lJ

CHAPTER 1

Indigenous Intellectuals in Andean Colonial Cities

•
Gabriela Ramos

In this chapter I examine the background, position, and activities of indige­

nous intellectuals in the cities of Lima and Cuzco, and discuss the means by
which they acquired, developed, and administered the knowledge that al­
lowed them to stand out from their peers. Through the study of several indi­
vidual cases I aim to show how they were positioned in society, either by gain­
ing a place in the colonial administration, practicing a trade, or associating
with others to meet specific ends. Whenever possible, I examine the social
relations these individuals established, and assess their participation in and
contribution to the production and dissemination of knowledge.
I start by assessing the conditions that allowed indigenous intellectuals
to thrive. Briefly comparirlKthe Ande~ and Mexi~~ I ask if cities and politi­
cal centralization played a role in the formation of intellectuals in the period
before the Spanish conquest, and hypothesize about the reasons behind the
contrasting performance of indigenous intellectuals in the two main centers
of Spanish colonial rule. Next, I compare the conditions under which the
Andean cities of Lima and Cuzco were created after the conquest, and ex­
amine how they affected the position of Cuzquefio and Limefio indigenous
elites. I argue that these conditions significantly shaped the kinds of indige­
nous intellectuals who emerged in each colonial city and the relationship
 ~
"~1;

they established with the colonial government and other groups in society. number oflocal bureaucracies charged with the rule ofcity-states and, more ,~( )
Finally, I consider the instances in which Andean indigenous intellectuals importar;t,byth~d;~i~;in pr~:Col;;'~i;ia~-Mexico of ~ of repre­
acquired and used the knowledge that allowed them to attain positions of sentation that engaged better with European writing, drawing, and paint­
leadership, an achievement that fortified and transformed certain sectors of ing than did Andean devices. For their part, the Spanish were better able to
indigenous society, but ultimately helped to strengthen the colonial system u_~e!~aJ:l9Jvl.f:!}(i<:an recordi!!gsr~~ems and allowed tIlemto survive, whereas
as a whole. their attitude toward Andean quipu was ambiguous at its best. 2 In addition, ,.
precolonial Mexico's political decentralization must have favored the dis­
semination of knowledge and the formation ofa pool of scribes and writers
Intellectuals, Cities, and Political Structures
whose duty it was to pass on their skills to the next generation. ..." ·s/

One of the most striking contrasts between pre-Columbian Mexico and the ~ ,I I,; )

,.': ~!)f")":'! 1,' $, ,...

]J 1[~. Andes at the time of the Spanish conquest is the abundance ~f urban centers ~
Andean Indigenous Power/Knowledge Urbanism
in Mexico and a correspondingly decentralized political structure, compared
with the small number of Andean cities and a governmental structure char­ The spatial reorganization launched shortly after the conquest to facilitate
acterized by a powerful imperial state. To what extent did these differences Spanish colonial rule led to the creation ofcities and urban settlements in the
determine the numbers, behavior, and influence oflocal intellectuals? Con­ Andes. Urbanization involved the relocation of both local and foreign popu­
sidering the distinct forms in which indigenous intellectuals engaged with lations, the creation of new jurisdictions, and the adaptation of those previ­
Spanish colonial culture and politics in the years immediately following the ously existing to the newly created spatial patterns. These changes were com­
conquest of Mexico and Peru, I hypothesize that the locations, functions, pounded by intense demo.&!:aphic transformations. It was not rare for new
ways of producing and administering knowledge, and the social relations indigeno'Us leaders tob;brought into the n~ted urban centers to take
maintained by both local and imperial intellectuals were ~reatlYJ!:l.fu!~nceg charge of various aspects of their administration. Thus the Andean politi­
by their precontact urban experie.nce and the form ofdoing politics that city cal landscape was significantly transformed after the conquest. The changes
states encouraged, which was dynamic and relied on agent~. effected had implications for the indigenous elites' participation in govern­
Although in both Mexico and the Andes local rulers had to negotiate con­ ment as well as for population distribution and migration patterns.
tinuously with imperial authorities, it seems that the Inca were more suc­ Pizarro's decision to establish the main colonial administrative center of
cessful than the Mexica at imposing themselves by force upon their neigh­ the viceroyalty in Lima, at a significant distance from the former imperial
bors. Perhaps aggressive Incan imperial policy left local Andean intellectuals capital of Cuzco, crucially shaped the social profile of the indigenous intel­
with more limited means of survival after the Spanish conquest than their lectuals who in the following years were incorporated into the colonial ad­
counterparts in Mexico. During the early colonial period, specialized knowl­ ministration. Aided by the rapid and massive depopulation of the coast,
edge in the Andes rested in very few hands, which, in contrast with the case the Spanish easily dispensed with most of Lima's precolonial past as they \
of Mexico, appears to have limited its endurance and circulation. founded their main political center in thevalleyofLJrna and conducted them­ r' 0IV ,S
The art of record keeping offers a useful comparison with which to exam­ selves as if no significant collectivity had ever existed there before thelr ar- , f ') >'11,:.,,/: ".")

ine this questi~n. Although references to Andean cord keepers or quipucama­ rival. 3 Thus the city appeared as an innovation, a true starting poin t of politi-
I
I I .'
j} -r I)~(l

yocs appear throughout the colonial period, they are not abundant; nor are cal life. ' >,,'1I:;!..('"lf.,1
J ".!
they easy to find outside the obvious former imperial center ofCuzco.1 Com­ In contrast, the Spanish could not proceed in the same way in the ancient
"
pared to Mexico, in the Andes one is far less likely to distinguish a direct link
between ancient record keepers and colonial indigenous scribes and notaries
(see also Burns, chapter 10). It could be argued thatthe abundance ofindige­
----
Inca capital as they did in Lima, because Cuzco and its surrounding area pos­
sessed stronger symbolic, material, and human resources, a much denser
and a cohort ofInca elite intellectuals whose presence could by
nous writers in colonial Mexico can be explained by the existence ofa greater no means be overlooked:1 Thus it is worth considering the variances emerg-

22 GABRIELA RAMOS INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 23

 •
ing between the two cities that affected the participation ofindigenous intel­ young elite males were taken to the convents where they received religious
~t~<>..~~U)ffi~.e!~; In both cities the Spanish colonial administra­ indoctrination, learned Spanish, and were taught to read and write. 8 These
,
tion relied on "traditional" and "new" indigenous intellectuals, although in elite Indians, some ofwhom later became curacas or chiefs, functioned in the ----
distinct ways. I argue that their function and degree of authority were con­ colonial administration, and to an extent served as pillars of Spanish rule,
structed according to the local sociopolitical conditions existing in each promoting the dissemination of Spanish culture and values among their sub­
place. Hence it is necessary to explore_.-_.how . ,'these intellectuals and..---­
officers jects (see also Charles, chapter 3). Curacas and their families maintained a
-.. .,. . . -=-------
were recruited, and how they attained a position within the governmental degree ofauthority and prominence within the boundaries oftheir own small
/... ....
, structure. Focusing on caciques, notaries, and interpreters and on their sepa­ jurisdictions.9 However, various circumstances operated to their disadvan­
rate or interrelated roles, I further argue that indigenous involvement as colo­ tage; their proximity to the viceregal capital was only one of them. Over time
nial officers was dependent upon shifting values assigned to key aspects such their position became increasingly precarious because of the acute popula­
as tradition, nobility, language, and social changes surrounding the elusive tion crisis, the loss ofland, and Christianity'S restrictions that forced them
to form nuc1ear.farnilies, a mandate that diminished th~ir ch~ti:"ces of procre­
subject of "race."
A confederation presided over by chiefs or curacas ruled the various groups atfrlgan~;ea~ing thenumber of their kin. Thus they were left with fewer
that populated the Lima valley at the time of the Spanish conquest in the possibilities of having successors, with fewer subjects to rule, a smaller pro­
early 1530s. Most of these chiefs were related to one another through mar­ vision of laborers, and overall with scarce resources to guarantee their sup- ,
riage alliances; Archaeological evidence and early colonial documents sug­ port and survival. /'
gest that in precolonial times the scope of their activities transcended the The position of curacas in Lima and its surroundings was further weak­
boundaries of their own kinship groups to embrace large portions of Peru's ened by the appearance of individuals occupying posts that the colonial ad­
central coast and beyond. 'Ihese chieftains were subordinated to a paramount ministration created to provid;the ;;~ices the Spanish required to deal with
.I) ~
curaca whose domains encompassed the area that after the Spanish conquest the indigenous population, like interpreters and)!1g.1!!lciies (bailiffs). In most A

became Lima's city center. s cases these posts were new. In other instances they complemented those
The conquistadors interpreted the paramount curaca's approval of their already existing, and in still others, they replaced indigenous governmental
structures. The provenance of indigenous officers settled in Lima sug~
request for permission to establish a settlement in his jurisdiction as an un­ --"--_.--- ------­
that not only did conditions allow upwardly mobile Indians to succeed in
limited authorization to seize land. Soon the Spanish were assigning an in­
creasing number of lots to the new vecinos-individual or corporate-and finding a placement but also that Spanish authorities found it convenient to .
moving the original inhabitants and their authorities to the periphery of the promote indigenous individual~_~~~ion to key positions within i

new Spanish city, while the town council issued decrees that shaped the pub­ the colonial administration, a~s_~ed .~<:l._emploYlng ~~~~e. 'Ihese
lic space and regulated its use. 6 As Rostworowski has noted, in spite of his individuals became instrumental to Spanish colonial rule (see also Yannaka­ :/
petitions to defend his land rights and those of his subordinates, within a kis, chapter 4).
few years of the founding ofLima the paramount curaca'sPQV'{~rwas.~~!.e~~!y' Besides relegating the indigenous curacas to a marginal place, the rapid
.1 weakened.' It seems that by the 1560s, a main indigenous authority no longer transformation of the local population contributed to creating conditions
existed. 'Ihe several curacas (chiefs), prinripales (authorities), and other elite that favored the emergence ofalternative sources of political authority. Since
Indians scattered in the pueblos or reducciones (settlements) that surrounded its founding, Lima had received a flood of migrants coming from most areas
the viceregal capital were left with no single, chief indigenous representa­ of the viceroyalty, to the point~I'L~1A_~e?SUs t~~~Iljl!_1~1~hoyyDllauhe
tive. In these new conditions, their political wei~~twas severely.~~ o~rwb~lming majority of!ndi@s liv!.J!g~tyat that time_~_<ld~een
Although t~ia;;P~-Jonned govern~ental duties in their respec­ }orn else;"~~i~.ioAltho~gh a number of urban Indian~ were still connected
tive localities, their position in the public life of Lima was marginal. Most, if to their places of origin, many had severed their ties with their original au­
not all, wereq~!5:~~i.mila~~~ to Spanish culture. Evidence suggests that thorities.l l Issues of government, labor and trade, or even survival increased

GABRIELA RAMOS INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 25

24
 •
the need for indigenous representatives and intermediaries. In the years fol­ city and religious leader, for soon after his appointment he figured as patron
lowing the founding of Lima, different posts, both religious and secular, of Nuestra S~Jiora ~e la Candelaria, the most active Indian confraternity in
had been created to lead and channel the indigenous population's partici­ Lima, spon~ored by the Franciscan~. His su~;-~-sor, don DIego Solsol, was
pation in urban life. Positions such as alguaciles, confraternity leaders, and not born in Lima either. He was the cacique of a repartimiento in the remote
alcaldes (mayors) were filled up by men who themselves had arrived in Lima Chachapoyas province, in the highlands ofnortheast Peru. His repartimiento
as migrants. Given themarginal place local ethn~~~re allocat~_ was composed of so few people that it is not difficult to understand why
within the administration of the viceregal capital, and the consolidation of _------_._-------_
found it more advantageous to move ..to Lima and become a colonial officer •.. __ ..
Lima as the new bureaucratic and ceremonial center, it is not surprising that rather than ~ in his homeland as curacao Don Diego Solsol also became a
in the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries, the most important patroilOfthe same confraternity as his predecessor and, besides performing
position an Indian could hold in Lima was not that of curaca, but of i~tc:r.:. his job at the Real Audiencia, he usually served as interpreter to the few Span­
pre.terae.!.1eral to the Real Augie,!19a. To understand the significance of this ish notaries who offered their services to Indian customers. An additional
indigenous office, it is worth examining its political, social, and cultural im­ indicator of the recognition both men enjoyed in the city was that they often
plications (see also Schwaller, chapter 2, and Yannakakis, chapter 4)· acted as guardians of orphaned children, executors, and representatives on
The procedures for appointing the General Interpreter show how the post behalfof several Indian men and women of varied socioeconomic status.13
suited the needs ofcolonial rule and reinforced the conditions of subordina­ To better understand the interpreters' significance and long-lasting effect
tion in which the Indian population of Lima lived. In the first place, the piv­ of their function it is necessary to consider the social relations in which they
otal role of the Spanish judiciary and the Real Audiencia was highlighted at were immersed. These social relations hinged on the knowledge they owned
the crucial juncture when colonial administration was reformed under Vice­ and disseminated, and on the role they performed in their twofold posi­
roy Toledo (1569-1581) (see also Burns, chapter 10). Toledo endeavored to tion as representatives of the colonial administration and of the indigenous
shape the curacas' role within the Spanish administration, and the appoint­ population. In considering the position of these men, I would like to empha­
ments he made did much_~EQ.~e.t!Ie~u~h~Ei!l'.~n!L~!.t!mac~
size three points: first, their relation to writing and to record keeping; sec­
diti~nal!ndigenous authorities. Unlike other areas of Spanish America like ond, the social networks they built; and third, the status of the language they
central Mexico, where arrangements to share administrative tasks between spoke (see also Yannakakis, chapter 4).
Spaniards and locals were fairly common, the Peruvian viceroyalty's indige­ The use of writing and the extent to which Indian elites managed to learn if >.) tl,V'

'--"!'( ,
",'
--.
nous authorities had limi~ed control over the administration ofjustice, since
--------
this function was placed within Spanish handsP
to read and write was an important factor that affected social and power re­
lations in the colonial Andes. It is likely that the Indian General Interpreters
,h -,e

p' .,., '\ Situated at the top of the governmental hierarchy, second only to the vice­ were literate, although it is not known how they learned to read and write,
roy, the Real Audiencia was the most powerful colonial body the indigenous or how they acquired all the other knowledge needed to carry out their tasks
inhabitants could approach when seeking justice. Often curacas traveled to successfully. I will come back to the point of education later in this essay.
Lima to follow up their cases, dedicating a significant amount of their time On the question of literacy, it is difficult to ascertain how much public use
and resources to dealing with the colonial bureaucracy. Thus the individual interpreters made of writing, since their work involved deliveri~raJ re- _
who acted as a link between indigenous society and the Real Audiencia was ~. In Lima, their duties were closely linked, even subordinate to,
.... ' . ~.,,-.-,-.,., ..,.....--------~'-'"'----"--"-""""'-""" ,.~
unquestionably more influential than any ethnic authority. It is therefore the work of notaries. The fact that the job of interpreter was often neatly
noteworthy that the first interpreter general to the Real Audiencia appointed separated from composing and issuing documents guaranteed at least two
by Toledo was a man named don Pedro Maiz, a foreigner to the Lima closely interrelated results: first, the validity of the enacted business put into
Adding to the distinction attached to the position, when Toledo allocated writing had to be sanctioned by a Spanish officer; and second,..wJ~e legal, all
mita or Indian draft laborers to the vecinos (elite residents) of Lima, Maiz ap­ businessh,aAt() be <;g!!d!lsteQi!l.S...R~sh. Crucially, the interprete~;~t;.Sk..in­
pears in the colonial registers as the only Indian beneficiary. He also became a voi~ed guiding hlr.'indigenous clients through the intricate paths ofthe colo-

GABRIELA RAMOS INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 27

26
 primarily to act as a social and political intermediary, and that the linguistic
nial administration by explaining to them the workings of the system while
aspect of his job was secondary.19 'fllis view would be supported by the fact
making them acknowledge its authority and accept its necessity. It was no
that apparently the problem oflinguistic diversity in Lima was solved by the
easy undertaking, for the interpreter's work involved making sense ofactions
spread of Spanish among the indigenous population. Given that in colonial
that were unfamiliar to his clients in a culture where writing in the European
society (and beyond) the command of Spanish was a sign of acculturation,
sense was unknown. 'fllus in the special circumstances in which they were
the growing linguistic mestizaje (mixture) among the indigenous population
immersed, the interpreters' relationship with Spanish notaries was crucial
of Lima can effectively be described as a manifestation of ethnic or identity
since without them the latter could not operate.
change. 'flle consequences of this transformation were such that in a mat­
Lacking strong bonds with their places of origin, and owing their posts
ter ofa few decades the post of interpreter general-and the cultural capital
to the colonial administration, social networking was of utmost importance
the position involved - significantly diminished in importance. 'flle extent to
for these indigenous colonial officers. Choosing with whom to establish
which this shift in language use affected the relationship between Lima's in­
long-lasting bonds was a pressing question. Maintaining their links with the
digenous elite and its indigenous populace fed by the continuous flow of im­
Spanish had to be balanced with a strong position within the indigenous
migrants to the viceregal capital deserves further investigation.
collectivity because to remain solely as aides of the Spanish administration
would have made their position weak and socially isolated. 'fllus they opted
to strengthen, "indigenize," and ennoble their position by establishing ties
A comparison with Cuzco can help to illuminate the process ofincorporation V
of indigenous intellectuals into colonial administration. 1he political signifi­
with powerful curacas. However, for reasons that would need further inves­
cance of Cuzco and the role of its indigenous authorities were central. Even
tigation, the first and most influential interpreters living in Lima during the
though Pizarro presided over the founding ceremony of Cuzco as a Span­
early colonial period did not make alliances with the indigenous elites from
ish city, it was impossible to dispossess Cuzco from its preconquest past.
the towns surrounding Lima, but with those from further away. Marriage
In fact, its political symbolism strongly depended on its history. Tradition,
alliances were crucial.14 It was only later, when the post of interpreter gen­
whether authentic, redefined, or even invented, supported the persistence of
eral of the Real Audiencia saw its importance diminished, that an indigenous
1S former authorities into colonial rule and often was also invoked to legitimize
man from the Lima valley held the post.
the role of newly appointed indigenous officers. For example, the descen­
'flle position of these interpreters toward the question of language is both
dants ofInca rulers formed part ofthe core group of indigenous nobles who,
fundamental and intriguing. As I stated above, the indigenous population
through their participation in public rituals enacted regularly in the old Incan
of Lima came from different parts of the viceroyalty. Given the great linguis­
imperial capital, guaranteed the loyalty of the indigenous population to the
tic diversity of the Andean region, it is clear that they were speakers not of
Spanish Crown.20 When the city was reorganized into parishes in accordance
one, but of several languages and dialects, some ofwhich were not mutually
with Spanish ideals of urban planning, a cacique claiming Incan descent was
intelligible.16 So it is worth asking, what exactly did the interpreter general
chosen to preside over each parish.21
translate? To what extent did interpreters participate in the formation of a
Cuzco's indigenous intellectuals faced difficulties in appropriating writing
colonial rendering of Quechua, akin to the academic version that in the late
as quickly and efficiently as did their Mexican counterparts. Even though the
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the Church created and spread for
knowledge elite Inca men possessed was acknowledged as the colonial ad­
pastoral needs (see also Durston, chapter 7)?17 How did linguistic diversity
ministration summoned them to provide historical information recorded in
impinge on the interpreter's position -and the knowledge he possessed - in
their quipu, it is extremely rare to find notaries among their literate descen­
the long run (see also Yannakakis, chapter 4)? Given the lack of intelligibility
dants. In Cuzco as in Lima, indigenous use of writing in public situations
between, for instance, Chachapoyas Quechua and the variety of Quechua
was restricted.22
spoken in the central Andes, we must ask how men like don Diego Solsol, in­
In significant contrast to the situation in the viceregal capital, though,
terpreter general of the Real Audiencia in the early seventeenth century, dealt
interpreters proliferated in Cuzco, stimulated by the large demand gener-
with the difficulties involved.18 I would suggest that the interpreter's task was

GABRIELA RAMOS
INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 29
?R
 II

ated by its large indigenous population. In addition, the absence of a court a set of subjects, and a time period during which young men were schooled
of justice (such as the Lima Real Audiencia) in Cuzco meant that there was have been identified to describe and understand the kind of education that
no need for one paramount indigenous intermediary within the judiciary. both state and church imparted to Indian pupils. This institutionalized view
In a remarkable development, in Cuzco the post of interpreter increasingly of education has prevented us from understanding how studies were con­
became linked to that of notary, instead of the functions being divided be­ ducted in the past when, for example, the idea of reading and learning at
tween the two posts as alluded to earlier in the discussion of Lima. How­ one's own pace was the rule, a practice very different from today's, when the
ever, the merging of both functions was not undertaken by elite indigenous needs ofthe institution or of the educational and disciplinary machinery as a
intellectuals, but instead became the preserve of mestizos. In their double whole often prevail over the interests and wants of both student and teacher.
role as interpreters and notaries, Cuzco mestizos took pride in their partial Although I am not suggesting that colonial Indians were able to pursue their
indigenous origins that allowed them to speak Quechua as if it were their learning activities in an accommodating environment, I would like to high­
native language and understand the Indians, while their education, social light the fact that the lack of structured programs of study did not consist
connections, and craft allowed them to move smoothly about the difficult only ofdrawbacks, as scholars ofcolonial education have suggested, but also
realm of bureaucratic procedures. Thus they took up the ambiguous role of could offer learning opportunities. Thus, when speaking about education in
advisers-several had family or business links with Indians-as well as that the colonial Spanish American world, it is first necessary to admit that it is
ofgatekeepers who to an extent controlled the Indians' access to literacy and more likely that, for indigenous people, learning did not occur within clearly
its advantages. Their presence as intermediaries was almost unavoidable in defined programs and solid institutions, but was instead haphazard and that,
as many official instances as possible in which Spanish was spoken (see also although colegios (schools) were important (see also Charles, chapter 3), a
Schwaller, chapter 2, and Yannakakis, chapter 4)·23 good part of education, knowledge, and learning took place elsewhere. 26
Although Cuzco mestizo notaries and interpreters oscillated between Second, historical studies of the education of indigenous people in the colo­
their connections with both indigenous and Spanish relatives and acquain­ nial period assume that there was little social mobility within this sector of
tances, there are signs that they sought to perpetuate their position not by society. Historians who have focused on the education ofthe indigenous elite
seeking alliances with, for example, elite Indians as the Lima interpreter gen­ also seem to conceptualize it as a "finished product": a group who already
erals did, or by allying themselves only to the Spanish. Instead their aim was existed and continued to exist as such after its members attended the schools
to reproduce themselves as a mestizo group through marriage alliances, a that were set up for them. The process by which different individuals became
strategy they managed to sustain for most of the seventeenth century, and part of an indigenous elite, as a consequence ofacquiring a specific type of
knowledge, has been overlooked. Finally, and as a result of the two previous
possibly beyond.24
points, the indigenous men-and possibly women-who acquired a Span­
ish education during the colonial period are g<:n~a!rJ:)ortraye~ ..aspa~sive
Acquiring an Education in aTransforming World recipients of whatever both colonial authorities and ecclesiastics were will­
Having discussed a range of areas where Andean indigenous intellectuals ing to teach them.
emerged and deployed their expertise, I would like to move on to the question The conjunction of these views on the education of indigenous elites in
of how and where they acquired the knowledge that allowed them to thrive the colonial context prevents us from considering a wide range of learning
in colonial society. The experience of Andean indigenous intellectuals calls and educational experiences, including those individuals to whom I have re­
into question the portrait ofthe education ofindigenous elites which the his­ ferred in this essay. The indigenous intellectuals I have studied did not attend
toriography has presented for colonial Spanish America in general, and the schools for elite Indians, nor did they follow structured and formal programs
j//

Andes in particular, in at least three important ways. First, historians have of study, and some were not even part of !~~ elite when they started their
tended to view this education as both formal and structured, with a form careers. Spanish~~io~als and- mestizo te-;·~h~rs were among the pro­
similar to that of school studies today.25 Within this model, an institution, viders of nonformal education in Andean colonial cities.27 The knowledge

GABRIELA RAMOS INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 31

30
 1111
they acquired was not determined only by what Spq.nish authorities were will­
artisans who would earn their living through practicing their trade while
ing to offer them, but was instead the result of a laborious search, and of
dedicating their lives to learning, discussing, and putting into practice the
building effective social networks, as well as the outcome ofpatient observa­
Christian doctrine. According to the conditions established by the founders,
tion, perhaps oriented by wisdom, possibly fueled by opportunism.
the bishop could claim no jurisdiction over the house, which was under the
auspices of the Society of Jesus. This clause of the agreement is surprising,
ReliBious Education and Learnina to Play by the Rules considering that, in the history of the Andean Church, the 1630S are often
considered as a juncture when diocesan authorities had established their reli­
Other nonconventional, noninstitutional initiatives that emerged in colonial
gious orders as they competed to gain control over the indigenous popula­
cities can be missed if we limit ourselves to an institutional approach. An
tion. In addition, although a Jesuit priest was appointed as patron, the mas­
example from Cuzco in 1636 illustrates what I have in mind. In February of
ter and teacher of the house was not a Spanish Jesuit father, but Lorenzo de
that year, a group of indigenous men and one woman, all residents of the
Jesus, an Indian man from La Paz (then known as Chuquiabo), reputed to be
parish ofNuestra Senora de Belen, bought a house situated in the popular Li­ a knowledgeable, good Christian.
macpampa square, founded a casa de recoBimiento 28 (house ofdevotion), which
Unfortunately, we don't know how successful the house was or how long
they named Casa de San Ignacio, and placed it under the spiritual care of the
the experience lasted. What this example illustrates, though, is an angle of
Jesuits. Ethnic and gender rules of the house were stringent, as only Indian
the indigenous experience in regard to knowledge that shows an attempt,
males would be allowed to live there. The men would live in the house and
even in the midst of a society as highly hierarchical as colonial Cuzco, by a
work daily at their trades in the city. They would return home in the evening
group ofIndians to acquire a kind of knowledge considered "right," indeed
to discuss and examine one another about their knowledge ofthe doctrina cris­
conventional, and thus necessary to achieve a "good life." In their quest they
tiana. Overall, the purpose of the house was simple: the men would live ex­
challenged significant conventions of the time, such as the idea that only
emplary lives and stay away from women and other distractions, they would
noble, elite Indians should have access to education, that only clergymen
learn in depth the Christian doctrine, confess and take communion regu­
could be reliable spiritual leaders and teachers, and that Indians had no ca­
larly, listen to the sermon that the Jesuits delivered to the Indians every Sun­
pacity to aspire to saintly lives, much less live them successfully.31 These are
day evening in their church, and although these young men would live saintly
significant points that would need careful examination, placing them along­
lives, they would not aspire to take vows, much less start a journey that would
side the experiences of no small number of indigenous men and women of
end in their ordination as priests. Although the men were expected to remain
humble origins who lived in the Cuzco and Lima convents as donados (gifted
celibate as long as they lived in the house, they were free to leave and marry
to live religious lives but unable to take vows), or independently or in small
once they had communicated their decision to the chaplain and received his
communities as beatas (women consecrated to religious life, although not in
authorization. 29
a convent and likewise unable to ever take VOWS)}2 It is likely that several of
Even though at first glance the idea of the casa de recogimiento looks un­
these individuals were literate, had access to the cultural goods produced in
exciting and possibly out of place in a discussion about indigenous intel­
the convents or within the sphere ofthe Church, and served as their transmit­
lectuals, a consideration of the local context and of the individuals involved ters and interpreters to a wider indigenous, plebeian world. 33
should help to explain why the case is meaningful. To start, taking into ac­
count that the Jesuits in Cuzco are known for having been in charge of the
This essay has attempted to give an overview of the ambits and conditions in
Colegio de San Borja,30 the school for caciques, the Casa de San Ignacio
which Andean indigenous intellectuals lived during the early colonial period,
stands out as an exception. The founders of the house were a group of arti­
with a focus on those intellectuals who established themselves in the cities.
sans, farmers, and traders, and it is apparent that they did not form part
r started by hypothesizing about the reasons behind some significant con­
of the Cuzco indigenous nobility. The beneficiaries were urban Indians and trasts between the indigenous intellectuals in colonial Mexico and those in
Indians from the countryside who were willing to move to the city, young the Andes. These contrasts are noticeable, for example, in the degree of in-

32 GABRIELA RAMOS
INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES
33
 eign Indians also held this post during the early colonial period. In Cuzco,
volvement Mexican indigenous intellectuals had with official procedures
because there was no Real Audiencia and because it had a much higher pro­
to which Andeans had less access. While the contrasts observed could be
portion of indigenous dwellers in comparison to Lima, interpreters prolifer­
related to differences in the timing, strategies, and forms in which Mexi­
ated in that city. A significant terrain of dispute over knowledge and power
cans and Andeans related to the Spaniards, it is also possible to think that
is represented by the competition to control the post of notary and the suc­
the conditions developed under Spanish rule could be explained in part by
cessful bid by mestizos to monopolize the position in Cuzco in the seven­
circumstances to be found in the pre-Columbian past. Was the prolifera­
teenth century.
tion of urban centers and the presence of decentralized political structures
For indigenous intellectuals, acquiring an education that would be consid­
like those of pre-Columbian Mexico more favorable for local intellecruals
ered valuable from a European viewpoint and that would allow them to attain
to thrive? Did limited Inca interest in promoting urbanism in areas beyond
influential positions did not depend exclusively on the institutions officially
Cuzco and a few ceremonial and administrative centers, coupled with their
created by the Church and the colonial government. Aspiring indigenous
aggressive imperial policies, have a different impact on the conditions in
men and women found opportunities for informal education in convents,
which local intellectuals developed, created, and disseminated knowledge
in the studies of notaries, in the homes of mestizo teachers who imparted
and engaged with political power in the Andes? Further and comparative
private lessons, and by entering houses of devotion with stringent rules of
studies of pre-Columbian imperial bureaucracies should cast some light on
conduct, with the aspiration of living saintly lives and exploring the sacred
these questions. Christian realm on their own. Their goal as intellectuals was not necessarily
The status and functions of urban indigenous intellectuals under Spanish
to contest the sociopolitical system, but to understand and interpret it to ~I J' ~ r~
rule depended on factors as diverse as political and spatial organization, the
themselves and to their peers. In pursuing this goal, they strengthened colo­ ',>
shifting values that the colonial administration assigned to tradition, and
nial society, though not without taking part in its transformation. f.'
the cultural, racial, or ethnic make-up of the cities resulting from the trans­ !'.ljl

formations brought about by processes unleashed by conquest and colonial

rule. To secure their position in the former imperial capital of Cuzco, the Notes
Spaniards felt compelled to establish a link with the existing indigenous au­ 1. News about active cord keepers or quipucamayocs often appear in early colonial
thorities and their intellectuals. Although foreigners were brought into the sources but become elusive as Spanish colonization progressed. References to quipu­
city to perform certain administrative tasks - a practice the Inca used as they camayocs appear in sixteenth-century documents from the central and southern Andes
built their empire- the importance of lineage, tradition, and the paramount (Xauxa, Chucuito, Huarochiri, and Cuzco), see Martti Piirssinen and Jukka Kiviharju,
role of Inca descendants could not be dismissed. In contrast, in Lima, the Textos andinos: Corpus de textos khipu incuicos y coloniales; Garci Diez de San Miguel, Visita
hecha a la provincia de Chucuito; Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica; John V. Murra, Forma­
center of Spanish rule, demographic and political changes precipitated the
ciones economicas ypolfticas del mundo andino, 243-54. For an excellent, thought-provoking
decline of the local indigenous elites and their demotion to marginal status. anthropological and historical study of the quipu, see Frank Salomon, The Cordkeepers:
Migration was crucial in shaping the ethnic composition of Andean Khipus and Cultural Life in a Perullian Villa,gej see also Gary Urton and Jeffrey Quilter, Narra­
cities-Lima in particular-and had a profound impact on language, a piv­ tive Threads: Accountin,g and l\ecountin,g in Andean Khipu.
otal marker of ethnic ascription: becoming fluent in Spanish represented a 2. Tom Cummins, "Representation in the Sixteenth Century and the Colonial Image

significant step in abandoning Indian status. Indians foreign to the region ofthe Inca"; Salomon, The Cordkeepers.
3. Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Seiiorlos ind£,genas de Lima y Canta; Paul
came to occupy the posts ofleadership in the religious and political spheres.
Charney, Indian Society in the Valley of Lima, Peru, 1532-1824; and Lyn B. Lowry, "Forging
Particularly important in the viceregal capital was the post of interpreter gen­ an Indian Nation: Urban Indians under Spanish Colonial Control (Lima, Peru, 1535­
eral. Given that the Real Audiencia was second only to the viceroy in the gov­ 1765)."
ernmental hierarchy, the post of interpreter general to the Real Audiencia 4. Catherine Julien, "La organizacion parroquial del Cuzco y la ciudad incaica"j
became the most important position available to indigenous people. For- Gabriela Ramos, Death and Conllersion in the Andes: Lima and Curco, 1532-167°.

GABRIELA RAMOS
INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 35
 •
conquest indigenous systems of representation, the work of Tom Cummins is funda­
5. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Sefiorios ind(genas, 7 6 -77; Charney, Indian Society;
mental: "'Let Me See! Writing Is forThem': Colonial Andean Images and Objects 'Como
Lowry, "Forging an Indian Nation"; Miguel Cornejo, "Pachacamac Yel canal de Guatca."
Es Costumbre Tener Los Caciques Senores," 91-148, and Toasts with the Inca: Andean Ab­
6. Enrique Torres Saldamando, Pablo Patron, and Nicanor Bolofia, Libro primero de
straction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels; see also Parssinen and Kiviharju, Textos andinos;
cabildos de Lima. and Galen Brokaw, A History of the Khipu. Frank Salomon, The Cord Keepers, argues con­
7. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Sefiorios ind(genas, 89·
vincingly that quipus and writing existed in parallel, although the former remained only
8. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Ei sefiorio de Pachacamac.
within the indigenous domain. Examining Indian wills from Cuzco, I have suggested
9. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Sefiorios ind(genas and Ei sefiorio de Pachacamac;
that indigenous issuers and executors of testaments who admitted being illiterate kept
Charney, Indian Society. records of possessions and debts possibly using quipus. See also Ramos, Death and Con­
10. Noble David Cook, Padron de los indios de Lima en 1613, por Miguel de Contreras.
version, 184-85, and note 81.
11. Gabriela Ramos, "'Mi Tierra': Indigenous Urban Indians and Their Hometowns in
23. Notary records show that an interpreter was summoned even ifan Indian issuing
the Colonial Andes," 128-47· a document was fluent in Spanish. This was particularly true if the issuer was a woman
12. Charles Gibson, The Aztecs under Spanish Rule: A History of the Indians of the Valley of
and was dressed in indigenous clothing.
Mexico, 1519-1810; Woodrow Borah, Justice by Insurance: The General Indian Court of Coionia I
24. One of the most salient examples in seventeenth-century Cuzco is that of the
Mexico and the Legal Aides of the Half-Real; David Garrett, Shadows of Empire: The Indian Nobility
mestizo interpreter Lucas Gutierrez de Melo and his extended family. AHC- PN, Alonso
ofCusco, 1750-1825, 7 0 . Beltran Luzero 8,1642-43, f. 55.
13. Gabriela Ramos, Death and Conversion, 191-93.
25. Lino Canedo Gomez, La educacion de los marginados durante la epoca colonial: Escuelas y
14. See my discussion of the cases of two indigenous interpreters of Lima's Real
colegios para indios y mestizos en la Nueva Espafia; and Monique Alaperrine-Bouyer, La educa­
Audiencia, each married to a daughter ofa principal of the central highlands in Ramos,
cion de las elites indigenas en el Peru colonial.
Death and Conversion, 19 2 . 26. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru has pointed out this feature for Mexico, although she
15. According to the will of one of his daughters, don Martin Capuy, interpreter gen­
envisions only or mainly religious education; see Historia de la educacion en la epoca colonial
eral of Lima's Real Audiencia and a resident in the town of Surco, was born in Lima. Ar­
el mundo indigena.
chivo General de la Nacion, protocolos Notariales (henceforth AG N - P N), Alonso Duran
27. The study ofa notary could also be the place a curaca would choose for the educa­
Vicentelo 4 22 , 1662-69, testament of Luisa Mifia, Lima, July 1,1666. Capuy was active
tion of his heir. Since there were no schools for women, elite indigenous females were
in the 1620S. AG N- PN, Francisco de Bustamante 235, 1621, f. 194V. Unfortunately, I have
educated in convents. See, for example, the last will of don Martin Chaucaguaman,
found no records showing his intervention in public affairs.
cacique or curaca of Sisicaya, in the highlands of Lima, who charged the executor of his
16. On language diversity in the Andean region, see Willem F. H. Adelaar, and Peter
will with placing his older son in the care ofa notary in Lima, while his daughter would
Muysken, The Languages of the Andes; on Quechua, see Rodolfo Cerron Palomino, Lingiiis­
be sent to a convent in the same city: Testament ofdon Martin Chaucaguaman, Sisicaya,
tica quechua; Bruce Mannheim, The Language of the Inka since European Invasion and "The Inka
May 17, 1619, AGN-PN, Gabriel Martinez 1087, n. p. An example ofa mestizo teacher in
Language in the Colonial World." On the relationship between Spanish and indigenous
Cuzco is that ofJuan Gomez de Leon, who was also an interpreter. He might originally
languages in early colonial Lima, see Gabriela Ramos, "Language and Society in Early
have been Indian, but likely became a mestizo because of his education, wealth, and
Colonial Peru," 19-3 8 . occupation. See his last will and testament issued on July 12, 1630, in AHC- PN, Alonso
17. On the use of Quechua for missionary purposes, see Alan Durston, Pastoral
Beltran Luzero 1, f. 301.
Quechua: The History of Christian Translation in Colonial Peru, 1550- 1650.
28. On casas de recogimiento in colonial Peru (although for women) see Nancy Van
18. Taylor, personal communication, 1995; Alan Durston, commentary at the 2010
Deusen, Between the Sacred and the Worldly: The Institutional and Cultural Practice ofRecogimiento
cambridge symposium. in Colonial Lima.
19. The sociopolitical significance of the post of General Interpreter in the colonial
29. "Venta, fundacion e institucion de obra pia: Mateo Quispe Juan Baptista y otros
Andes has not been investigated. On its ritual and political importance in Mexico City
yndios en una casa para recogimiento y buena ensefianza de yndios." Cuzco, February
in the eighteenth century, see Edward W. Osowski, "Indigenous Centurions and Tri­
29,1636, AHC-PN, Joseph Navarro, 230, 1635, f. 694.
umphal Arches: Negotiation in Eighteenth-Century Mexico City," 79-10 5.
30. The best study of the Jesuit Colegio de San Borja is Alaperrine-Bouyer, La educa­
20. Donato Amado Gonzalez, "El alferez real de los incas: Resistencia, cambios y
cion de las elites.
continuidad de la identidad indigena"; Carolyn Dean, Inca Bodies and the Body of Christ:
31. On this subject, see Juan Carlos Estenssoro Fuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad: La
Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco. incorporacion de los indios del Peru al catolicismo, 1532-1750.
21. Ramos, Death and Conversion, 16 9. 32. On women religious and knowledge sharing in colonial Lima, see Nancy Van
22. For an informed discussion of the transition from Andean preconquest to post-

INDIGENOUS INTELLECTUALS IN ANDEAN COLONIAL CITIES 37

GABRIELA RAMOS
~(i
Deusen, "Circuits of Knowledge among Women in Early Seventeenth-Century Lima,"
137-5 0 • Her examination of the relations established and the conditions in which reli­
gious women coexisted leads Van Deusen to argue that race was not a primary category
in use among them.
33. In her fascinating study of indigenous religious women in Cuzco, Kathryn Burns
argues that the main motive for setting up the beaterios and casas de recogimiento
was the interest of patrons in building and safeguarding the highly valued concepts of
honor and decency. While I agree with this view, I would stress that these institutions
offered those who joined them opportunities to acquire knowledge and potentially to
gain power and prestige. These aspects were as important as honor and decency, as the
CHAPTER 2

The Brothers Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl

•
example of the Casa de San Ignacio demonstrates; see "Andean Women in Religion: and Bartolome de Alva
Beatas, 'Decency' and the Defence of Honour in Colonial Cuzco," 81-91. Examples of
beatas, donados, and donadas in Cuzco, most of them of indigenous origin, are found
TWo "Native" Intellectuals of Seventeenth-Century Mexico
in notary registers. An interesting case is that of Domingo Mayta Carrasco, AHC- PN, --~--------

Cuzco, April :1.0, 16 56 , Lorenzo de Mesa Andueza 182, f. 816. Although Mayta Carrasco
was a dona do brother at the Franciscan convent, he was a wealthy, entrepreneurial man. John Frederick Schwaller
Mayta Carrasco's will stated that he did not know how to sign his name. References to
donadas dose to the Inca nobility in the early seventeenth century can be found in dona
Ines Chimbo Quipe's will in AHC- PN, Cuzco, March 27, 1633, Luis Diez de Morales 75,
f. 897. According to Burns, beaterios for indigenous women in Cuzco flourished in the
late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

In the waning decade of the sixteenth century and the first three decades
of the seventeenth, Mexico saw the emergence of a group of highly literate
persons of native descent. Important among these were the Alva brothers,
Fernando de Alva lxtlilxochitl and his younger brother Bartolome de Alva.
These two men occupied mid-range positions in the imperial bureaucracy.
Fernando was a governor of native provinces and eventually an interpreter
in the Indian court. Bartolome was an ordained priest and became the bene­
ficed curate of the parish of Chiapa de Mota. But beyond this, they were both
deeply involved in the intellectual and literary culture of their time and were
critically important figures in the resurgence of interest in Nahuatl and pre­
Columbian history in the middle decades of the seventeenth century. What
makes these men even more interesting is that they were descendants of the
famous poet-kings ofTexcoco, Nezahualcoyotl (Fasting Coyote) and his son,
Nezahualpilli (Fasting Child/Lord).

Nezahua[coyot! and the Lords ofTexcoco

To better understand the cultural and historical environment from which

the Alva brothers emerged, a quick survey is in order of the exploits of their

GABRIELA RAMOS
'"l

•
Indigenous
Intellectuals
Knowled.ge, Power,
and Colonial Culture in
Mexico and the Andes

Gabriela Ramos and

Yanna Yannakakis,
EDITORS

Duke University Press

DURHAM & LONDON 2014

•
'~