2.5 Life in the Treaty Ports Meji Japan: Seeking
International Equality

The unequal treaties were agreements that granted extra-territorial rights and
special commercial privileges to the Western powers. All privileges given to one
Western powers were extended to the others as well. Treaty ports, so called because
foreigners were allowed residence there, were exempt from Japanese laws.
Foreign nationals were tried by their own courts for crimes committed in Japan.
Japan’s freedom to determine her own tariffs on imports and exports was limited.
Import tariffs were fixed at 5 per cent making imported good very competitive.

The treaty ports, like Yokohama, became enclaves of foreign culture attracting
officials, merchants, adventurer’s and tourists. Japanese also came to work and
do business. These enclaves were cosmopolitan centres. The foreigners were
confined to city limits and not allowed beyond 30 km from the treaty ports without
special permission. Often there were clashes when they ventured out as anti-
foreign feelings were running high. The sight of foreigners on horse back angered
local elites. Riding horses was a sign of high status in Japan then, as in Europe.

The growing population of the treaty ports led to an increase in businesses that
provided everything for daily necessities to English newspapers. There was a
steady inflow of tourists who bought souvenirs and photos of their trips. Photo
studios and the work of photographers reveals this world. Current research has
been studying the interactions that were taking place in the foreign enclaves
between foreigners and Japanese at all levels of society and speeding the processs
of change. The treaty ports were not just enclaves of foreign domination but can
be seen as agents of change.

Yokahama became a major silk trading port for British, French and U.S merchants.
In 1870 the first daily newspaper was published for there, and in 1872 the first
railway line was laid connecting Yokohama to Shinagawa, and the first power
plant built in 1887 by a British merchant. These enclaves brought in the first
signs of modern technology and industrial development.

8.2.6 The Iwakura Mission and Treaty Revision

The Japanese government sent official delegations to Europe to study it’s
institutions and culture and get to understand this new world. The largest and
most important mission was named after its leader, Iwakura Tomomi (1825-1883).
A court official who played an important role in the Meiji period, drafting the
Five Article Charter Oath of 1868. The Iwakura Mission (1871-1873) was sent
to Europe and the U.S to end the unequal treaties and study how to modernize
the country. There were 48 members and each studied different areas in close
detail.

These studies helped them to change Japanese practices. For instance, the mission
studied how European courts functioned, how they were organized, and their
ceremonies and even the way they dressed. The Japanese imperial court was
then remodeled along European lines. The emperor and his wife, and family
appeared in official portraits, the emperor was dressed in military clothes and his
wife in European dress. This was very different from earlier practices. The emperor
did not, for instance, have a ‘wife’, there many imperial consorts. The first imperial
marriage was of the Taisho emperor, (ruled 1912-1926). The marriage ceremony
was specially designed, and the first time an emperor was ‘married’ formally.
105
History of Modern East Asia: The Iwakura mission also saw the necessity of revising the the civil and criminal
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
codes along European lines. The year 1871 the Iwakura mission returned was
the time when there were debates about whether to invade Korea with some
officials arguing for concentrating on treaty revision as the most urgent business.
Okubo Toshimichi (1830-1878) clearly stated: “The first thing is to revise the
treaties, the Korean business after that.” If they are not revised, he felt that England
and France will send armies on the pretext of an internally insecure situation.

8.2.7 End of Unequal Treaties

Formal negotiations for abolition of unequal treaties were started with the Western
powers in 1886 but there was there were differing opinions about when to begin
negotiations and on what terms. For instance, there was opposition to having
mixed courts with foreign and Japanese judges, and to the extension of land
ownership and mining rights to foreigners. Unrestricted residence of foreigners
in any part of Japan and freedom to travel all over Japan was also opposed.

Finally, in 1893 negotiations with Britain on the issue started making some
progress. In 1894, Foreign Minister Aoki Shuzo went to London and signed a
treaty on 16 July 1894. This treaty abolished extra-territoriality, subject to the
implementation of the new codes. Thus, the special rights to foreign settlements
came to an end. The changes were to take effect from 1899. The control over
tariffs was however, to continue for a further twelve years thereafter meaning
that Japan regained full tariff autonomy only in 1911. Similar treaties with other
powers also followed. This process helped Japan move one step forward towards
her goal of achieving equality with the Western powers.

8.3 THE IMPORTANCE OF COLONIAL

TERRITORIES
Kanai En, a professor in Tokyo imperial University writing in 1903 stressed that
social and foreign policy were the two most important responses of the modern
nation. Foreign policy should promote good relations with the powers, and the
government should send migrants abroad to establish an imperialist policy. Social
policies, as we have seen were designed to create a patriotic citizenry and also
establish that Japan followed the same laws as the Western countries. This was
the case with foreign policy also.

As seen in the earlier units the settlement of mainland Japanese in Hokkaido,

Okinawa and outlying islands, was a way of providing land and reducing social
tensions. It also marked Japan’s recognition that it’s boundaries had to be clearly
defined and recognized in international law. It was also felt that those who had
gone to settle in Hokkaido were ideally suited to go to Latin America.

Japanese emigration picked up pace to the U.S after the exclusion of Chinese in
1882, and from 1897 they began to go first Mexico, as labour on the coffee
estates, and then to other parts of Latin America. The Japanese government
encouraged this and established ‘emigration companies’. Most Japanese went to
the colonies.

By the end of WWII there were some 2 million Japanese in China, 850,000 in
Korea, 300,000 in Taiwan, and formed a majority of the population in the South
106 Pacific islands. In the prevailing climate imperialism was regarded as a sign of
civilization. Just as Western countries were advanced so Japan showed its level Meji Japan: Seeking
International Equality
of civilization by sending emigrants to populate other lands.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Briefly discuss the process of reform of laws and prisons in Japan after
Meiji restoration.
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.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

2) Describe Japan’s efforts to abolish unequal treaties with Western Powers.

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8.4 BECOMING CIVILIZED: THE IDEA OF RACE

One way of underlining the advanced state of Japanese civilization was to show
other people under its control as barbarians. In the thinking prevalent at that time
the world was divided into a hierarchy of ‘races’ and these attitudes were starkly
evident in all areas of life and the relations between nations. Western colonization
was driven by the idea of a civilizing mission. One of the ways these ideas of
Western power and superiority were spread was through government sponsored
exhibitions held in Europe and the United States. The first was the Paris exposition
in 1899 where the the fruits of Western civilization were highlighted along with
the ‘inferior races’. People from the colonies were exhibited, like animals in a
zoo, to further underline the achievements of the ‘civilized nations’. These
exhibitions were quickly emulated by the government in Japan as well.

8.4.1 The Modern Concept of Race

The word race, in its modern usage, first appeared in the magazine, Nihonjin in
the early 1890’s where it was used to stress the purity of the Japanese. The German
word volk or ‘people’ was translated as nationality (minzoku) but this interpreted
in racial terms (jinshu). This idea of a different ethnicity was first used with
reference to the Ainu. In the premodern period they were seen as barbarians
(iteki or ijin), as different but not necessarily inferior. They were expected to live
and dress according to their practices but from the Meiji period they became
objects to be improved and civilized.
107
History of Modern East Asia: Kawamura Mineta has argued that the depiction of native (dojin) or savages
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
(yabanjin) of Taiwan or Micronesia or the untamed savages of Taiwan (seiban)
in popular literature was a way to confirm that the Japanese had become civilized.

8.4.2 Exhibiting ‘Inferior Races’

One of the major scholars who developed ideas of race and played an important
role in shaping public debate and policies was Tsuboi Shogoro (1863-1913). He
planned an elaborate exhibition to depict the races of the world for the Fifth
Japan Industrial Exposition held in April 1903 in Osaka. The exhibition would
display Japan’s achievements in modern industry as well as the ‘inferior races’
from its colonies and neighbours. Tsuboi had made a map of racial distribution
of and identified fifty races. At the industrial exhibition Tsuboi planned to use
dolls to represent these races.

However, for Japan’s territories and neighbours, such as the Ainu and Okinawan
islanders, and other indigenous people, Tsuboi planned to use real people. He
employed students mainly from these areas who were in Japan. The Chinese
ambassador protested so the Chinese were not shown. However, he did use Korean
women as well as people from Taiwan, Malaya, Java and, it is reported from
Madras, and even some from Turkey. These people were dressed in their native
costumes and moved around the pavilion, as living exhibits, selling handicrafts
and other local products. There were protests from Okinawa. The practice of
exhibiting people was then used in exhibitions in the United States and Europe
as a display of power. The Japanese also used this to underline their level of
civilization, even as Japanese ideologues were arguing for a common Asian or
East Asian identity. Modern nationalism in Japan was deeply embedded in
exclusion and difference.

8.5 EAST ASIA: CONTENDING IMPERIALISMS

The Meiji restoration was a major event in East Asia because it underlined the
emergence of a new power in this region. China had been the ‘central kingdom’
but now it had to deal on an equal footing with what had been considered a small
island kingdom on it’s periphery. The East Asian region saw Russia expanding
across the north from the seventeenth century in search of warm water ports.

The European powers had already established their control over parts of Asia.
Great Britain controlled India. It traded in Indian opium, used Indian soldiers
and established bases in South-east Asia and East Asia.. France was in Indo-
China, the Spanish and Portuguese and Dutch were now reduced to minor
holdings, and Italy and Germany were trying to gain some territories. Similarly
across the Pacific the U.S was establishing an empire, that is largely overlooked.
Russia expanded it’s control over Siberia, but because the port of Vladivostock
was closed in the winter it looked further for warm water ports that would be
open throughout the year.

The United States, had declared independence only in 1776 and then annexed
territories to expand to the Pacific coast. In 1840 it took over half of Mexico, and
after the war with Spain in 1898, it went on to control thirteen overseas territories
in the Pacific and Caribbean. The majority of the nineteen million colonial people
it ruled lived in the Philippines, which only became independent in 1946. Puerto
108
Rico, (it became a commonwealth in 1952) and Hawaii, incorporated as a state Meji Japan: Seeking
International Equality
in 1959. Rudyard Kipling wrote his famous poem, ‘The White Man’s Burden’,
as advice to the American people. U.S leaders were strong advocates of the
colonial idea of ‘civilizing’ the natives.

China had to contend intellectually, as well with the idea of Japan as an equal
power. This was a change that the Chinese did not immediately accept. Japan
began the process of modernizing within this imperialist geo-political
environment. It had to contend with the traditional dominance of China to gain
control over territories in the region, and at the same time content with Russia,
the U.S. and Great Britain. In it’s search for equality it used a mixture of
negotiations and military interventions to gradually establish it’s control. Wars
with China (1894-95) showed that it had overtaken it’s model in becoming a
modern nation, and over Russia (1904-1905) that it could defeat a Western power.
The victory over Russia was the symbolic moment when Japan became an equal
of the Western powers.

8.5.1 Turning Korea into a Colony

Korea occupied a tributary relationship with China. The first step for Japan was
to establish the independence of Korea. Along with the Western powers it tried
to establish treaty relations with Korea by threatening displays of power. In 1876
it finally signed a treaty which gave it extra-territorial rights, opened ports and
recognized that Korea was an independent country. Korea’s independence from
China was a still a debated question.

The situation in Korea was politically divided. The Korean court was split into
opposing groups with one supporting China and the other, around the Queen, in
favour of progressive reforms and for establishing relations with the Japanese.
Japanese liberals, including Fukuzawa Yukichi, saw the progressive forces as
harbingers of progress and civilization. They urged their government to support
the progressive group to reform Korea and open it to the world. In this the liberals
and the Japanese government were in agreement on the need to civilize Korea.

There was an economic dimension to the problem as well. Korea was becoming
an important market for the nascent Japanese textile industry and business was
also in favour of getting the backing of the government to increase their business.

The strategic thinking within the defence establishment saw Korea as necessary
for the protection of Japan. Famously, it was called ‘the dagger pointing at the
heart of Japan’. A look at the map will show you why. Security, as argued by
Yamagata Aritomo, a former Chief of Staff and prime minister in 1890, said that
the main islands were within Japan’s sovereignty but territories that lay outside,
like Korea, but within what he called the ‘line of advantage’ were crucial to
Japan’s security. They could not be under the control of a foreign power and so
military planners studied how to bring Korea under their control.

The political situation in Korea was unstable. The progressive group carried out
a coup d’etat in 1884, and in response pro-Chinese and conservative groups
retaliated. Japanese were killed as they supported the progressive groups. Yuan
Shikai, the Chinese Resident gave shelter to the court. Negotiations between the
Japanese and Chinese helped to defuse the situation. Japan kept Russia at bay
but Korea managed to retain it’s independence for a short time.
109
History of Modern East Asia: Internal problems, such as the anti-foreign activities of the Tonghaks, helped by
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
the Chinese led to hostilities and Japan used this opportunity to declare war on
China on 1 August 1894, capture Pyongyang in September and establish control.
They also crossed into Manchuria and the Liaodong peninsula. China was forced
to recognize the full autonomy and independence of Korea by the Treaty of
Shimonoseki (1895).

8.5.2 Japan’s War with China and Nationalism

The war with China (1894-95) further encouraged a virulent nationalism. Writing
in 1894 in defence of the war, the Christian thinker Uchimura Kanzo, passionately
argued that Japan was fighting a war for a principle. The war he said was not just
legally defensible but morally justified. The West has lost its dynamism and
passion and it is the East that is now entering a period of growth. China, he
stressed, had become the protector of barbarism, and, if its Manchu government
continued to rule, it would ruin Asia. It was Japan’s victory that would lead to
democracy in Asia and give the people freedom to worship, the right to a
democratic education, and allow them to enjoy the benefits of free trade. Japan
he said was a solider of progress in Asia.

Uchimura Kanzo’s thinking changed later and he went on to become a defender

of democratic principles and a critic of Meiji absolutism. He also became a pacifist
against all war and a vocal critic when Japan went to war against Russia.

However, Russia, Germany and France, intervened to prevent Japan for acquiring
the Liaodong peninsula, a rich agricultural area, and Japan was forced to accept.

The Triple Intervention as it was called fuelled public anger stirring up nationalism
against China. This was further aggravated when Russia acquired the Liaodong
peninsula. Britain, Germany and France also acquired more rights in China adding
insult to injury.

This opened a debate in Japan around who it should ally with to protect it’s
interests. The former prime minister Ito Hirobumi was in favour of working with
Russia but, he lost the political battle to Katsura Taro (1848-1913), who became
prime minister. Katsura favoured an alliance with Great Britain, the military and
navy also favoured this, as the only way to protect Japan’s interests.

8.5.3 Allying With Great Britain

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance, favoured by many intellectuals and opinion makers,
was signed on 30 January 1902. It established a relationship of equality with the
leading Western colonial power and marked a major point a Western power
recognized the special interests of Japan in Korea and Britain in China. It was
agreed that either of them would take necessary measures to safeguard those
interests if threatened by a third power or by disturbances within Korea and
China. Both countries agreed to remain neutral if either of them should become
involved in a war to protect her interests. It cannot be concluded that by opting
for a British alliance Japan showed preference for war with Russia to settle her
differences. The British alliance did not prevent Japan from approaching Russia
for the settlement of outstanding differences.

The alliance increased Japan’s prestige. It also secured British recognition of

110 Japan’s special interests in Korea and ensured that France would not come to
Russia’s help in the case of a Russo-Japanese war. Britain had prevented a Meji Japan: Seeking
International Equality
Japanese-Russian Alliance. Russia took the hint and withdrew her troops from
Manchuria, which had been left in Manchuria since the Boxer uprising. China
was able to resist Russian plans for special privileges in connection with railways
in Manchuria.

8.5.4 Japan’s War with Russia

Japan’s war with Russia began with the battle of Port Arthur made the
commanding admiral Togo Heihachiro (1848-1934) a hero in Japan. A Shinto
shrine dedicated to him was built, though in his lifetime he had been opposed to
the idea The Japanese fleet destroyed almost all Russians vessels by the end of
1904. It is often pointed out that the Russians did not receive a declaration of
war till after the war had begun but this was not necessary under international
law. It was only after the war was over, at the Second Hague Peace Conference
of 1904 that countries had to issue a formal declaration of war.

In January 1905 the Russian commanding officer surrendered, and was later
condemned to death for his decision. The sentence was not carried out. He was
pardoned. The land war carried on with heavy Japanese casualties. The Russian
Baltic fleet which had sailed around the world arrived in May 1905. Again Admiral
Togo engaged them and decimated the fleet at the battle of Tsushima Straits.

The battles were brutal and the combined death total was over 150,000 and some
20,000 Chinese died. The battles were fought between Russia and Japan but on
Chinese soil and civilians suffered. The general in command Nogi Maresuke
(1849-1912) became a national hero later honoured with a shrine. Nogi and his
wife committed ritual suicide on the death of the Meiji emperor. Nogi had wanted
to commit suicide after the capture of Port Arthur as he felt he had lost to many
soldiers but was stopped.

8.5.5 China and the War

The Chinese government was in position to act and hoped to preserve control
over Manchuria, which was not really considered the core area of China. It was
not ‘han’ and beyond the mountain pass (guanwai). Many Chinese journals saw
the dangers faced by the ordinary people living this area and criticized government
neutrality.

However, even as it became clear that the Japanese would win and that the
Japanese were not really going to help China many still favoured Japan against
Russia. Liang Qichao was critical of Japanese intentions but he saw the war as a
battle between ‘races’ and favoured the Japanese. Other liberal Chinese journals
also saw this as a battle of races and for them the Japanese victory showed that
the ‘yellow races’ were not inferior.

Some even thought that ultimately Japanese hero’s like Admiral Togo drew their
strength and inspiration from Chinese classical culture. For the Manchurians
caught in the wars their main concern seems to have been to find safety and
work when they could. They don’t seem to have been as anti-Russian as the rest
of China.

SunYatsen (1866-1925) hailed the victory as pointing the way ahead for Asia
and Lu Xun (1881-1936), the iconic Chinese writer was a medical student in 111
History of Modern East Asia: Sendai, Japan at the time of the war. The students were shown pictures of the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
war, one of a Chinese being executed by Japanese soldiers for spying for the
Russians. The Japanese student applauded but Lu Xun was shocked by the killing
but also by what he saw as the apathetic face of the Chinese being executed. He
resolved to give up his medical studies and become a writer to revive the Chinese
form their apathy.

8.5.6 The Effects of the War in Japan

Japan’s victory over Russia strengthened her drive to control Manchuria and
subsequently the infamous 21 Demands of 1915, the Manchurian invasion of
1931, and the second Sino-Japanese war (1937-1945). These aggressive moves
fed Chinese nationalism that became increasingly anti-Japanese. Russia emerged
as a possible friend with which it could have a ‘special relationship’, an idea that
carried over, after the Russian revolution, to relations with the USSR.

The war was viewed very differently. It was politically divisive with many arguing
in favour and others in vehement opposition.

The Russo-Japanese War was seen by one of its Japanese defenders, Baron
Suematsu, as the greatest war recorded and he reflected on “how faithfully Japan
has maintained her ambition of deserving the name of a civilized nation”. The
Baron reached London in March 1905 to defend the war. He wrote extensively
and his writings were collected in The Risen Sun. He argued that Japan had
shown great moral courage in the cause of humanity and civilization.

What were the debates and how were the battle lines drawn? In a large measure
the voices against the war were of socialists and Christians who argued that this
was a war that would not benefit the people. The Christian-socialist unity to
oppose the war was not only based on a moral repugnance but also on the
understanding that an expansionist policy was not in the social interests of the
common man. Hence their stress also on active measures to reform society.

The split after the Russo-Japanese war arose out of the reluctance of the socialists
to take political steps to realise their goal. The Buddhist journalist Mori Saian
(1871-1938), who edited the newspaper, Muro Shinpo, from 1900 was a supporter
of the war, but he believed in toleration and the need to allow other opinions. He
published articles against the war written by Christians like Kanno Sugako (1881-
1911) or Arhahata Kanson (1887-1981) wrote arguing that this war was driven
by the capitalists and the people were paying with their lives.

Okakura Tenshin (1862-1913), the cultural bureaucrat who talked of an Asian

unity in the Awakening of Japan, (written in 1904, though his notes for it are
from 1903). He opens his analysis with the Night of Asia and how Japan has
awakened and why this awakening is seen to pose a threat to Western nations.
The task, he asserts, is to “struggle for a national reawakening” and to bring an
Oriental nation to face the terrible exigencies of a modern nation. How should
this be done? His answer in The Awakening of Japan, is, “We have wandered
among ideals, let us awaken once more to the actual”. that is we need to
underdstand the uses of power of the Western countries.

The war was widely reported and journalists and writers, as well as ships form
the other powers watched the battles and reported on it. Paintings and woodblock
112
prints, postcards and photographs circulated widely taking scenes of the battles Meji Japan: Seeking
International Equality
around the world. Communications technologies allowed events to be reported
quickly and across the globe. This was a war watched by the world. Postcards
were cheap and easy to cirtculate or collect and printers began printing postcards.
John Dower has shown that the war fuelled a boom in postcards in Japan and
around the world.

Japan won the war against Russia but it treated Russian prisoners, who were
considered white Europeans, quite well. Ironic, as in Europe the Russians were
regarded as barbarians. The Russian writer Dostoevsky wrote in, A Writer’s Diary,
“we are more Asian than European. In Asia we can be European. In Europe we
are slaves.”

Napoleon was dismissive, “Scratch a Russian and you will find a Tartar”. Tartar
referred to Mongols, who were considered Asian and uncivilized.

The Japanese aksed the U.S to help negotaite a treaty with Russia. The treaty
signed in in Portsmouth 1905 gave control over Korea and South Manchuria,
and southern Sakhalin to the Japanese but no indemnity. The Japanese and the
public had expected an indemnity and there was a public outcry. The U.S president
Theodore Roosevelt, who played the middleman, was more interested in balancing
interests. Public opinion in the U.S largely supported Japan, and saw Russia as
the aggressor. These views would change in the coming decades.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss how Japan turned Korea into a colony.
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2) What were the impact of Wars on Japanese society?

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8.6 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have seen how Japan emerged as a major power in global affairs
and ended the unequal treaties it had been forced to sign with a very short period.
The Japanese government did this by studying international law and practice,
carefully negotating with individual powers and meeting the objections of Western
powers by changing it’s legal and political institutions.
113
History of Modern East Asia: Japan built the economic basis for growth and military power and carved out an
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
empire to become an imperialist power. It established it’s hold over Korea and
Formosa (Taiwan) and south Manchuria. Korea would become a colony in 1910,
and Japan would expand its hold on the Chiense mainland, as well as in the
Pacific islands.

The wars it fought exacted a burden form the people, both in terms of the lives
lost and the heavy expenditure to finance the wars. The war against Russia was
hailed as a victory for Asia but in Japan there was oppostion. Japanese policies
had industrailized what had been a largely rural economy, and made a country
with little foreign contact into a global imperial power within some three decades.

8.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See Section 8.2 espcially Sub-section 8.2.1
2) See Sub-section 8.2.4
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sub-section 8.5.1
2) See Sub-section 8.5.6

114
 Meji Japan: Seeking
UNIT 9 JAPAN’S EMERGENCE AS AN International Equality

ECONOMIC POWER
Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 The War Boom
9.3 Industrial Growth in the Inter-war Period
9.3.1 Electrical Industry
9.3.2 Heavy and Chemical Industry
9.3.3 Cotton Textiles Industry
9.4 Agriculture in the Inter-war Period
9.4.1 Background
9.4.2 The Rice Riot of 1918 and Aftermath
9.4 3 Sericulture
9.5 Formation of the Dual Structure
9.6 Industrial Concentration and the Zaibatsu
9.7 Foreign Trade in the Inter-war Period
9.8 Let Us Sum Up
9.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

9.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to:
know how the more important industries fared in the inter-war period,
explain the reasons for agriculture stagnation in this period and the
government’s response to the rice riots,
understand the formation of dual structure in Japan, and
learn about financial concentration, big business houses and foreign trade
of Japan in this period.

9.1 INTRODUCTION
Japan’s economy which started on a modernization course in right earnest from
1885 seems to deviate in certain important aspects from the steady course of
economic development during the inter-war period. The period between the two
world wars i.e. 1918 to 1939 is termed as inter-war period. World War-I had
given a boost to industrial development but that was short lived. Soon, there was
stagnation in the field of agriculture. Foreign trade also ran into problems. Because
of the military control over the government, the economic policies pursued during
this period were not necessarily aimed at increasing people’s welfare. It was
during this period that the dual structure of the economy, which persists in today’s
time also took roots in Japan. This Unit takes into account various problems
related to economic growth in Japan during the inter-war period. Industrial growth,
role of zaibatsu; foreign trade and the condition of agriculture are some of the
aspects dealt with in the Unit.
115
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 9.2 THE WAR BOOM
Let us briefly present the main aspects related to Japanese economy during the
World War-I as they are interlinked with the industrial growth during the inter-
war period. Initially, World War-I posed some problems for Japan. For example,
there was disruption of foreign trade and debt operations were also affected as
these were financed in London, The British money market also went into disarray
leading to a crisis. However, very rapidly things changed for the better as far as
Japan was concerned. There emerged an economic boom which lasted till the
spring of 1920. Japan had sided with the allies in the War. But there was not
much fighting in Asia and Japan did not invest much in military expenses.

Because of the war, Japan suddenly found that she could extend her exports. The
European industries were involved in war time productions and with little direct
involvement in war, Japan took advantage of the various export opportunities.
For example, Japan became a prime supplier of munitions. The demand for
Japanese shipping also rose strongly. This was also the time when Japanese textiles
won a firm foothold in India.

In fact there was a limitless expansion of foreign markets. Exports shot up, but
production could not keep pace with the demand. Even when all labour and
productive capacity was mobilised, the production was not enough to meet the
export demand.

Japan’s booming exports and industrial expansion led to a large material and
equipment import demand. But due to the wartime restrictions of the supplying
countries imports did not grow at the pace of exports. This resulted in a large
export surplus. For example, between the years 1911 and 1914 imports were
exceeding exports on an average by 65 million yen every year. But with soaring
exports, Japan registered on an average, an excess of exports over imports to the
tune of 352 million yen every year. In terms of value exports in 1918 had gone
upto thrice the 1913 figure.

The unlimited demand for the Japanese shipping at this time, when freight rates
were rapidly rising, was another beneficial factor. Japan’s steamship tonnage
doubled from l.5 million tons in 1914 to 3 million tons in 1918. In the same
period, the net income from freight rose from 40 million yen to over 450 million
yen. However, with the war over this boom declined by around March 1920.

9.3 INDUSTRIAL GROWTH IN THE INTER-WAR

PERIOD
In spite of the end to the industrial boom there were certain industries in Japan
which continued to grow. In the following sub-sections, we discuss some of the
prominent industries during this period.

9.3.1 Electrical Industry

Substantial growth in the productive capacity of Japanese industry was realised
only when import of equipment became more feasible after the World War ended.
The electrical industry itself played an important part in the industrialization
process during the inter-war period; The generation and long range transmission
116
of electricity was going on since 1907. The cost of power produced using Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
electricity was only half of steam-generated power. Hence there was a strong
industrial demand for electrical power. A number of firms were involved in
electricity production and the electric power industry was well established before
the outbreak of World War-I. The electric power industry grew because of
technological progress and the increasing power demand which rose during the
war.

Table-1 gives the figures for electric power generated from 1914 to 1940. We
find that electric power generation grew by leaps and bounds. The second column
in the table gives the relative price of electricity. We get the relative price of
electricity when we divide the electric power price by the coal price. Motive
power in industry can be produced using coal or electricity. We also see from the
table that the relative price of electricity fell over the years.

Table 1 : Electricity Production and Price in Inter-war Japan

Year Power generated (million Kilowatts) Relative Price

Electric power price
Coal price
1914 1,791 2.58
1915 2,217 2.23
1920 4,669 1.58
1925 7,093 1.81
1935 15,773 1.43
1935 24,698 0.95
1940 34,566 0.83

By the end of the inter-war period ninety per cent of Japanese homes had electrical
lighting to some degree. But the real impact was to be seen in industry. Over two
thirds of the total electricity produced in this period was consumed by the mining
and manufacturing industries. Electricity consumed by industry increased three-
fold between 1926 and 1936. The largest customer of electricity was the chemical
industry followed by metallurgy, mining and textiles industries.

The spread and easy availability of electricity had a number of effects on industry.
The price of electricity was coming down as long distance power transmission
techniques were improving. Electricity was no more just a mere source of light;
it was used in prime movers which are machines that transform various sources
of energy into mechanical energy for use by various industries. The spread of
electricity was facilitated both by a fall in electric power rates as well as the
increasing reliance on domestically produced motors. The use of electricity in
prime movers rapidly spread. By 1929, electricity motors were being used in 87
per cent of the factories. The introduction of electricity afforded opportunities
for changing the traditional methods of production which could no longer meet
the rising demand for various goods. Examples of these changes were the change
from the hand operated to the power driven looms, and power lathes taking over
operations that were earlier hand-turned. Cheap electricity and the diffusion of
electric motor facilitated the introduction of foreign machinery. In the advanced
117
History of Modern East Asia: nations of that day industrial revolution had been caused by the invention of
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
machinery to produce consumer goods. In the case of Japan it was the spread of
electricity that led to new methods of consumer goods production and thus to an
industrial transformation.

The second effect of the spread of electrification was that industries that used
electricity as a primary input came up in large numbers. Electro-chemical
industries and electric-based refining industries are examples of such industries.
Often it used to be the case that wherever hydro-electric stations were built,
there would be excess power. Hence, industries that consume large amounts of
electricity were built to utilise such excess power. During World War-I, the import
of a number of chemical industry products became impossible. Hence, various
chemical industries utilising electric power were set up like Soda, Carbide and
Ammonium sulphate industries, etc.

9.3.2 Heavy and Chemical Industry

Heavy industry refers to steel, non-ferrous metals and machinery industries. Heavy
and chemical industry output as a share of total manufacturing output was 29 per
cent in 1915 and it increased to 33 per cent in 1920. After falling to 24 per cent in
1925, this rose again to 33 per cent in 1930. This increasing trend continued; in
1935 it was 44 per cent and by 1940 this share rose to almost 59 per cent. The
prosperity of heavy and chemical industry during and just after the war was due
to interruption of imports. The decline (24 per cent in 1925) was due to post-war
reopening of trade.

Table 2 : Heavy and Chemical Industry Output in the Total

Manufacturing Output (in million)

Year Total Manufacturing Heavy and Chemical Share of Heavy

Output Industry output and Chemical
industry in total
manufacturing
output (per cent)
1915 2,880 840.5 29.2
1920 9,579 3,202.7 33..4
1925 10,100 2,390.5 23.7
1930 8,838 2,896.0 32.8
1935 14,968 6,516.0 43.5
1940 33,252 19,569.0 58.8

For the heavy and chemical industries, the biggest markets were for fertilisers,
cement and steel products used in construction. Steel exemplifies the progress of
the heavy and chemical industry during this period and we shall discuss it in
some detail. The domestic production of steel products increased fourfold in the
1920s. With the onset of the world depression the imports of steel product began
falling rapidly but steel production continued to rise. This led to the establishment
of the steel sector as the provider of a basic construction input. Further dependence
on imported steel also lessened. Large construction works and laying of rail
118
roads contributed in keeping the demand for steel going up whereas the case was Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
not the same in the machinery industry.

The investment which Japan made in heavy and chemical industry during World
War-I bore fruit after the war. The disruption of imports during the war had
encouraged the starting of new heavy and chemical industries. Massive
investments were made in this area and by the 1920s heavy and chemical industries
were firmly established.

In this connection, we find that there was a close link between the developments
of the electric power industry and chemical and lighting equipment industries.
The excess electricity produced was available at low rates and this facilitated the
development of electro-chemical and steel industries.

Industrial growth in Japan during this time was not confined to predetermined
areas alone. Metals and machinery industries which were vital to support other
industries also came up in certain locations. Other industries, that came up later-
were situated close to them. Hence we find the formation of industrial belts in
Japan during the 1920s. Tokyo-Yokohama and Osaka Kobe areas are some of
the examples of such industrial belts.

Heavy and chemical industries continued to register a large growth in 1930s

also. Since the plants had been expanded during the 1920s there was lots of
excess capacity even during the depression period. Till 1935 production increases
were met with existing capacity itself. But the demand for heavy and chemical
industry products kept increasing. Their demand kept coming from civil
engineering, construction and other industries like machinery, ship building, etc.
This led to further plant expansion in heavy and chemical industries. These
industries also got a boost because:

between 1932 and 1937 ships that were over 25 years old were scrapped.
The building of new ships resulted in a fresh demand for their products.

till 1936 the Military demand accounted for only 10 per cent of the total
demand made on this industry. But subsequently it increased when
production of other items related to military requirements like aircrafts,
etc. grew.

9.3.3 Cotton Textiles Industry

Cotton textiles industry, though important even before World War-I, further
increased its significance after the war. In the years following the war, the typical
mill and firm became large. The increased capacity is indicated by the increase
in the number of mills and firms and there was a tendency towards consolidation.
By 1929 over 50 per cent of the spindles were owned by just seven large firms.
Spinning firms started weaving sheds to weave the Youn Spun in their mills
where as earlier they used to be given to weavers. The combined spinning-weaving
mill became a typical feature of the cotton textile industry. One important
development was the appearance of large specialist sheds (with over fifty looms)
equipped with wide power looms for producing cloth for the foreign market.

119
History of Modern East Asia: Check Your Progress 1
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
1) Mention the impact of World War-I on Japan’s industrialization.
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2) How did the growth in power generation helped industrialization?

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9.4 AGRICULTURE IN THE INTER-WAR

PERIOD
During the inter-war period there was stagnation in Japanese agriculture.
Agricultural growth rate and agricultural productivity did not increase appreciably.
Income levels of rural population were stagnant; so were their living standards.
On the positive side, there was a slow build up of new potential in agricultural
technology. This however bore fruit only in 1950s after the conclusion of World
War-II.

9.4.1 Background
In the 25 years preceding World War-I, agriculture in Japan registered rapid
growth. Various advances in agricultural technology that were local in character
spread all over the country. Under state patronage, farmers, agricultural scientists
and firms that supplied various agricultural inputs interacted and put to full use
the already known technologies.

However, this state of affairs changed in the 1910s. Landlords so far had been
playing a dynamic role in agricultural progress. With rapid growth of industry,
many of gave up their interest in agriculture. So far many of them had been re-
investing their land rent incomes in agriculture itself. Now they found that there
were chances of making larger profits by investing the rent incomes in· various
industries which were rapidly growing at this time. This resulted in a setback to
agricultural improvements. Earlier the landlords took interest in various
agricultural improvements and contributed towards them. But this innovative
role was now taken over by a parasitic one. They seemed to be only interested in
the collection of rents without contributing anything in agricultural improvement.
The capital thus collected through agriculture was being invested elsewhere.

120
The technology that had been developed in the past two hundred years before Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
this period had been utilised to the extent that it reached a stage of exhaustion
and the output could not be raised beyond a point. An upgradation of technology
was needed to raise the output. But the government agricultural experiment
stations had not developed to the point where they could do research at advanced
levels. ‘This inability to produce new technology coupled with the decreasing
interest of landlords to invest in agriculture resulted in serious problems for
Japanese agriculture in the 1910s itself.

9.4.2 The Rice Riot of 1918 and Aftermath

As a result of growing industrialization the demand for labour force also increased
in the urban areas. This was because most of the industries were established near
urban areas due to better transportation and communication facilities. As industrial
wages were higher than the agricultural wages lots of people left rural areas to
work in industries; In the boom conditions of World War-I, the demand for food
by industrial labourers, which had been raised earlier, took an interesting form.
This was a time when agricultural output was slowing down in Japan. The supply
of foodstuff just could not cope with the rising demand. The rise in food prices
was higher than the increase in wages. This resulted in social unrest which errupted
in the form of Rice Riot of 1918. This riot started in a small way to protest
against the high price of rice. But once it began it spread all over Japan rapidly.

Large crowds went on breaking store houses and pawn shops of rich merchants.
In fact it was the popular sense of social justice that had activated the riots.
Oyama Ikuo characterised them as acts of “retaliatory confiscation”. Since there
seemed to be no other remedy, riots were regarded as a way out for redressing
social grievances. Voices had been raised in Japan about the disparity in incomes.
For example Kawakami Hajime (1879-1946), a liberal intellectual, had posed
the question that why in spite of developments in industry and technology, the
country still had so many poor people? It was felt that the sharp rise in prices of
rice had occurred because of the insensitivity of the rulers towards the day to day
and livelihood problems of the commoners. The Government was criticised for
sheltering the interests of property owners. The newspaper Toyo. Keizai Shimpo
rented the views of communists in its editorial:

There are those who see the riots rather than the labour problem as the signal that
marks class conflict between the propertied and property less classes.

Such thinking had been there. For example, when the news of Rice Riot reached
New York the Japanese expatriates there believed that revolution was on the
cards in Japan. But no such thing occurred and the Government was able to
control the situation. The riots remained confined as a protest against economic
hardships and deprivation. They did not challenge the political system that was
responsible for this. However, the liberal intellectuals did demand the broadening
of popular participation in the constitutional process. Yet the Government had to
change its policy. Now the Ministry of Agriculture alone was to deal with the
farmers with no favours involved. Efforts were also initiated to help the working
class in urban areas in order to prevent labour unions and socialism.

As a response to the Rice Riot the Government started importing rice from its
colonies, Korea and Taiwan. This was done by forcing Koreans and Taiwanese
to eat foodstuffs inferior to rice and export their rice to Japan. In order to get
121
History of Modern East Asia: more rice, the Japanese high-yielding variety was introduced in these colonies
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
and investments were made in irrigation and water control. This programme
yielded results: Between 1915 and 1935, rice imports from Korea to Japan rose
from 170 to 1,212 thousand metric tons. These colonial imports of rice which
were just 5 per cent of the domestic production in 1915 rose to 20 per cent in
1935.

However, these colonial imports of rice which came to the rescue of Japan at that
tune were to create problems later. After the World War-I boom ended, demand
for foodstuff tended to ease. But colonial rice was flooding the Japanese market.
This led to a fall in the price of domestically produced rice. Hence farm incomes
fell. Finally the world wide depression added to the woes leading to a crisis in
Japanese agriculture. The main issue was falling incomes in agriculture. The
government initiated a number of measures to cope with the situation:

i) Firstly, it instituted support prices for farm products. Namely the

government guaranteed a minimum price for specified products below
which the price will not be allowed to fall.

ii) Second, it started construction of physical infrastructure in the rural areas

so that the opportunities for additional jobs become available to the rural
population.

iii) Thirdly, it extended credit to those peasants who were already in debt.
The interest that the government charged was low compared to what the
village moneylenders charged. This meant the interest and loan repayment
burden of those in debt was substantially reduced.

iv) Fourthly, it supported the formation of agricultural cooperatives so that

farmers were not exploited by various middlemen.

Despite all these efforts of the government the income levels of the farm
population did not improve considerably. In the village, the poorest were those
farmers who rented land from the landowner. These tenant farmers cultivated
the land. they had borrowed but had to pay high rents in kind. At this time of
falling or stagnant income levels, they found it very difficult to make both ends
meet. Hence they demanded a reduction in the rents charged by landlords. The
earlier paternalistic attitude of the landlords was no where to be found. They
refused to accede to the demands for rent reduction. As a consequence the tenants
started getting together to form unions, so that they could bargain from a stronger
position. To this the landlords response came in the form of forcible evictions. At
times there was violence and tenancy disputes became widespread.

The attempts of the government to rescue tenants by helping them buy land with
the help of low-interest loans were inadequate to solve the problem.

During the inter-war period, the number of farming families stayed more or less
constant at five and a half million. Size-distribution of the farms also remained
more or less constant. The numbers of very small farms and very large farms
slightly came down. Throughout this period, like the earlier periods, rice remained
the main crop. The growth trends of rice reflected those of Japanese agriculture
as over half the cultivated area was under rice.

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The varieties of products in agriculture increased in this period. More varieties Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
of vegetables were introduced. Fruit farming and poultry farming also increased.
This reflected the rising income levels of the urban population as mainly they
were the ones who invested in these areas. The use of the manures also increased.
Various types of fertilizers were imported. For example ammonium sulphate
was imported from the West.

9.4.3 Sericulture
Next to rice, the second most important product of agriculture during this period
was raw silk. Sericulture production in a vast majority of the cases developed as
a secondary activity to the main cereal production. Sericulture industry grew
rapidly owing to the rising world demand for silk and between 1914 and 1929
raw silk production increased threefold.

Cocoon production used to be done in spring which is April to June in Japan. But
this coincided with the production of rice and other crops. Hence due to the dual
labour demand not ‘much time could be allotted for producing cocoons.
Innovations were carried out in summer-fall culture (i.e. a variety of silkworms
that produce silk in summer and autumn periods):
a new method was devised in which the usual silkworms hatching was
deliberately postponed.
a method of artificial hatching was also developed, and
hybrid varieties of worms with low death rates were introduced.
All these came to collectively represent the summer-fall technology that greatly
increased the output.

This new technology offered a number of advantages to the farmers. The most
important one was that labour which was usually idle during summer and autumn
was now usefully utilised. The equipment could also be used twice in a year.
That this technology came to play an important part is seen from the fact that
about half the production of cocoon in 1920 was done through this technology.

By 1929 almost forty per cent of all farming families were engaged in cocoon
production as a secondary employment. Reeling Mills created a demand for
women labour. This was met basically by women of the peasant families. The
earnings through the sale of cocoon and the wages earned by the women folk of
the household in the reeling mills became an important part of the farmer’s cash
income. Cocoon raising did not entail much money investment. The income raised
through this secondary activity was what prevented farmers and tenants from
falling into abject poverty. As a result there was now great emphasis on Sericulture.

As far as the silk prices were concerned they had remained high during the war;
fell in the pest-war slump for sometime and then recovered again. By 1930 the
American market for Japanese exports collapsed. Unfortunately for the Japanese
farmer at a time of fall in rice prices the price of silk also dropped. The net result
was that the cash incomes dropped rather steeply. The farmers attributed their
hard times to the politicians and the zaibatsu. The army largely recruited from
the rural areas also believed the same. Hence, such feelings also contributed
towards the growth of militarism and overthrow of those politicians the army did
not favour.
123
History of Modern East Asia: Check Your Progress 2
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
1) Discuss the attitude of the Government towards the Rice riot of 1918". What
were the efforts made to bring down rice prices?
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2) What were the technological improvements made in Sericulture?

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9.5 FORMATION OF THE DUAL STRUCTURE

Dual structure refers to the simultaneous existence of both the modern and
traditional sectors in an economy. Modern sector refers to industries using lots
of capital compared to labour in the production of goods with usually modern
technology. The traditional sector refers to industries that are comparatively
smaller and use production methods in which more labour than capital is used.
The wages in the traditional sector are typically low compared to the modern
sector. This dual structure is found in countries that have recently industrialized
or what we describe today as developing countries. In the modern sector the new
technologies that are introduced are capital intensive i.e., they require more capital
compared to labour. It is not possible to change the fixed combination of
capital and labour even if for example the country has more labour compared to
capital.

Japan’s programme of industrialization was shaped on the basis of modern

technology. But at the same time in the Japanese experience of development
traditional sector also played a vital role. For example, silk was the most important
item in foreign exchange earnings till the early 1930s. Afterwards till 1960s
small-scale labour intensive industrial products were the major foreign exchange
earners. The dual structure was formed in the Japanese economy during the inter-
war years. Let us see the reasons for the formation and continuity of the dual
structure.

Farm incomes had stagnated after World War-I. While they rose slightly in the
mid-1920s, they fell again by 1927-28. Then they rapidly declined. If we see the
124
industrial wage rates for both male and female workers, there was a big difference. Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
Women used to work in industry only for a short span of time after which. they
would quit. Their wages tended to be low and they mostly came from the farms.
There was a steady stream of female labour coming to industry and replacing
those who left back to their farms. Industry could pay them little and yet be
assured that there would be no shortage of labour. Women’s income remained
supplementary to farm incomes.

The case of the male labour was different. Their stay in the industry was much
longer. They severed their ties with farms and intended to make a living as
industrial labour. Their wages were higher. But as agricultural stagnation
continued there was excess unemployed male labour in the farms, Neither
agriculture nor big industry could employ them. The small and traditional
industries rapidly expanded as they were able to get enough labour easily. So
after World War-I the employment opportunities in the modern sector did not
keep pace with the growing labour force. This led to increasing employment in
the traditional sector. In the 1920s this had two results:

i) The first was the expansion of traditional fields such as wholesale, retail
and service sectors. We find that in these fields the number of hired workers,
proprietors and family employees went up. Since people did not have any
regular employment, they turned to the traditional sector. It was true that
the wages were low but still preferable to unemployment.

ii) The second result was that transport, communications and public utilities
expanded. This was because large firms like electric power and railways
registered sizeable growth in this period. Additionally we find that workers
in commerce and service industries increased in large numbers. Specific
areas of employment were commodity sales, peddling and vending, inns,
public baths, laundry, household services, education, medicine and nursing.

This lead to a dual structure in the labour market. There was wide difference in
wages received by workers in modern and traditional sectors. The wage
differential was not particularly observed in Japan before World War-I. After
World War-I they appeared and the gap between wages in modern and traditional
industries rapidly widened after 1924.

9.6 INDUSTRIAL CONCENTRATION AND THE

ZAIBATSU
Oligopoly refers to the situation when just a very few producers are involved in
the production of a particular commodity. During the inter-war years, industrial
monopoly in Japan increased. In the absence of competition the product usually
has a high price. The role of zaibatsu during these years has a bearing on industrial
concentration. Zaibatsu refers to certain large business houses with very diverse
operations and interests. There were four major zaibatsu during this period namely
Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo and Yasuda.

Because of the financial difficulties in the 1920s, the government instituted certain
measures. The result was that the number of banks declined from 2,285 in 1918
to 913 in 1930. By 1928, the “big five” banks, Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Dai-ichi,
Sumitomo and Yasuda held 34 per cent of all deposits of the ordinary banks.
125
History of Modern East Asia: Four of the five greatest banks were in control of zaibatsu. The financial power
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
of the zaibatsu increased a lot in the process of consolidation. Banking and
finance had become strategically important bases for industrial control by the
zaibatsu.
The concentration of deposits in the five large banks resulted in a completely
new situation of funds supply:
i) These large banks rarely lent to small or medium firms. They lent only to
specific large firms in specific industries. With the concentration of banks,
these policies were reinforced; weak firms could not avail loans and faced
hardships. The big banks, because of their immense financial power, could
target particular firms to be taken into their hold. More importantly they
took care of the zaibatsu related firms and gave them preferential treatment.

ii) Secondly, the bank funds could be used by a particular zaibatsu to widen
the group’s network of control. Thus bank concentration led to idle funds
to be used, for extension of zaibatsu power. The zaibatsu created a large
number of firms in diverse fields.

iii) Thirdly, zaibatsu related firms possessed powers of control which were
much greater than their share of finance capital. Zaibatsu power achieved
its peak in the 1920s and early 1930s but declined afterwards.

Zaibatsu power was not confined to the economic field. It had lots of influence
in politics also. These business families had been powerful even fifty years back.
The government of Japan had relied on them for financing certain operations.
The zaibatsu had established close links with statesmen who were carrying out
important policies. They would provide resources and assist in the execution of
the policy. The state rewarded them by giving valuable contracts and selling
state properties at low prices. The zaibatsu, being close to politicians, had an
important say on policy matters and this came to a point where they could impose
their views on the government.

But this did not last long. Peasantry and small producers had suffered a lot in the
world depression. They held the zaibatsu responsible for their woes. The military,
which did not like the way the government acted in the sphere of foreign relations
and in budget allocation for the military, also detested the zaibatsu. Hence the
zaibatsu came under heavy criticism. The zaibatsu retreated and adopted a low
profile. Though they made various contributions as proof of their loyalty to the
nation, from this time onwards their power declined rapidly.

9.7 FOREIGN TRADE IN THE INTER-WAR

PERIOD
Japan’s exports rose rapidly during and immediately after World War-I. Between
1913 and 1929 foreign trade increased three fold in value. If we were to include
the trade between Japan and her colonies, the trade was even larger. Before 1914
colonial trade was not of much significance. By the time World War-I ended, it
accounted for 12 per cent of Japan’s oversees trade, and by 1929 almost 20 per
cent. Japan’s trade with her colonies, Korea and Taiwan was just like that between
England and colonial India. Japan exported manufactured goods to her colonies
and imported only foodstuffs and raw materials.
126
Japan’s trade with the outside World was indicative of the fact that it was rapidly Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
industrializing. The percentage of manufactured goods in Japan’s exports rose
from 29 per cent in 1913 to 44 per cent in 1929. By 1913 there was a sizeable
share of textiles in the exports. Cotton yarn and cloth, raw silk and silk
manufactures together came to 53 per cent of exports in 1913. In 1929 the figure
was 65 per cent. Of this raw silk’s share was 30 per cent in 1913 and this increased
to 37 per cent in 1929.

Area wise China and U.S. accounted for 64 per cent of exports in 1913 and by
1929 this rose to 67 per cent. British India took 9 per cent of exports in 1929.

Japan’s exports which were 2,149 million yen in 1929 fell to 1,147 million yen
in 1933 but recovered to 2,693 in 1936. Imports showed a similar trend. The
preparation of finished manufactures in exports rose from 44 per cent of the total
in 1929 to 59 per cent in 1936. Semi-manufactured articles during the same
period fell from 43 to 27 per cent. This was because raw silk exports fell from 37
per cent of exports in 1929 to only 15 per cent in 1936. Cotton goods just managed
to maintain their share in exports. But textiles other than cotton rose from 13 to
18 per cent. Exports of small-scale industry also rose. The U.S. which took 43
per cent of exports in 1929 took only 22 per cent in 1936, basically due to fall in
raw silk exports. China took 25 per cent in 1929 and 27 per cent in 1936. However,
the metals and machinery exports increased due to Japan’s strategic plans.

This increase in Japan’s exports was met with an outcry from other countries in
1930s. In 1929 a large share of Japan’s exports did not compete with the products
of other developed countries, In the 30s, she replaced raw silk by finished
manufactured goods. Some like cotton piece-goods displaced exports of other
developed nations. For example British cotton industry during the inter-war years
had been going down continuously mainly due to the increasing capacity of
India to produce its own needs. In such a situation of dwindling world trade
when Japan’s exports of cotton piece-goods took place, the British cotton industry
was adversely affected.

Overall, we can say that Japan adjusted her foreign trade quite successfully to
the violent changes in world trade in early and mid 1930s. She found new
customers and alternative commodities to compensate for the decline in some of
her markets and earlier commodities.

To Japanese interests, a liberal free trade type of situation would have been
beneficial. She could have exported manufactured goods and imported raw
materials that she wanted in increasing qualities now. But the world was moving
towards a situation that in effect parcelled out markets among the established
suppliers. This was not suiting Japan’s expansionist economic policies. This led
to a situation where certain political groups in Japan advocated territorial
expansion so that she might have monopolistic advantages. The barriers to the
commercial expansion that Japan faced were also a reason for the expansionist.
view gaining strength in the political sphere.

In the 1930s the pressure of militarists increased and so did the demands of the
military. Sections of the military indulged in terror-tactics to force government
officials to concede to the demands. Prominent officials whose thinking was at
variance with that of the course advocated by the military were assassinated.
This led to a situation where those who were in high ranks either remained silent
127
History of Modern East Asia: or agreed to the demands. Huge investments were made in armament industry or
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
in its related branches.

During the 1930s the agricultural depression continued. There was mass migration
of labour from agriculture to industry leading to a further fall in wages. The
whole, economy was being geared towards war and the cost of living went up.
When war broke out with. China in 1937 industries were forced to produce mostly
material related to war efforts. People were expected to work extra hours to help
the country fight the war. Food was in short supply. The sufferings continued till
the end of the World War-II in 1945.
Check Your Progress 3
1) What do you understand by Dual Structure? Discuss the role of traditional
sector in Japanese economy.
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2) Discuss the control of zaibatsu over the supply of funds.

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3) List the main characteristics of Japan’s foreign trade during the inter-war
period.
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9.8 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we discussed how Japan took advantage of World War-I to boost her
economic development. However, the economic boom did not last long and there
was a decline in certain industrial sectors - particularly in agriculture. Though
the government initiated certain measure to check agricultural stagnation the
outcome was not much. The Rice Riot led to the importation of rice front colonies.
128 Though it temporarily checked the prices, it led to further repercussions. in spite
of the world wide depression certain sectors of Japanese industry continued to Japan’s Emergence as an
Economic Power
grow like the heavy and chemical industry, cotton, textiles and power.
Improvements were also made in sericulture and it became a prominent secondary
activity of the peasant families.

We also see in Japan the emergence and continuity of dual economic structures,
i.e. the traditional and modem sectors. The zaibatsu initially increased its hold
on the production process and finance capital. However, this created problems
leading to criticism from both the peasants as well as the advocates “of militarism.
Foreign trade also flourished during the inter-war period. Yet the military
expansionists pursued an aggressive policy not only in external relations but
also at home by curbing all voices of dissent against military intervention in
government measures. But in terms of economic development Japan achieved
high targets, though the poor labour and peasants suffered.

9.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Base your answer of Sec. 9.2
2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 9.3.1 showing the linkages between power
generation and production.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Briefly state the reason for Rice riots; the efforts included reforms in
agricultural ministry and import of rice from colonies. See Sub-sec. 9.2.2
2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 9.4.3
Check Your Progress 3
1) Base your answer on Sec. 9.5
2) See Sec. 9.6
3) Base your answer on Sec. 9.7

129
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 10 IMPERIAL DEMOCRACY AND
POLITICAL PARTIES
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Constitutional Government under Meiji Oligarchy
10.2.1 Formation of Political Parties
10.2.2 Interest Groups and Political Parties
10.3 Formation of the Communist Party
10.4 Party Cabinet System
10.5 Decline of Political Parties
10.5.1 External and Internal Factors
10.5.2 The National Defence State
10.6 Let Us Sum Up
10.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises ·

10.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be able to know:
how political associations formed after the Restoration evolved into
political parties,
about the formation of parties and their position within the constitution,
the relationship between political parties and the Meiji oligarchic and
bureaucratic cliques,
about the growth and decline of party government, and
the nature of political democracy in pre-war Japan.

10.1 INTRODUCTION
Any discussion of the rise of political parties in Japan after World War-I has to
start by considering the processes which led to the creation of political parties
and the relationships that were formed between the parties and other politically
powerful groups, This is necessary because these relationships determined the
strength and limitations of the constitutional system which was developed in
Japan. Thus, this Unit focuses on the reasons leading to the formation of political
parties and the position these parties occupied in the state structure,

10.2 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT UNDER

MEIJI OLIGARCHY
In 1889 the Meiji Emperor granted to his people a constitution which laid the
basis for a constitutional government. The constitution was drafted by the Meiji
oligarchy who were profoundly anti-democratic in their thinking. The Meiji
leaders distrusted the idea of a popularly elected government and thought that
130
such a system would lead to social and political chaos. Yet they drafted a Imperial Democracy and
Political Parties
constitutional framework under which political parties functioned. This ambiguity
in the Meiji constitutional model was noted by the constitutional expert Minobe
Tatsukichi (1873-1948) who wrote in 1926:

“Our constitution has developed in a manner completely contrary to the

expectations of its authors. Institutionally the system of cabinets responsible to
the Diet has no place in the constitution, but it has been firmly established as a
customary practice.”

This customary practice took time to grow and it was only in 1924 that because
of a general election a cabinet with a majority in the lower house was formed.
This cabinet led by Kato Takaaki (186-1926) and known as the cabinet to protect
constitutional government inaugurated an era of party governments. Thus, from
June 1924 to May 1933 all the prime ministers represented the major parties in
the lower house.

The questions which arise are why did it take so long for political parties to
establish the principal that the majority party in the lower house has the right to
form a government and why did this system last for so short a period? In looking
at these questions we shall discuss the steps leading up to the formation of political
parties and then the position these parties occupied in the state structure.

10.2.1 Formation of Political Parties

The accepted argument has been that the Tokugawa period was an undemocratic
political structure where political power was strictly confined. Today, however,
many scholars seeking for the roots of Japan’s success in modernization have
begun to argue that in the period before the opening of Japan by the Western
powers, Japan had developed not only economic skills and institutions but had
also begun to evolve a political structure in which discussion and debate was an
integral element. The· Shogun did not rule as an arbitrary despot but represented
a depersonalized source of power which was exercised through deliberations.
These were of course confined to a small section or class of society but because
the exercise of power was not arbitrary modem Japan could adapt a constitutional
government.

Scholars like lrokawa Daikichi seek the development of democratic ideas in the
popular movements in rural and urban areas in the Tokugawa period. ·These
movements challenged the authority of the Tokugawa state and created the
beginnings of a political consciousness and the possibility of joining together to
seek redress from the state. These movements were not politically successful in
either bringing down the Tokugawa Bakufu or in putting forward an alternative
to it. Yet, they built a tradition which was used by the Peoples’ Rights Movement
to press its demands for a popularly elected assembly.

The Meiji Restoration, which began a period when Japanese institutions and
practices were dramatically altered, saw the building of a centralized political
structure. This has been discussed earlier in Unit 10. Here it may be noted that
political associations and groups were formed to demand a constitutional
government. In 1880, for instance, there were over 150 local societies, such as
the Kojunsha in Kochi or the Yashinsha in Gumma, demanding the establishment
of a national assembly.
131
History of Modern East Asia: The Meiji state, on the other hand, preferred to create a political structure which
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
could be closely managed and controlled and where social pressures would remain
within the framework desired by the leaders. Of course there were debates and
differing views. The Meiji oligarchy wanted. to, above all, preserve the
sovereignty of the Emperor from being usurped by the people. However, steps to
prevent the. emergence of a body, like the Tokugawa Bakufu (the Bakufu had
ruled in the name of the Emperor) led to a diffusion of authority among the
organs of the state with none of them exercising absolute power. Thus on the one
hand the Meiji state appeared to be highly” centralized under an Imperial authority
on the other, power was parceled out leading to considerable autonomy for each
group or institution. However, the direct authority of the Emperor could be used
to advantage and it was so used by different groups such as the army or the
bureaucracy. We must remember here that the constitutional system functioned
not to protect the liberty of the people but to protect the sovereignty of the Emperor.
However, in practice to coordinate these institutions of the state, the oligarchy
emerged as a powerful force.

The oligarchy was composed of the leaders of the Meiji Restoration. These people
were bound by regional ties and by the fact that they had led the country through
the change from the Tokugawa to the Meiji period. The two dominant regions
were Satsuma and Choshu and these regions supplied most of the members of
the bureaucracy, the army, the Privy Council and the House of Peers, etc. The
Meiji leaders came to be known as genro or elder statesman and they exercised
the power embodied in the Imperial House.

The House of Representatives, created under the Meiji constitution was dominated
by those who were opposed to the oligarchy. Many of these people had been
members of the oligarchy but broken away. They took part in the Peoples’ Rights
Movement and organized political parties. The Meiji oligarchy was opposed to
the idea of building up its own parties. Initially some, like Ito Hirobumi (1841-
1909) and Inoue Kaoru (1836-1915) wanted to organize their own party but they
were opposed by the majority.

In the period upto the promulgation of the constitution i.e. upto 1889, there were
two major groups around whom the first parties were organized. Itagaki Taisuke
(1837-1919) joined the Meiji government as a junior councilor but resigned in
1873 when differences arose over the-question of invading Korea. Itagaki
favoured the invasion plan. He and his supporters formed the Public Party of
Patriots which campaigned for a democratically elected national assembly. Later
he helped to organize the Self-Help Society. The Society of Patriots was renamed
in 1880 and in 1881 it became the Liberal Party (Jiyuto).

The Jiyuto was a party supported by former samurai and the rural elite but the
party leaders were alarmed at the escalating violence during this period of the
Peoples’ Rights Movement. As mentioned earlier (Unit 16), 1882-1886 was a
period when violent incidents in the central part of Honshu, such as Chichibu
and Kabasan occurred and the government carried out stem repressive measures.
The party was consequently disbanded and then reformed as the Constitutional
Liberal Party (Rikken Jiyuto) after the 1890 general elections.

Okuma Shigenobu (1838-1922), from the domain of Hizen, was forced to resign
from the government in 1881 as amongst other things he had wanted to convene
an elected assembly as soon as possible. Okuma also favoured a parliamentary
132
system modeled on the British system. After leaving the government he formed Imperial Democracy and
Political Parties
the Constitutional Reform Party (Rikken Kaishinto). This party drew its support
from the urban middle class and propagated ideas of gradual democratic reform.
Okuma also refused overtures to merge with Itagaki’s Liberal Party but as the
government began to suppress the Peoples’ Rights Movement Okuma left the
party. This party later became the Progressive Party (Shimpoto) and was the
second important party.

These “peoples parties” (minto) were briefly opposed by a more conservative

group which was called the Constitutional Imperial Rule Party (Rikken Teiseito).
Though it did not play a politically important role, it did represent the strong
conservative forces which existed at that time.

The first Diet opened in November 1890 and till the formation of the first party
cabinet in 1898 the period was marked by a tussle between the parties and the
oligarchic clique or hanbatsu. There· were also pro-government groups which
were formed occasionally. The problem faced by these two groups was that under
the Meiji constitution the political parties could only exercise control by refusing
to pass the budget and in such a situation the previous years budget would be
continued. However, the oligarchy also could not do away with the parties as
long as they accepted the Meiji constitution and. they both therefore had to learn
to work together. The parties could control the lower house but the upper house
of Peers was controlled by the oligarchy and its supporters. This was soon realized
and after the Sino-Japanese war the two groups, the political parties and the
oligarchy, began to form mutual alliances.

10.2.2 Interest Groups and Political Parties

The oligarchy viewed party government as representing sectional or factional
interests and it wanted cabinets to represent national interests. It, therefore, talked
of “transcendental cabinets” (chozen naikaku). However, the mutual adjustments
meant that there was some change in these ideas amongst the oligarchy as well
among the “peoples’ parties”; who also modified their anti-oligarchy positions.
For instance, in November 1895, the· government allied with the Liberal Party
and Itagaki Taisuke [its president] was made Home Minister in the Ito Hirobumi
cabinet in April, 1896. This was perceived as a major challenge. to the anti-party
supporters of oligarchic rule and to oppose Ito Hirobumi they rallied around
Yamagata Aritomo.

The cabinets so far had been formed by the genro or elder statesmen and they
had , alternatively nominated men from either the domain of Choshu or Satsuma.
Thus-Ito was from Choshu and Matsukata Masayoshi from Satsuma. Ito attempted
to form a cabinet with party support but was opposed by the hanbatsu. In June
1898 the Kenseito, a party composed from earlier party elements; was formed
and this represented a new force which provoked widely different reactions from
the oligarchy. Ultimately the oligarchy chose to let the Kenseito form a cabinet.

The cabinet formed by Itagaki and Okuma in June 1898 was consisted of members
of the Kenseito and was the first party cabinet. This party had an absolute majority
in the lower house with 244 of the 300 seats. However, in spite of the numerical
strength the party was in a weak position. This was because:

133
History of Modern East Asia: the ministers for the navy and the army, nominated by the respective
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
services were opposed to the party,
the party itself was formed by a merger of two groups who were divided
over the question of raising taxes.
To meet the needs of military expansion the state needed to raise taxes. While
the party was opposed to raising land taxes business and urban interests did not
object this as long as the government followed a policy of economic expansion-
and greater public expenditure.

The collapse of the cabinet within four months demonstrated the fragility of the
alliance formed by these political groups who came together for very specific
and temporary reasons. Among the party ideologues there now emerged a view
that it was necessary to cooperate with the banbatsu and Hoshi Toru, of the
Kenseito, sought to work together with the oligarchy. Yamagata, who formed a
cabinet in November 1898, sought his support for an increase in the land tax.
The party which had consistently opposed an increase in the land tax now
bargained with the demand for nationalizing· the railroads in return for which it
supported the land tax bill. This bargaining represented the greater role played
by the urban business and commercial interests.

The parties upto now had been dominated by rural interests and they had pursued
policies which reflected rural concerns and interests, The parties while vocal in
their opposition to the oligarchy also compromised when necessary. They too
were split by regional and personal loyalties. For example ltagaki was from Tosa
and other factions were from Kyushu or Kanto. This regional and factional rivalry
prevented unity and created intense rivalry. Moreover, the parties did not have
any representation in the House of Peers and also, had no control over local
politics as all key officials were appointed by the government. Thus the parties,
themselves split and engaged in rivalry, were faced by the opposition of the
oligarchy which controlled key institutions.

The importance of urban business interests is also seen in the revision of the
electoral law which lowered the tax qualification both for voters and candidates.
This led to an increase in the number of eligible voters from 502,000 in 1898 to
982,000 in 1900. The revision of the electoral districts also favoured urban areas
where fewer people could elect a representative thus increasing the urban presence
in the Diet.

In September 1900 Ito Hirobumi formed the Friends of the Constitutional

Government Party or Seiyukai as it was commonly known in Japanese. This
represented Ito’s goal which he had been arguing for that the government should
form its own party and work to control the lower house. He had been opposed by
Yamagata and other Meiji oligarchs; The alliance between the Kenseito and
Yamagata had also proved to be short lived one as ‘the party realized that no real
concessions would be made by the oligarchy. Hoshi Toru; once he saw the futility
of working with Yamagata, approached Ito and offered to work with him. Their
interests coincided. The Seiytikai, formed by oligarchy and party elements who
sought stability in politics, was to dominate the political scene till the 1920s.

Ito Hirobumi was opposed by Yamagata Aritomo whose ideas of politics differed
and Yamagata’s faction remained an important group within the hanbatsu or
oligarchy. The groups now fighting for political power were the Seiyukai, the
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Yamagata faction and the Kenseihonto which carried on the line from the Imperial Democracy and
Political Parties
Shimpoto. ln 1913 Katsura Taro (1848-1913) of the Yamagata faction formed
the Constitutional Association of Friends and in 1916 it became the Kenseikai
(Constitutional Association) which opposed Ito’s Seiyukai.

From the Russo-Japanese war onwards (1904 to 1912) political power was
alternatively shared by Katsura Taro, of the Yamagata faction who led three
cabinets and Saionii Kinmochi who had become head of the Seiyukai and who
formed two cabinets.

In this period the most important Seiyukai leader was Hara Takeshi who was to
become the first commoner Prime Minister. He was a party man and helped to
build the Seiyukai as an influential party with a strong organization spread
throughout Japan. His political strategy was to ally with the Yamagata faction
rather than work with the other political parties. Hara and the Seiyukai pursued
a “positive policy”. Before the Sino-Japanese war the parties had tried to limit
government spending but now Hara tried to increase government spending in
building railroad lines, improving harbour” and communication networks. These
expenditures served to channel finances to local communities and helped the
Seiyukai to build up its influence. Hara also tried to build up support in the
House of Peers though this policy was successful only in 1920 when some groups
within the Peers came to support the Seiyukai.

Hara, while he built up the ·party machinery and influence, did not support the
demand for universal suffrage. The demand which first surfaced in the 1910s
was again revived in 1919-20 and the country witnessed large scale
demonstrations all over. Intellectuals as well as labour and party leaders were
active in this movement. However, Hara was doubtful about supporting this
demand because he thought that this would be giving in to popular pressure. He
felt that such a step should be taken gradually. This led to the dissolution of the
house and general elections in which the Seiyukai emerged as the largest party.
The opposition parties increased their strength in urban areas suggesting that the
demand for universal suffrage was largely an urban demand.

The relationship between the Seiyukai and the Yamagata faction was not a stable
and consistent one but rather marked by divergent pulls and pressures. The
Yamagata faction had to rely on the Seiyukai because of its strength. It could not
form an effective anti-Seiyukai coalition with elements of the Kenseibonto and
other small factions. The Kenseihonto was split with some favouring an alliance
with the Seiyukai while others supported the idea of working with the Yamagata
faction. The balance which was struck lasted till 1912-1913 when the Taisho
political crisis occurred.

The pattern of alliance and cooperation which was created in this period
represents, according to some scholars, a policy of joi togo or implicit mutual
understanding between two forces. This means that there was an implied
understanding between the forces of the government and the political parties and
they worked within this commonly accepted framework. However, it is also
important to note that the oligarchy was drawn deeper into party politics and
when Katsura Taro tried to break the Seiyukai domination he also formed a
political party, The changes which Japan was passing through were also reflected
in the loss of power of the hanbatsu. In the early Meiji period the hanbatsu had
been a closed and homogeneous group which had fought for common objectives
135
History of Modern East Asia: and commanded widespread respect because of their role in the Restoration.
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Now this no longer held true and political power could be exercised by the political
parties which could function to coordinate and reconcile conflicting interests.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Discuss the attitude of Meiji oligarchy towards political parties.
.......................................................................................................................
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2) How was the Jiyuto formed?

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10.3 FORMATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

The period from the Russo-Japanese war onwards also marks the coming of age
of the Japanese economy. The accompanying growth in urbanization and
education led among other things to an increase in the intelligentsia. In 1905, for
instance, there was one newspaper with a circulation of 150,000 but in 1920 one
of the newspapers had a circulation of 500,000. The spread of education and
political consciousness led to wider expression of political opinions. This was
apparent in the growth of new political ideas about democracy and political
participation.

In 1882, the Oriental Socialist Party had been formed but it was soon banned.
However, socialist ideas continued to spread and study groups were formed.
Finally, in 1901, the Socialist Democratic Society (Shakai Minshuto) was formed.
The rise of these political groups and parties was viewed with alarm and in 1900
the Peace Preservation Law was passed to suppress their activities. The socialist
parties went through a process of realignment and in 1906 the Japan Socialist
Party (Nihon Shakaito) emerged as a radical force with leaders such as Kotoku
Shusui who. advocated “direct action”. The party was banned in 1907 and Kotoku
and others implicated in a treason trial in 1910.

The moderate socialists, like Katayama Sen formed the Japan Socialists
Commoners Party in 1907 but this too was banned as the government was not
willing to tolerate even such moderate ideas. The impact of the Russian revolution
was decisive in creating greater consciousness of class rivalry and the need for
radical action to bring about an egalitarian society. In 1922 this led to the formation
of the Japan Communist Party.
136
 Imperial Democracy and
10.4 PARTY CABINET SYSTEM Political Parties

The powers of the political parties and their ability to influence events was severely
circumscribed because many important areas of political life were outside their
control. For example:

The bureaucracy and the military services functioned under the direct
command of the Emperor and therefore enjoyed immunity from the control
of political parties.

In 1899 a law made the civil service examination compulsory for most
government jobs.

The Meiji constitution gave the Emperor control over the military and in
1899 only active officers could become army and navy ministers thus
ensuring greater control by the military command. In 1912 the army used
this power to bring down the government. The army minister Uehara
Yusuku (1856-1933) resigned because of the cabinets refusal to allow the
army’s demand for two more divisions and the government was brought
down because the army refused to appoint a successor.

In 1921 Hara Takeshi was assassinated and the cabinets formed after that had
non-party members. These three cabinets were formed after Takahashi Korekiyo
(1854-1936), Hara’s successor resigned after seven months in office. Kato
Tomasaburo (1861-1923) formed a transcendental cabinet and he was followed
by Yamamoto Gonnohyoe (1852-1933) and then Kiyoura Keigo (185-1942).
During the Kiyoura cabinet the Kenseikai, Seiyukai and Reform Club started the
second movement for the defense of the constitution and in the general elections
of May 1924 they formed a coalition cabinet under the leadership of Kato Takaaki.

In this period some members broke away from the Seiyukai and in 1927 this
group joined the Kenseikai to form the Rikken Minseito (Constitutional
Democratic Party). Earlier in 1925 the Reform Club had joined the Seiyukai.
These two parties, the Seiyukai and the Kenseikai alternatively formed cabinets
till 1932 when the Seiyukai Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi was assassinated
during the May 15 Incident. This period which is referred to as the period of
“party rule” represented the flowering of “Taisho democracy”.

By this time the genro who had been the political decision makers, making and
breaking governments, had all died except for Saionji Kinmochi (1849-1940)
and the political parties had expanded their power and control. Mitani Taichiro
argues that six conditions made it possible for the party cabinet system to function
between 1924-1932:

i) The House of Representatives had become by 1924 the “chief arena for
contests over control of the cabinet” and it was more powerful than the
House of Peers.
ii) The ideas of Minobe Tatsukichi (1873-1948), a constitutional expert,
provided the ideological basis for party rule. He argued that the Imperial
Diet was not an organ of state given power by the Emperor but
“representative of the people”. Towards this end he instituted small reforms
in the selection of the House of Peers. Minobe’s ideas were accepted in
137
History of Modern East Asia: the bureaucracy and his work prescribed for entrance examinations for
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
the judicial and bureaucratic services,

iii) The Privy Council, established in 1888, had played a decisive role and
served as a defense against the growth of the power of political parties.
Yamagata was the last powerful president of the Council and after 1924
its role declined. The last genro Saionji played a key role in reducing the
role of the Privy Council.

iv) There was growing accommodation between the bureaucracy and the
parties and the parties were being led by ex-bureaucrats such as Kato
Takaaki, Tanaka Giichi, etc. This policy was begun in earnest by Hara
Takeshi who actively cultivated the party-bureaucracy connection.

v) The judiciary, which had been anti-party, was brought under party control
by establishing the jury system. Here also Hara cultivated judicial officers
and through patronage won their support for the Seiyukai and for the jury
system which became law in 1923, after Hara’s death.

vi) The relationship between the military and the parties was of crucial
importance. The international situation with the Washington Conference
1921-22 marked a period of arms limitation and this placed a curb on the
army’s plans for expansion. In this context army leaders began to see the
advantages of cooperating with the parties. Particularly after the death of
Terauchi in 1919 and Yamagata in 1922 army leaders like Tanaka Giichi
(1864-1929) cooperated actively with Hara and the Seiyukai to build a
modernized and technologically superior army. Along with this they helped
to increase the importance of army reservist’s associations. Tanaka himself
moved closer to the Seiyukai and in 1925 he· became its president and
remained so till he died in 1929.

Tanaka Giichi was not the only one to arrive at an accommodation with the
army. There were others also but many opposed these moves and generals like
Uehara Yusaku and his faction wanted to keep the army non-partisan and preserve
its independence. As part of this they also advocated a policy of continental
advance. These oppositions were kept under control and were to surface only
later in 1930s when a controversy arose over the London Naval Treaty. These
conditions together made it possible for the political parties, according to Mitani
Taichiro, to function till 1932 but once these conditions began to change party
government became impossible.

10.5 DECLINE OF POLITICAL PARTIES

Various factors contributed to the decline of political parties and in this Section
we will deal with some of these factors.

10.5.1 External and Internal Factors

The decline of the influence of political parties was created both by the changing
international situation and the domestic pressures which strengthened the hands
of the militarists. Externally the economic depression added to social tensions in
Japan and the increasing strength of Chinese nationalism pressed on Japanese
interests. In China Chiang Kai-Shek was gaining strength and Japan felt that her
138
interests in Manchuria were threatened. The Washington system which had created Imperial Democracy and
Political Parties
a framework for cooperation and adjustment among the major powers was being
undermined and Japan further felt that her interests were not being sufficiently
protected.

The strength and influence of the army was expanding and this was happening at
the expense of the political parties. The creation of Manchukuo showed the
independence of the military. The internal situation was further complicated by
the agricultural depression and the feeling that economic policies were benefiting
the rich and big business.

These developments generated widespread criticism and debate. Criticism was

directed against the weakness of political parties and their corruption. But much
of the debate was concerned with the crisis facing the nation and how it could be
resolved. In May 1932 the parties lost the post of prime minister and by 194l
they had no place in the cabinets. The rapid decline and end of party rule was a
product of these internal and external changes. The decade witnessed the rise to
power of a new business elite as well as civilian and military bureaucracies and
it also saw tensions in trying to build a national policy.

In 1926 there was a depression in the domestic economy and this was followed
by a bank crisis in 1927 which forced the government:
to carry out retrenchment in the government,
to return to the gold standard, and
rationalize and mechanize industry.
The situation worsened with the 1929 depression as incomes dropped and
unemployment rose. The burden was felt with great severity in the rural areas
and was further complicated by a bad harvest in certain areas in 1931.

The failure of the government led by Hamaguchi Oschi (187-1931) of the Minseito
and its failure at the London Naval Conference (Japan did not want to accept any
restriction on the tonnage of its navy but was forced to accept it) led to the
assassination of Hamaguchi in 1930. The importance of right wing groups in
politics and their terror tactics came to dominate the coming years. These groups
were an expression of the sense of crisis that many felt the nation was facing and
of the dissatisfaction with the policies of the political parties. Even though they
were condemned many praised their actions as selfless and in the interest of the
nation.

It was in this climate that army officers led the Kwangtung army and provoked
the Manchurian incident in 1931 because they thought Japan’s interests in
Manchuria were being threatened. Manchuria became an independent state,
Manchukuo, in September 1932 and though the League of Nations condemned
the take over, the cabinet led by Wakatsuki Reijiro (1866-1949) was unable to do
anything about it-rather many of its members supported the army. Inukai Tsuyoshi
(1855-1932) who succeeded Wakatsuki was president of the Seiyukai and he.
was the last party prime minister. Inukai’s attempt to negotiate with the Chinese
and the worsening economic climate in Japan created a climate ripe for terrorism
and he was assassinated on May 15, 1932.

139
History of Modern East Asia: The next cabinet came in a period perceived as one of national emergency and it
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
was formed by Admiral Saito Makoto who was chosen by Saionji - the last genro.
The cabinet was supported by the parties in the hope that they would recover
their position but he was followed by Admiral Okada Keisuke in 1934. The parties
failure was due to the increasing influence of the bureaucracy and the military.
The bureaucracy, particularly the Home Ministry carried out programmes to
revitalize the economy and so its influence on the people increased.

The military also benefited from these developments. Army planners were now
alive to the importance of the socio-economic strength of the country and that in
case of war they had to mobilize all the power and resources of the country.
They, thus were concerned with “national mobilization”. To carry out many of
these aims the government began to establish agencies which .cut across the
traditional boundaries of the ministries. In 1935 the Cabinet Research Bureau
brought together experts from both the military and civilian services. These new
links worked to the disadvantage of the parties.

The decline of party importance was reflected in the lack of new recruits from
industry and bureaucracy. The old leaders were being assassinated and there
were no new ones coming. The Seiyukai, because of its opposition, declined
drastically and in the February 1936 general elections it could get only 176
members elected losing 126 seats. Gordon Berger argues that the period between
February 1936 and July 1937 was marked by intense pressures to change the
Meiji political settlement. The function of resolving conflicts and reconciling
competing interests had been performed by the political parties but now they
lacked the power to do this. In this situation other groups sought to build
institutions and mechanisms which were to carry out this function.

10.5.2 The National Defence State

The plan to make Japan a “national defence state” (kokubo kokka) ready for a
total war was put forward by sections of the army and bureaucracy. However,
their attempt to make the Cabinet Research Bureau the supreme body overriding
the ministries could not materialise due to the strong reactions. The next
government saw a period of some cooperation between business and military
and it was known as “tie-up finance” at that time. In this the political parties
were totally excluded and even when politicians joined the cabinet they had to
resign from the party.

The cabinet of Prince Konoe Fumimaro (1891-1945) carried out measures to-
implement the new economic policies to strengthen the economy and in this
they faced a dilemma for in the depressed economic situation any taxes necessary
for development would be an unwelcome burden on the people. They could use
government parties to mobilize the people or stress the demands of the security
of the state or they could just suppress any dissent.

In 1937 Japan went to war with China and many of its leaders felt this as an
opportune moment to crush Chinese nationalism but internally it allowed the
government to mobilize the people and reduce opposition. The cabinets used
this solidarity to continue with their policies but with the war draining resources
it became impossible to implement the economic plans. Now the conflict between
various elite groups intensified and Konoe was succeeded by Hiranuma Kiichiro
140
and then by the short lived Abe Nobuyuki cabinet. This cabinet was also brought Imperial Democracy and
Political Parties
down by the lower house where there was a growing sentiment against the
established parties.

The trend for reform of the domestic political order was dominated by the army’s
search for political allies and finally they settled on Konoe Fumimaro who outlined
a new order which would overcome the deficiencies of the Meiji state and be
able to create a “national mobilization state”. On 26 July 1940 the government
led by him adopted an “Outline of Basic National Policies” which was to create
a controlled economy and a politically loyal population. The government carried
out its expansionist policies with greater determination as the fear of economic
blockade was ever present.

On 12 October 1940 the Imperial Rule Assistance Association (IRAA) was created
and this was to serve as the political party of the new order. While political
parties were dissolved, the IRAA failed to become a new political party - rather
it became an agency for government’s mass mobilization. In effect the various
measures to create new institutions to serve Japan as an expanding power did not
succeed and the old institutions and ministries established under the Meiji
government continued. The Second World War was used to build uniformity of
opinion and stifle dissent but according to Gorgon Berger they failed to create a
new totalitarian order. Political competition was as present under the cabinet of
General Tojo as it had been earlier. The decision to surrender in 1945 marked the
collapse of this system for the political elites had to seek the direct intervention
of the Emperor who had remained insulated from the political system.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Account for the growth of Socialist ideas in Japan.
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2) What were the six conditions that made it possible for the party cabinet
system to function between 1924-1932.
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141
History of Modern East Asia: 3) State the reasons for the collapse of party cabinets in Japan.
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
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10.6 LET US SUM UP

The rise and fall of party government in modern Japan is a complex affair but it
is important to note that the constitutional government built by the Meiji oligarchy,
was fundamentally opposed to party government. In this hostile environment
political parties and their supporters deriving their strengths from native traditions
as well as Western ideas built a system in which they could exercise some power.
This they were able to do by compromising with the Meiji oligarchy.

The Meiji oligarchy also found that within the constitutional framework to run
the country they had to work in concert with the political parties. Thus party
governments did not take radical measures but worked within the Meiji system.

The socialist and later communist parties and other radical groups were unable
to build a widespread mass movement. Yet, they did function and were able to
express the longings of the people who were undergoing the problems created
by industrial development.

The military because of its independence from Diet control and its perceptions
of Japanese security interests gradually undermined the democratic process and
brought down party cabinets which did not subscribe to its views. But it too
could not impose a truly totalitarian order and even during its heyday political
competition went on. It is because of this that the nature of Japanese “fascism” is
very different from what occurred in Europe. Whether Japan witnessed a period
of “fascism” is highly debatable and most Western scholars do not subscribe to
this view (Sec Unit 23). This is not to say that the system was not democratic and
that Japan was not indulging in militarist adventures abroad. Finally, it should be
noted that the party. system was integrated into the Meiji structure and it did
allow competing interests to negotiate their competing demands.

10.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Base Your Answer on Sec. 10.2
2) Refer to Sec. 10. 2
Check Your Progress 2
1) Refer to Sec. 10.3
2) Base Your Answer on Sub-sec. 10.3.1
3) Refer to Sec. 10.4

142
 Imperial Democracy and
UNIT 11 RISE OF MILITARISM Political Parties

Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 The Nature of the Regime
11.3 Military and Government
11.4 Military Displeasure with Political Parties
11.5 Education and Nationalism
11.6 Freedom of Thought and Expression Curbed
11.6.1 Opposition to Military
11.6.2 Post 1930 Regulations
11.7 Division within the Army
11.8 Military Authoritarianism
11.9 The War and Economic Policies
11.10 The War and Military Behaviour
11.11 Let Us Sum Up
11.12 Key Words
11.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

11.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to know about the:
rise of militarism in Japan after 1930,
role of education and patriotic societies in creating an atmosphere for the
military to increase its strength,
means and methods used by the military to conduct the affairs of the State,
and
conflicts within the military itself.

11.1 INTRODUCTION
The period between 1931 and 1941, the decade immediately preceding the
outbreak of the Pacific war, is often referred to by the Japanese as “Kurai Janima”
(Dark Valley). This was a period which saw the unprecedented rise of “Militarism”
and “Ultra-nationalism” in Japan.

It was during this period that the military established its supremacy in the spheres
of politics, economy and foreign relations. This Unit starts with a discussion on
the nature of the regime that existed during this period. It also takes into account
the factors behind the rise of militarism and the role played by the patriotic
societies and literature in this regard. The Unit discusses the conditions under
militarism and the divisions within the military. Lastly it deals with the wartime
economic policies and the attitude of military towards the War.

143
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 11.2 THE NATURE OF THE REGIME
There has been a considerable debate among scholars about the nature of the
regime in power during this period (1930s and 1940s) in Japan. This debate
centres around the question whether the regime was Fascist or Militarist. Let us
briefly mention the characteristics of both these systems:
i) The main characteristics of Fascism are:
aggressive nationalism based on the innate superiority of a stock of
people,
a highly regimented authoritarian political state, and
this state is symbolized by a single leader.
ii) By Militarism we mean a state where:
the military plays a pre-dominant role in the administration of the
country,
military is the chief formulator of the economic and political policies,
and
under military dominance an aggressive and expansionist policy is
pursued in foreign relations.
The best example of Fascist states are Italy and Germany during the period 1922-
45 – Italy under the leadership of Benito Mussolini and Germany under Adolf
Hitler. Certain scholars equate Japan with these two Fascist state. There is no
doubt that some of the Fascist characteristics were present in Japan like:
aggressiveness in foreign relations,
a feeling of superiority above other Asians, and
a repressive policy in relation to dissent at home.
However, Japan’s case was different from that of these two European states.
There was no coup d’état in Japan, as in Rome in 1922, or as carried out by
Hitler in 1933. In Japan there was no mass Fascist party as the Nazi party in
Germany. Also there was no one leader who dominated the scene like Hitler or
Mussolini. Here it was the military which was all pervasive and had decisive
powers. Though the Emperor continued to be the head of the state, after 1930 the
real assertive power was that of the military and yet it fought for the restoration
of the Emperor’s prestige. Hence in relation to Japan it would be more appropriate
to say that the state was governed by militarism. It is also worth mentioning here
that a large section of the society, let it be among the bureaucracy, the agrarian
class, militarists, Asian liberationists, ‘“national socialists”, elder statesmen, and
scholars, all believed in the “uniqueness” of Japan. The nationalist sentiments
were inculcated into the very consciousness of the Japanese people. Even though
Japan had adopted the path of modernization along Western lines it had retained
certain fundamental aspects of its society such as the monarchy, Confucian ethics
and the samurai tradition of service.

The nationalist feelings of the people acquired an extreme form in the 1930s, i.e.
“ultra-nationalism”. During the 1930s and early forties the military leaders took
upon themselves the task of rescuing Japan from the influence of political and
144
business leaders and to restore the Emperor’s prestige. The military leaders felt Rise of Militarism
that the political leaders and business leaders were jeopardizing the “Japanism”
of the society.

11.3 MILITARY AND GOVERNMENT

The military from the very start of the Meiji period was at the helm of the state
affairs and administration. Military leaders played an important role in the
decision-making process of the government. In fact almost half of the total
numbers of prime ministers from 1885 to 1945 had been military leaders. In
addition many military leaders often held the position of home and foreign minister
as well. The ministry in any case was always held by top military leaders even in
a cabinet formed by the majority political party.

The Meiji constitution promulgated in 1889 provided for a parliamentary system

in which the elected representatives in the Diet participated in the decision-
making. Yet they did not play a dominant role because the Emperor was invested
with extensive powers. All the executive organs which acted for the Emperor
could implement their plans without the approval of the Diet which also had no
control over the military. For example, Article XI stated: The Emperor is the
supreme-commander of the army and navy, and according to Article XII: “The
Emperor determines the organization and peace standing of the army and navy”.

Thus, the Emperor as the Supreme Commander was advised by the army and
navy general staffs. Hence, the general staffs could formulate and execute plans
which need not be approved by the Government. Nor was it necessary for them
to even inform the Government about their decisions. This was because Article
VIII stated: “in matters involving military secrecy and command reported by the
chief of the general staff to the throne, except those matters on which the Emperor
himself informs the cabinet, the army and navy minister should report to the
Prime Minister.”

Only a military officer could hold the Defence portfolios. Consequently, the
military could topple any government which was not acceptable to it by simply
asking its officer to resign or refusing to nominate an officer for the post. As we
shall see later the military frequently used this tactic to its own advantage.

11.4 MILITARY DISPLEASURE WITH POLITICAL

PARTIES
The genro or the elder statesmen had played a major role in the Meiji Restoration
and in the modernization process of the country. They enjoyed a special status in
the society which was superior both to the government and the military. The
genro had direct access to the Emperor and it were their views which were often
followed. As long as the elder statesmen lived there were few serious conflicts
between the civilian and military policies. By 1922, however, most of the genro
members had either died or retired. Now the conflicts between the political parties,
which had become an important force in politics, and the military became more
serious.

The military was displeased with the performance of the political parties which
had formed the government since the end of the First World War. The military
145
History of Modern East Asia: objected to the attitude of the political parties who resisted increase in the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
military’s budget and expansion of its divisions. For example, Prime Minister
Kato Takaaki’s government had reduced the size of Japanese army from 21 to 17
divisions. The military was also unhappy with the China policy of the political
parties. The 4th February 1922, bilateral agreement between Japan and China
restored the sovereignty of Shantung province to China and Japanese economic
privileges in the region were ratified. Since then the China policy was aimed to
mainly achieve economic goals instead of military expansion. This was termed
as “soft” China policy and is associated with Baron Shidehara Kijuro (1872-
1951) who served as Prime Minister from June 1924 to April 1927 and July 1929
to December 1931.

The military was critical of the “soft” China policy since Japan’s gains on the
mainland were likely to be imperiled due to the upsurge of anti-imperialist
movement which was gaining momentum under the leadership of Jiang Jieshi
(Chiang Kaishek), the leader of the Guomindang. He demanded a review of all
foreign rights including those of Japan and questioned the continuation of Japan’s
dominant role in South Manchuria.

The political parties were also criticized for their close alliance with the Business
houses (zaibatsu). The farmers, in particular, believed that the political party
dominated government safeguarded the interest of the Zaibatsu and emphasized
on trade and industry rather than agriculture. For example, the import of cheap
rice from Korea and Taiwan benefited the traders but had an adverse impact on
the income of the farmers. The political parties, along with the business houses
were charged for the spread of corruption. The inflow of foreign ideologies,
which were regarded as dangerous and detrimental to the Emperor’s authority
was also attributed to the political parties. The Military took advantage of all
such feelings against the political parties.

Against this background the Navy strongly opposed the London Naval Treaty
(1930) which called for armament reduction. But the then Prime Minister
Hamaguchi Yuko got it ratified by the Diet. The government came under severe
criticism and there was violent opposition in Tokyo. A little later Hamaguchi
was assassinated. The last Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi was also not popular
with the military who did not find it necessary to keep the government informed
about their military actions in Manchuria Inukai opposed military expansion and
called for discipline in the army He was also killed by a junior military officer in
May 1932. This brought to the end an era of party governments in Japan.

However, we must mention here that militarism gained currency in Japan because
of ultra-nationalist feelings that had been generated for a long time. In the
development of these feelings certain factors had played a role and we will discuss
them in the subsequent sections.·
Check Your Progress 1
1) List the characteristics of Fascism and Militarism. Among these where do
you place Japan in the 1930s and 1940s.
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146 .......................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the reasons for military’s hostility to political parties . Rise of Militarism

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11.5 EDUCATION AND NATIONALISM

Japan had successfully used education as an effective tool to inculcate nationalism
in the minds of the people. The educational system, founded during the Meiji
period, was inspired by the German system. Japanese, like the Germans, believed
that “battles can be won in the classrooms”

The primary schools were considered to be the most fertile ground for sowing
the seeds of nationalism. Moru Arinovi, who contributed enormously to the
shaping of the Japanese education policy in early Meiji period, once said:

“In the administration of all schools, it must be borne in mind (that) what is to be
done is not for the sake of the pupils but for the sake of the country.”

On another occasion he said:

“Our country must move from the third position to the second to the first and
then to the leading position along all the countries of the world.”

As a result of such feelings moral studies were given top priority in the school
curriculum.

The curriculum of the normal school opened for the training of teachers was also
so planned that it would prepare them to be an ideal example to the students in
obedience, devotion, love for the country, loyalty and reverence for the Emperor.
A retired military officer was also employed to instill in them discipline of both
mind and body.

The twin aims of education during the Meiji period were to promote “loyalty
and patriotism and to create a new class of engineers, managers, financers, etc.”

Education was also used as an instrument to further intensify the nationalist

sentiments of the people. After the second war with China in 1937, the entire
country was placed on a war footing. Consequently, changes in the educational
system were suggested by the Education Council to suit the needs of a country at
war,. The primary schools were renamed “national schools”. The purpose was to
train people “in conformity with the moral principles of the Japanese Empire
which meant being loyal subjects of the Emperor.

The nationalist content of education was stepped up as Japan was drawn deeper
into the War. The educational reform of 1941 and the policy of instruction issued
by the Ministry of Education in 1943 emphasized upon the need of training the
youth in “consonance with the way of the empire”, the importance of faithfulness,
147
History of Modern East Asia: loyalty, guarding and maintaining the prosperity of the Imperial throne; reverence
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
to the deities and ancestors. It also stressed the necessity of apprising the students
of Japan’s mission in East Asia and the world. Studies of Japanese literature,
understanding the traditions of the empire and the Japanese way of life and culture
were to be encouraged.

In order to enable the Japanese to understand and appreciate the significance of

the policy of greater East Asia Co-prosperity sphere and Japan’s mission, it was
necessary to educate them about the East Asian countries and about their plight
under the rule of the European countries. Thus, the government could quite easily
mould public opinion in the manner in which it wanted since the nationalist
fervour was very well cultivated by education. In imparting all such views the
military had played a definite role. This also created such an atmosphere of
nationalist feelings that helped the military in furthering its own ends.

11.6 FREEDOM OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION

CURBED
Fostering the spirit of nationalism was also necessary to suppress discontent
created by the changes in the political and economic structures of the country.

Industrialization brought with it population which disturbed the family system

in Japan. New Western values also crept into Japanese society, which tended to
erode the social system based on Confucian principles.

Several internal security laws and. publishing regulations were implemented by

the Meiji Government to curb the freedom of thought and expression. These
laws only allowed the publication of such literature which favoured the
Government.

During 1870s and 1880s there was widespread Peoples’ Rights Movement in
Japan. In addition to methods like imprisonment, buying off leaders and
harassment, the Government enacted regulations which prohibited assembly of
people ( 1880) and prevented the newspapers from publishing anything without
the prior approval of the Government authority (1883) to crush the movements.
Even plays and movies before opening to the public had to seek the approval of
the government.

Nevertheless, the Peoples’ Rights Movement was successful to the extent that in
1889 a parliamentary form of government was established in Japan. The
constitution, however, guaranteed only limited freedom to the people “within
the limits of law”, which was further limited by successive laws adopted over
the years.

11.6.1 Opposition to Military

There was at home a strong opposition to growing militarism during and after
World War-I. The most organized and systematic anti-war movement was led by
the socialists and communists. Several anti-war writings showed the military in
a bad light. For example, Kobayashi Takiji’s, Cannary Boat, 1929 (Kani kosen)
described how the troops crushed a strike. The miseries and sufferings of the
soldiers during the Siberian expedition were depicted in City Under Arms (Buso
148
Seru Shigai) by Kuroshima Denji. Literary works of this kind were banned. The Rise of Militarism
Communist Party too, which was most vocal against the expansionist policies of
the military was banned. Many of its leaders were imprisoned and others went
underground.

The military used the nationalist sentiment to create such a working class that
was hardworking, disciplined and undemanding. This was beneficial to both the
military and the capitalists.

11.6.2 Post 1930 Regulations

As Japan’s involvement in the war increased in the late 1930s and 1940s, control
over freedom of thought and expression also tightened, Existing regulations were
amended to widen the scope of their application. The Peace Preservation Law
passed in 1925 was amended by an extraordinary Imperial Ordinance in 1928
and further amended in 1941 to allow preventive detention of political activists
and indefinite detention of political prisoners.

The new restrictive legislation included the National Defence Security Law of
1941, according to which all the discussions in the Liaison Conference and Cabinet
meetings were “state secrets”. Anyone revealing or attempting to obtain this
classified information was liable to rigorous punishment. Special laws on wartime
crimes enacted in 1942 were later on revised to include interference with
government administration.

Under the prevalent laws public debate and dialogue on the issues relating to
war became impossible. It was also not possible for the public to know the real
facts of the war since the newspapers conveyed to the public only what the
government wanted it to know. It is hence not surprising if the public tended to
support the Military government policies. In fact the task of the military had
been facilitated by the existence and propaganda of the various patriotic societies
arid organizations that had existed since the beginning of the Meiji period. These
societies and organizations brought out ‘ultra-nationalist’ literature and gave
strength to the military. Many military officers were not just only members of
these societies, they firmly believed in their ideology and were ever ready to
carry it out. Most of these were young officers. A large number of the younger
officers belonged to the ordinary middle class families; sons of small businessmen
and clerks in the offices. A big number also came from the rural areas where the
impact of the economic crisis was felt more. Many of these officers resented the
affluence of the rich in the cities.

Inspired by the nationalist ideology, the young officers either joined leaders like
Kita lkki or formed organizations consisting of members belonging only to the
army and navy. Kita Ikki, along with Okawa Shumei had formed the Yuzonsha
(Society for Preservation of the National Essence). Okawa was a lecturer at the
Colonization Academy and together they advocated military expansion abroad
and military takeover at home. Another famous society was Sakurakai (Cherry
Blossom) founded in 1930 by Lt. Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro.

The Meirinkai (Higher Ethic Society) was also composed of reserve or retired
army and navy officers. The Kodokai (Imperial Way Society),founded in 1933,
aimed at the abolition of the capitalist economic structure, political parties and
favoured the establishment of a state controlled economy. Those societies which
149
History of Modern East Asia: were dominated by military men became popular especially after the 1931
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Manchurian crisis.

The numerous plots which took place during the 1930s revealed that the High
Command was unable to control their own officers. The first major proof was
the Manchurian Anny which controlled affairs in this region, planned and executed
the operations behind the backs of the senior officers in Tokyo. The army leaders
in the capital were unable to control their subsequent moves, but had to defend
their actions. Junior officers broke military regulations; units posted abroad did
not abide by the policies made in Tokyo. At times the military had disregarded
even the wishes of the Supreme Commander, the Emperor.

Check Your Progress 2

1) How did education contribute in the development of militarist nationalist

ideas?
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2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( ) or (×)

i) Kita Ikki supported a democratic government.
ii) National sentiment was used to create an undemanding working class.
iii) Communists were opposed to militarism.
iv) The military, to an extent, directed the education policy of the
government.
v) The writings which showed the military in a bad light were encouraged.

11.7 DIVISION WITHIN THE ARMY

At the highest level the army was divided as to the course of action that was to be
adopted to deal with the situation created by the economic and political crisis.
The two main groups were:

i) The Kodoha (Imperial way faction) which had generals like Araki Sadao
and Mazaki Jinzaburo.

ii) The Tosei (Control faction) which included grade officers of the general
staff like Nagata Tetsuzan, Tojo Hideki and Ishiwara Kanji.

The Kodo faction emphasized loyalty and morale and underplayed structural
changes. The Tosei was not opposed to capitalism and a parliamentary system.
Its emphasis was on the establishment and enforcement of state controls so that
Japan could be prepared for war. The Tosei group received support from the
businessmen, bureaucrats and some intellectuals.

150
The struggle for power within the military was also quite severe. The Kodo faction Rise of Militarism
was in a dominant position when Araki became War. Minister in 1931 and Mazaki
Vice Chief of Staff. But it was the Tosei group which exercised greater influence
in Manchuria.

In 1934 Araki resigned and was succeeded by Hayashi Senjuro, who gradually
came under the influence of Nagata Tetsuzan. Mazaki had assumed the post of
Director General of Military Education after having served as the Vice Chief of
Staff. Nagata, however, managed to get him dismissed in July 1935. In retaliation
Mazaki’s supporters, a little later, murdered Nagata. During this period all those
Kodoha members who were regarded as trouble makers were dispatched to
Manchuria.

However, Kodoha members were determined to reclaim power. An attempt was

made on 26th February, 1936 when young officers of this group took over the
centre of Tokyo and killed top leaders like the Finance Minister, Lord of the
Privy Council and Inspector General of Military Education. The young officers
demanded the establishment of a new order under Mazaki. Ultimately, under
pressure the officers had to surrender. About thirteen of these officers were tried
and executed. Kita lkki, though not directly involved, was also executed in 1937.
Araki and Mazaki were placed on the reserve rolls. The Kodo group, as an
organization, was further weakened by dispersing the officers. Some of them
were transferred to far off provinces or sent to Manchuria. Between the conflicting
groups it was the Tosei group which emerged victorious. But this internal struggle
in the military in no way weakened the military.

11.8 MILITARY AUTHORITARIANISM

The army’s authoritarianism was reflected in the manner it interfered in the
formation of the cabinet. If the Prime Minister or a leader appointed as member
of the cabinet was not acceptable to the military then it refused to appoint an
officer to a service post. This made it impossible to form a cabinet. As the army’s
intervention increased the political leaders had no option but to bow before the
military.

After the 26 February 1930 incident when Okada Keisuke’s cabinet fell, Hirota
Koki was invited to form a cabinet. He could not finalize the list of the members
to be included in the cabinet till it was approved by the military.

The Hirota cabinet also was compelled to resign when the military objected to a
question asked by Hamada Kunimatsu in the Diet which was interpreted as anti-
military. The military asked for his expulsion or forego its cooperation.

The military also was not in favour of Ugaki Kazushige (1868-1956), who was
now called upon to form the cabinet, and refused to provide a minister to the
cabinet. In fact Ugaki was prevented from accepting the prime ministership in a
very unscrupulous way. While Ugaki was going to Tokyo he was intercepted at
the Kanagawa prefecture and Tokyo border by the Military Police Commander.
The Commander got into the car and informed Ugaki that since the young officers
were upset the Army Minister had asked him to convey that he should decline
the offer of forming a cabinet. The reason for young officers’ disapproval of
Ugaki’s candidature was that he had participated in the 1931 Manchurian plot.
151
History of Modern East Asia: In May 1936 regulations were revised and only active duty officers could be
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
appointed as army and navy ministers. The prime ministers could no more appoint
retired officers.

The importance of the political parties lay in the fact that they represented the
masses in the lower house of the Diet and their consent to the policies meant
approval of the public.

In October 1940 the parties were replaced by Imperial Rule Assistance Association
(Taisei Yokusan Kai). The parties joined .this association and pledged to build
up public opinion favourable to the national policies. The role of the political
parties in the decision-making had now reached to the lowest level.

11.9 THE WAR AND ECONOMIC POLICIES

After the outbreak of war with China in 1937 Japan’s involvement in that country
grew deeper. Hostilities spread in various parts of China and Japan had to incur
enormous losses both in terms of men and money. The developments on the
continent had an impact on the policies at home. For example, the military further
geared to push forward measures which would prepare the country for a much
bigger war. Similarly government control over the economy also increased further.
Now there was more emphasis on the armament and heavy industries.

Soon after Konoe Fumimaro became Prime Minister in June 1937 steps were
taken to bring under government control civil aviation and distribution of fuel. A
cabinet Planning Board was established to coordinate the economic policies.

It was also decided that Liaison Conferences to be held between the Prime
Ministers, Foreign Ministers and and Navy Ministers would take all the important
decisions. Since the other cabinet ministers were not participant in these
deliberations they remained ignorant about the decisions.

In 1938 an Asia Development Board was created which was entrusted with the
task of conducting matters related with China. This Board in 1942 was absorbed
in the greater East Asia Ministry created in the same year.

The Mobilization Law passed by the Diet in 1938 strengthened the military’s
authority over labour, raw materials etc. Industries which contributed to the
expansion of the war machinery were encouraged. In Manchukuo too, where the
military was in full control, all efforts were directed towards the development of
coal, iron and steel industries and into automobile and aircraft plants.

11.10 THE WAR AND MILITARY BEHAVIOUR

As the war progressed Japan from mid 1942 to mid 1944 tried to develop and
expand its empire and exploit it economically. Japan in November 1941, envisaged
a plan of turning the whole of East Asia into a greater East Asia Co-prosperity
sphere with Japan, China and Manchukuo as its industrial bases.

Though the idea of the co-prosperity sphere was to “liberate” Asia from the
control of the Western countries, Japan’s main aim was to replace the Europeans
in the region.
152
The Imperial Rule Assistance Association in March, 1941 published the “Basic Rise of Militarism
Concepts of the greater East Asia Co-prosperity sphere” which clearly stated:
“Although we use the expression Asian Cooperation this by no means ignores
the fact that Japan was created by the gods or posits an automatic racial equality.”
By this was meant that some Asians were more equal than others.

On 7 December 1941 Japan attacked Pearl Harbour and achieved a quick victory
over the United States. After this Japan rapidly established its rule in South East
Asia and the Pacific.

The behaviour of the military towards the countries which Japan occupied in the
course of war was far from benevolent. Atrocities committed by the Japanese
soldiers in these areas have gone down in recent history as a horrifying example
in brutality, loot, rape and murder.

During its long rule over Korea and Taiwan, Japan treated the people of these
countries as second rate citizens. A strict assimilation policy was enforced
compelling people to learn Japanese and adopt Japanese names.

As the war progressed and Japan needed a larger fighting force and labour Koreans
were brought to Japan for working in factories. Special laws were promulgated
which permitted them to join the Japanese military.

Other South East Asian countries like Malaya, Philippines, Burma, Indonesia,
and French lndo-China resented Japanese rule more than the European rulers.
This resentment emerged because of:
the Japanese feeling of racial superiority and disregard for local customs
and people,
curtailment of political rights, and
destruction of their economy which was changed in accordance to the
requirements of Japan.
Some countries like Indonesia, Burma and French Indo-China had initially
welcomed the Japanese as their “liberators”. They looked up to Japan for it was
the only Asian country to defeat a European power as the memories of 1904-
1905 Russo-Japanese war were still there. However, it was not long before they
started hating the Japanese and the military rule imposed on them. Soon there
emerged widespread and organized opposition to Japan in these countries.
Check Your Progress 3
l) Mention the factions in the Japanese military. What were their approaches?
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2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? mark ( ) or (×).

i) In the early 1940s the political parties played a vital role in decision
making.
153
History of Modern East Asia: ii) Under pressure from the military funds were diverted to increase
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
armament production.
iii) The economic resources of Manchukuo were used to expand war
industries.
iv) The behaviour of military in countries occupied by-Japan was extremely
benevolent.

11.11 LET US SUM UP

The roots of the authority and the power which the military wielded after 1930
were in fact itself based in the constitution.
In reality even the Meiji leaders known to be “liberal” were quite conservative
and were not prepared to extend power to the people beyond a certain limit.
Hence, it is not surprising that in the democratic political system set up in 1889
the power of the representatives of the people was limited. We have seen how
the military could topple cabinets and assert its authority.
The ground for the rise of Militarism had been there since the beginning. Even in
pre-World War-I period Meiji leaders expounded and implemented an expansionist
policy abroad. At home the media was controlled by enforcing a series of
regulations and no dissent was tolerated beyond a point. However, the presence
of the elder statesmen had been able to control the military.
After World War-I the political parties were given an opportunity to resolve the
economic crisis and bring about political stability at home. But as far as the
military was concerned the political parties were a failure. The military detested
the political parties which were seen as a hindrance in the development of the
armed forces.
The nationalist sentiments were used to justify a policy of expansion and military
rule. Certain political associations and the education policy played a vital role in
fostering such sentiments among the people.
Though there were factions within the military but the infighting in no way
weakened the military’s control over politics and administration. Economic
resources were diverted to create a war machine which was dismantled only
after the defeat of Japan in the Second World War.

11.12 KEY WORDS

Authoritarianism: A kind of dictatorship.

Manchukuo: The Japanese after establishing their control in Manchuria renamed

it as Manchukuo.

Militarism: Militarism denotes the predominant role played by the military in

the administration of the country and its external affairs.

Patriotic Societies: Patriotic societies were formed to promote ideas of

nationalism. Among other things they advocated policies of expansionism.

Ultra-Nationalism: Extreme patriotic feeling or policies of national

154 independence.
 Rise of Militarism
11.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Base your answer on Sec. 11.2. Also compare the situation in Japan with
that of Germany and Italy.

2) The reasons were many like opposition of political parties to increase

military budget; reduction in the size of army, etc. The militarists also felt
that Japan was pursuing a soft policy abroad. Consult Sec. 11.4 to write
your answer.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Base your answer on Sec. 11.5.
2) (i) × (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) ×
Check Your Progress 3
1) Mention the factions like Kodoha and Tosei and their approaches. Consult
Sec. 11.7 for your answer.
2) (i) × (ii) (iii) (iv) ×

155
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 12 JAPAN: SUPPORTING ANTI-
COLONIAL MOVEMENTS
AGAINST THE WEST
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Japanese Ideas about Asia
12.2.1 Race and the Civilising Mission
12.2.2 Japanese Societies Working to Promote Asian Unity
12.3 Students, Nationalists and Business People from Asia Come to Japan
12.3.1 Chinese in Japan: Working for a Republican China
12.3.2 Manchuko: The Laboratory of Pan-Asianism
12.4 China and Japan’s Attempts to Win Legitimacy for the Empire
12.4.1 Wang Jingwei and Jiang Jieshi
12.4.2 Wang Jingwei Collaborates with the Japanese Military
12.4.3 Was Wang Jingwei a Traitor?
12.5 Japan’s Advance into South-east Asia and India
12.5.1 Burmese Nationalism and Japanese Support
12.5.2 Japan Moderates its Policies in Asia
12.6 Japan and the Indian National Army
12.6.1 The INA sets up its HQ in Rangoon
12.6.2 The INA and the Red Fort Trials
12.7 The Japanese Occupation of Indonesia
12.7.1 Japanese Occupation: Authorities Promote Local Culture
12.7.2 Indonesians Lose Hope in the Japanese as liberators
12.8 Let Us Sum Up
12.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

12.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to understand:
Japan’s relations to neighbouring Asian countries,
Ideas of Race, Nationalism and civilizing mission in the Japanese state,
Role of Pan-Asianism for legitimating Japanese imperial ambitions, and
Japanese role in supporting national movements against the Western Powers.

12.1 INTRODUCTION
In this Unit we will look at how the Japanese, even as they built a colonial empire,
also argued against Western colonialism and projected themselves as the liberators
of Asia. We will examine some key ideas about race, pan-Asianism, the societies
established to promote the government’s policies to build a co-prosperity sphere,
and how people in China, Burma and Indonesia, examples of countries occupied
by Japan, responded to them.
156
We will look at cases where local leaders, Wang Jingwei, Subhas Chandra Bose, Japan: Supporting
Anti-colonial Movements
Aung San worked with the Japanese in the belief that it was good for their country Against The West
to see how successful or not the Japanese were in winning support for their role
as liberators of Asia.

The power of the Japanese appeal as liberators of Asia lay in the fact that they,
like the countries they occupied, were both fighting Western power. The colonised
people of Asia saw that they held this in common with the Japanese.

Moreover, the victories of the Japanese over Western powers starting with their
defeat of Russia marked a turning point in shattering the myth of Western
superiority. In the years leading up to World War-II, and during the war,
particularly the Japanese defeat of Britain, France, Australia and the Dutch in
Southeast Asia confirmed their position as an alternative to Western imperialism.
Japanese arguments for Asian unity were critical of imperialism and global capital
but moderate in criticising social and cultural practices. This appealed to the
rising middle classes in many of the countries they occupied.

In the end the call for Asian unity turned out to be a myth and Japan appeared not
very different from the other colonial powers.

12.2 JAPANANESE IDEAS ABOUT ASIA

The idea of an Asian unity drew on many former ideas and changed over time. In
the early years it was largely an idealistic call for Asian unity, usually meaning
unity between Japan, Korea and China to combat Western powers and the culture
they brought. The argument was that their cultures were being swamped and
they lacked the power to individually confront the West. So they had to ally
together to fight the West. Many Japanese saw Japan as the natural leader of
such an alliance. Japan was not colonized; it had fought Western powers, and by
the early twentieth century had achieved equality with the Western powers.

These ideas and policies are grouped under the label of Pan-Asianism or Asianism
(ajiashugi), as it is known in Japan. This became a major argument for supporting
anti-colonial movements. It was argued that Japan was a part of Asia and only by
allying with Asian countries could Japan oppose Western imperialism. The danger
of being swamped by Western culture and losing all indigenous elements was a
major motivation for this type of thinking. Another dominant idea was that Japan,
as it had never been colonized, best preserved the main elements of Asian culture
and so was best suited to lead the other nations. This is a broad characterization
and it is important to remember that there were many nuanced versions of these
ideas for why Japan should ally with Asian countries.

12.2.1 Race and the Civilizing Mission

The justification of imperialism and colonial rule was similar to arguments used
by Western powers of their ‘civilizing mission’. The modern racial classification
systems which defined some as undeveloped, or even sub-human, underlay this
‘civilizing mission’. It became the right, and obligation, of the so-called ‘civilized
and superior races’ to teach these ‘inferior’ people.

157
History of Modern East Asia: Racial equality was Japan’s way of seeking equality for itself. The idea of human
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
beings being split into different races, and this difference marking their level of
intelligence and civilization, was a modern concept that came to Japan in the
1880s. The ‘othering’ of Koreans, Taiwanese, Chinese, and other Asians was not
just around the idea of race, though that did play an important role, but also
through a variety of strategies that drew upon ideas of civilization, culture and
development. These ideas were used to underline Japan’s superiority even while
emphasizing the syncretic nature of Japanese civilization and its shared
commonalities with Asians.

The idea of race was not uniformly accepted in the same way. Some scholars
like Shinmei Masamichi (1898-1984) and Kada Tetsuji (1895-1964) even rejected
the idea of racial superiority and argued that Japan must lead Asia because it was
the most developed. Indeed in the 1930s and 1940s the anarchist poet and writer,
Takamura Itsue (1894-1964), who supported Asian expansion, pointed to the
lack of racial hierarchies as a sign of Japan’s strength.

12.2.2 Japanese Societies Working to Promote Asian Unity

A number of societies were formed, usually with government aid or encouragment,
even as Japan extended her control over the region, to support this expansion:
1877 the New Asia Shinajia (in 1880 it became Koakai), established by Okubo
Toshimichi (1830-1878) and others; 1883 Asia Society (Ajia kyokai); 1898 East
Asian Common Culture Society (Higasia dobunkai) under Prince Konoe
Fumimaro (1891-1945) .

Many arguments were deployed in support of Japan’s role. One of the major
arguments advanced was that a new intellectual order could be created based on
the spirit of science (kagaku seishin). It was the responsibility of larger ethnic
groupings that had a historically progressive character to assist the progress of
smaller and more backward ethnic groups.

The other fundamental premise was that Japan is, historically and culturally, the
first nation to achieve modernization among non-Western counties. This allows
Japanese intellectuals and policy makers to think that Japan is qualified to ask
for its equality with the West but, at the same time, it can proclaim it’s superiority
over Asia

12.3 STUDENTS, NATIONALISTS AND BUSINESS

PEOPLE FORM ASIA COME TO JAPAN
The Chinese and Koreans, Japan’s closest neighbours, shared language and
cultural affinities, and were the first to look towards Japan as the place to learn
about the modern world to transform their own countries. Japan became a model
for them but their hopes soured as Japan’s colonial empire expanded and turned
the idea of Asian unity into a justification for Japan’s colonial rule.

Meiji Japan became a source of modern learning and for business for many from
China, Korea, Vietnam and other Asian countries. South Asians were
comparatively few but from the early twentieth century they went there as traders
and as students. A number of exiled revolutionaries found refuge and formed
nationalist organisations to work for Indian independence. Students came to learn
158
but also became politically active, forming societies for the liberation of their Japan: Supporting
Anti-colonial Movements
own countries. Many came into contact with Japanese intellectuals and activists. Against The West
Societies, such as the Asian Solidarity Society where Indians, Chinese, Japanese,
and people from other parts of Asia, came together to debate strategies for national
independence and modern development. They began to learn about each others’
problems and to see that they faced a common struggle. The transnational character
of these societies meant that the international linkages exposed members to the
idea that imperialism was a global problem and had to be tackled at a global
level as well.

12.3.1 Chinese in Japan: Working for a Republican China

The Chinese who came in large numbers by the end of the twentieth century saw
Japan as a place to learn and study but even more importantly as a place to
escape Qing oppression and work to form groups to bring about a revolution in
China. They met and debated, published journals and newspapers and raised
money to finance their work in China. The Japanese had in the classical period
borrowed the Chinese written language to write their own language now the
Chinese took the new words that the Japanese had created to write concepts they
learnt from the West. Even the modern Chinese word for revolution was taken
from the Japanese at this time.

The influx of foreign students led to interactions between people from the region
that was not state directed. The metropolitan centres of the colonial powers became
breeding grounds for anti-colonial organizations with trans-national linkages.
The India Home Rule Society was established in 1905 in London, in 1906 Indians
in New York began organizing and allied with Irish nationalists, and in 1907 the
Asia Solidarity Society was formed in Tokyo, which brought together Indians,
Chinese and Japanese and people from Southeast Asia.

Liu Shipei, one of the Chinese founders of the Asian Solidarity Society wrote
“On the Recent Trends in Asia” (Nov. 1907) where he argued that today Asia is
united by its shared cultural experience: the Chinese language for Japan, Korea
and Vietnam; of Buddhism from India which has spread all over Asia; of Islam,
which has spread from the Arabs to Persia, and India; the presence of Muslims
and Indian Brahmins in the Southern Seas (nanyang); and to the familiarity of
Indians and Filipinos with British and American culture.

This pointed to a unity based not on the dominance of one cultural or political
model but rather seems to be an attempt to forge a unity based on the existing
interactions and shared beliefs and practices, and one that sees unity in the shared
experience of Western modernity as well. Rebecca Karl argues that there was an
emerging Asia that had both historical dynamism and contemporary relevance,
it de-emphasised the state and elevated the people and sought to establish a
contemporary political identity while accepting diversity of race and culture and
seeking to bridge this by formulating a political programme based on these ideals.

12.3.2 Manchuko: The Laboratory of Pan-Asianism

As the historian of China, Prasenjit Duara writes that Manchukou was the first
major laboratory of pan-Asianism where the rhetoric of pan-Asianism was taken
seriously and some idealists tried to find ways to legitimise their rule by winning
over the Chinese to their side.
159
History of Modern East Asia: One such idea was ‘cooperation of the races’ spread by organizations such as the
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Concordia Society (Kyowakai). This society advocated cooperation among
different people, and even supported anti-imperialism to argue for a new type of
anti-colonial state. Duara sees this as the beginning of the political ideology of
pan-Asianism which later the government carried forward by creating institutions
to create regional organizations under Japanese leadership, these were the East
Asian League Association founded in 1939 by Ishiwara Kanji. Ishihara was an
influential general in the Japanese army who was inspired by the writings of the
militant Buddhist Tanaka Chigaku to advocate a ‘final war’ against the West.
Later other organizations were created by the government, the East Asian
Community, and finally the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere.

There were many variations in the idea of an East Asian community; some based
it on racial, historical and cultural affinities. One leading intellectual Royama
Masamichi (1895-1980) put forward a different argument for cooperation between
Japan and China. He did not take race or culture as binding Japan and China but
argued that economic development and the international situation required the
two to cooperate as a regional bloc. Like the others his ideas failed to evoke any
support among the Chinese. Royama failed to understand the power of national
aspirations and he never opposed Japanese colonization.

12.4 CHINA AND JAPAN’S ATTEMPTS TO WIN

LEGITIMACY FOR THE EMPIRE
Japan’s wars against China, in 1894-5 and then the second in 1937, and the
occupation of Manchuria, revealed the contradictions of Japan’s Aziashugi or
Asianism but Japan pressed on to try and legitimise its empire. In 1938 the agency
for Raising Asia (Koa ajia) was established and a New Order was proclaimed.
Along these lines new societies were formed such as the greater Japanese League
for Rising Asia. The government’s backing brought large memberships making
these societies very influential in spreading the official discourse.

In Manchukou the Japanse placed Pu Y, the last Qing empeor on the throne and
though he had no authority he served to signal that Manchuokou was a state in
its own right. In China they attempted to work with local lords to legimtise their
rule. The Guomindang and the Communist Party fought them but some Chinese
argued that they could work with Japan.

Wang Jingwei (1883-1944) a Guomindang politician who was close to the Sun
Yatsen emerged as a leader who saw an advantage in working with Japan. Today
he is condemned as a collaborator. Wang was a major figure in the Guomindang.
He worked with Sun Yatsen for over a quarter of a centry. The death of Sun
Yatsen led to a tussle over who would lead the party. Wang opposed Jiang Jieshi
(Chiang Kaishek) for control of the party but Jiang took over. Wang even though
he had opposed Jiang and differed in his approach he remained in the Guomindang.
The Japanese used the sidelining of Wang to their advantage and offered to make
him premier after the Sino-Japanese war began in 1937. Wang accepted the offer
and headed a government, controlled by the Japanese, till he died. This tarnished
his reputation, even though Wang played an important role in the 1911 revolution,
these contributions have been ignored and he has been called a traitor for his
collaboration.
160
12.4.1 Wang Jingwei and Jiang Jieshi Japan: Supporting
Anti-colonial Movements
Against The West
Wang Jingwei differed from Jiang Jieshi. In the 1920s Wang, even though he
opposed the ideas of the communists, worked to cooperate with them. Jiang
Jieshi opposed the communists and launched the Northern expedition and moved
the capital to Nanjing. Wang, and the left Guomndang, set up an alternative
capital in Wuhan working closely with the Chinese Communist Party but failed
to counter Jiang. Jiang launched the white terror, massacring communists. Wang
in fear fled to Europe for a while.

Wang’s efforts to collaborate with other groups failed and he again made his
peace with Jiang Jieshi in 1931. Wang was given important posts in the party.
Wang and Jiang Jieshi had different views on the question of fighting Japan.
Jiang was clear that his major goal was to fight Japan, and he would willingly
ally with the Soviet Union to do this. Wang thought China was too weak militarily
to oppose Japan. Japan had modernised successfully and was a powerful economic
force. Wang argued that the main enemy was Western imperialism and China
should ally with Japan to oppose Western imperialism.

12.4.2 Wang Jingwei Collaborates with the Japanese Military

Wang went to Indo-China and began negotiations with the Japanese to seek their
support. He returned to Shanghai in 1938 and in 1940 established the Reorganized
National Government of the Republic of China. Later in the year he signed a
treaty with Japan, which gave it concessions equal to the infamous Twenty-One
Demands the Japanese had made earlier. Wang Jingwei’s government was based
on the ideas of Asian unity, anti-communism and opposition to Jiang Jieshi. Wang,
during his stay in Europe, had been influenced by fascism and made friends with
Italian and German fascists. After returning to China he remained in touch with
them.

12.4.3 Was Wang Jingwei a Traitor?

The Japanese tried to keep strict control over the areas they controlled. The
Japanese police worked with their collaborators among the Chinese to gather
intelligence, censor and imprison those who posed a threat to them. Wang
faced assassination attempts as he became the focal point of the people’s
resistance to the Japanese. He died in 1944 in Japan where he had gone for
medical treatment.

Wang Jingwei collaboration with the Japanese has branded him a traitor to China
and his earlir work forgotten. An elaborate tomb was erected for him in Nanjing,
near the mausoleum for Sun Yat-sen, but Jiang Jieshi, after Japan’s defeat,
occupied Nanjing and destroyed the tomb and burned his body. There is now a
simple structure indicating that Wang was a traitor to the Chinese. In the Chinese
imagination, in mainland China and Taiwan, Wang has become a synonym for a
traitor.

This view is toady being questioned by historians who argue that Wang should
not just be dismissed as a traitor. The historian Torsten Weber argues that Wang’s
Pan-Asianism was neither an invention for propaganda purposes nor a mere
adoption of Japanese wartime rhetoric. It was an attempt to establish political
legitimacy by claiming the legacy of Sun Yatsen. Wang drew on Sun’s Asianism.
161
History of Modern East Asia: This balancing act, while claiming Sun’s legacy to attack the communists and
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
nationalists and use Japanese pan-Asianism, failed.

Wang built his political programme on peace, anti-communism, and national

reconstruction and linked his acts to Sun Yatsen’s ideals by visiting his tomb.
Wang Jingwei based his thinking on Sun Yatsen’s idea of Asianism rather than
on Japense ideas. Wang argued, as did Sun, that history and race, culture and
geography bound China and Japan depsite differences and problems. He stressed
that both should work together, and both should work for a Greater Asianism.
Wang also advocated the Three Principles that were the core ideas of Sun Yatsen.

Check Your Progress 1

1) What do you understand by term ‘Pan-Asianism” How did Japan use it for
their Imperial interests?
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2) Evaluate the role of Wang Jingwei in Sino-Japanese War.

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12.5 JAPAN’S ADVANCE INTO SOUTH-EAST ASIA

AND INDIA
By 1941, as the war progressed, shortages grew and rising prices and inflation
outstripped rising wages. Basic goods became increasingly difficult to buy or
were of bad quality. An indicator of the pervasive worry was the disappearance
of silver coins. German victories increased and they launched Operation Barbarosa
against Russia, and on December 7, 1941 the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbour.
This would transform the war for India

The threat of a Japanese invasion grew as Japanese troops took the Malaya
peninsula, destroyed British ships, invaded Burma, Hong Kong and took
Singapore on 15 February 1942. The British feared a Japanese landing in eastern
India

The fear of a Japanese invasion spread among the British in Calcutta, Bombay
162 and Madras. A police report says, “The disaster of Malaya and Singapore and
Burma transformed the Japanese from a threat beyond the horizon to an enemy Japan: Supporting
Anti-colonial Movements
battering at the gates…” There were one million Indians in Burma so news filtered Against The West
quickly and widely throughout the country. The immigrant population was a
major source of revenue. Remittances were higher than land revenue collections
in some areas. This money dried up and refugees began returning.

The news of the retreat of the British and the sight of weary and wounded soldiers
was demoralizing. Rumours began to spread of an invasion, of towns falling,
secret deals causing people to flee to the countryside. In this climate of fear
investments fell and, despite pressure to increase war contributions, people began
hoarding silver coins. In actual fact the impact was limited. A few air raids and
484 deaths, but the image of British rule suffered damage. The ‘credibility of the
state’, writes the historian Indivar Kamtekar, was brought into question.

12.5.1 Burmese Nationalism and Japanese Support

The Burmese leader Aung San (1915-1947), a nationalist leader went to China
to seek the support of the Guomindng but was caught by the Japanese and
convinced to go to Japan. The Japanese government helped him and gave him
and others military training. In 1941 with Japanese help he founded the Burma
Independence Army in Bangkok. The Japanese captured Rangoon in 1942 and
established a Burmese government under their control. In 1943 Burma was
declared an independent state under Ba Maw (1893-1977) and Aung San became
War Minister. Real power, however, lay with the Japanese military administration.
Aung San gradually was disillusioned, saying that if the British sucked our blood,
then the Japanese ground our bones. He turned to the British for help. Later he
would help negotiate Burma’s independence from the British but was assassinated
in 1947.

12.5.2 Japan Moderates its Policies in Asia

In 1943, Japan organized a meeting of the Assembly of the Greater East Asiatic
Nations. This marked a point where Japan tried to moderate its role as leader of
Asia with the aim to successfully carry the war forward and rebuild the Greater
East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Japanese advances had been halted and they
were being pushed back, their access to resources was diminishing and the Allies
had published the Atlantic Charter to lay down how they would re-build the
world order after the war. Japan needed to counter this and outline its own agenda

In 1943 they issued the Greater Asiatic Guidelines. These concedes some rights
to leaders under their control, such as they had with the Wang government. They
abolished their extra-territorial rights, recognised the independence of the
Philippines and Burma, returned some territories to Thailand and the Malay states.
The Provisinal Government of Free India was recognised by Japan and since the
Indians held no territory, General Tojo announced that the Andamans Nicobar
Islands would be transferred to them.

12.6 JAPAN AND THE INDIAN NATIONAL ARMY

It is in this context that Japan support for Indian fighting for Indian independence
took place. India was never part of the core conception of the Greater Co-
Prosperity Sphere. The Japanese wanted the British removed and so supported
Indian anti-colonial groups. 163
History of Modern East Asia: Subhash Chandra Bose had a long career in the Indian National Congress. Bose
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
qualified for the Indian Civil Service but resigned after qualifying in 1921. His
desire to work for Indian independence led him to join the Indian National
Congress. In the 1940s as fascism grew more powerful globally the danger of
war led many to agree to cooperate with the British to fight fascism and postpone
demands for independence. Bose decided this was the time to attack the British
Empire. He escaped to Peshawar and reached Berlin in 1941 to seek German
support, after having failed to get Soviet help. Bose argued in the Plan of the
Indian Revolution that the Axis powers could help to start a revolution in India.
The country was ripe and ready.

The Germans were not very helpful and Bose was invited by the India
Independence League to Bangkok to take over the leadership. He reached in
1942 and took over the Indian National Army and declared the formation of the
Azad Hind Government. The Japanese recognized it in 1943. Bose as commander
of the INA, or the Azad Hind Fauj established his headquarters in Burma in early
1943 moving the INA division from Malaya to Burma to aid the Japanese thrust
into Manipur.

12.6.1 The INA sets up its HQ in Rangoon

Burma had the largest Indian population in the region so it offered a vast pool of
possible recruits and supporters. Many had fled as the Japanese advanced but a
large population still remained. The Burmese had begun to resent the Indian
presence as they controlled a large part of the trade and land, and were major
money lenders. The Japanese allowed the Indians to retain control over property
despite Burmese objections.

There were an estimated 2 million Indians in Southeast Asia and Bose managed
to raise enough funds from the community to make the INA financially
independent. In 1944 he raised $15 million Straits dollars in Malaya alone. He
not only paid off German loans but was not totally dependent on the Japanese.
The financial strength allowed him to increase the troop strength of the INA
from12,000 to around 40,000.

Bose was successful in recruiting soldiers because of his charisma and stature as
a well known leader of the independence movement. Bose was very successful
in raising financial support from the Indian community. Bose significantly
established a women’s unit, and used Hindustani to make the group more cohesive
and reduce sectarian differences.

How far did he support the fascist programme? His interest was in getting their
support and not necessarily in their ideas. In 1937 he wrote critically against
Japanese policies in China, as well as against the idea that Manchuria was
‘autonomous’.

The Japanese were happy to support Indian independence to threaten the British
empire. The colonization of India was not part of the greater East Asia Co-
Prosperity Sphere. The INA failed in its objective defeated by a lack of resources
but also by disease yet it had a major impact on the people and British authorities
in India.

164
12.6.2 The INA and the Red Fort Trials Japan: Supporting
Anti-colonial Movements
Against The West
In 1945-1946, after Japan’s defeat, the captured INA soldiers were tried in Delhi
They were defended by the leading lawyers of the Congress and the Muslim
League. The trial had a great impact bringing communities together and even
supporters in the armed forces began to mutiny, for example, in the Royal Indian
Navy in 1946. The British Viceroy described conditions as ‘on the edge of a
volcano’. The British fear of the effect of the trials was so strong that the BBC
was not allowed to broadcast the INA story as it was seen as highly inflammatory.
It was a blow to the prestige of the white man.

12.7 THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF

INDONESIA
The Japanese occupied Indonesia driven by the need for raw materials like
petroleum, as they were embroiled in the war in north China. In Southeast Asia
they had been negotiating with the Dutch and the Germans for the supply of raw
materials but finally the Dutch froze Japanese assets and put an embargo on the
export of oil to Japan, just as the U.S. had done already. The U.S supplied over
50 per cent of the world’s oil at that time. Indonesia supplied 25 per cent. That is
why Indonesia was so important for the Japanese.

In 1941 the Japanese signed a non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union, this
protected them in the Manchukuo and they had already taken control of French
Indo-China. Now they could fix their sites on Malaya and Indonesia. The Japanese
achieved phenomenal success defeating the superior British forces, and the
combined armies of the Dutch, Australian and United States. They projected
their move as undertaken in the interests of Asia. The Japanese proclaimed that
they would lead Asian countries to fight Western colonialism and unite them in a
mutually beneficial and non-exploitative relationship.

The call to fight Western imperialism had a strong appeal in Indonesia where the
Dutch had been cruel exploiters running a regime that kept the local population
under a very repressive system. The Japanese defeat of the Western powers,
particularly the British and the Dutch had a profound effect. The British defeat
created a stir in India and the Indonesians saw that the Dutch superiority was a
myth.

12.7.1 Japanese Occupation: Authorities Promote Local Culture

The Japanese abolished the use of Dutch and used Malay and Japanese, but also
promoted Bhasa Indonesia. The Japanese also promoted Indonesian themes in
literature and encouraged writing against Dutch rule, even sponsoring the
destruction of symbols of Dutch rule such as statues of leading Dutch colonial
figures. Unlike in Korea or Taiwan they promoted local culture rather than seeking
to abolish it. They usually cooperated with the local elites. However, they usually
treated the Chinese communities spread over Southeast Asia worse than the local
populations.

Japanese initially faced problems as Muslim Indonesians refused to follow the

practice of bowing towards the Japanese imperial palace but slowly the Japanese

165
History of Modern East Asia: built loyal organsiations using religious leaders who had been ignored. They
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
also managed to get the support of politicians with mass following such as Sukarno
(1901-1970), who became the first president of independent Indonesia, and
Mohammad Hatta (1902-1980), who was his vice-president. Both were important
leaders during the Japanese occupation with a mass following and their
cooperation was important for the Japanese.

12.7.2 Indonesians Lose Hope in the Japanese as Liberators

The local population, however, soon lost whatever hope they held in the beginning.
The Japanese turned out to be equally ruthless exploiters as the Dutch. The
Japanese mobilized a large part of the population – between 4-10 million according
to different estimates – for labour. Most of this labour force was put to work on
defence installations in Java but also sent to other islands.

The disillusionment with Japanese rule is best represented by the leading

Indonesian novelist Promoedaya Anant Toer (1925-2006). Promoedaya worked
for the Japanese and came to see them at close quarters when they occupied
Indonesia during World War-II. In his memoirs, The Mute’s Soliloquy he writes,

“I couldn’t help but admire the Japanese for having broken the centuries-old
colonial chains that had kept Southeast Asia bound to the French, the British,
and the Dutch. As if Dai Nippon Teikoku, the kingdom of Greater Japan, were
really a heavenly power, it had only to exhale a single breath to blow the past
away. With my own eyes I had seen vanish in an instant the nobility, authority,
and respect that had once been accorded to Western people in the land of my
birth.

“As with many of my fellow Indonesians I had initially held great hopes for the
freedom from colonization that our “older brother” brought to us. But as with
many others, my feelings had turned to disgust when I gained awareness,
knowledge, understanding that Japan was another colonizer, one that was even
greedier and less civilized than the previous ones. At the Chuoo Sangi-in I myself
had taken down in my notes Japanese promises of freedom “at a Later day”, a
day that was far too long in coming. The Japanese promised independence but
they divided Indonesia: Java and Madura, were put under the Japanese army,
Sumatra, Bali and the other islands under the navy, much as if they were ‘foreign
countries, and only one radio station was allowed to broadcast, privately owned
sets were sealed and their frequencies set to that one station, and all newspapers
were closed down.’ The Japanese treated Indonesians, not ‘as a lowly race so
much as a herd of animals they owned and could do as they pleased.’ They
attempted to unite the nationalists, nobility and religious leaders but kept all
power in their hands.” (The Mute’s Soliloquy, pp181-182).

12.8 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have seen that Japanese ideas about building a co-prosperity
sphere were initially met with support and the local populations looked to the
Japanese as liberators. This was true in many parts of Southeast Asia where the
Japanese were careful not to attack local cultures initially. But in Korea they
followed a policy of trying to wipe out Korean culture and language. They even
made them change their names. In China their repressive measures were met
166
overall resistance and the few, like Wang Jingwei, who initially saw the Japanese Japan: Supporting
Anti-colonial Movements
as allies, grew disillusioned. The local populations turned against those who Against The West
collaborated with the Japanese. Promoedaya, the Indonesian novelist, best sums
up the experience of Japanese occupantion when he says that people placed their
hopes in them, but the Japanese turned out to be as cruel and repressive as the
earlier Dutch colonialists.

Some collaborates, like Aung San and Subhash Chandra Bose seemed to have
had problems with the Japanese but collaborated to achieve their ends, which
was national liberation. Aung San had to go back to the British and negotiate
once he lost hope with the Japanese. The rhetoric of pan-Asianism never really
managed to overcome the demand of empire. The political leaders who worked
with the Japanese had different motives but often it was not just political
expedience that drove them. Rather they saw Western imperialism as the threat
they had to confront first before they could develop independently.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Describe the relationship of Indian National army with Japanese military
authorities.
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2) Why did the Japanese succeed in Indonesia initially?

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12.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See Section 12.2 and Sub-section 12.2.2
2) See Sub-sections 12.4.1, 12.4.2 and 12.4.3
Check Your Progress 2
1) Section 12.6 and see its Sub-sections
2) Section 12.7 and see its Sub-sections

167
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) UNIT 13 JAPAN’S COLONIAL EMPIRE AND
ITS DEFEAT
Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Imperialism: Definitions and Debates
13.3 The Framework of Japanese Expansion
13.3.1 The Initial Phase
13.3.2 Japan’s Formal Empire
13.3.3 Colonial Administration
13.3.4 Economic Relations with the Colonies
13.4 Ideologies of Expansion
13.5 Colonial Policy: Assumptions and Premises
13.6 Japan: Expansionist Policy Since 1931
13.6.1 Establishment of Manchukuo
13.6.2 Continued Aggression in China
13.6.3 Japan Joins the Axis Powers
13.6.4 World War-II
13.7 Let Us Sum Up
13.8 Key Words
13.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

13.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to know about:
the chief characteristics of Japanese imperialism,
the extent and nature of control Japan exercised over its formal and informal
empire,
how Japan strengthened its hold on China,
the objectives and ideology of pan-Asianism, and
the social and political groups behind Japanese expansion.

13.1 INTRODUCTION
The transformation of Japan in the middle of the nineteenth century was
accompanied by the building up of a network of relations with other countries.
Japan had been relatively isolated from the rest of the world and had followed a
policy of “closed country” (sakoku). However, this did not mean that Tokugawa
Japan had no dealings with other countries. Tokugawa Japan had cut off relations
with the Western nations but continued to maintain diplomatic relations with
Korea and sought to establish a basis of equality with China. This experience
enabled the Japanese to come to terms with the Western powers when they forced
Japan to enter into diplomatic relations and open itself to foreign trade.

168
The pattern of Japan’s relations with the world was conditioned by the context of Japan’s Colonial Empire and
its Defeat
Western imperialism which generated a sense of crisis. This fear of subjugation
enabled the Japanese oligarchy to mould the nation as well as provided it with a
rationale for expanding its borders in the interests of security or to capture markets
and ensure a supply of raw materials which were crucial for its development.
The reasons for Japan’s expansion have been explained in a variety of ways.
Some scholars have attributed it to the persistence of feudal militarist values,
others have argued that it was because of a lack of capital and the only way
Japan could accumulate the resources necessary for development. Yet others
have seen political and nationalist strivings behind Japan’s expansionist policies.
This Unit deals with the expansionist policies of Japan. Starting with a discussion
on the theory of imperialism, it goes on to analyse why and how Japan became
an imperialist power.

13.2 IMPERIALISM: DEFINITIONS AND DEBATES

The nature of imperialism has been examined by many scholars and it would be
useful to indicate very briefly some of these arguments before considering the
position of Japan. The most influential argument on the reasons for imperialist -
expansion was advanced by J. Hobson in 1902. He argued that countries such as
Great Britain had an excess manufacturing capacity and the surplus capital which
could not be invested in the country was forced to seek new areas. This need of
bankers and financiers was behind the political policies to expand control and
establish an empire. V. Lenin further elaborated this argument and showed that
imperialism was a product of monopoly capitalism when surplus capital could
not be absorbed by the domestic market and capitalists sought higher profits in
colonies or spheres of influence which were politically protected markets.

These arguments have been debated and modified. The 1953 article of Gallagher
and Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free Trade” put forward three stages of
development. In the first stage of mercantilist imperialism the home country
used its political authority to secure economic benefits from colonies. The third
stage was the same as identified by Hobson but the second was the imperialism
of free trade where the security to trade was of the greatest importance and Great
Britain, which best represented this stage, was willing to limit its formal empire.
That is why in China and Latin America protectorates and spheres of influence
could be established. It was during this period that the greatest expansion of the
empire took place.

Joseph Schumpeter and other scholars have focused on factors other than
economic to explain the reasons for expansion and imperialism. Carlton Hayes
has argued that nations expand because they desire to increase their national
prestige. Schumpeter argued that capitalism was a rational economic system and
therefore, expansion had nothing to do with capitalism but rather represented
pre-capitalist forces. Expansion was supported by a militarist, landowning
aristocracy and therefore showed that capitalism was still undeveloped.
Schumpeter was of course arguing with the example of Germany in mind.

The case of Japanese expansion has been examined by scholars from different
perspectives. The most influential early Marxist work was by O Tanin and E.
169
History of Modern East Asia: Yohan who argued that Japan first expanded her territories after 1894 because of
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
the samurai desire to establish control on the Chinese mainland and fight “white
imperialism”. Japan lacked the strength to push a course of independent expansion
and therefore, entered into an unequal alliance with Great Britain. Till the Russo-
Japanese war Japan was attempting “primitive capitalist accumulation” to increase
her economic power and her expansion was not the product of’ finance
capitalism”. After the Russo-Japanese war Japan became more of a capitalist
society but the social basis of her expansionist policies continued to be the alliance
of the military and the rising bourgeoisie under the Emperor. This alliance was
forged with the Meiji Restoration which was an incomplete bourgeois revolution.
The persistence of feudal relations, particularly in agriculture, acted as a constraint
on the domestic economy, where the purchasing power was low, forcing industry
to seek markets outside. Japanese imperialism was thus primarily concerned
with trade and raw materials rather than with the export of capital.

Japanese historians within the Marxist tradition have largely followed this
analysis. Scholars like Inoue Kiyoshi have stressed that the Meiji government
was “absolutist”, that is no single class was able to dominate the political order
and therefore, an alliance of the bureaucracy, the landowners and the rising
bourgeoisie exercised control over the masses by using the Emperor System
ideology. This structure of domination within the country was also responsible
for extending this domination outside. The Russo-Japanese war marked a crucial
turning point when Japan entered a modem capitalist stage. From that point Japan
was not merely reacting to Western pressure but had emerged as a partner of the
other imperialist powers. The Russo-Japanese war was fought by Japan partially
in the interests of the Western powers for it opened up Asia to further exploitation.
The expansionist policies were supported by the military and enabled it to increase
its influence. The business houses or zaibatsu benefited from this but not always.
As W.G. Beasely writes that by this argument “Japanese imperialism becomes
the illegitimate child of Western imperialism, with international rivalry as
midwife.” ·

Marius Jansen has argued that in the nineteenth-century imperialism was the
social norm and not something to be criticized. The Japanese accepted the
Darwinist ideas that a constant struggle-for survival was an inevitable process
and Japan must strive to expand her borders to ensure her survival: Akira Iriye
has identified a number of factors at work behind this. He argues that economic
and military compulsions were inextricably linked in the early phase of Japanese
imperialism. After World War-I Japanese industry competed with Western firms
and economic reasons became important factors in Japan’s expansion. However,
the international framework was accepted and it was only in 1929-30, with the
disruption in trade and economy; that Japan rejected the idea of co-operating
with the Western powers. Japan began to fear that it would be excluded from
markets and sources of raw materials and it would have no area for its surplus
population. This fear pushed Japan to build a Co-prosperity Sphere which
inevitably led her to war.

The Co-prosperity Sphere was studied by F.C. Jones and he argued that its
formation was caused as much by imperialist policies as by the desire for Asian
solidarity. The military which had seemed to be losing its importance in
170
formulating policy in the 1920s asserted itself and it was helped by the prevalence Japan’s Colonial Empire and
its Defeat
of feudal attitudes as well as an institutional framework which allowed the military
to function without a check by the Diet. The social turmoil caused by
industrialization, particularly in the rural areas was also crucial in generating
discontent and a desire for a “Showa restoration”. These desires enabled the
young officers and patriotic societies to extend and deepen their influence to
push Japan towards expansion and war.

13.3 THE FRAMEWORK OF JAPANESE

EXPANSION
The roots of Japan’s expansionist policies have been traced by some scholars to
the sixteenth century when Hideyoshi tried to conquer Korea but it would be
realistic to consider modern Japan’s search for wealth and security to appreciate
the creation of its formal and informal empire. The process of transformation
under Western pressure enabled the Meiji oligarchy to argue for a policy based
on “rich country strong army” (fukoku Kyobei). This was the paramount objective
and other demands were either suppressed or neglected. In particular, political
democracy was seen as a threat to social order and with the objective of containing
dissent a highly restrictive parliamentary system was erected. The real pillars of
the political order were the military and bureaucracy which functioned under the
Emperor and were largely insulated from political pressure. The education system
was used to inculcate and spread ideas which would’ work in random with this
institutional structure. Above all loyalty to the nation and Emperor and obedience
to the Meiji political structure were stressed. Political patriotic societies to extend
and deepen interests and therefore were considered divisive by the militarists
and ultra-nationalists.

The threat of Western imperialism had also created and reinforced an “Asian
consciousness”. This stream of thought represented the ideas of people from
diverse backgrounds but broadly they argued that the only way Japan could defend
itself from Western depredation was to unite with Asian countries which were
part of a common cultural tradition; This alliance meant that Japan must help to
modernize and develop these countries.

13.3.1 The Initial Phase

The initial thrust for Japanese expansion was allied with the People’s Rights
Movement which was demanding a democratic political structure in Japan. Some
of its advocates and supporters had begun to support the demands of Korean
nationalists and others- were in favour of the demand to invade Korea. The seikan
ron or the debate on whether to invade Korea was motivated by many factors.
An important reason advanced for supporting the invasion was that it would
give jobs to unemployed samurai who had been deprived of their traditional
monopoly over military functions with the universal conscription law. However,
equally important was the perception that Japan had the right to help Korea to
enter the modern world . Japan would do this as an ally. This position gradually
deteriorated to Japan acting as a leader and finally a colonizer. The process by
which these pan-Asian ideas were transformed from dreams of Asian solidarity

171
History of Modern East Asia: to the reality of Japanese domination is hotly debated but Japanese scholars would
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
agree that till the 1900s pan-Asian ideas were non-expansionist but subsequently
they became an ideology to justify the demands of groups like the military to
expand Japan’s territorial holdings in the interests of wealth and security

13.3.2 Japan’s Formal Empire

The formal Japanese empire included Taiwan, Korea, Sakhalin, the Kwantung
Territory and the Pacific Islands. Taiwan was the first colony acquired by the
Japanese in 1895 after the Sino-Japanese war. Taiwan provided Japan not only
with the experience to manage colonies but was also an important source of
sugar and rice. Taiwan was highly profitable and the colony became financially
self-sufficient within five years of its annexation. Karafuto, acquired in 1905,
after the Russo-Japanese war was populated mostly by Japanese and the native
Ainu, with the Koreans forming a small and declining part of the population.
The administration was more closely integrated with the Japanese administration.
Military rule ended in 1907 and in 1943 it became part of Japan proper.

Korea was the most important colony (gaichi) and was annexed in 1910 by a
treaty which promised equal treatment for the Koreans. The Koreans, who had
been subject to Japanese pressure and presence, possessed a strong and vibrant
cultural tradition. They adamantly resisted Japanese attempts to integrate them
into Japan. Thus on the one hand, there were large number of Koreans employed
in the civil and police administration and on the other there was a strong movement
for independence.

The Kwantung territory on the Liaotung Peninsula was first ceded to Japan in
1895 but because of the Triple Intervention it reverted to China and subsequently
it was leased by the Chinese to Russia. After the Russian defeat in 1905 Japan
acquired the territory as well as control over the South Manchurian Railway.
This was leased territory but, because the Japanese had the right to administer
the territory around the South Manchurian Railway as well, the Kwantung army
of Japan used this to extend its control into Manchuria and by 1934 the Japanese
Governor-General of Kwantung was also appointed as the Ambassador to the
Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo.

Japan also acquired control over a large number of tiny islands in Micronesia.
The islands had been controlled by Spain and then Germany purchased them.
After World War-I they were taken by the Japanese navy. The League of Nations
termed them as C-class territories and allowed the Japanese to administer them.
Japan withdrew from the League in 1933 but retained control over these islands.
The native population was ruled by its chiefs and the Japanese administration
functioned over them.

13.3.3 Colonial Administration

The colonial administration differed in detail from colony to colony with the
officials in Korea enjoying the highest status. The Governor-General of Korea
(sotoku) was either a general or an admiral and till 1919 reported directly to the
Emperor and after that to the Prime Minister. All other colonial governors reported
to cabinet level colonial officers. After 1919 all governors were civilians. This
172
was in accordance with the growing importance of democratic ideas in Japan Japan’s Colonial Empire and
its Defeat
and because of this there was a separation of “civil” and “military” functions.
However, Korea continued to be the exception and military officers continued to
be appointed as governors there.

In Japan colonial affairs were handled from 1895-1929 by a bureau attached to

the Prime Ministers office or to the Home Ministry. In 1929 a Ministry of Colonial
Affairs was created so that there could be some uniformity in the administration
of the colonies. However, the colonial governors retained considerable powers.
When Manchukuo was created in 1934 a special bureau to handle its affairs was
also established in the prime minister’s office and this bureau also looked after
the Kwantung territory.

In November 1942 the Greater East Asia Ministry was established to replace
both the Manchurian Bureau and the Ministry of Colonial Affairs. This Ministry
looked after the Kwantung Territory, Manchukuo, the Pacific Islands and other
occupied territories. The Home Ministry was responsible for Korea, Taiwan and
Karafuto. The other ministries were allowed to involve themselves in their
respective areas in the colonies as well so that these areas could be more closely
integrated with Japan proper.

13.3.4 Economic Relations with the Colonies

Manchuria was not really a colony and Korea till 1910 was also not a colony but
Manchurian trade is shown separately from Chinese trade in Japanese records
after 1907. Taiwan, Korea and Kwantung-Manchuria between 1910-1914
provided from one-seventh to a quarter of Japan’s imports. Manchuria exported
soyabeans and millet, Korea rice and Taiwan rice and sugar. In turn they absorbed
Japanese cotton textiles and consumer goods. These areas played a key role in
providing cheap food for Japan’s urban population.

In the field of foreign investment Japan’s position reflected the changing character
of its economy. The Anglo-Japanese alliance enabled Japan to borrow overseas
to invest in railway development in China and Korea. However, till 1914 Japan’s
economy was not in a position to invest in any large way in China. Even when
political participation in bank consortiums in China put it in a position to play a
role it could not invest much. Thu,s by 1914, as a member of the bank consortium
it had advanced only 1.8 per cent of the total loans.

The South Manchurian Railway (Mantetsu) is a good example of how the

Japanese: government guaranteed investment so that banks could channel funds
from abroad to build up the railways. The railways, which formed 55 per cent of
Japanese investments in China in 1914, had a turnover of 81 million yea. In the
rest of China the financial houses individually carried out investment projects
with government backing. Sometimes they collaborated as was the case in 1908
when Mitsui, Mitsubishi and Okura formed an affiliate called the Taiping
Company for overseas arms sales. The Hanyehping Coal and Iron Company was
also a major area of Japanese investment and Japan was a source of credit and
loans in return for which coal and iron was supplied at fixed prices. Hanyehping
supplied 60 per cent of the iron ore and pig iron to Yawata, the biggest steel
producer in Japan. In other areas Japanese capital played a small role compared
173
History of Modern East Asia: to Western capital and most of it was in commerce and small industry rather than
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
in finance.

In the period from 1914-1930 Japan had greater capital to invest and its lending
to the Chinese government increased. Companies such as Mitsui and Okura
established large projects and there was an expansion of cotton textile
manufacture. Japanese investment was now comparable to that of other Western
countries and consequently rivalries also increased. Japan’s interests were
conditioned by this character of their economic interests as well as by the fact
that by 1930 there were 2, 70,000 Japanese residents in China.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Write a note on Japan’s formal empire.

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2) What were the prominent features of colonial administration?

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3) Outline Japan’s economic relations with the Colonies.

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13.4 IDEOLOGIES OF EXPANSION

Japanese imperialism was inspired, justified, and moulded by ideologies which
have been described as “ultra-nationalistic” and “fascist”. Common to these ideas
was a belief that Japan needed to defend her traditions and culture together with
the countries of Asia; in particular, the East Asian countries. These ideas had
emerged over the years. Various political societies had at different times
propagated such views. For example:
174
 The supporters of Saigo Takamori (who had led the Satsuma rebellion of Japan’s Colonial Empire and
its Defeat
1877) formed the Genyosba (Dark Ocean Society). This society advocated
an expansionist policy which was supported by many leaders within the
government as well.

Kokuryukai (Black Dragon Society), formed in 1901 by Uchida Ryohei,

was another ultra-nationalist society. It propagated the liberation of Asian
countries from European rule under Japanese leadership. Internally it
emphasised on strengthening morality and traditions.

Among the post World War-I societies were Koku Suikai (Japan National
Essence Society formed in 1919) and Kokuhonsba (National Foundation
Society formed in 1924). One of the main objectives of these societies
was to save Japan from socialism. They had many military officers as
members. Kita Ikki and Okawa Shumei had formed the Yuzonsba which
espoused military expansion abroad and military takeover at home.

Kita Ikki (1883-1937), an early socialist, later became the inspiration for many
patriotic army officers to attempt a “Showa restoration” and bring about direct
Imperial rule. In 1919 he wrote a book entitled An Outline Plan for the
Reconstruction of Japan. This book presented plans related to external relations
as well as internal policies. Kita argued for Japan to lead Asia against Britain and
Russia, who between them dominated a large part of the globe. Japan, after
reforming itself, could take the leadership in a federation of China and other
Asian countries, including India. Kita lkki’s domestic reforms were based on
developing an industrialized Japan but one in which the power of rich capitalists
would be controlled. He also advocated a military coup d’etat to achieve the true
objectives of Meiji Restoration.

There were other expansionists who had a more agrarian vision of Japan and
who drew their inspiration from Japan’s agrarian past. Both trends were
increasingly critical of the corruption of party politics and the economic problems
faced particularly in rural Japan. By the beginning of the 1930s there was a
prevailing mood against the Diet, the bureaucracy and business leaders and a
demand that the system be, overhauled. Just as the Meiji Restoration had given
Japan a new direction and a revolutionary programme of transformation, the
expansionists felt that now Japan needed a “Showa restoration” to meet the
demanding times.

Konoe Fumimaro, who in 1938 proclaimed the New Order and one time Prime
Minister had by 1918 become disillusioned with the Western nations and was
advocating that Japan seek to change an unequal situation where she was denied
equal access. He wrote that Japan would be “forced to destroy the status quo for
the sake of self-preservation”. In the army patriotic societies also debated these
questions and planned ways to change the situation. The main groups were known
as the Imperial Way faction (Kodo ha) and the Control faction (Tosei ha).

The Imperial Way faction was led by Araki Sadao and stressed the importance of
the Emperor, cooperation with China, and war against Russia. Cooperation, of
course, meant cooperation under Japan’s direction. The ‘Imperial Way’ argued
within the framework of pan-Asian doctrines. The Control faction, which had
175
History of Modern East Asia: Nagata Tetsuzan and Tojo Hideki and came to dominate after 1936, argued that
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Japan needed to be mobilized for the coming war. This would mean gearing up
the economy and the people and expanded its territories to be able to meet the
challenge. lshiwara Kanji played a crucial role in the formulation of its plans and
ideas.

Ishiwara Kanji argued that Japan must prepare to fight a series of wars against
Russia, then Britain and then the United States. Japan would be the champion of
Asia. To be able to carryout this role effectively just unity was not enough but
Japan must be totally geared for the war. He said that political, economic and
social policies should be fully integrated for the defence of Japan and for him the
army was the prime mover of national policy.

13.5 COLONIAL POLICY: ASSUMPTIONS AND

PREMISES
Japanese colonial policy was grounded in assumptions which had points of
similarity as well as differences with European colonial ideas. Japan did not start
with a fully, articulated view of what approach should be adopted for its colonies.
These views, in fact, developed over time. One assumption which they shared
with European views was that different people had different capabilities and
these were inherent qualities. European powers controlled very different cultural
regions and hence such views developed to justify their rule. The Japanese too
saw their colonization process as a mission in which they would civilize their
neighbours who were not as developed. This national, conservative and paternalist
view was widely accepted and propounded by intellectuals and administrators
like Nitobe Inazo and Goto Shimpei.
However, Japan’s colonial empire extended over people who shared cultural and
racial affinities and this was particularly so with Taiwan and Korea. Thus there
grew a view that these regions would be assimilated (doka) into the home country,
Japan. The assimilationist view saw these countries as sharing a common cultural
heritage specifically composed of Confucian values. The mythical link between
the Japanese people and the Imperial family was also extended to include other
people who thus became “imperial peoples”. Such ideas were often vague and
ambiguous and therefore could be used to justify a range of positions. At their
best they promoted policies which sought to integrate the colonized closely to
Japan by the extension of laws and institutions. Japanese policy tried to Japanize
the people and forced them to learn Japanese and live and dress like Japanese.
The liberal face of Japanese colonial policy was represented by Hara Takeshi
who as Prime Minister advocated assimilation through education and the spread
of civil liberties. He said that most Koreans did not desire independence but
wanted equality with the Japanese.
However, in the 1930s, this very gradual assimilation was transformed into a
strict policy which sought to regiment the people under Japanese authority. The
stress was on the obligations that these people owed to Japan. Even the language
reflected this for Japan and its possessions were classed into an “inner territory”
and an “outer territory”, National identities had little meaning within this
classification and Japan asserted its rights as a master race over a subject people.
176
 Japan’s Colonial Empire and
13.6 JAPAN: EXPANSIONIST POLICY SINCE 1931 its Defeat

We have seen earlier how the militarists took over the government in Japan.
Since the beginning of the 1930s and till the end of the Second World War the
militarists played a predominant role in the decision-making process of the
country. The military was convinced that the “soft” China policy pursued by the
government was to endanger Japan’s economic interest in the country. Japan
increasingly felt that the Western powers effort was to “contain” Japan’s progress
in China and not to co-operate with it. In fact Japan was disillusioned with the
United States which adopted the 1924 Exclusion Act and the high tariff policy
after, the Great Depression. Britain also opposed Japan’s “special interests” in
China. It was clear to the Japanese leaders that more could be gained by
consolidating and expanding its position on the mainland than by cooperating
with the Western powers.

The environment of discontent at home resulting from both economic and political
crisis, it was felt, could be smoothened by offering them expectations of prosperity
through foreign expansion. Here we will discuss briefly certain aspects of Japan’s
expansionist policies since 1931.

13.6.1 Establishment of Manchukuo

Japan’s economic interests in China particularly in Manchuria were growing
and Japan’s Kwantung army stationed here to protect Japanese interests and
railroads felt that pursuance of an aggressive policy was essential to obtain a
guarantee for Japan’s special position in Manchuria. This view was shared by
other sections as well and the difference was one of approach only.

On 18 September 1931, officers of the Kwantung Army in Manchuria overran

Southern Manchuria. The pretext for this action was provided by an explosion
near Mukden which slightly damaged the Japanese railway. The Kwantung army
had been trying to look out for or, even create such an “opportunity” since a long
time but were dissuaded by the government in Tokyo. Manchuria was made
‘independent’ of China and a puppet government was installed and Pu Yi the last
of China’s former Manchu emperors was made head of the new state now called
Manchukuo. The Japanese government was faced with a fait accompli and
ultimately the cabinet had to approve the establishment of the puppet government
in Manchuria,

13.6.2 Continued Aggression in China

Japan which came under severe criticism for its activities in Manchuria from the
world community withdrew from the League of Nations. This act symbolized
Japan’s parting of ways from the Western countries.

However, the Western powers did not come to the support of China against Japan’s
advancement. Japan after quick victory in Manchuria in 1933 resumed her
operations in the northern provinces of China and Jehol was soon added to
Manchukuo.

177
History of Modern East Asia: Japan continued with its advances in China on a small scale and in intervals. It
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
also intervened in the politics of the provinces especially those in the north and
supported those political movements which might be willing to accept “autonomy”
under the patronage of Japan.

The Chinese opposition to Japanese expansion in their country increased and

was further strengthened when Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kaishek) reached an
agreement with the communists in 1936 to join hands against Japan.

Japanese military leaders were convinced that to have a total domination of China,
a large scale conflict was inevitable. The army was also dominated by men who
believed in the Japanese expansionism on the mainland. Besides it had become
necessary to ease the political tensions at home which was possible to some
extent if the Japanese army made remarkable gains in China which was expected
of them by the public.

On 7 July, 1937, fighting broke out between Chinese and Japanese troops at
Marco Polo bridge and shortly this incident turned into a major war between the
two countries. By August Peking and Tientsin were occupied. Hostilities spread
further and Japanese captured Chiang Kai Shek’s capital Nanking, in December
1937. The Japanese army indulged in full scale murder, loot and rape and about
12,000 Chinese civilians were killed.

By 1938, Japan had captured Hankow (after Nanking, Chiang had moved his
capital to Hankow) and Canton. After the fall of Hankow Chiang again moved
his capital to Chungking. Japan controlled several of the major cities and railways
by 1938 but still its political control was not well consolidated. Japanese continued
to face tough resistance from the Chinese guerrillas. Economically, maintaining
its gains in China and fighting the guerrillas put a great strain on Japan.

Gradually, Japan was caught in the vortex of international events leading it to

ultra-nationalism at home, world isolation and war with the United States.

13.6.3 Japan joins the Axis Powers

In 1939 war broke out in Europe. With the fall of France and Netherlands in
1940 Japan was convinced that the Axis powers (Germany and Italy) were sure
to win the war. In 1940 Japan entered into a Tripartite Pact with Germany and
Italy declaring its opposition to the other Western powers. In 1941 Japan signed
a non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union. Japan, now certain of the security
of its northern frontiers in China, could freely move southward towards in French,
Dutch and English colonies.

The US was highly agitated with Japan’s expansionist policies. In 1940 the Japan-
US’ trade treaty was allowed to expire. After the Tripartite Pact was concluded,
and Japan moved into South Indo-China in 1941 US, Britain and Holland placed
a total embargo on exports to Japan. Japan suffered a severe setback for oil and
rubber supplies were to be affected by this step. US had also restricted the sale of
strategic goods to Japan whereas Japan’s war industry was heavily dependent on
the import of iron and oil.

178
For the military it was necessary to overcome the barriers placed by the Western Japan’s Colonial Empire and
its Defeat
powers. Talks were held between the US and Japan in 1941 but there was a
deadlock since both the sides were determined not to compromise. The US
demanded that Japan withdraw not only from Indo-China but also from China.
Japan was determined that the US lift its oil embargo, recognize Japanese
hegemony in the Far East and refrain from extending support to Jiang Jieshi
(Chiang Kai shek).

Japanese military officers were convinced that ultimately a war with the US was
inevitabe and that planning in this direction had to be made. It was in anticipation
of war that Tojo Hideki was made Premier in October 1941. For Japan war was
more preferable than withdrawing from China. It was now a question of not only
demonstrating that Japan was a power to reckon with but it was also an economic
necessity.

By this time Japan had also drawn up a plan of turning the whole area into a
Greater East Asia Co-prosperity sphere, which include South and South East
Asia. After joining the Axis powers Japan was in high spirits to carry on its
plans.

13.6.4 World War-II

One last effort, however, was made to avoid war. Japan in return for halting its
advancement elsewhere proposed that the US withdraw from China and grant
extensive economic concessions to Japan. US rejected the proposal and on 1
December 1941 the Japanese imperial conference of civilian and services leaders
decided to declare war on the US. On 7 December 1941 Japan made a surprise
attack on Pearl Harbour and was victorious. Japan overran the Philippines, and
captured Hong Kong, Singapore and Indonesia. Japanese troops landed in
Burma and occupied it and were also preparing to take over India. By mid 1942
the region from Rangoon to the mid-Pacific and from Timor to the Mongolian
steppe was under Japanese control. It is not possible to give all the details of the
war.

The Pacific war lasted till 1945 and Japan suffered untold losses in terms of
material, men and money. The US after Pearl Harbour was determined to crush
Japan. Soon Japanese victories were turned into defeats.

In January 1943 the allied leaders met at Casablanca and agreed to further
strengthen their efforts in the war against Japan. Soon Japan lost several strategic
islands in the Gilbert and Marshall islands. The Allies directed two massive
commands towards Japan. One captured Saipan in the Marianas in June 1943,
and Jima in March 1945. The other captured Philippines in February 1945. From
here the two commands were able to act in unison and their target was Okinawa
which they won in June 1945.

The Allied forces now had landed on the very footsteps of Japan and were within
the bombing range. Since late 1944 Allied forces constantly bombed Japanese
cities killing thousands aud thousands of civilians and destroying property.

On 26 July 1945 the Potsdam Declaration was issued to Japan calling for its
unconditional surrender, to be followed by its military occupation, demilitarization
179
History of Modern East Asia: and loss of territory. On 6 and 9 August atom bombs were dropped at Hiroshima
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
and Nagasaki. Japan accepted defeat and surrendered on 15 August 1945.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Explain the various ideologies of expansion.

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2) Elaborate on the “assimilationist view” of colonial policy.

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3) Write a note on the establishment of Manchukuo.

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13.7 LET US SUM UP

Japanese imperialism arose in a period of Western expansion and rivalry. Japan
was faced with the dual task of establishing a basis of equality with the Western
nations by dismantling the unequal treaty system and at the same time expanding
her control and hegemony. Japanese leaders were aware of the danger that the
Western nations posed and they in turn believed that it was imperative to control
the resources and markets of the Chinese mainland to ensure Japan’s well being.
Japanese interest in China brought it into conflict with Britain and the United
States but Japan had also developed trade and social links with these two countries.
At times the interests of Russia and Japan seemed to be similar but they also
conflicted. Japanese policy makers differed at times on the thrust of their policy
but initially Japan joined the Anglo-Japanese alliance and the Open Door policy
but after 1905 it took measures to carve out an independent sphere of influence
in Manchuria. This was justified on grounds of the security of Korea and the
annexation of Korea had, in part, been justified by the security needs of Japan.
Japan then went on to extend and increase her privileges in China. On the other
180
hand there were ideologues who argued that China and Japan needed to cooperate Japan’s Colonial Empire and
its Defeat
to fight the incursions of the West and for this Japan needed the resources and
the markets of China.

Japanese imperialism thus was not based on a single motive but comprised at
least two elements:

i) There was the formal empire of colonies from which Japan derived food
resources and strategic benefits.

ii) Japan was a member of an ‘international system which gave it treaty rights
and privileges in China. These privileges expanded with the growth of the
Japanese economy and its political power and these advantages were
important for Japan’s growth and development-both politically and
economically.

With the collapse of trade in the 1929 depression, this order was seriously
disrupted and Japan set about to protect her interests. This, it was perceived
required not only guarding strategic interests but protecting markets and areas
which supplied raw materials and resources. This need to carve out an area led
ultimately to the formation of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. In
this sphere Japan, Korea, Manchukuo, North China and Taiwan would form the
inner industrial belt while south-east Asia and the Pacific islands and the rest of
China would serve to supply resources. Japanese imperialism created an area of
influence for Japan.

The Japanese because of the element of anti-Westernism were able to utilize and
inadvertently help anti-colonial movements in Asia and were responsible, in part,
for the Dutch, British and French being driven out of this region. In China,
Japanese actions strengthened the hands of the Chinese Communist Party. At the
end of the war Taiwan and Manchukuo reverted to China while Korea was divided
by the war in 1950. The Japanese “civilizing mission” proved to be short lived
and unsuccessful. The legacy of bitterness which still exists in these countries is
ample testimony to this fact. Yet it may also be noted that both Taiwan and South
Korea which. were part of Japan’s colonial empire are today successful
industrialized countries and Manchuria a centre of heavy industry in China.

13.8 KEY WORDS

Asian Consciousness: The ideology that argued that the only way Japan could
defend its country and culture from Western depredation was to unite with Asian
countries which formed part of a common cultural tradition.
Bank Consortiums: Associations of several banks.
Co-prosperity Sphere: A term used by Japan to link the economic interests of
Asian countries against Western powers. However, this was used by Japan to
further its own interests.
Micronesia: Islands in Pacific sea.
Showa Restoration: In 1926 Showa became the Emperor of Japan. The ultra-
nationalists and young military officers, in order to get their ideas approved and
restored, talked of Showa Restoration.
181
History of Modern East Asia:
Japan (c. 1868-1945) 13.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) The formal Japanese empire included Taiwan, Korea Sakhaliu Kwantung
Territory and the Pacific Islands. Expand your answer to include all these
territories; See Sub-sec. 13.3.2

2) Colonial administration varied from-colony to colony of which Korea

enjoyed the highest status. Your answer should also include role of bureau
attached to the Home Ministry. See Sub-sec. 13.3.3
3) See Sub-sec. 13.3.4
Check Your Progress 2
1) Base your answer on Sec. 13.4
2) Base your answer on Sec. 13.5
3) Consult Sub-sec. 13.6.1

182
 Japan’s Colonial Empire and
UNIT 14 JAPAN: DEFEAT AND THE ALLIED its Defeat

OCCUPATION
Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 The Allied Occupation
14.2.1 Political Implications
14.2.2 Economic Implications
14.2.3 Japanese Reactions to the Occupation
14.3 The Period of High Growth (1952-1973)
14.3.1 Political Developments
14.3.2 Economic Growth
14.4 The Oil Shock and After
14.5 Let Us Sum Up
14.6 Key Words
14.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

14.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit deals with the economic and political developments in post World
War-II Japan. After reading this Unit, you will be able to understand:
the character of the Allied occupation of Japan after the War,
the reasons behind Japan’s rapid economic development,
the post-war political system and the domination of the Liberal Democratic
Party, and
the basis for Japan’s foreign relations along with the importance of the
U.S. alliance.

14.1 INTRODUCTION
Japan surrendered to the-Allied powers on 14, August 1945 and in two weeks
the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces (SCAP) General Douglas
MacArthur arrived to begin the occupation of Japan which lasted till the San
Francisco Peace Treaty went into effect in April 1952. However, it was in fact
the United States that was the dominant occupying force. It determined the
political and economic policies of Japan. Certain measures were carried out
through to reform Japan and prevent it from becoming an expansionist power
once again. This Unit takes into account not only the surrender of Japan but the
various problems related to its occupation by the allied forces. The reactions of
the Japanese have also been discussed. In order to assess the economic
development of Japan we have gone beyond our period of study. This has been
done with a purpose, i.e., to understand the impact of the policies during our
period of study on the period of high economic growth (1952-73) and the problems
faced thereafter. This, in fact is the concluding Unit of the course on the history
of Japan which also comments upon the future role of Japan in international
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History of Modern East Asia: economic scenario. In 1945, Japan was devastated by war and its economy and
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
society was in shambles. The future looked bleak and unpromising yet by 1971
Richard Halloran was writing in the New York Times that the Japanese were “the
best-dressed, longest lived, wealthiest nation in Asia.”

How this transformation took place and what were the forces which helped to
bring this about is a question that has been debated not only in academic journals
but in popular works, in magazines and in newspapers. As Japan’s expanding
industrial might makes its presence felt globally, people have been intrigued by
the success of an Asian country and have sought to explain this in many ways:

Some would argue that it was Japan’s Confucian heritage and emphasis
on ‘traditional’ values which preserved her social order and allowed her
to pursue policies necessary for national growth.

Others see the massive help the United States gave in the post-war
reconstruction of Japan and the role of the Korean war and the Vietnamese
war in providing a boost to her economy and allowing her to expand her
growth.

According to some critics economic miracle was made possible because

of restrictive policies within Japan which kept social facilities at low levels.

It is also pointed out that Japan followed an aggressive economic policy.

While keeping its own market heavily protected and by subsidizing its
industry it could compete in a planned manner.

Some scholars have pointed to the role of the Ministry of International

Trade and Industry (MITI) as crucial in guiding Japan to the level of an
advanced developed country.

It would be false to attribute Japan’s development to any one factor, and the
search for one “key” to open the secrets of Japanese success is futile as it overlooks
the fact that Japanese growth was not a “miracle” in the sense, something
unexpected and sudden. The roots of Japanese success, as we have seen in earlier
Units, go back far into its history to at least the seventeenth century. In other
words, Japan has developed both its institutions and skills over a long period.
War destroyed the outward fruits of these skills: factories, buildings, and led to
the loss of valuable lives but through effort and effective policies Japan could
reconstruct with the help of these very skills which were available. The Japanese
were not starting afresh, they were reconstructing.

The post-war period divides very naturally into the six and a half years of the
Allied Occupation (1945-1952) and then from 1952-1973 when Japan rebuilt
her economy and society and emerged as a prosperous and stable nation. The
period ends with the oil crisis which forced Japan to carry out adjustments. From
1973 till today Japan has emerged not only as a powerful economic power but
has begun to play a political role though in a very limited and hesitant manner.

The foreign policy of Japan has been based on the U.S. alliance which guarantees
Japan’s security and it has allowed Japan to concentrate her energies on economic
development. Today some of these assumptions are being questioned as the
Japanese desire to play a more active and independent role in world affairs and
184
the United States too, for economic reasons, wants Japan to assume a greater Japan: Defeat and the Allied
Occupation
share of the defence burden.

14.2 THE ALLIED OCCUPATION

Japan was occupied by the Allied forces under the provisions of the Potsdam
Declaration of 26 July 1945. However, in effect, the occupation was carried out
by the United States. There was a small contingent of British and other
Commonwealth forces. General Douglas MacArthur was appointed the Supreme
Commander of the Allied Powers (SCAP) by the U.S. President Harry Truman
and MacArthur virtually ruled Japan though this was done through the Japanese
government which was not disbanded. The Japanese Foreign Ministry set up a
Central Liaison Office which handled and processed SCAP directives. This made
it possible for the Japanese to modify and alter or even delay the implementation
of SCAP policy.

The basic framework of SCAP policy was laid down in the United States Initial
Post-Surrender Policy for Japan declared on 29, August 1945. The policy had
two major objectives:
One, it wanted to ensure that Japan would never again become a menace
to the security of the United States or the world.
Two, to establish a democratic and responsible government.
To carry out these objectives the United States wanted to dismantle the structure
of militarism and expansionism which had led Japan to war and to suppressing
its own people at home. The United States felt that the big business houses and
the military exercised excessive control over the system and they, through
government control spread an Emperor based ideology which created a pliant
and submissive citizenry. Therefore, the people who carried out these policies
would have to be purged and the system opened and made more democratic and
less centralized.

To lay the basis of change the Occupation forces set about clearing the decks and
they purged officials from the earlier government and abolished many offices.
Ministries like that of Greater East Asian Affairs were abolished. The first SCAP
directive ordered the demobilization of all Japanese troops and by October 1945
the Special Political Police and the Public Peace Maintenance Law were abolished.
The International Military Tribunal of the Far East set up to try war criminals, as
in Nurenburg, tried nearly six thousand and sentenced 920. Over 200,000 were
purged because of their complicity with the previous government. It is interesting
to note that for the top twenty-eight leaders tried, Hirohito’s birthday 29 April,
1946 was chosen as the day for indictment, and 23 December the birthday of his
son Akihito, for the day when the death sentences were carried out.

14.2.1 Political Implications

The first problem was the position of the Emperor. There was a debate about
whether he should be made responsible for the war. While many of the Japanese
leaders were tried and executed the Emperor was never brought to trial. Many
organizations among the Allied powers wanted Hirohito, the Emperor, to be tried
and hold him responsible for the death and maltreatment of thousands of Allied
185
History of Modern East Asia: troops. In Japan, the left wing also wanted the Emperor system, which had led
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
Japan into fascism, to be abolished.

General MacArthur, as well as conservative opinion in Japan, supported the

continuation of the Emperor as any action against him would lead to social
disorder. However, the Emperor was forced to renounce his divinity. In Japan
the myth of the direct descent of the Emperor from the Sun Goddess had been
spread through the educational system and made the basis for Japan’s uniqueness.
Hirohito, in a radio broadcast, renounced his divinity on New Years’ Day 1946
when he said that the bonds which bound him to his people were based on “mutual
trust, love and respect and do not rest on mere legends and superstition.”

The next step the Occupation authorities took was drafting the new constitution.
This process involved producing many drafts. The first was produced by a
Japanese government committee headed by Shidehara Kijuro, a diplomat but
MacArthur thought the draft was too cautious and had his own members produce
a draft which would satisfy the conditions for establishing a democratic system.
The draft produced by the General headquarters Government Section (GS) in
early 1946 was promulgated in November 1946.

The new constitution transferred sovereignty from the Emperor to the people.
The Emperor became “a symbol of state and unity of the people”. This was a far
reaching change from the principles of the Meiji constitution. The Diet continued
to have two houses but the earlier House of Peers’ was changed into an elected
House of Councillors and the main legislative power was with the lower House
of Representatives. The cabinet was collectively responsible to the Diet. The
judiciary became constitutionally independent.
The other major departures from the Meiji constitution were:
i) Women were given the power to vote and legal equality with men.
ii) The principle of local autonomy was also written into the constitution.
iii) The most radical departure was Article 9 which renounced Japan’s right
to wage war.
The article states that the “Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign
right and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes.” It
goes on to say that war potential, that is land, sea and air forces will never be
maintained and the right of belligerency of the State will not be recognized. This
article had far reaching consequences even though it was modified in practice as
the demands of United States policy required Japan to develop her military
capability.

In the new political structure the Home Ministry and police which had exercised
close control over the people were broken into smaller units and their authority
reduced. Labour laws guaranteed the workers right to organize and take collective
actions and the communists and other progressives who had been jailed before
the war because of their opposition to the government’s policies were set free.

The first post-war general election was held in April 1946. Till then the cabinets
had been constituted by appointments and not elections. The general elections
served to confirm the peoples’ acceptance of the new constitution. However, no
party emerged with a clear majority and Yoshida Shigeru, who became prime
186 minister, headed an unstable government.
The elitist education system, which was seen by the Occupation Powers as having Japan: Defeat and the Allied
Occupation
inculcated blind obedience and submission to authority, was sought to be
overhauled. It was argued that the ideas of reverence for the Emperor and of the
uniqueness of the Japanese was spread through the highly controlled education
system. The Occupation reduced the power of the Ministry of Education and a
system based on the United States system was adopted. In this there was six
years of compulsory primary education and then three years secondary and three
years of high school followed by four years university. Co-education was
introduced. The decentralization of education and the creation of local boards
was crucial in democratizing the system.

14.2.2 Economic Implications

The Occupation powers also carried out important changes in the economy. When
Japan surrendered it had lost an estimated one-fifth of its resources. Even though
there were huge losses in industrial equipment and many factories had been
dismantled much of the productive capacity of the heavy and chemical industry
remained intact. There was a serious shortage of civilian goods as the economy
had been diverted to producing for the war effort. Inflation and lack of food in
the cities made life difficult though there was not the kind of starvation that
existed in China or the Philippines which had suffered under Japanese rule.

The SCAP initially played a punitive role. It was believed that Japan’s industrial
capacity was responsible for its aggression and therefore this capacity, which
had made it the leading industrialized country in Asia, be reduced. To this end
the zaibatsu were dissolved and extensive land reforms carried out with the aim
of introducing decentralization and democracy.

The zaibatsu were immense conglomerates which dealt in a wide range of

businesses making everything from pins to planes. The major groups were Mitsui,
Mitsubishi, Sumitomo and Yasuda. Each group was organized around a holding
company and much of the control still rested with family members. The SCAP
confiscated their holdings and dissolved the holding companies. The land reforms
helped to avert a crisis in rural Japan where the population had risen because of
the returning soldiers and consequent hardship was felt by the small farmers
who formed 70 per cent of the rural population. Land ceilings and confiscation
of land from large holders together with the setting up of agricultural cooperatives
helped to stabilize the rural areas.

SCAP policy began to change when in 1946 food aid was provided to Japan. By
the middle of 1948 the goal clearly became one of rebuilding a strong and self-
reliant Japan. Many U.S. planners, even before the war had ended, had seen in
Japan an ally against the rising power of communism in China which they feared
would form a monolithic ally with the Soviet Union. In Japan also many leaders
were fearful of a socialist revolution caused by the defeat in war and in part the
speed with which they surrendered was motivated by this fear.

This change of direction is often called the “reverse course” and it became clear
once the Korean War broke out in 1953. In August 1950 a National Police Reserve
had been set up and by 1954 a Self-Defence Agency and Defence Forces was set
up. In the San Francisco Treaty of September 1951 a bilateral mutual security
treaty was concluded in which it was made clear that Japan would increasingly
assume responsibility for its own defence. Similarly many other changes were
187
History of Modern East Asia: carried out both by the Occupation powers and after Japan became independent
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
by the new government so the reverse course spans the occupation period and
the initial years of the new government’s rule. Because of the changed objectives
Japan benefited from access to U.S. capital, technology and market.

14.2.3 Japanese Reactions to the Occupation

Japanese reactions to the Occupation were not highly ideological but motivated
by practical necessity. The U.S. forces had expected to meet resistance when
they entered Japan but they were surprised at the general welcome they received.
This was because of the fact that most of the Japanese were tired of war. Moreover,
SCAP controlled the mass media and could spread its views and ideas without
any controversy. Finally, the reforms that the SCAP carried out benefited large
sections of Japanese society introducing such rights which had till then been
denied to them. For example, the new rights given to women were not the product
of a movement, in fact according to surveys most women were not interested in
these rights.

The U.S. Occupation has therefore been looked upon by some scholars as the
beginning of democracy in Japan. To them it marks a break in the flow of Japanese
history when very new ideas and practices were forcibly introduced into Japanese
society. Today, many Japanese scholars have been relooking at pre-war
developments to argue that the basis for Occupation reforms was already being
laid, and that the search for the roots of Japanese democracy should go back to
the popular movements in the Meiji period. In spite of these differing views the
Occupation period marks an important interlude during which internal changes
were initiated. Japan was linked closely to United States foreign policy objectives
and a firm ally. Finally it must be mentioned that the Occupation saw two very
strong figures emerge on the political scene in Japan. One was General Douglas
MacArthur, who played a decisive role in moulding and directing Occupation
policies and the other was Yoshida Shigeru who became the first Prime Minister
of post-war Japan under the new constitution. He laid the basis for the post-war
structure of Japan. Yoshida, sixty years old when he became prime minister, had
been Ambassador to England in the 1930s and though he had supported Japan’s
actions in China he had opposed joining the alliance with Germany. A
conservative, Yoshida saw that Japan’s future lay in an alliance with the United
States and in concentrating on economic development-the two pillars on which
Japan’s development was carried out.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Describe the aims of the U.S. Occupation authorities.

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2) Outline the economic implications of the Occupation.
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188
3) Write a note on the Japanese reactions to the Occupation. Japan: Defeat and the Allied
Occupation
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14.3 THE PERIOD OF HIGH GROWTH (1952-1973)

As mentioned in the introduction, to have an overall understanding of Japan’s
development, we will take up major political and economic developments in this
section.

14.3.1 Political Developments

The period from when Japan regained its political independence witnessed the
single minded pursuit of economic growth. The initial years were really a
continuation of the earlier period, but by 1955 the basic outlines of the post-war
system were laid out. In 1955 the two wings of the socialist party merged in
October to form the Japan Socialist Party and in November the two conservative
parties merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party which was to dominate the
politics of post-war Japan. These two became part of a system referred to as the
one and a half party system because the socialists though the largest opposition,
were not significantly large enough to influence policy.

The Liberal Democratic Party dominated the electoral process and in the sixth
House of Representatives general elections it was voted into power. The Socialists
were in the opposition and the two groups, the right and the left which had united
were often in disagreement and they split in 1959 with the right wing forming
the Democratic Socialist Party.

In the years following the end of the war there was a rise in new religious sects.
Many of these sects had been founded in the pre-war years but they began to
enjoy widespread popularity in the difficult years of the post-war when people
sought solace and comfort in their teachings. One of these sects called the
Sokkagakkai or Value Creating Society traced its origins to the Buddhist priest
of the thirteenth century, Nichiren. Nichiren had founded a nationalist Buddhist
sect and was famous for having destroyed the invading Mongol Armada by his
prayers which resulted in a typhoon. This divine wind or kamikaze was also the
word used for the suicide bombers during the war. The Sokkagakkai, a Buddhist
organization, became very influential and helped to found a· political party in
1964. The party called the Komelto or Clean Government Party became a major
force for a while though its strength was confined to the urban areas.

The Japan Communist Party had been banned by the pre-war government but
was allowed to function by the U.S. Occupation and throughout this period it
occupied a minority status in the Diet. However, its party newspaper The Red
Flag (Akahata), a daily, sold well.

189
History of Modern East Asia: Politically it should be noticed that the early period was marked by changing
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
alignments and controversies which often resulted in disorder in the Diet and
demonstrations outside. The government sought to expand its power and extend
its control. The Ministry of Education increased its supervisory rights over school
teachers and textbooks. The powers of the police were expanded and the Self-
Defence Forces were also steadily increasing. The major controversy was over
the United States-Japan Mutual Security Treaty of 1951. The treaty was due for
revision in 1960 and a massive agitation built up against the ratification.

The treaty had been signed by Yoshida in 1951 and gave the United States
extensive privileges in Japan. They had bases in Japan and occupied Okinawa.
The socialists and other groups opposed what they perceived as an “unequal
treaty”. The split in the Socialist Party was over the question of supporting the
treaty. The socialists argued that in effect the Japanese would function as frontline
troops and if the United States were to fight another war, as it had done in Korea,
then Japan would be involved.

The ratification of the treaty was preceded by massive demonstrations. On 19

May 1960 opposition Diet members seized the Speaker of the house and held
him in the basement of the Diet building leading to fights and the ratification
was carried out without opposition members being present. This outraged the
public and there were further demonstrations led by militant student organizations
like the Zengakuren, an umbrella organization of student unions. The biggest
demonstration was on June 15 when the Diet was surrounded and in the clash a
young girl student of Tokyo University was killed. The treaty became effective
on 23 June and the Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke resigned the following month
in July.

The anti-Security treaty demonstrations and their failure was an important

landmark in the post-war period. Many scholars see them as the high water mark
of participatory democracy. The demonstrations were provoked as much by the
contents of the treaty as by Kishi’s handling of the situation. Many-felt the high
handedness of the ruling LDP was uncalled for and millions signed a petition
calling for general elections. However, it must also be remembered that in 1962
the SDF acquired surface to air missiles (SAM) and subsequently the U.S.
statement that a nuclear ship would visit Japan did not lead to any demonstrations.
Japan was settling into the period of high growth and concentrating her energies
on development.

14.3.2 Economic Growth

Japan grew at the rate of ten per cent per year from 1954 to 1971 and this came
to be referred to as the “miracle”. During this period industrial facilities expanded
to 36 per cent of GNP and Japan was transformed rapidly much as it had been
transformed in the years after the Meiji Restoration. The question which comes
uppermost in many minds is how did Japan achieve this? ,Was this miraculous
growth a part of well conceived and executed policies or was it the result of
fortunate circumstances? Many scholars have argued that Japan achieved these
results by deliberate policies. Chalmers Johnson, for instance has written on the
role of the powerful MID which played a crucial role in directing and guiding
Japanese economic development. The central focus of many works is the close
links between government-business-industry and the argument is that this close
190 working made it possible to create a consensus or agreement on the economic
goals and the policies necessary to pursue these goals. The economic boom of Japan: Defeat and the Allied
Occupation
post-war Japan had started before Prime Minister Ikeda announced his “income
doubling” plan which came to symbolize the creation of prosperity. By 1960
Japan’s GNP had become the fifth largest in the world and by 1968 it was second
only to the United States. The Japanese economy was subjected to controls and
guidance by the government but competition was not discouraged/rather it was
fierce and there was flexibility in the government’s approach.

In the 1950’s the steel industry received special attention with loans and funds
for expansion so that by the mid-1970s Japan had overtaken the Western steel
firms in productivity. Mm had initially exercised close .control and set targets
but as the steel firms grew it allowed them to plan for themselves though it
continued to exercise “administrative guidance”. This guidance had no legal
sanction but it was very difficult, if not impossible, for the companies not to
follow this guidance. Similar steps were taken in industries like shipbuilding.

Japan’s initial success created problems for its trading partners who complained
of closed markets and cheap exports. Japanese textiles, shoes, etc. were making
inroads into the European and U.S. markets. The Japanese allowed some entry
of foreign firms but restricted foreign ownership of Japanese companies to 25
per cent, In essence the policy was highly restrictive and even in the 1980s foreign
ownership remained below 2 per cent.

The common view argued by many Japanese scholars was that it was not closed
markets but the Japanese system which enabled Japan to grow. Central to this
system was life time employment, promotion by seniority and enterprise unions.
In Japanese companies workers were· employed for their working life with the
company looking after many of their needs, from housing to medical benefits to
holidays. The employee was paid according to the number of years he worked
and was accordingly promoted. This meant that there was no need to change
jobs and rather than “merit” loyalty and dedication. were values that were stressed.
Unions were not formed across industries but at the level of the firm or enterprise
which meant that there was no outside interference and the company and union
could work together to increase productivity.

However, this ideal system was largely practised in large firms while most workers
were in small firms. In Japan there was a dual structure. There were a few large
firms which guaranteed benefits and gave high wages and their productivity was
also high but over 53 per cent of the workers worked in firms employing less
than a hundred employees in 1965. The gap between these workers was reflected
in wages and working conditions though these began to narrow in the 1970s.
Moreover workers· in small firms were rarely organized. Finally, women workers
were discriminated against in terms of wages and types of jobs so that few were
permanent employees within the lifetime system. The male-female wage gap
narrowed in the seventies but the number of women among the lowest paid
increased substantially.

The economic growth of the 1960s altered the social landscape increasing mobility
and leading to higher concentration of population in the urban centres, particularly
the Osaka-Tokyo belt. Industry and population were concentrated in this region
leading to cramped living and industrial pollution. Citizens groups and residents
associations began to protest against the degradation of the environment and
demand better living conditions; The benefits of economic growth were making
191
History of Modern East Asia: the country rich but the people still did not have the same access to social benefits
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
as their counterparts in the Western countries. Television, washing machines and
refrigerators transformed the lives of people and these symbols of success rapidly
spread throughout Japan.

In 1953 the Minamata disease was first noticed and its effect was that the victims
lost control over their bodily movements. This was caused by industrial pollution
a fact recognized in 1959 but it took till 1973 for the victims to get court
compensation. Other diseases reflected the lack of understanding of the dangers
of unchecked industrial development. In 1967 a law to check pollution was passed
and in the 1970s the government took measures to seriously check pollution.

14.4 THE OIL SHOCK AND AFTER

The 1973 “oil shock”, when the OPEC countries threatened to cut oil supplies to
unfriendly countries, threw Japan into a panic. Japan depended on the import of
oil and cuts would create a shamble of its economy. But the measures that were
taken up show the resilience and strengths of the economy. Oil accounted for
seventy per cent of its energy requirements and Japan’s policy makers set about
to reduce energy consumption. It was so successful that while the rest of the
advanced economies grew at 2 per cent annually from 1973 to 1980 Japan’s
economy grew at 3.2 in 1975, 5.9 per cent in 1976 and then at 6 per cent. The
economy soared, as Prime Minister Fukuda Takeo said, as “high as Mount Fuji”.

Politically Tanaka Kakue who had become prime minister after Sato Eisaku in
1972 set about altering the face of Japanese political practices. There had been
corruption earlier and scandals had surfaced to embarrass political leaders and
destroy careers. Tanaka, unlike most Japanese Premiers and politicians had not
gone to Tokyo University or been a high powered civil servant but rather he was
a self made man who cut a wide swath through the body politic. He established
what came to be known as ‘kinken seiji’ or money politics. Tanaka cultivated
friends and constituencies and through extensive patronage built up a powerful
political machine.

The ruling Liberal Democratic party was a conglomeration of factions which

operated independently; as far as raising money and fighting elections went.
Therefore they were in perpetual competition but custom and cooperation also
influenced their behaviour. They operated within an accepted framework. Tanaka’s
practice of buying support and questionable deals was revealed in a magazine
article and the controversy which this generated brought down his government
but Tanaka, aside from his corrupt practices had also exerted the authority of the
party over the bureaucracy.

The bureaucracy had functioned with reasonable independence from the political
parties and often provided the specialized expertize for politicians but Tanaka
built up his own experts and formed his special committees. Tanaka was followed
by Miki Takeo who had a reputation for being Mr. Clean but he failed in his
declared objective of ending factionalism and reducing the role of money in
politics.

In 1976 Japan was submerged by the Lockheed scandal. The Lockheed Company
had apparently paid money to various Japanese, including the then Prime Minister
192 Tanaka Kakue to sell its planes. Tanaka was arrested in 1976 and subsequently
tried in a long drawn case. But inspite of these charges Tanaka continued to Japan: Defeat and the Allied
Occupation
exercise power from behind the scenes and because of his factional strength he
was the real kingmaker in Japanese politics. Tanaka controlled 120 out of the
400 Diet men in both Houses and his “army”, as they were called, controlled the
formation of cabinets and policy and dominated key cabinet posts.

In 1971 the MITI published a plan called “Basic Direction of the New International
Trade Industrial Policy: A Vision for the 1970s” which argued that Japan must
move from the production of. industrial goods to knowledge industries and to
this end the government carried out a host of measures to actualize this goal.
Japan updated its production of TV tubes and VCR’s and in 1978 sought to bring
its computer industry on par with the United States. The emphasis on “knowledge-
intensive” industries was first on consumer electronics and expanded into robots.
In the automobile industry Japan which in 1950 had made a total of 1,600 cars
was by 1980 producing 11 million more than the United States.

Japan achieved this growth with the help of selective protection and subsidies.
Initially there were tariffs for foreign cars and when there were objections it
allowed large cars and three-wheelers which were not in demand while at the
same time expanding the definition of “small car” to 2,000 c.c. The tariffs were
only removed in the 1970s and upto 1980 the share of foreign cars in the market
was only 1 per cent.

In 1982 Nakasone Yasuhiro became Prime Minister and in the subsequent years
he set a new style of functioning. The fundamental basis for Nakasone’s politics
lay in his vision of settling what he called post-war accounts. Japan had regained
control over Okinawa under the Premiership of Sato and had opened relations
with China during Prime Minister Tanaka’s cabinet and Nakasone wanted to
make Japan a firm and active member of the Western alliance. His active
diplomacy was very much a part of this vision. He re-built relations with South
Korea on a firmer basis by judicious use of economic aid and business contracts.
He also established a personal friendship with U.S. President Ronald Reagan.

Internally Nakasone set about implementing administrative reform and to

formulate policies, he established a host of expert committees which critics argued
subverted the democratic process as they ignored the Diet. Among the many
steps which he initiated the official visit to Yasukuni Shrine in 1985 generated
controversy both within Japan as well as outside in China and other neighbours.
Yasukuni Shrine was where the Japan’s war dead were enshrined since the Sino-
Japanese war of 1894-95 and this visit was seen as a revival of militarism as it
violated the separation of the state and religion. However, many groups also saw
this as the assertion of a very natural patriotism.

In education as well Nakasone went on to stress not only the “fostering of

creativity” but the building up of a spirit of patriotism. This emphasis on patriotism
was attacked by liberals who saw this as a revival of the pre-war ideals of national
loyalty which had led Japan to war and expansion.

In international trade the growing imbalances with her trading partners made
Japan the focus of trenchant criticism. In 1986 the Maekawa Report, as the
committee was headed by a former Governor of the Bank of Japan set down
measures to liberalize the economy. It also suggested that greater emphasis should
be placed on building up social capital to improve the living conditions of the
193
History of Modern East Asia: people. Japan’s trade surplus was becoming a problem as with the increased
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
strength of the yen in 1987 the trade surplus reached $96 billion and this provoked
reactions from the United States.

The reaction from the U.S. was based on the argument that Japan had taken a
“free ride”. In other words Japan had not spent any money to protect itself and
this saving had been channeled into economic growth and trade. U.S. critics
argued that Japan should open its markets and remove non-tariff barriers, such
as the cumbersome distribution system which made it difficult for foreign
companies to sell in Japan, and also assume a fair share of its defence burden.

Nakasone also took measures to de-nationalize government monopolies such as

the Japan National Railways and in telecommunications. The railways were spilt
into six regional groups and the domestic telephone company, NTI was privatized.
Nakasone, because of his strong impact, managed to secure an extra year after
his two terms as LOP president in 1986 but in his last year the popularity of the
party fell because of unpopular tax measures. But Nakasone himself continued
to play a major role in selecting his successor Takeshita Noboru.

The Nakasone cabinet presided over a period when Japan began to play a more
visible role in international affairs. Internally Nakasone opened issues and set
agendas which are still part of the political agenda. However, electoral reform
and the regulation of political funds was not carried out with any great success
and these problems continue to plague Japanese politics.

Japan’s foreign relations have been conducted within the framework of the alliance
with the United States which guaranteed Japan’s security. This has meant that
till the 1970s Japan took few steps to rebuild its relations with its neighbours. At
the end of the war the question of repatriation to countries which had suffered
from Japan during the war was settled but no peace treaty was concluded with
the U.S.S.R. Japan· normalized relations with China only after U.S. President
Richard Nixon went to China.

Japan overcome its war time legacy and normalized relations with South Korea
in 1965 but the problem of Koreans who had been forcibly brought to Japan
continued to pose a problem. Because of riding with the U.S.; territorial dispute
over the possession of the islands to the north of Hokkaido Japan’s relations with
U.S.S.R. remained strained.

Japanese foreign policy is now attempting to play a greater role as it has achieved
economic power and to this end it is stepping up its aid flows to the developing
world. Japan also faces increasing trade and economic tensions with the United
States and the European Community and criticism about its closed market and
practices which unfairly exclude foreign competitors has led it to invest in the
developing world to reduce the risk of being excluded from their markets.
Check Your Progress 2
1) What steps did Japan take to ensure rapid economic growth?
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2) How did Japan react to the ‘oil shock’? Japan: Defeat and the Allied
Occupation
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3) How do you regard Japan’s role in the World today?

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14.5 LET US SUM UP

Japan was defeated in the Second World War and occupied by the Allied Powers
but in fact the United States was the major occupying force. The U.S. through
SCAP carried out measures to reform Japan and prevent it from becoming an
expansionist power. To this end it took steps to democratize Japanese politics
and society and rewrote the constitution.

However, with the outbreak of the Korean war and because of U.S. policy
objectives the U.S. worked to make Japan a strong ally in Asia and so it began to
reverse the course of reforms and worked with the conservatives to ensure a
strong and stable society and a staunch ally.

Japan after signing the San Francisco Peace Treaty set about rebuilding its
economy and played almost no role in world affairs. The single-minded
concentration on economic growth was possible because the U.S. provided for
Japan’s security. Since no money was to be spent for defence and military it was
natural that economic development would take place at a faster pace compared
to those nations which spend heavily on defence. The policies which were
followed worked to create a protected but competitive market and the government
worked together with industry to identify and foster industries which were
necessary and important if Japan was to emerge as a major economic power. In
some cases there were failures but the system was flexible and adaptive so that
whereas Japan had been a net importer of technology in the beginning by the
1980s it was exporting advanced technologies.

Japanese politics was marked by the dominance of a single party the LDP and its
strength and longevity were a product of the solid rural support and close links
with business and bureaucracy. Together with these groups it led Japan to high
growth and no one wanted to endanger this system. The socialist and radical
groups, while active, have been politically marginalized.

Japan is at the moment engaged in a debate and trying to determine its future
priorities. It is trying to evolve a role to play in world affairs. This will also have
repercussions on the type of society it creates. Will Japanese society become
more open and lay greater stress on creating a better social climate or will a more
leisurly life style endanger higher productivity and economic strength are
questions which are being debated. Same is the situation in relation to Japan’s
international role. Can Japan continue to function with the U.S. alliance as the
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History of Modern East Asia: bedrock of its foreign policy or does it need to strike a more independent role in
Japan (c. 1868-1945)
world affairs? What will this role be? Can Japan with its vast economic resources
play a role in the development programme of Third World countries or is it merely
interested in creating integrated markets to ensure its strength in the international
arena? The future of Japan is inextricably linked with the rest of the world, and
Japan has come a long way from those years during the Tokugawa period when
it lay in virtual isolation from the world.

14.6 KEY WORDS

Armada: Fleet of warships.
Conglomerates : Hetrogeneous mixture.
Punitive : Extremely severe.
Typhoon: Violent Hurricane in East Asian Seas.

14.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) The U.S. Occupation authorities wanted to:
a) check Japanese inroads in the U.S.
b) establish a democratic and responsible government in Japan,
c) dismantle the structure of militarism. Refer Sec. 14.2
2) Your answer should include:
a) the various attempts made by SCAP to reduce industrial capacity of
Japan;
b) the dissolving of zaibatsu;
c) the extensive land reforms etc. Refer Sub-sec. 14.2.2.
3) Refer Sub-sec. 14.2.3
Check Your Progress 2
1) Refer Sec.. 14.3 and Sub-sections 14.3.1, 14.3.2.
2) Base your answer on Sec. 14.4 incorporating Japan’s policy to reduce
energy consumption.
3) Refer to the end of the Sec. 14.4

SUGGESTED READINGS FOR THIS COURSE

E .H. Norman. Japan’s Emergence as a Modern State.
Endymion Wilkinson, Japan versus Europe: A History of Misunderstanding.
Ivan Morris (ed.), Japan 1931-1945: Militarism, Fascism, Japanism?
Mauris B. Jansen, Japan and China: From War to Peace (1894-1972)
W.W. Lockwood. Economic History of Japan.

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