Mahatma Gandhi

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (ISO: Mōhanadā sa Karamacaṁda Gāṁdhī;[pron 1] 2 October 1869 – 30

January 1948) was an Indian lawyer, anti-colonial nationalist and political ethicist who employed
nonviolent resistance to lead the successful campaign for India's independence from British rule. He
inspired movements for civil rights and freedom across the world. The honorific Mahātm ā (from
Sanskrit 'great-souled, venerable'), first applied to him in South Africa in 1914, is now used throughout
the world.
 Mahātmā
Gandhi

Gandhi in 1931

Born Mohandas Karamchand

Gandhi
2 October 1869
Porbandar, Kathiawar
Agency, British India

Died 30 January 1948

(aged 78)
New Delhi, Dominion of
India
Cause of death Assassination (gunshot
wounds)

Monuments Raj Ghat

Gandhi Smriti

Other names Bāpū (father),

Rāṣṭrapitā (the Father
of the Nation)

Citizenship British Empire (until 1947)

Dominion of India (from
1947)

Alma mater Samaldas Arts College[a]

University College
London[b]
Inns of Court School of
Law

Occupations Lawyer · anti-colonialist

· political ethicist
Years active 1893–1948

Era British Raj

Known for Leadership of the

campaign for India's
independence from
British rule
Nonviolent resistance

Political party Indian National

Congress (1920–1934)

Spouse Kasturba Gandhi

(m. 1883; died 1944)​

Children Harilal · Manilal · Ramdas

· Devdas

Parents Karamchand Gandhi

(father)
Putlibai Gandhi (mother)
 Relatives Family of Mahatma
Gandhi

President of the Indian National Congress

In office
December 1924 – April 1925

Preceded by Abul Kalam Azad

Succeeded by Sarojini Naidu

Mahatma Gandhi's voice

6:05
Mahatma Gandhi's spiritual message to the world
Recorded October 1931

Signature

Born and raised in a Hindu family in coastal Gujarat, Gandhi trained in the law at the Inner Temple in
London and was called to the bar in June 1891, at the age of 22. After two uncertain years in India, where
he was unable to start a successful law practice, Gandhi moved to South Africa in 1893 to represent an
Indian merchant in a lawsuit. He went on to live in South Africa for 21 years. There, Gandhi raised a family
and first employed nonviolent resistance in a campaign for civil rights. In 1915, aged 45, he returned to
India and soon set about organising peasants, farmers, and urban labourers to protest against
discrimination and excessive land-tax.

Assuming leadership of the Indian National Congress in 1921, Gandhi led nationwide campaigns for
easing poverty, expanding women's rights, building religious and ethnic amity, ending untouchability,
and, above all, achieving swaraj or self-rule. Gandhi adopted the short dhoti woven with hand-spun yarn
as a mark of identification with India's rural poor. He began to live in a self-sufficient residential
community, to eat simple food, and undertake long fasts as a means of both introspection and political
protest. Bringing anti-colonial nationalism to the common Indians, Gandhi led them in challenging the
British-imposed salt tax with the 400 km (250 mi) Dandi Salt March in 1930 and in calling for the British
to quit India in 1942. He was imprisoned many times and for many years in both South Africa and India.

Gandhi's vision of an independent India based on religious pluralism was challenged in the early 1940s
by a Muslim nationalism which demanded a separate homeland for Muslims within British India. In
August 1947, Britain granted independence, but the British Indian Empire was partitioned into two
dominions, a Hindu-majority India and a Muslim-majority Pakistan. As many displaced Hindus, Muslims,
and Sikhs made their way to their new lands, religious violence broke out, especially in the Punjab and
Bengal. Abstaining from the official celebration of independence, Gandhi visited the affected areas,
attempting to alleviate distress. In the months following, he undertook several hunger strikes to stop the
religious violence. The last of these was begun in Delhi on 12 January 1948, when Gandhi was 78. The
belief that Gandhi had been too resolute in his defence of both Pakistan and Indian Muslims spread
among some Hindus in India. Among these was Nathuram Godse, a militant Hindu nationalist from Pune,
western India, who assassinated Gandhi by firing three bullets into his chest at an interfaith prayer
meeting in Delhi on 30 January 1948.

Gandhi's birthday, 2 October, is commemorated in India as Gandhi Jayanti, a national holiday, and
worldwide as the International Day of Nonviolence. Gandhi is considered to be the Father of the Nation
in post-colonial India. During India's nationalist movement and in several decades immediately after, he
was also commonly called Bapu (Gujarati endearment for "father", roughly "papa",[2] "daddy"[3]).
Early life and background

Parents
Gandhi's father, Karamchand Uttamchand Gandhi (1822–1885), served as the dewan (chief minister) of
Porbandar state.[4][5] His family originated from the then village of Kutiana in what was then Junagadh
State.[6] Although Karamchand only had been a clerk in the state administration and had an elementary
education, he proved a capable chief minister.[7]

During his tenure, Karamchand married four times. His first two wives died young, after each had given
birth to a daughter, and his third marriage was childless. In 1857, Karamchand sought his third wife's
permission to remarry; that year, he married Putlibai (1844–1891), who also came from Junagadh,[7] and
was from a Pranami Vaishnava family.[8] Karamchand and Putlibai had four children: a son, Laxmidas
(c. 1860–1914); a daughter, Raliatbehn (1862–1960); a second son, Karsandas (c. 1866–1913).[9][10] and a
third son, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi[11][12] who was born on 2 October 1869[13] in Porbandar (also
known as Sudamapuri), a coastal town on the Kathiawar Peninsula and then part of the small princely
state of Porbandar in the Kathiawar Agency of the British Raj.

In 1874, Gandhi's father, Karamchand, left Porbandar for the smaller state of Rajkot, where he became a
counsellor to its ruler, the Thakur Sahib; though Rajkot was a less prestigious state than Porbandar, the
British regional political agency was located there, which gave the state's diwan a measure of
security.[14] In 1876, Karamchand became diwan of Rajkot and was succeeded as diwan of Porbandar by
his brother Tulsidas. Karamchand's family then rejoined him in Rajkot.[15]

Childhood
As a child, Gandhi was described by his sister Raliat as "restless as mercury, either playing or roaming
about. One of his favourite pastimes was twisting dogs' ears."[16] The Indian classics, especially the
stories of Shravana and king Harishchandra, had a great impact on Gandhi in his childhood. In his
autobiography, Gandhi states that they left an indelible impression on his mind. Gandhi writes: "It
haunted me and I must have acted Harishchandra to myself times without number." Gandhi's early
self-identification with truth and love as supreme values is traceable to these epic characters.[17][18]

The family's religious background was eclectic. Mohandas was born into a Gujarati Hindu Modh Bania
family.[19][20] Gandhi's father, Karamchand, was Hindu and his mother Putlibai was from a Pranami
Vaishnava Hindu family.[21][22] Gandhi's father was of Modh Baniya caste in the varna of Vaishya.[23] His
mother came from the medieval Krishna bhakti-based Pranami tradition, whose religious texts include
the Bhagavad Gita, the Bhagavata Purana, and a collection of 14 texts with teachings that the tradition
believes to include the essence of the Vedas, the Quran and the Bible.[22][24] Gandhi was deeply
influenced by his mother, an extremely pious lady who "would not think of taking her meals without her
daily prayers... she would take the hardest vows and keep them without flinching. To keep two or three
consecutive fasts was nothing to her."[25]

Gandhi (right) with his eldest

brother Laxmidas in 1886 [26]

At the age of nine, Gandhi entered the local school in Rajkot, near his home. There, he studied the
rudiments of arithmetic, history, the Gujarati language and geography.[15] At the age of 11, Gandhi joined
the High School in Rajkot, Alfred High School.[27] He was an average student, won some prizes, but was a
shy and tongue-tied student, with no interest in games; Gandhi's only companions were books and
school lessons.[28]

Marriage
In May 1883, the 13-year-old Mohandas Gandhi was married to 14-year-old Kasturbai Gokuldas Kapadia
(her first name was usually shortened to "Kasturba", and affectionately to "Ba") in an arranged
marriage, according to the custom of the region at that time.[29] In the process, he lost a year at school
but was later allowed to make up by accelerating his studies.[30] Gandhi's wedding was a joint event,
where his brother and cousin were also married. Recalling the day of their marriage, Gandhi once said,
"As we didn't know much about marriage, for us it meant only wearing new clothes, eating sweets and
playing with relatives." As was the prevailing tradition, the adolescent bride was to spend much time at
her parents' house, and away from her husband.[31]

Writing many years later, Mohandas described with regret the lustful feelings he felt for his young bride
by saying, "Even at school I used to think of her, and the thought of nightfall and our subsequent
meeting was ever haunting me." Gandhi later recalled feeling jealous and possessive of her, such as
when Kasturba would visit a temple with her girlfriends and being sexually lustful in his feelings for
her.[32]

In late 1885, Gandhi's father, Karamchand, died.[33] Later, Gandhi, then 16 years old, and his wife of age 17,
had their first child, who survived only a few days. The two deaths anguished Gandhi.[33] The Gandhi
couple had four more children, all sons: Harilal, born in 1888; Manilal, born in 1892; Ramdas, born in 1897;
and Devdas, born in 1900.[29]

In November 1887, the 18-year-old Gandhi graduated from high school in Ahmedabad.[34] In January
1888, he enrolled at Samaldas College in Bhavnagar State, then the sole degree-granting institution of
higher education in the region. However, Gandhi dropped out, and returned to his family in Porbandar.[35]
Three years in London

Student of law

Commemorative plaque at 20
Baron's Court Road, Barons
Court, London

Gandhi had dropped out of the cheapest college he could afford in Bombay.[36] Mavji Dave Joshiji, a
Brahmin priest and family friend, advised Gandhi and his family that he should consider law studies in
London.[37][38] In July 1888, Gandhi's wife Kasturba gave birth to their first surviving child, Harilal.[39]
Gandhi's mother was not comfortable about Gandhi leaving his wife and family and going so far from
home. Gandhi's uncle Tulsidas also tried to dissuade his nephew, but Gandhi wanted to go. To persuade
his wife and mother, Gandhi made a vow in front of his mother that he would abstain from meat,
alcohol, and women. Gandhi's brother, Laxmidas, who was already a lawyer, cheered Gandhi's London
studies plan and offered to support him. Putlibai gave Gandhi her permission and blessing.[35][40]
 Gandhi in London as a law student

On 10 August 1888, Gandhi, aged 18, left Porbandar for Mumbai, then known as Bombay. Upon arrival, he
stayed with the local Modh Bania community whose elders warned Gandhi that England would tempt
him to compromise his religion, and eat and drink in Western ways. Despite Gandhi informing them of
his promise to his mother and her blessings, Gandhi was excommunicated from his caste. Gandhi
ignored this, and on 4 September, he sailed from Bombay to London, with his brother seeing him
off.[39][36] Gandhi attended University College, London, where he took classes in English literature with
Henry Morley in 1888–1889.[41]

Gandhi also enrolled at the Inns of Court School of Law in Inner Temple with the intention of becoming
a barrister.[38] His childhood shyness and self-withdrawal had continued through his teens. Gandhi
retained these traits when he arrived in London, but joined a public speaking practice group and
overcame his shyness sufficiently to practise law.[42]

Gandhi demonstrated a keen interest in the welfare of London's impoverished dockland communities. In
1889, a bitter trade dispute broke out in London, with dockers striking for better pay and conditions, and
seamen, shipbuilders, factory girls and other joining the strike in solidarity. The strikers were successful,
in part due to the mediation of Cardinal Manning, leading Gandhi and an Indian friend to make a point
of visiting the cardinal and thanking him for his work.[43]

Vegetarianism and committee work

Gandhi's time in London was influenced by the vow he had made to his mother. Gandhi tried to adopt
"English" customs, including taking dancing lessons. However, he did not appreciate the bland vegetarian
food offered by his landlady and was frequently hungry until finding one of London's few vegetarian
restaurants. Influenced by Henry Salt's writing, Gandhi joined the London Vegetarian Society and was
elected to its executive committee[44] under the aegis of its president and benefactor Arnold Hills. An
achievement while on the committee was the establishment of a Bayswater chapter.[45] Some of the
vegetarians Gandhi met were members of the Theosophical Society, which had been founded in 1875 to
further universal brotherhood, and which was devoted to the study of Buddhist and Hindu literature.
They encouraged Gandhi to join them in reading the Bhagavad Gita both in translation as well as in the
original.[44]

Gandhi had a friendly and productive relationship with Hills, but the two men took a different view on
the continued LVS membership of fellow committee member Thomas Allinson. Their disagreement is
the first known example of Gandhi challenging authority, despite his shyness and temperamental
disinclination towards confrontation.

Allinson had been promoting newly available birth control methods, but Hills disapproved of these,
believing they undermined public morality. He believed vegetarianism to be a moral movement and
that Allinson should therefore no longer remain a member of the LVS. Gandhi shared Hills' views on the
dangers of birth control, but defended Allinson's right to differ.[46] It would have been hard for Gandhi to
challenge Hills; Hills was 12 years his senior and unlike Gandhi, highly eloquent. Hills bankrolled the LVS
and was a captain of industry with his Thames Ironworks company employing more than 6,000 people
in the East End of London. Hills was also a highly accomplished sportsman who later founded the
football club West Ham United. In his 1927 An Autobiography, Vol. I, Gandhi wrote:

The question deeply interested me...I had a high regard for Mr. Hills and his
generosity. But I thought it was quite improper to exclude a man from a
vegetarian society simply because he refused to regard puritan morals as one of
the objects of the society[46]

A motion to remove Allinson was raised, and was debated and voted on by the committee. Gandhi's
shyness was an obstacle to his defence of Allinson at the committee meeting. Gandhi wrote his views
down on paper, but shyness prevented Gandhi from reading out his arguments, so Hills, the President,
asked another committee member to read them out for him. Although some other members of the
committee agreed with Gandhi, the vote was lost and Allinson was excluded. There were no hard
feelings, with Hills proposing the toast at the LVS farewell dinner in honour of Gandhi's return to India.[47]
Called to the bar
Gandhi, at age 22, was called to the bar in June 1891 and then left London for India, where he learned
that his mother had died while he was in London and that his family had kept the news from Gandhi.[44]
His attempts at establishing a law practice in Bombay failed because Gandhi was psychologically
unable to cross-examine witnesses. He returned to Rajkot to make a modest living drafting petitions for
litigants, but Gandhi was forced to stop after running afoul of British officer Sam Sunny.[45][44]

In 1893, a Muslim merchant in Kathiawar named Dada Abdullah contacted Gandhi. Abdullah owned a
large successful shipping business in South Africa. His distant cousin in Johannesburg needed a lawyer,
and they preferred someone with Kathiawari heritage. Gandhi inquired about his pay for the work. They
offered a total salary of £105 (~$4,143.31 2023 money) plus travel expenses. He accepted it, knowing that
it would be at least a one-year commitment in the Colony of Natal, South Africa, also a part of the
British Empire.[45][48]
Civil rights activist in South
Africa (1893–1914)

Bronze statue of Gandhi commemorating

the centenary of the incident at the
Pietermaritzburg Railway Station,
unveiled by Archbishop Desmond Tutu on
Church Street, Pietermaritzburg, in June
1993

In April 1893, Gandhi, aged 23, set sail for South Africa to be the lawyer for Abdullah's cousin.[48][49]
Gandhi spent 21 years in South Africa, where he developed his political views, ethics, and politics.[50][51]

Immediately upon arriving in South Africa, Gandhi faced discrimination due to his skin colour and
heritage.[52] Gandhi was not allowed to sit with European passengers in the stagecoach and was told to
sit on the floor near the driver, then beaten when he refused; elsewhere, Gandhi was kicked into a
gutter for daring to walk near a house, in another instance thrown off a train at Pietermaritzburg after
refusing to leave the first-class.[36][53] Gandhi sat in the train station, shivering all night and pondering if
he should return to India or protest for his rights.[53] Gandhi chose to protest and was allowed to board
the train the next day.[54] In another incident, the magistrate of a Durban court ordered Gandhi to
remove his turban, which he refused to do.[36] Indians were not allowed to walk on public footpaths in
South Africa. Gandhi was kicked by a police officer out of the footpath onto the street without
warning.[36]
When Gandhi arrived in South Africa, according to Herman, he thought of himself as "a Briton first, and
an Indian second."[55] However, the prejudice against Gandhi and his fellow Indians from British people
that Gandhi experienced and observed deeply bothered him. Gandhi found it humiliating, struggling to
understand how some people can feel honour or superiority or pleasure in such inhumane practices.[53]
Gandhi began to question his people's standing in the British Empire.[56]

The Abdullah case that had brought him to South Africa concluded in May 1894, and the Indian
community organised a farewell party for Gandhi as he prepared to return to India.[57] However, a new
Natal government discriminatory proposal led to Gandhi extending his original period of stay in South
Africa. Gandhi planned to assist Indians in opposing a bill to deny them the right to vote, a right then
proposed to be an exclusive European right. He asked Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial
Secretary, to reconsider his position on this bill.[50] Though unable to halt the bill's passage, Gandhi's
campaign was successful in drawing attention to the grievances of Indians in South Africa. He helped
found the Natal Indian Congress in 1894,[45][54] and through this organisation, Gandhi moulded the Indian
community of South Africa into a unified political force. In January 1897, when Gandhi landed in Durban,
a mob of white settlers attacked him,[58] and Gandhi escaped only through the efforts of the wife of the
police superintendent. However, Gandhi refused to press charges against any member of the mob.[45]

Gandhi (middle, third from right) with the

stretcher-bearers of the Indian
Ambulance Corps during the Boer War

During the Boer War, Gandhi volunteered in 1900 to form a group of stretcher-bearers as the Natal
Indian Ambulance Corps. According to Arthur Herman, Gandhi wanted to disprove the British colonial
stereotype that Hindus were not fit for "manly" activities involving danger and exertion, unlike the
Muslim "martial races."[59] Gandhi raised 1,100 Indian volunteers, to support British combat troops
against the Boers. They were trained and medically certified to serve on the front lines. They were
auxiliaries at the Battle of Colenso to a White volunteer ambulance corps. At the Battle of Spion Kop,
Gandhi and his bearers moved to the front line and had to carry wounded soldiers for miles to a field
hospital since the terrain was too rough for the ambulances. Gandhi and 37 other Indians received the
Queen's South Africa Medal.[60][61]
 Gandhi and his wife Kasturba (1902)

In 1906, the Transvaal government promulgated a new Act compelling registration of the colony's Indian
and Chinese populations. At a mass protest meeting held in Johannesburg on 11 September that year,
Gandhi adopted his still evolving methodology of Satyagraha (devotion to the truth), or nonviolent
protest, for the first time.[62] According to Anthony Parel, Gandhi was also influenced by the Tamil moral
text Tirukku ṛaḷ after Leo Tolstoy mentioned it in their correspondence that began with "A Letter to a
Hindu."[63][64] Gandhi urged Indians to defy the new law and to suffer the punishments for doing so. His
ideas of protests, persuasion skills, and public relations had emerged. Gandhi took these back to India
in 1915.[65][66]

Europeans, Indians and Africans

Gandhi focused his attention on Indians and Africans while he was in South Africa. Initially, Gandhi was
not interested in politics, but this changed after he was discriminated against and bullied, such as by
being thrown out of a train coach due to his skin colour by a white train official. After several such
incidents with Whites in South Africa, Gandhi's thinking and focus changed, and he felt he must resist
this and fight for rights. Gandhi entered politics by forming the Natal Indian Congress.[67] According to
Ashwin Desai and Goolam Vahed, Gandhi's views on racism are contentious in some cases. He suffered
persecution from the beginning in South Africa. Like with other coloured people, white officials denied
Gandhi his rights, and the press and those in the streets bullied and called Gandhi a "parasite", "semi-
barbarous", "canker", "squalid coolie", "yellow man", and other epithets. People would even spit on him
as an expression of racial hate.[68]
 Advertisement of the Indian Opinion, a
newspaper founded by Gandhi

While in South Africa, Gandhi focused on the racial persecution of Indians before he started to focus on
racism against Africans. In some cases, state Desai and Vahed, Gandhi's behaviour was one of being a
willing part of racial stereotyping and African exploitation.[68] During a speech in September 1896,
Gandhi complained that the whites in the British colony of South Africa were "degrading the Indian to
the level of a raw Kaffir."[69] Scholars cite it as an example of evidence that Gandhi at that time thought
of Indians and black South Africans differently.[68] As another example given by Herman, Gandhi, at the
age of 24, prepared a legal brief for the Natal Assembly in 1895, seeking voting rights for Indians. Gandhi
cited race history and European Orientalists' opinions that "Anglo-Saxons and Indians are sprung from
the same Aryan stock or rather the Indo-European peoples" and argued that Indians should not be
grouped with the Africans.[57]

Years later, Gandhi and his colleagues served and helped Africans as nurses and by opposing racism.
The Nobel Peace Prize winner Nelson Mandela is among admirers of Gandhi's efforts to fight against
racism in Africa.[70] The general image of Gandhi, state Desai and Vahed, has been reinvented since his
assassination as though Gandhi was always a saint, when in reality, his life was more complex,
contained inconvenient truths, and was one that changed over time.[68] Scholars have also pointed the
evidence to a rich history of co-operation and efforts by Gandhi and Indian people with nonwhite South
Africans against persecution of Africans and the Apartheid.[71]

In 1906, when the Bambatha Rebellion broke out in the colony of Natal, the then 36-year-old Gandhi,
despite sympathising with the Zulu rebels, encouraged Indian South Africans to form a volunteer
stretcher-bearer unit.[72] Writing in the Indian Opinion, Gandhi argued that military service would be
beneficial to the Indian community and claimed it would give them "health and happiness."[73] Gandhi
eventually led a volunteer mixed unit of Indian and African stretcher-bearers to treat wounded
combatants during the suppression of the rebellion.[72]
 Gandhi photographed in South
Africa (1909)

The medical unit commanded by Gandhi operated for less than two months before being disbanded.[72]
After the suppression of the rebellion, the colonial establishment showed no interest in extending to the
Indian community the civil rights granted to white South Africans. This led Gandhi to becoming
disillusioned with the Empire and aroused a spiritual awakening with him; historian Arthur L. Herman
wrote that Gandhi's African experience was a part of his great disillusionment with the West,
transforming Gandhi into an "uncompromising non-cooperator."[73]

By 1910, Gandhi's newspaper, Indian Opinion, was covering reports on discrimination against Africans by
the colonial regime. Gandhi remarked that the Africans are "alone are the original inhabitants of the
land. … The whites, on the other hand, have occupied the land forcibly and appropriated it to
themselves."[74]

In 1910, Gandhi established, with the help of his friend Hermann Kallenbach, an idealistic community
they named Tolstoy Farm near Johannesburg.[75][76] There, Gandhi nurtured his policy of peaceful
resistance.[77]

In the years after black South Africans gained the right to vote in South Africa (1994), Gandhi was
proclaimed a national hero with numerous monuments.[78]

Struggle for Indian

independence (1915–1947)
At the request of Gopal Krishna Gokhale, conveyed to Gandhi by C. F. Andrews, Gandhi returned to India
in 1915. He brought an international reputation as a leading Indian nationalist, theorist and community
organiser.

Gandhi joined the Indian National Congress and was introduced to Indian issues, politics and the Indian
people primarily by Gokhale. Gokhale was a key leader of the Congress Party best known for his
restraint and moderation, and his insistence on working inside the system. Gandhi took Gokhale's liberal
approach based on British Whiggish traditions and transformed it to make it look Indian.[79]

Gandhi took leadership of the Congress in 1920 and began escalating demands until on 26 January
1930 the Indian National Congress declared the independence of India. The British did not recognise the
declaration, but negotiations ensued, with the Congress taking a role in provincial government in the
late 1930s. Gandhi and the Congress withdrew their support of the Raj when the Viceroy declared war
on Germany in September 1939 without consultation. Tensions escalated until Gandhi demanded
immediate independence in 1942, and the British responded by imprisoning him and tens of thousands
of Congress leaders. Meanwhile, the Muslim League did co-operate with Britain and moved, against
Gandhi's strong opposition, to demands for a totally separate Muslim state of Pakistan. In August 1947,
the British partitioned the land with India and Pakistan each achieving independence on terms that
Gandhi disapproved.[80]

Role in World War I

In April 1918, during the latter part of World War I, the Viceroy invited Gandhi to a War Conference in
Delhi.[81] Gandhi agreed to actively recruit Indians for the war effort.[82][36] In contrast to the Zulu War of
1906 and the outbreak of World War I in 1914, when he recruited volunteers for the Ambulance Corps,
this time Gandhi attempted to recruit combatants. In a June 1918 leaflet entitled "Appeal for Enlistment",
Gandhi wrote: "To bring about such a state of things we should have the ability to defend ourselves,
that is, the ability to bear arms and to use them... If we want to learn the use of arms with the greatest
possible despatch, it is our duty to enlist ourselves in the army."[83] However, Gandhi stipulated in a
letter to the Viceroy's private secretary that he "personally will not kill or injure anybody, friend or
foe."[84]

Gandhi's war recruitment campaign brought into question his consistency on nonviolence. Gandhi's
private secretary noted that "The question of the consistency between his creed of 'Ahimsa'
(nonviolence) and his recruiting campaign was raised not only then but has been discussed ever
since."[82] According to political and educational scientist Christian Bartolf, Gandhi's support for the war
stemmed from his belief that true ahimsa could not exist simultaneously with cowardice. Therefore,
Gandhi felt that Indians needed to be willing and capable of using arms before they voluntarily chose
non-violence.[85]

In July 1918, Gandhi admitted that he could not persuade even one individual to enlist for the world war.
"So far I have not a single recruit to my credit apart," Gandhi wrote. He added: "They object because
they fear to die."[86]

Champaran agitations

Gandhi in 1918, at the time of the Kheda

and Champaran Satyagrahas

Gandhi's first major achievement came in 1917 with the Champaran agitation in Bihar. The Champaran
agitation pitted the local peasantry against largely Anglo-Indian plantation owners who were backed by
the local administration. The peasants were forced to grow indigo (Indigofera sp.), a cash crop for Indigo
dye whose demand had been declining over two decades and were forced to sell their crops to the
planters at a fixed price. Unhappy with this, the peasantry appealed to Gandhi at his ashram in
Ahmedabad. Pursuing a strategy of nonviolent protest, Gandhi took the administration by surprise and
won concessions from the authorities.[87]
Kheda agitations
In 1918, Kheda was hit by floods and famine and the peasantry was demanding relief from taxes. Gandhi
moved his headquarters to Nadiad,[88] organising scores of supporters and fresh volunteers from the
region, the most notable being Vallabhbhai Patel.[89] Using non-co-operation as a technique, Gandhi
initiated a signature campaign where peasants pledged non-payment of revenue even under the
threat of confiscation of land. A social boycott of mamlatdars and talatdars (revenue officials within the
district) accompanied the agitation. Gandhi worked hard to win public support for the agitation across
the country. For five months, the administration refused, but by the end of May 1918, the government
gave way on important provisions and relaxed the conditions of payment of revenue tax until the
famine ended. In Kheda, Vallabhbhai Patel represented the farmers in negotiations with the British, who
suspended revenue collection and released all the prisoners.[90]

Khilafat movement
In 1919, following World War I, Gandhi (aged 49) sought political co-operation from Muslims in his fight
against British imperialism by supporting the Ottoman Empire that had been defeated in the World
War. Before this initiative of Gandhi, communal disputes and religious riots between Hindus and Muslims
were common in British India, such as the riots of 1917–18. Gandhi had already vocally supported the
British crown in the first world war.[91] This decision of Gandhi was in part motivated by the British
promise to reciprocate the help with swaraj (self-government) to Indians after the end of World War
I.[92] The British government had offered, instead of self-government, minor reforms instead,
disappointing Gandhi.[93] He announced his satyagraha (civil disobedience) intentions. The British
colonial officials made their counter move by passing the Rowlatt Act, to block Gandhi's movement. The
Act allowed the British government to treat civil disobedience participants as criminals and gave it the
legal basis to arrest anyone for "preventive indefinite detention, incarceration without judicial review or
any need for a trial."[94]

Gandhi felt that Hindu-Muslim co-operation was necessary for political progress against the British. He
leveraged the Khilafat movement, wherein Sunni Muslims in India, their leaders such as the sultans of
princely states in India and Ali brothers championed the Turkish Caliph as a solidarity symbol of Sunni
Islamic community (ummah). They saw the Caliph as their means to support Islam and the Islamic law
after the defeat of Ottoman Empire in World War I.[95][96][97] Gandhi's support to the Khilafat movement
led to mixed results. It initially led to a strong Muslim support for Gandhi. However, the Hindu leaders
including Rabindranath Tagore questioned Gandhi's leadership because they were largely against
recognising or supporting the Sunni Islamic Caliph in Turkey.[c]

The increasing Muslim support for Gandhi, after he championed the Caliph's cause, temporarily
stopped the Hindu-Muslim communal violence. It offered evidence of inter-communal harmony in joint
Rowlatt satyagraha demonstration rallies, raising Gandhi's stature as the political leader to the
British.[101][102] His support for the Khilafat movement also helped Gandhi sideline Muhammad Ali Jinnah,
who had announced his opposition to the satyagraha non-co-operation movement approach of
Gandhi. Jinnah began creating his independent support, and later went on to lead the demand for West
and East Pakistan. Though they agreed in general terms on Indian independence, they disagreed on the
means of achieving this. Jinnah was mainly interested in dealing with the British via constitutional
negotiation, rather than attempting to agitate the masses.[103][104][105]

In 1922, the Khilafat movement gradually collapsed following the end of the non-cooperation movement
with the arrest of Gandhi.[106] A number of Muslim leaders and delegates abandoned Gandhi and
Congress.[107] Hindu-Muslim communal conflicts reignited, and deadly religious riots re-appeared in
numerous cities, with 91 in United Provinces of Agra and Oudh alone.[108][109]

Non-co-operation
With his book Hind Swaraj (1909) Gandhi, aged 40, declared that British rule was established in India
with the co-operation of Indians and had survived only because of this co-operation. If Indians refused
to co-operate, British rule would collapse and swaraj (Indian independence) would come.[110][5]
 Gandhi with Annie Besant en route to a
meeting in Madras in September 1921.
Earlier, in Madurai, on 21 September 1921,
Gandhi had adopted the loin-cloth for the
first time as a symbol of his identification
with India's poor.

In February 1919, Gandhi cautioned the Viceroy of India with a cable communication that if the British
were to pass the Rowlatt Act, he would appeal to Indians to start civil disobedience.[111] The British
government ignored him and passed the law, stating it would not yield to threats. The satyagraha civil
disobedience followed, with people assembling to protest the Rowlatt Act. On 30 March 1919, British law
officers opened fire on an assembly of unarmed people, peacefully gathered, participating in
satyagraha in Delhi.[111]

People rioted in retaliation. On 6 April 1919, a Hindu festival day, Gandhi asked a crowd to remember not
to injure or kill British people, but to express their frustration with peace, to boycott British goods and
burn any British clothing they owned. He emphasised the use of non-violence to the British and towards
each other, even if the other side used violence. Communities across India announced plans to gather
in greater numbers to protest. Government warned him not to enter Delhi, but Gandhi defied the order
and was arrested on 9 April.[111]

On 13 April 1919, people including women with children gathered in an Amritsar park, and British Indian
Army officer Reginald Dyer surrounded them and ordered troops under his command to fire on them.
The resulting Jallianwala Bagh massacre (or Amritsar massacre) of hundreds of Sikh and Hindu civilians
enraged the subcontinent but was supported by some Britons and parts of the British media as a
necessary response. Gandhi in Ahmedabad, on the day after the massacre in Amritsar, did not criticise
the British and instead criticised his fellow countrymen for not exclusively using 'love' to deal with the
'hate' of the British government.[111] Gandhi demanded that the Indian people stop all violence, stop all
property destruction, and went on fast-to-death to pressure Indians to stop their rioting.[112]

The massacre and Gandhi's non-violent response to it moved many, but also made some Sikhs and
Hindus upset that Dyer was getting away with murder. Investigation committees were formed by the
British, which Gandhi asked Indians to boycott.[111] The unfolding events, the massacre and the British
response, led Gandhi to the belief that Indians will never get a fair equal treatment under British rulers,
and he shifted his attention to swaraj and political independence for India.[113] In 1921, Gandhi was the
leader of the Indian National Congress.[97] He reorganised the Congress. With Congress now behind
Gandhi, and Muslim support triggered by his backing the Khilafat movement to restore the Caliph in
Turkey,[97] Gandhi had the political support and the attention of the British Raj.[100][94][96]

Gandhi spinning yarn in the late 1920s

Gandhi expanded his nonviolent non-co-operation platform to include the swadeshi policy – the
boycott of foreign-made goods, especially British goods. Linked to this was his advocacy that khadi
(homespun cloth) be worn by all Indians instead of British-made textiles. Gandhi exhorted Indian men
and women, rich or poor, to spend time each day spinning khadi in support of the independence
movement.[114] In addition to boycotting British products, Gandhi urged the people to boycott British
institutions and law courts, to resign from government employment, and to forsake British titles and
honours. Gandhi thus began his journey aimed at crippling the British India government economically,
politically and administratively.[115]

The appeal of "Non-cooperation" grew, its social popularity drew participation from all strata of Indian
society. Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922, tried for sedition, and sentenced to six years'
imprisonment. He began his sentence on 18 March 1922. With Gandhi isolated in prison, the Indian
National Congress split into two factions, one led by Chitta Ranjan Das and Motilal Nehru favouring
party participation in the legislatures, and the other led by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari and Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel, opposing this move.[116] Furthermore, co-operation among Hindus and Muslims ended
as Khilafat movement collapsed with the rise of Atatürk in Turkey. Muslim leaders left the Congress and
began forming Muslim organisations. The political base behind Gandhi had broken into factions. He was
released in February 1924 for an appendicitis operation, having served only two years.[117][118]
Salt Satyagraha (Salt March)

1:21

Original footage of Gandhi and his

followers marching to Dandi in the Salt
Satyagraha

After his early release from prison for political crimes in 1924, Gandhi continued to pursue swaraj over
the second half of the 1920s. He pushed through a resolution at the Calcutta Congress in December
1928 calling on the British government to grant India dominion status or face a new campaign of non-
cooperation with complete independence for the country as its goal.[119] After Gandhi's support for
World War I with Indian combat troops, and the failure of Khilafat movement in preserving the rule of
Caliph in Turkey, followed by a collapse in Muslim support for his leadership, some such as Subhas
Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh questioned his values and non-violent approach.[96][120] While many
Hindu leaders championed a demand for immediate independence, Gandhi revised his own call to a
one-year wait, instead of two.[119]

The British did not respond favourably to Gandhi's proposal. British political leaders such as Lord
Birkenhead and Winston Churchill announced opposition to "the appeasers of Gandhi" in their
discussions with European diplomats who sympathised with Indian demands.[121] On 31 December 1929,
an Indian flag was unfurled in Lahore. Gandhi led Congress in a celebration on 26 January 1930 of India's
Independence Day in Lahore. This day was commemorated by almost every other Indian organisation.
Gandhi then launched a new Satyagraha against the British salt tax in March 1930. He sent an
ultimatum in the form of a letter personally addressed to Lord Irwin, the viceroy of India, on 2 March.
Gandhi condemned British rule in the letter, describing it as "a curse" that "has impoverished the dumb
millions by a system of progressive exploitation and by a ruinously expensive military and civil
administration...It has reduced us politically to serfdom." Gandhi also mentioned in the letter that the
viceroy received a salary "over five thousand times India's average income." In the letter, Gandhi also
stressed his continued adherence to non-violent forms of protest.[122]
This was highlighted by the Salt March to Dandi from 12 March to 6 April, where, together with 78
volunteers, Gandhi marched 388 kilometres (241 mi) from Ahmedabad to Dandi, Gujarat to make salt
himself, with the declared intention of breaking the salt laws. The march took 25 days to cover 240 miles
with Gandhi speaking to often huge crowds along the way. Thousands of Indians joined him in Dandi. On
5 May, Gandhi was interned under a regulation dating from 1827 in anticipation of a protest that he had
planned. The protest at Dharasana salt works on 21 May went ahead without Gandhi. A horrified
American journalist, Webb Miller, described the British response thus:

In complete silence the Gandhi men drew up and halted a hundred yards from
the stockade. A picked column advanced from the crowd, waded the ditches and
approached the barbed wire stockade... at a word of command, scores of native
policemen rushed upon the advancing marchers and rained blows on their
heads with their steel-shot lathis [long bamboo sticks]. Not one of the marchers
even raised an arm to fend off blows. They went down like ninepins. From where
I stood I heard the sickening whack of the clubs on unprotected skulls... Those
struck down fell sprawling, unconscious or writhing with fractured skulls or
broken shoulders.[123]

This went on for hours until some 300 or more protesters had been beaten, many seriously injured and
two killed. At no time did they offer any resistance.

This campaign was one of Gandhi's most successful at upsetting British hold on India; Britain
responded by imprisoning over 60,000 people.[124] However, Congress estimates put the figure at
90,000. Among them was one of Gandhi's lieutenants, Jawaharlal Nehru.

According to Sarma, Gandhi recruited women to participate in the salt tax campaigns and the boycott
of foreign products, which gave many women a new self-confidence and dignity in the mainstream of
Indian public life.[125] However, other scholars such as Marilyn French state that Gandhi barred women
from joining his civil disobedience movement because Gandhi feared he would be accused of using
women as a political shield.[126] When women insisted on joining the movement and participating in
public demonstrations, Gandhi asked the volunteers to get permissions of their guardians and only
those women who can arrange child-care should join him.[127] Regardless of Gandhi's apprehensions
and views, Indian women joined the Salt March by the thousands to defy the British salt taxes and
monopoly on salt mining. After his arrest, the women marched and picketed shops on their own,
accepting violence and verbal abuse from British authorities for the cause in the manner Gandhi
inspired.[126]
Gandhi as folk hero

Indian workers on strike in support of

Gandhi in 1930

Indian Congress in the 1920s appealed to Andhra Pradesh peasants by creating Telugu language plays
that combined Indian mythology and legends, linked them to Gandhi's ideas, and portrayed Gandhi as a
messiah, a reincarnation of ancient and medieval Indian nationalist leaders and saints. The plays built
support among peasants steeped in traditional Hindu culture, according to Murali, and this effort made
Gandhi a folk hero in Telugu speaking villages, a sacred messiah-like figure.[128]

According to Dennis Dalton, it was Gandhi's ideas that were responsible for his wide following. Gandhi
criticised Western civilisation as one driven by "brute force and immorality", contrasting it with his
categorisation of Indian civilisation as one driven by "soul force and morality."[129] Gandhi captured the
imagination of the people of his heritage with his ideas about winning "hate with love." These ideas are
evidenced in his pamphlets from the 1890s, in South Africa, where too Gandhi was popular among the
Indian indentured workers. After he returned to India, people flocked to Gandhi because he reflected
their values.[129]

Gandhi's first visit to Odisha in 1921, a

general meeting held at the riverbed of
Kathajodi
Gandhi also campaigned hard going from one rural corner of the Indian subcontinent to another. He
used terminology and phrases such as Rama-rajya from Ramayana, Prahlada as a paradigmatic icon,
and such cultural symbols as another facet of swaraj and satyagraha.[130] During Gandhi's lifetime,
these ideas sounded strange outside India, but they readily and deeply resonated with the culture and
historic values of his people.[129][131]

Negotiations
The government, represented by Lord Irwin, decided to negotiate with Gandhi. The Gandhi–Irwin Pact
was signed in March 1931. The British Government agreed to free all political prisoners, in return for the
suspension of the civil disobedience movement. According to the pact, Gandhi was invited to attend the
Round Table Conference in London for discussions and as the sole representative of the Indian National
Congress. The conference was a disappointment to Gandhi and the nationalists. Gandhi expected to
discuss India's independence, while the British side focused on the Indian princes and Indian minorities
rather than on a transfer of power. Lord Irwin's successor, Lord Willingdon, took a hard line against India
as an independent nation, began a new campaign of controlling and subduing the nationalist
movement. Gandhi was again arrested, and the government tried and failed to negate his influence by
completely isolating him from his followers.[132]

In Britain, Winston Churchill, a prominent Conservative politician who was then out of office but later
became its prime minister, became a vigorous and articulate critic of Gandhi and opponent of his long-
term plans. Churchill often ridiculed Gandhi, saying in a widely reported 1931 speech:

It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious Middle Temple

lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the East, striding half-
naked up the steps of the Vice-regal palace....to parley on equal terms with the
representative of the King-Emperor.[133]

Churchill's bitterness against Gandhi grew in the 1930s. He called Gandhi as the one who was "seditious
in aim" whose evil genius and multiform menace was attacking the British empire. Churchill called him a
dictator, a "Hindu Mussolini", fomenting a race war, trying to replace the Raj with Brahmin cronies,
playing on the ignorance of Indian masses, all for selfish gain.[134] Churchill attempted to isolate Gandhi,
and his criticism of Gandhi was widely covered by European and American press. It gained Churchill
sympathetic support, but it also increased support for Gandhi among Europeans. The developments
heightened Churchill's anxiety that the "British themselves would give up out of pacifism and misplaced
conscience."[134]

Round Table Conferences

Gandhi and his personal assistant

Mahadev Desai at Birla House, 1939

During the discussions between Gandhi and the British government over 1931–32 at the Round Table
Conferences, Gandhi, now aged about 62, sought constitutional reforms as a preparation to the end of
colonial British rule, and begin the self-rule by Indians.[135] The British side sought reforms that would
keep the Indian subcontinent as a colony. The British negotiators proposed constitutional reforms on a
British Dominion model that established separate electorates based on religious and social divisions.
The British questioned the Congress party and Gandhi's authority to speak for all of India.[136] They
invited Indian religious leaders, such as Muslims and Sikhs, to press their demands along religious lines,
as well as B. R. Ambedkar as the representative leader of the untouchables.[135] Gandhi vehemently
opposed a constitution that enshrined rights or representations based on communal divisions, because
he feared that it would not bring people together but divide them, perpetuate their status, and divert
the attention from India's struggle to end the colonial rule.[137][138]

The Second Round Table conference was the only time Gandhi left India between 1914 and his death in
1948. Gandhi declined the government's offer of accommodation in an expensive West End hotel,
preferring to stay in the East End, to live among working-class people, as he did in India.[139] Gandhi
based himself in a small cell-bedroom at Kingsley Hall for the three-month duration of his stay and was
enthusiastically received by East Enders.[140] During this time, Gandhi renewed his links with the British
vegetarian movement.

An admiring East End crowd gathers to

witness the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi,
1931

After Gandhi returned from the Second Round Table conference, he started a new satyagraha. Gandhi
was arrested and imprisoned at the Yerwada Jail, Pune. While he was in prison, the British government
enacted a new law that granted untouchables a separate electorate. It came to be known as the
Communal Award.[141] In protest, Gandhi started a fast-unto-death, while he was held in prison.[142] The
resulting public outcry forced the government, in consultations with Ambedkar, to replace the
Communal Award with a compromise Poona Pact.[143][144]

Congress politics
In 1934, Gandhi resigned from Congress party membership. He did not disagree with the party's
position, but felt that if he resigned, Gandhi's popularity with Indians would cease to stifle the party's
membership, which actually varied, including communists, socialists, trade unionists, students, religious
conservatives, and those with pro-business convictions, and that these various voices would get a
chance to make themselves heard. Gandhi also wanted to avoid being a target for Raj propaganda by
leading a party that had temporarily accepted political accommodation with the Raj.[145]

In 1936, Gandhi returned to active politics again with the Nehru presidency and the Lucknow session of
the Congress. Although Gandhi wanted a total focus on the task of winning independence and not
speculation about India's future, he did not restrain the Congress from adopting socialism as its goal.
Gandhi had a clash with Subhas Chandra Bose, who had been elected president in 1938, and who had
previously expressed a lack of faith in nonviolence as a means of protest.[146] Despite Gandhi's
opposition, Bose won a second term as Congress President, against Gandhi's nominee, Bhogaraju
Pattabhi Sitaramayya. Gandhi declared that Sitaramayya's defeat was his defeat.[147] Bose later left the
Congress when the All-India leaders resigned en masse in protest of his abandonment of the principles
introduced by Gandhi.[148][149]

World War II and Quit India movement

Gandhi talking with Jawaharlal Nehru, his

designated political heir, during the
drafting of the Quit India Resolution in
Bombay, August 1942

Gandhi opposed providing any help to the British war effort and he campaigned against any Indian
participation in World War II.[150] The British government responded with the arrests of Gandhi and
many other Congress leaders and killed over 1,000 Indians who participated in this movement.[151] A
number of violent attacks were also carried out by the nationalists against the British government.[152]
While Gandhi's campaign did not enjoy the support of a number of Indian leaders, and over 2.5 million
Indians volunteered and joined the British military to fight on various fronts of the Allied Forces, the
movement played a role in weakening the control over the South Asian region by the British regime and
it ultimately paved the way for Indian independence.[152][150]

Gandhi's opposition to the Indian participation in World War II was motivated by his belief that India
could not be party to a war ostensibly being fought for democratic freedom while that freedom was
denied to India itself.[153] Gandhi also condemned Nazism and Fascism, a view which won endorsement
of other Indian leaders. As the war progressed, Gandhi intensified his demand for independence, calling
for the British to Quit India in a 1942 speech in Mumbai.[154] This was Gandhi's and the Congress Party's
most definitive revolt aimed at securing the British exit from India.[155] The British government
responded quickly to the Quit India speech, and within hours after Gandhi's speech arrested Gandhi
and all the members of the Congress Working Committee.[156] His countrymen retaliated the arrests by
damaging or burning down hundreds of government owned railway stations, police stations, and cutting
down telegraph wires.[157]

In 1942, Gandhi now nearing age 73, urged his people to completely stop co-operating with the imperial
government. In this effort, Gandhi urged that they neither kill nor injure British people but be willing to
suffer and die if violence is initiated by the British officials.[154] He clarified that the movement would not
be stopped because of any individual acts of violence, saying that the "ordered anarchy" of "the
present system of administration" was "worse than real anarchy."[158][159] Gandhi urged Indians to karo
ya maro ("do or die") in the cause of their rights and freedoms.[154][160]

Gandhi in 1942, the year he launched the

Quit India Movement

Gandhi's arrest lasted two years, as he was held in the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. During this period,
Gandhi's longtime secretary Mahadev Desai died of a heart attack, his wife Kasturba died after 18
months' imprisonment on 22 February 1944, and Gandhi suffered a severe malaria attack.[157] While in
jail, he agreed to an interview with Stuart Gelder, a British journalist. Gelder then composed and
released an interview summary, cabled it to the mainstream press, that announced sudden
concessions Gandhi was willing to make, comments that shocked his countrymen, the Congress
workers and even Gandhi. The latter two claimed that it distorted what Gandhi actually said on a range
of topics and falsely repudiated the Quit India movement.[157]

Gandhi was released before the end of the war on 6 May 1944 because of his failing health and
necessary surgery; the Raj did not want him to die in prison and enrage the nation. Gandhi came out of
detention to an altered political scene – the Muslim League for example, which a few years earlier had
appeared marginal, "now occupied the centre of the political stage"[161] and the topic of Jinnah's
campaign for Pakistan was a major talking point. Gandhi and Jinnah had extensive correspondence and
the two men met several times over a period of two weeks in September 1944 at Jinnah's house in
Bombay, where Gandhi insisted on a united religiously plural and independent India which included
Muslims and non-Muslims of the Indian subcontinent coexisting. Jinnah rejected this proposal and
insisted instead for partitioning the subcontinent on religious lines to create a separate Muslim
homeland (later Pakistan).[162] These discussions continued through 1947.[163]

While the leaders of Congress languished in jail, the other parties supported the war and gained
organisational strength. Underground publications flailed at the ruthless suppression of Congress, but it
had little control over events.[164] At the end of the war, the British gave clear indications that power
would be transferred to Indian hands. At this point, Gandhi called off the struggle, and around 100,000
political prisoners were released, including the Congress's leadership.[165]

Partition and independence

Gandhi with Muhammad Ali Jinnah in

September 1944

Gandhi opposed the partition of the Indian subcontinent along religious lines.[166][162][167] The Indian
National Congress and Gandhi called for the British to Quit India. However, the All-India Muslim League
demanded "Divide and Quit India."[168][169] Gandhi suggested an agreement which required the Congress
and the Muslim League to co-operate and attain independence under a provisional government,
thereafter, the question of partition could be resolved by a plebiscite in the districts with a Muslim
majority.[170]

Jinnah rejected Gandhi's proposal and called for Direct Action Day, on 16 August 1946, to press Muslims
to publicly gather in cities and support his proposal for the partition of the Indian subcontinent into a
Muslim state and non-Muslim state. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Muslim League Chief Minister of
Bengal – now Bangladesh and West Bengal, gave Calcutta's police special holiday to celebrate the
Direct Action Day.[171] The Direct Action Day triggered a mass murder of Calcutta Hindus and the
torching of their property, and holidaying police were missing to contain or stop the conflict.[172] The
British government did not order its army to move in to contain the violence.[171] The violence on Direct
Action Day led to retaliatory violence against Muslims across India. Thousands of Hindus and Muslims
were murdered, and tens of thousands were injured in the cycle of violence in the days that
followed.[173] Gandhi visited the most riot-prone areas to appeal a stop to the massacres.[172]

Gandhi (center) in 1947, with Louis

Mountbatten, Britain's last Viceroy of
India, and his wife Edwina Mountbatten

Archibald Wavell, the Viceroy and Governor-General of British India for three years through February
1947, had worked with Gandhi and Jinnah to find a common ground, before and after accepting Indian
independence in principle. Wavell condemned Gandhi's character and motives as well as his ideas.
Wavell accused Gandhi of harbouring the single-minded idea to "overthrow British rule and influence
and to establish a Hindu raj", and called Gandhi a "malignant, malevolent, exceedingly shrewd"
politician.[174] Wavell feared a civil war on the Indian subcontinent, and doubted Gandhi would be able to
stop it.[174]

The British reluctantly agreed to grant independence to the people of the Indian subcontinent, but
accepted Jinnah's proposal of partitioning the land into Pakistan and India. Gandhi was involved in the
final negotiations, but Stanley Wolpert states the "plan to carve up British India was never approved of
or accepted by Gandhi".[175]

The partition was controversial and violently disputed. More than half a million were killed in religious
riots as 10 million to 12 million non-Muslims (Hindus and Sikhs mostly) migrated from Pakistan into India,
and Muslims migrated from India into Pakistan, across the newly created borders of India, West Pakistan
and East Pakistan.[176]

Gandhi spent the day of independence not celebrating the end of the British rule, but appealing for
peace among his countrymen by fasting and spinning in Calcutta on 15 August 1947. The partition had
gripped the Indian subcontinent with religious violence and the streets were filled with corpses.[177]
Gandhi's fasting and protests are credited for stopping the religious riots and communal
violence.[174][178][179][180][181][182][183][184][185]
Death
At 5:17 p.m. on 30 January 1948, Gandhi was with his grandnieces in the garden of Birla House (now
Gandhi Smriti), on his way to address a prayer meeting, when Nathuram Godse, a Hindu nationalist, fired
three bullets into Gandhi's chest from a pistol at close range.[186][187] According to some accounts,
Gandhi died instantly.[188][189] In other accounts, such as one prepared by an eyewitness journalist,
Gandhi was carried into the Birla House, into a bedroom. There, he died about 30 minutes later as one
of Gandhi's family members read verses from Hindu scriptures.[190][191][192][193][178]

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru addressed his countrymen over the All-India Radio saying:[194]

Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there
is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or
how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father
of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that;
nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for
these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace
from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for
millions and millions in this country.[195]

Memorial at the location of Gandhi's

assassination in 1948. His stylised
footsteps lead to the memorial.

Godse, a Hindu nationalist,[196][187][197] with links to the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh,[198][199][200][201][178] made no attempt to escape; several other conspirators were
soon arrested as well. The accused were Nathuram Vinayak Godse, Narayan Apte, Vinayak Damodar
Savarkar, Shankar Kistayya, Dattatraya Parchure, Vishnu Karkare, Madanlal Pahwa, and Gopal
Godse.[202][203][204][205]: 38[201][178]

The trial began on 27 May 1948 and ran for eight months before Justice Atma Charan passed his final
order on 10 February 1949. The prosecution called 149 witnesses, the defence none.[206] The court found
all of the defendants except one guilty as charged. Eight men were convicted for the murder conspiracy,
and others were convicted for violation of the Explosive Substances Act. Savarkar was acquitted and set
free. Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte were sentenced to death by hanging[207] while the remaining
six (including Godse's brother, Gopal) were sentenced to life imprisonment.[208]

Funeral and memorials

Gandhi's funeral was marked by millions

of Indians.[209]

Gandhi's death was mourned nationwide.[191][192][193][178] Over a million people joined the five-mile-long
funeral procession that took over five hours to reach Raj Ghat from Birla house, where Gandhi was
assassinated, and another million watched the procession pass by.[209] His body was transported on a
weapons carrier, whose chassis was dismantled overnight to allow a high-floor to be installed so that
people could catch a glimpse of Gandhi's body. The engine of the vehicle was not used; instead, four
drag-ropes held by 50 people each pulled the vehicle.[210] All Indian-owned establishments in London
remained closed in mourning as thousands of people from all faiths and denominations and Indians
from all over Britain converged at India House in London.[211]
 Cremation of Mahatma Gandhi at
Rajghat, 31 January 1948. It was attended
by Jawaharlal Nehru, Louis and Edwina
Mountbatten, Maulana Azad, Rajkumari
Amrit Kaur, Sarojini Naidu and other
national leaders. His son Devdas Gandhi
lit the pyre.[212]

Gandhi was cremated in accordance with Hindu tradition. His ashes were poured into urns which were
sent across India for memorial services.[213] Most of the ashes were immersed at the Sangam at
Allahabad on 12 February 1948, but some were secretly taken away. In 1997, Tushar Gandhi immersed
the contents of one urn, found in a bank vault and reclaimed through the courts, at the Sangam at
Allahabad.[214][215] Some of Gandhi's ashes were scattered at the source of the Nile River near Jinja,
Uganda, and a memorial plaque marks the event. On 30 January 2008, the contents of another urn
were immersed at Girgaum Chowpatty. Another urn is at the palace of the Aga Khan in Pune (where
Gandhi was held as a political prisoner from 1942 to 1944[216][217]) and another in the Self-Realization
Fellowship Lake Shrine in Los Angeles.[214][218][219]

The Birla House site where Gandhi was assassinated is now a memorial called Gandhi Smriti. The place
near Yamuna River where he was cremated is the Rāj Ghāt memorial in New Delhi.[220] A black marble
platform, it bears the epigraph "Hē Rāma" (Devanagari: हे ! राम or, Hey Raam). These are said to be
Gandhi's last words after he was shot.[221]

Principles, practices, and

beliefs
Gandhi's statements, letters and life have attracted much political and scholarly analysis of his
principles, practices and beliefs, including what influenced him. Some writers present Gandhi as a
paragon of ethical living and pacifism, while others present him as a more complex, contradictory and
evolving character influenced by his culture and circumstances.[222][223]
Truth and Satyagraha

Plaque displaying one of Gandhi's quotes

on rumour

Gandhi dedicated his life to discovering and pursuing truth, or Satya, and called his movement
satyagraha, which means "appeal to, insistence on, or reliance on the Truth."[224] The first formulation of
the satyagraha as a political movement and principle occurred in 1920, which Gandhi tabled as
"Resolution on Non-cooperation" in September that year before a session of the Indian Congress. It was
the satyagraha formulation and step, states Dennis Dalton, that deeply resonated with beliefs and
culture of his people, embedded him into the popular consciousness, transforming him quickly into
Mahatma.[225]

"God is truth. The way to truth lies through

ahimsa (nonviolence)" – Sabarmati, 13
March 1927

Gandhi based Satyagraha on the Vedantic ideal of self-realisation, ahimsa (nonviolence), vegetarianism,
and universal love. William Borman states that the key to his satyagraha is rooted in the Hindu
Upanishadic texts.[226] According to Indira Carr, Gandhi's ideas on ahimsa and satyagraha were founded
on the philosophical foundations of Advaita Vedanta.[227] I. Bruce Watson states that some of these
ideas are found not only in traditions within Hinduism, but also in Jainism or Buddhism, particularly
those about non-violence, vegetarianism and universal love, but Gandhi's synthesis was to politicise
these ideas.[228] His concept of satya as a civil movement, states Glyn Richards, are best understood in
the context of the Hindu terminology of Dharma and Ṛta.[229]

Gandhi stated that the most important battle to fight was overcoming his own demons, fears, and
insecurities. Gandhi summarised his beliefs first when he said, "God is Truth." Gandhi would later
change this statement to "Truth is God." Thus, satya (truth) in Gandhi's philosophy is "God".[230] Gandhi,
states Richards, described the term "God" not as a separate power, but as the Being (Brahman, Atman)
of the Advaita Vedanta tradition, a nondual universal that pervades in all things, in each person and all
life.[229] According to Nicholas Gier, this to Gandhi meant the unity of God and humans, that all beings
have the same one soul and therefore equality, that atman exists and is same as everything in the
universe, ahimsa (non-violence) is the very nature of this atman.[231]

Gandhi picking salt during Salt

Satyagraha to defy colonial law giving
salt collection monopoly to the British.[232]
His satyagraha attracted vast numbers
of Indian men and women.[233]

The essence of Satyagraha is "soul force" as a political means, refusing to use brute force against the
oppressor, seeking to eliminate antagonisms between the oppressor and the oppressed, aiming to
transform or "purify" the oppressor. It is not inaction but determined passive resistance and non-co-
operation where, states Arthur Herman, "love conquers hate".[234] A euphemism sometimes used for
Satyagraha is that it is a "silent force" or a "soul force" (a term also used by Martin Luther King Jr. during
his "I Have a Dream" speech). It arms the individual with moral power rather than physical power.
Satyagraha is also termed a "universal force", as it essentially "makes no distinction between kinsmen
and strangers, young and old, man and woman, friend and foe."[235]
Gandhi wrote: "There must be no impatience, no barbarity, no insolence, no undue pressure. If we want
to cultivate a true spirit of democracy, we cannot afford to be intolerant. Intolerance betrays want of
faith in one's cause."[236] Civil disobedience and non-co-operation as practised under Satyagraha are
based on the "law of suffering",[237] a doctrine that the endurance of suffering is a means to an end.
This end usually implies a moral upliftment or progress of an individual or society. Therefore, non-co-
operation in Satyagraha is in fact a means to secure the co-operation of the opponent consistently
with truth and justice.[238]

While Gandhi's idea of satyagraha as a political means attracted a widespread following among Indians,
the support was not universal. For example, Muslim leaders such as Jinnah opposed the satyagraha
idea, accused Gandhi to be reviving Hinduism through political activism, and began effort to counter
Gandhi with Muslim nationalism and a demand for Muslim homeland.[239][240][241] The untouchability
leader Ambedkar, in June 1945, after his decision to convert to Buddhism and the first Law and Justice
minister of modern India, dismissed Gandhi's ideas as loved by "blind Hindu devotees", primitive,
influenced by spurious brew of Tolstoy and Ruskin, and "there is always some simpleton to preach
them".[242][243] Winston Churchill caricatured Gandhi as a "cunning huckster" seeking selfish gain, an
"aspiring dictator", and an "atavistic spokesman of a pagan Hinduism." Churchill stated that the civil
disobedience movement spectacle of Gandhi only increased "the danger to which white people there
[British India] are exposed."[244]

Nonviolence

Gandhi with textile workers at Darwen,

Lancashire, 26 September 1931
Although Gandhi was not the originator of the principle of nonviolence, he was the first to apply it in the
political field on a large scale.[245][12] The concept of nonviolence (ahimsa) has a long history in Indian
religious thought, and is considered the highest dharma (ethical value/virtue), a precept to be observed
towards all living beings (sarvbhuta), at all times (sarvada), in all respects (sarvatha), in action, words
and thought.[246] Gandhi explains his philosophy and ideas about ahimsa as a political means in his
autobiography The Story of My Experiments with Truth.[247][248][249][250]

Although Gandhi considered non-violence to be "infinitely superior to violence", he preferred violence to

cowardice.[251][252] Gandhi added that he "would rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her
honor than that she should in a cowardly manner become or remain a helpless witness to her own
dishonor."[252]

Literary works

Young India, a weekly journal

published by Gandhi from 1919
to 1932

Gandhi was a prolific writer. His signature style was simple, precise, clear and as devoid of
artificialities.[253] One of Gandhi's earliest publications, Hind Swaraj, published in Gujarati in 1909,
became "the intellectual blueprint" for India's independence movement. The book was translated into
English the next year, with a copyright legend that read "No Rights Reserved".[254] For decades, Gandhi
edited several newspapers including Harijan in Gujarati, in Hindi and in the English language; Indian
Opinion while in South Africa and, Young India, in English, and Navajivan, a Gujarati monthly, on his return
to India. Later, Navajivan was also published in Hindi. Gandhi also wrote letters almost every day to
individuals and newspapers.[255]
Gandhi also wrote several books, including his autobiography, The Story of My Experiments with Truth
(Gujarā tī "સત્યના પ્રયોગો અથવા આત્મકથા"), of which Gandhi bought the entire first edition to make sure it
was reprinted.[256] His other autobiographies included: Satyagraha in South Africa about his struggle
there, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, a political pamphlet, and a paraphrase in Gujarati of John
Ruskin's Unto This Last which was an early critique of political economy.[257] This last essay can be
considered his programme on economics. Gandhi also wrote extensively on vegetarianism, diet and
health, religion, social reforms, etc. Gandhi usually wrote in Gujarati, though he also revised the Hindi and
English translations of his books.[258] In 1934, Gandhi wrote Songs from Prison while prisoned in
Yerawada jail in Maharashtra.[259]

Gandhi's complete works were published by the Indian government under the name The Collected
Works of Mahatma Gandhi in the 1960s. The writings comprise about 50,000 pages published in about
100 volumes. In 2000, a revised edition of the complete works sparked a controversy, as it contained a
large number of errors and omissions.[260] The Indian government later withdrew the revised edition.[261]

Legacy
Gandhi is noted as the greatest figure of the successful Indian independence movement against the
British rule. He is also hailed as the greatest figure of modern India.[262][263][264][265][266][267] American
historian Stanley Wolpert described Gandhi as "India's greatest revolutionary nationalist leader" and the
greatest Indian since the Buddha.[268] In 1999, Gandhi was named "Asian of the century" by
Asiaweek.[269] In a 2000 BBC poll, he was voted as the greatest man of the millennium.[270][271]

The word Mahatma, while often mistaken for Gandhi's given name in the West, is taken from the
Sanskrit words maha (meaning Great) and atma (meaning Soul).[272][273] He was publicly bestowed with
the honorific title "Mahatma" in July 1914 at farewell meeting in Town Hall, Durban.[274][275] Rabindranath
Tagore is said to have accorded the title to Gandhi by 1915.[276][d] In his autobiography, Gandhi
nevertheless explains that he never valued the title, and was often pained by it.[279][280][281]

Innumerable streets, roads, and localities in India are named after Gandhi. These include M.G.Road (the
main street of a number of Indian cities including Mumbai, Bangalore, Kolkata, Lucknow, Kanpur, Gangtok
and Indore), Gandhi Market (near Sion, Mumbai) and Gandhinagar (the capital of the state of Gujarat,
Gandhi's birthplace).[282]
 In 1961 the U.S. government issued two commemorative
stamps in honour of Mahatma Gandhi.[283]

As of 2008, over 150 countries have released stamps on Gandhi.[284] In October 2019, about 87 countries
including Turkey, the United States, Russia, Iran, Uzbekistan, and Palestine released commemorative
Gandhi stamps on the 150th anniversary of his birth.[285][286][287][288]

Statue of Gandhi, in the Roma Street

Parkland, Brisbane.

In 2014, Brisbane's Indian community commissioned a statue of Gandhi, created by Ram V. Sutar and
Anil Sutar in the Roma Street Parkland,[289][290] It was unveiled by Narendra Modi, then Prime Minister of
India.

Florian asteroid 120461 Gandhi was named in his honour in September 2020.[291] In October 2022, a
statue of Gandhi was installed in Astana on the embankment of the rowing canal, opposite the cult
monument to the defenders of Kazakhstan.[292]

On 15 December 2022, the United Nations headquarters in New York unveiled the statue of Gandhi. UN
Secretary-General António Guterres called Gandhi an "uncompromising advocate for peaceful co-
existence."[293]
Followers and international influence
Gandhi influenced important leaders and political movements.[250] Leaders of the civil rights movement
in the United States, including Martin Luther King Jr., James Lawson, and James Bevel, drew from the
writings of Gandhi in the development of their own theories about nonviolence.[294][295][296] King said,
"Christ gave us the goals and Mahatma Gandhi the tactics."[297] King sometimes referred to Gandhi as
"the little brown saint."[298] Anti-apartheid activist and former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela,
was inspired by Gandhi.[299] Others include Steve Biko, Václav Havel,[300] and Aung San Suu Kyi.[301]

Gandhi at Praça Túlio Fontoura, São Paulo,

Statue of Gandhi at York University Brazil
Gandhi on a 1969 postage
stamp of the Soviet Union

In his early years, the former President of South Africa Nelson Mandela was a follower of the nonviolent
resistance philosophy of Gandhi.[299] Bhana and Vahed commented on these events as "Gandhi inspired
succeeding generations of South African activists seeking to end White rule. This legacy connects him to
Nelson Mandela...in a sense, Mandela completed what Gandhi started."[302]

Gandhi's life and teachings inspired many who specifically referred to Gandhi as their mentor or who
dedicated their lives to spreading his ideas. In Europe, Romain Rolland was the first to discuss Gandhi in
his 1924 book Mahatma Gandhi, and Brazilian anarchist and feminist Maria Lacerda de Moura wrote
about Gandhi in her work on pacifism. In 1931, physicist Albert Einstein exchanged letters with Gandhi
and called him "a role model for the generations to come" in a letter writing about him.[303] Einstein said
of Gandhi:

Mahatma Gandhi's life achievement stands unique in political

history. He has invented a completely new and humane means for
the liberation war of an oppressed country, and practised it with
 greatest energy and devotion. The moral influence he had on the
consciously thinking human being of the entire civilised world will
probably be much more lasting than it seems in our time with its
overestimation of brutal violent forces. Because lasting will only be
the work of such statesmen who wake up and strengthen the moral
power of their people through their example and educational
works. We may all be happy and grateful that destiny gifted us with
such an enlightened contemporary, a role model for the generations
to come. Generations to come will scarce believe that such a one as
this walked the earth in flesh and blood.

Farah Omar, a political activist from Somaliland, visited India in 1930, where he met Gandhi and was
influenced by Gandhi's non-violent philosophy, which he adopted in his campaign in British
Somaliland.[304]

Lanza del Vasto went to India in 1936 intending to live with Gandhi; he later returned to Europe to spread
Gandhi's philosophy and founded the Community of the Ark in 1948 (modelled after Gandhi's ashrams).
Madeleine Slade (known as "Mirabehn") was the daughter of a British admiral who spent much of her
adult life in India as a devotee of Gandhi.[305][306]

In addition, the British musician John Lennon referred to Gandhi when discussing his views on
nonviolence.[307] In 2007, former US Vice-President and environmentalist Al Gore drew upon Gandhi's
idea of satyagraha in a speech on climate change.[308] 44th President of the United States Barack
Obama said in September 2009 that his biggest inspiration came from Gandhi. His reply was in
response to the question: "Who was the one person, dead or live, that you would choose to dine with?"
Obama added, "He's somebody I find a lot of inspiration in. He inspired Dr. King with his message of
nonviolence. He ended up doing so much and changed the world just by the power of his ethics."[309]

Time magazine named The 14th Dalai Lama, Lech Wałęsa, Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez, Aung
San Suu Kyi, Benigno Aquino Jr., Desmond Tutu, and Nelson Mandela as Children of Gandhi and his
spiritual heirs to nonviolence.[310] The Mahatma Gandhi District in Houston, Texas, United States, an
ethnic Indian enclave, is officially named after Gandhi.[311]

Gandhi's ideas had a significant influence on 20th-century philosophy. It began with his engagement
with Romain Rolland and Martin Buber. Jean-Luc Nancy said that the French philosopher Maurice
Blanchot engaged critically with Gandhi from the point of view of "European spirituality."[312] Since then
philosophers including Hannah Arendt, Etienne Balibar and Slavoj Žižek found that Gandhi was a
necessary reference to discuss morality in politics. American political scientist Gene Sharp wrote an
analytical text, Gandhi as a political strategist, on the significance of Gandhi's ideas, for creating
nonviolent social change. Recently, in the light of climate change, Gandhi's views on technology are
gaining importance in the fields of environmental philosophy and philosophy of technology.[312]

Global days that celebrate Gandhi

In 2007, the United Nations General Assembly declared Gandhi's birthday, 2 October, as "the
International Day of Nonviolence."[313] First proposed by UNESCO in 1948, as the School Day of
Nonviolence and Peace (DENIP in Spanish),[314] 30 January is observed as the School Day of Nonviolence
and Peace in schools of many countries.[315] In countries with a Southern Hemisphere school calendar, it
is observed on 30 March.[315]

Awards

Monument to Gandhi in Madrid,

Spain

Time magazine named Gandhi the Man of the Year in 1930.[271] In the same magazine's 1999 list of The
Most Important People of the Century, Gandhi was second only to Albert Einstein, who had called
Gandhi "the greatest man of our age."[316] The University of Nagpur awarded him an LL.D. in 1937.[317] The
Government of India awarded the annual Gandhi Peace Prize to distinguished social workers, world
leaders and citizens. Nelson Mandela, the leader of South Africa's struggle to eradicate racial
discrimination and segregation, was a prominent non-Indian recipient. In 2003, Gandhi was
posthumously awarded with the World Peace Prize.[318] Two years later, he was posthumously awarded
with the Order of the Companions of O. R. Tambo.[319] In 2011, Gandhi topped the TIME's list of top 25
political icons of all time.[320]

Gandhi did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize, although he was nominated five times between 1937 and
1948, including the first-ever nomination by the American Friends Service Committee,[321] though Gandhi
made the short list only twice, in 1937 and 1947.[322] Decades later, the Nobel Committee publicly
declared its regret for the omission and admitted to deeply divided nationalistic opinion denying the
award.[322] Gandhi was nominated in 1948 but was assassinated before nominations closed. That year,
the committee chose not to award the peace prize stating that "there was no suitable living candidate",
and later research shows that the possibility of awarding the prize posthumously to Gandhi was
discussed and that the reference to no suitable living candidate was to Gandhi.[322] Geir Lundestad,
Secretary of Norwegian Nobel Committee in 2006 said, "The greatest omission in our 106-year history is
undoubtedly that Mahatma Gandhi never received the Nobel Peace prize. Gandhi could do without the
Nobel Peace prize, whether Nobel committee can do without Gandhi is the question."[323] When the 14th
Dalai Lama was awarded the Prize in 1989, the chairman of the committee said that this was "in part a
tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi."[322] In the summer of 1995, the North American Vegetarian
Society inducted Gandhi posthumously into the Vegetarian Hall of Fame.[324]

Father of the Nation

Indians widely describe Gandhi as the Father of the Nation.[325][326][327][328][329][330] Origin of this title is
traced back to a radio address (on Singapore radio) on 6 July 1944 by Subhash Chandra Bose where
Bose addressed Gandhi as "The Father of the Nation".[331] On 28 April 1947, Sarojini Naidu during a
conference also referred Gandhi as "Father of the Nation".[332][333] He is also conferred the title
"Bapu"[328] (Gujarati: endearment for father,[329] papa[329][330]).

Film, theatre, and literature

A five-hour, nine-minute long biographical

documentary film,[334] Mahatma: Life of
Gandhi, 1869–1948, made by Vithalbhai
Jhaveri[335] in 1968, quoting Gandhi's words
and using black and white archival footage
and photographs, captures the history of
those times.
Ben Kingsley portrayed him in Richard
Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi,[336] which
won the Academy Award for Best Picture. It
was based on the biography by Louis
Fischer.[337] The 1996 film The Making of the
Mahatma documented Gandhi's time in
South Africa and his transformation from an
inexperienced barrister to recognised
political leader.[338]
Gandhi was a central figure in the 2006
comedy film Lage Raho Munna Bhai. Jahnu
Barua's Maine Gandhi Ko Nahin Mara (I did
not kill Gandhi), places contemporary society
as a backdrop with its vanishing memory of
Gandhi's values as a metaphor for the senile
forgetfulness of the protagonist of his 2005
film,[339] writes Vinay Lal.[340]
In the tale Le Jour du Jugement Dernier, in
the collection Les Mémoires de Satan et
autres contes loufoques, by Pierre Cormon,
God tries to judge Gandhi at the Last
Judgement but realises that the character is
more complex than he appears.
In 1967, Gandhi was set to be featured on
the album cover of one of the best selling
albums of The Beatles, Sgt. Pepper's Lonely
Hearts Club Band, however this idea was
later cancelled due to respect for
Gandhi.[341]
The 1979 opera Satyagraha by American
composer Philip Glass is loosely based on
Gandhi's life.[342][343] The opera's libretto,
taken from the Bhagavad Gita, is sung in the
original Sanskrit.[344]
The 1995 Marathi play Gandhi Virudh Gandhi
explored the relationship between Gandhi
and his son Harilal. The 2007 film, Gandhi, My
Father was inspired on the same theme. The
1989 Marathi play Me Nathuram Godse
Boltoy and the 1997 Hindi play Gandhi
Ambedkar criticised Gandhi and his
principles.[345][346]
Several biographers have undertaken the
task of describing Gandhi's life. Among them
are D. G. Tendulkar with his Mahatma. Life of
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in eight
volumes, Chaman Nahal's Gandhi Quartet,
and Pyarelal and Sushila Nayyar with their
Mahatma Gandhi in 10 volumes. The 2010
biography, Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and
His Struggle With India by Joseph Lelyveld
contained controversial material speculating
about Gandhi's sexual life.[347] Lelyveld,
however, stated that the press coverage
"grossly distort[s]" the overall message of the
book.[348] The 2014 film Welcome Back
Gandhi takes a fictionalised look at how
Gandhi might react to modern day India.[349]
The 2019 play Bharat Bhagya Vidhata,
inspired by Pujya Gurudevshri Rakeshbhai
and produced by Sangeet Natak Akademi
and Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur
takes a look at how Gandhi cultivated the
values of truth and non-violence.[350]
"Mahatma Gandhi" is used by Cole Porter in
his lyrics for the song "You're the Top" which
is included in the 1934 musical Anything Goes.
In the song, Porter rhymes 'Mahatma Gandhi'
with 'Napoleon Brandy.'[351]
Gandhi is mentioned in the Kris Kristofferson
song "They Killed Him".
Current impact within India

The Gandhi Mandapam, a temple in

Kanyakumari, was erected in honour of
Gandhi.

India, with its rapid economic modernisation and urbanisation, has rejected Gandhi's economics [352] but
accepted much of his politics and continues to revere his memory. Reporter Jim Yardley notes that
"modern India is hardly a Gandhian nation, if it ever was one. His vision of a village-dominated economy
was shunted aside during his lifetime as rural romanticism, and his call for a national ethos of personal
austerity and nonviolence has proved antithetical to the goals of an aspiring economic and military
power." By contrast, Gandhi is "given full credit for India's political identity as a tolerant, secular
democracy."[353]

Gandhi's birthday, 2 October, is a national holiday in India, Gandhi Jayanti. His image also appears on
paper currency of all denominations issued by Reserve Bank of India, except for the one rupee note.[354]
Gandhi's date of death, 30 January, is commemorated as a Martyrs' Day in India.[355]

There are three temples in India dedicated to Gandhi.[356] One is located at Sambalpur in Odisha, the
second at Nidaghatta village near Kadur in Chikmagalur district of Karnataka, and the third at Chityal in
the district of Nalgonda, Telangana.[356][357] The Gandhi Memorial in Kanyakumari resembles central
Indian Hindu temples and the Tamukkam or Summer Palace in Madurai now houses the Mahatma
Gandhi Museum.[358]
Descendants

Family tree of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Kasturba Gandhi (source: Gandhi
Ashram Sabarmati)

Gandhi's children and grandchildren live in India and other countries. Grandson Rajmohan Gandhi is a
professor in Illinois and an author of Gandhi's biography titled Mohandas,[359] while another, Tarun
Gandhi, has authored several authoritative books on his grandfather. Another grandson, Kanu Ramdas
Gandhi (the son of Gandhi's third son Ramdas), was found living at an old age home in Delhi despite
having taught earlier in the United States.[360][361]

See also

Religion
portal
Hinduism
portal
India
portal
Philosophy
portal

Gandhi cap
Gandhi Teerth – Gandhi International
Research Institute and Museum for Gandhian
study, research on Mahatma Gandhi and
dialogue
Inclusive Christianity
List of civil rights leaders
List of peace activists
Seven Social Sins (a.k.a. Seven Blunders of the
World)
Trikaranasuddhi
Composite nationalism
Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Notes

Explanatory notes

1. Pronounced variously /ˈɡɑːndi, ˈɡændi/

GA(H)N-dee,[1] Gujarati: [ˈmoɦəndɑs
ˈkəɾəmtʃənd ˈɡɑ̃ dʱi]
a. Did not graduate
b. Informal auditing student between 1888 and
1891
c. [94][98][99][100]
d. The earliest record of usage, however, is in a
private letter from Pranjivan Mehta to Gopal
Krishna Gokhale dated 1909.[277][278]

Citations

1. "Gandhi" (http://dictionary.reference.com/bro
 wse/gandhi) . Archived (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20150114041417/http://dictionary.refer
ence.com/browse/gandhi) 14 January 2015
at the Wayback Machine Random House
Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
2. McAllister, Pam (1982). Reweaving the Web of
Life: Feminism and Nonviolence (https://books.
google.com/books?id=vt8hAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA1
94) . New Society Publishers. p. 194. ISBN 978-
0-86571-017-7. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote:
"With love, Yours, Bapu (You closed with the
term of endearment used by your close
friends, the term you used with all the
movement leaders, roughly meaning 'Papa.' "
Another letter written in 1940 shows similar
tenderness and caring.
3. Eck, Diana L. (2003). Encountering God: A
Spiritual Journey from Bozeman to Banaras (ht
tps://books.google.com/books?id=XpR0AmKL
eY4C&pg=PA210) . Beacon Press. p. 210.
ISBN 978-0-8070-7301-8. Retrieved 31 August
2013. Quote: "... his niece Manu, who, like others
called this immortal Gandhi 'Bapu,' meaning
not 'father,' but the familiar, 'daddy.' " (p. 210)
4. Gandhi, Mohandas K. (2009). An
Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments
With Truth (https://books.google.com/books?i
d=in3_3H1szHYC&pg=PA21) . The Floating Press.
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m/books?id=cId9AgAAQBAJ&pg=PA4) ,
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marks Gandhi as a hybrid cosmopolitan figure
who transformed ... anti-colonial nationalist
politics in the twentieth-century in ways that
neither indigenous nor westernized Indian
nationalists could."
6. Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. 16 March
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7. Guha 2015 pp. 19–21
8. Misra, Amalendu (2004). Identity and Religion:
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310411-7. Malhotra, S.L. (2001). Lawyer to
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s://books.google.com/books?id=bMGSDAAAQ
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staked his reputation as an original political
thinker on this specific issue. Hitherto, violence
had been used in the name of political rights,
such as in street riots, regicide, or armed
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way of securing political rights, that of
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ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Retrieved
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on the radio, from relations and friends, by
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government pamphlets. Among a population
of almost four hundred million, where the vast
majority lived in the countryside, ..., it is hardly
surprising that many ... did not hear the news
for many weeks afterward. For some, the
butchery and forced relocation of the summer
months of 1947 may have been the first they
know about the creation of the two new
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terminally weakened British empire in India." (p.
1)
168. Hermann Kulke; Dietmar Rothermund (2004). A
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174. Dennis Dalton (2012). Mahatma Gandhi:
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178. Brown (1991), p. 380: "Despite and indeed
because of his sense of helplessness Delhi was
to be the scene of what he called his greatest
fast. ... His decision was made suddenly, though
after considerable thought – he gave no hint
of it even to Nehru and Patel who were with
him shortly before he announced his intention
at a prayer-meeting on 12 January 1948. He
said he would fast until communal peace was
restored, real peace rather than the calm of a
dead city imposed by police and troops. Patel
and the government took the fast partly as
condemnation of their decision to withhold a
considerable cash sum still outstanding to
Pakistan as a result of the allocation of
undivided India's assets because the hostilities
that had broken out in Kashmir; ... But even
when the government agreed to pay out the
cash, Gandhi would not break his fast: that he
would only do after a large number of
important politicians and leaders of communal
bodies agreed to a joint plan for restoration of
normal life in the city."
179. Talbot, Ian (2016). A History of Modern South
Asia, Politics, States, Diasporas. New Haven and
London: Yale University Press. p. 183. ISBN 978-
0-300-19694-8. LCCN 2015937886 (https://lcc
n.loc.gov/2015937886) . "Disputes over Kashmir
and the division of assets and water in the
aftermath of Partition increased Pakistan's
anxieties regarding its much larger neighbor.
Kashmir's significance for Pakistan far
exceeded its strategic value; its "illegal"
accession to India challenged the state's
ideological foundations and pointed to a lack
of sovereign fulfillment. The "K" in Pakistan's
name stood for Kashmir. Of less symbolic
significance was the division of post-Partition
assets. Not until December 1947 was an
agreement reached on Pakistan's share of the
sterling assets held by the undivided
Government of India at the time of
independence. The bulk of these (550 million
rupees) was held back by New Delhi because
of the Kashmir conflict and paid only following
Gandhi's intervention and fasting. India
delivered Pakistan's military equipment even
more tardily, and less than a sixth of the
160,000 tons of ordnance allotted to Pakistan
by the Joint Defence Council was actually
delivered."
180. Elkins, Caroline (2022). Violence: A History of
the British Empire. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf.
ISBN 9780307272423. LCCN 2021018550 (http
s://lccn.loc.gov/2021018550) . "A few months
later, with war-fueled tensions over Kashmir
mounting and India refusing to pay Pakistan
550 million rupees, Pakistan's share of Britain's
outstanding war debt, Gandhi began to fast.
"This time my fast is not only against Hindus
and Muslims," the Mahatma said, "but also
against the Judases who put on false
appearances and betray themselves, myself
and society." The elderly and frail man who was
India's symbolic political and spiritual leader
went three days without food before India's
cabinet agreed to pay Pakistan, something
Nehru had long promised Jinnah he would do."
181. Blinkenberg, Lars (2022). India-Pakistan: The
History of Unsolved Conflicts: Volume I.
Lindhardt og Ringhof. ISBN 9788726894707.
"Sardar Patel decided, in the middle of
December 1947, that the recent financial
agreements with Pakistan should not be
followed, unless Pakistan ceased to support
the raiders. ... Gandhi was not convinced and
he felt—like Mountbatten and Nehru—that the
agreed transfer to Pakistan of a cash amount
of Rs. 550 million should be implemented
despite the Kashmir crisis. Gandhi started a fast
unto death, which was officially done to stop
communal trouble, especially in Delhi, but "word
went round that it was directed against Sardar
Patel's decision to withhold the cash
balances"... Only because of Gandhi's
interference, which was soon to cause his
 death, Sardar Patel gave in and the money was
handed over to Pakistan."
182. Sarkar, Sumit (2014). Modern India: 1885–1947.
Delhi and Chennai: Pearson Education. p. 375.
ISBN 9789332535749. "This last fast seems to
have been directed in part also against Patel's
increasingly communal attitudes (the Home
Minister had started thinking in terms of a total
transfer of population in the Punjab, and was
refusing to honour a prior agreement by which
India was obliged to give 55 crores of pre-
Partition Government of India financial assets
to Pakistan). 'You are not the Sardar I once
knew,' Gandhi is said to have remarked during
the fast."
183. Gandhi, Gopalkrishna; Suhrud, Tridip (2022).
Scorching Love: Letters from Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi to his son, Devadas.
Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. "The
national capital and its surrounding areas are
gripped by massacres and the spewing of
hate. The two Punjabs on either side of the
border are aflame. On 1 January 1948, a Thai
visitor comes and compliments him on India's
independence. "Today . . . Indian fears his
brother Indian. Is this independence?', Gandhi
asks in response. Gandhi smarts at the
Government of India's new cabinet headed by
Jawaharlal Nehru deciding to withhold the
transfer of Pakistan's share (Rs 55 crores) of
the 'sterling balance' that undivided India has
held at independence. The attack on Kashmur
is cited as a reason for this. Patel says India
cannot give money to Pakistan 'for making
bullets to be shot at us'. Gandhi's intense
agitation settles into an inner quiet on 12
January when the clear thought comes to him
that he must fast. And indefinitely." ‘It will end
when and if I am satisfied that there is a
reunion of hearts of all communities...’
184. Singh, Gurharpal; Shani, Georgio (2022). Sikh
Nationalism: From a Dominant Minority to an
Ethno-Religious Diaspora. Cambridge University
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LCCN 2021017207 (https://lccn.loc.gov/202101
7207) . "For further evidence of Patel's
involvement in the clearing of Muslims in north
India, see Pandey (2001, 196). Against the
background of the India-Pakistan conflict in
Kashmir, the dispute between the two
countries over the division of cash balances
and Gandhi's fast in early 1948, Mountbatten
noted the following of his interview with Patel:
'He expressed the view that the only way to re-
establish decent relationship between the
Muslims and non-Muslim communities was to
remove Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan and
drive out the Muslims of the East Punjab and
the affected neighbouring areas.' MB1/D76/1.
 Mountbatten Papers, University of
Southampton."
185. Stein, Burton; Arnold, David (2010). A History of
India. Blackwell History of the World Series
(2nd ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 352–353.
ISBN 978-1-4051-9509-6. "He undertook a fast
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reprisal but also to influence the powerful
Home Minister, Sardar Patel, who was refusing
to share out the assets of the former imperial
treasury with Pakistan, as had been agreed.
Gandhi's insistence on justice for Pakistan now
that the partition was a fact ... had prompted
Godse's fanatical action."
186. Ahmed, Raja Qaiser (2022). Pakistan Factor and
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police of Bombay and Delhi had done nothing
to foil."
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200. Geva, Rotem (2022). Delhi Reborn: Partition and
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ooks?id=utKmPQAACAAJ&pg=PA118) ,
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ooks.google.com/books?id=utKmPQAACAAJ&p
g=PA118) from the original on 28 March 2024,
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experiences of the refugees encouraged them
to support right-wing Hindu parties. ... Trouble
began in September (1947) after the arrival
from refugees from Pakistan who were
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Gandhi in his prayer meetings in Birla House
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General and cited

references

Books
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Experiments Mohandas Gandhi:
Civil Disobedience. ISBN 0-7453-
3429-6.
Barr, F. Mary (1956). Bapu: Conversations and
Correspondence with Mahatma Gandhi (2nd ed.).
Bombay: International Book House. OCLC 8372568
(https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/8372568) . (see
book article)
Bondurant, Joan Valérie (1971). Conquest of
Violence: the Gandhian philosophy of conflict (htt
ps://books.google.com/books?id=4hcf8jPrSKYC) .
University of California Press.
Brown, Judith M. (2004). "Gandhi, Mohandas
Karamchand [Mahatma Gandhi] (1869–1948)",
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford
University Press.
Brown, Judith M., and Anthony Parel, eds. The
Cambridge Companion to Gandhi (2012); 14
essays by scholars
'Gandhi the Great'(2013) by Fevin Mohammed
(PhD in Historical Research, Coordinated under
Prof. Ram Prasad Sharma)
Brown, Judith Margaret (1991). Gandhi: Prisoner of
Hope (https://books.google.com/books?id=boDA
E8MLAJMC) . Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-
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Chadha, Yogesh (1997). Gandhi: a life (https://arch
ive.org/details/gandhilife0000chad) . John Wiley.
ISBN 978-0-471-24378-6.
Dwivedi, Divya; Mohan, Shaj; Nancy, Jean-Luc
(2019). Gandhi and Philosophy: On Theological
Anti-politics (https://books.google.com/books?id
=4MB2DwAAQBAJ&q=gandhi+and+philosophy) .
Bloomsbury Academic, UK. ISBN 978-1-4742-2173-3.
Louis Fischer. The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (1957)
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Easwaran, Eknath (2011). Gandhi the Man: How
One Man Changed Himself to Change the World.
Nilgiri Press. ISBN 978-1-58638-055-7.
Hook, Sue Vander (2010). Mahatma Gandhi:
Proponent of Peace (https://books.google.com/b
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Gandhi, Rajmohan (1990), Patel, A Life (https://bo
oks.google.com/books?id=ayZuAAAAMAAJ) ,
Navajivan Pub. House
Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Gandhi: The Man, His
People, and the Empire (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=FauJL7LKXmkC) . University of
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8069-084-6.
Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Gandhi Before India.
Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
Hardiman, David (2003). Gandhi in His Time and
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Hatt, Christine (2002). Mahatma Gandhi (https://
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Evans Brothers. ISBN 978-0-237-52308-4.
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epic rivalry that destroyed an empire and forged
our age (https://books.google.com/books?id=tqu
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Jai, Janak Raj (1996). Commissions and Omissions
by Indian Prime Ministers: 1947–1980 (https://boo
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Johnson, Richard L. (2006). Gandhi's Experiments
with Truth: Essential Writings by and about
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ks?id=dRQcKsx-YgQC&pg=PA3) . Lexington Books.
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Pāṇḍeya, Viśva Mohana (2003). Historiography of
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Pilisuk, Marc; Nagler, Michael N. (2011). Peace
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archive.org/details/mohandasgandhi0000todd) .
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Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-972872-5.

Scholarly articles

Danielson, Leilah C. " 'In My Extremity I Turned to

Gandhi': American Pacifists, Christianity, and
Gandhian Nonviolence, 1915–1941". Church History
72.2 (2003): 361–388.
Du Toit, Brian M. "The Mahatma Gandhi and South
Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 34#4
(1996): 643–660. JSTOR 161593 (https://www.jstor.
org/stable/161593) .
Gokhale, B. G. "Gandhi and the British Empire",
History Today (Nov 1969), 19#11 pp 744–751 online.
Juergensmeyer, Mark. "The Gandhi Revival – A
Review Article." The Journal of Asian Studies 43#2
(Feb. 1984), pp. 293–298. JSTOR 2055315 (https://
www.jstor.org/stable/2055315)
Kishwar, Madhu. "Gandhi on Women." Economic
and Political Weekly 20, no. 41 (1985): 1753–758.
JSTOR 4374920 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/437
4920) .
Murthy, C. S. H. N., Oinam Bedajit Meitei, and
Dapkupar Tariang. "The Tale Of Gandhi Through
The Lens: An Inter-Textual Analytical Study Of
Three Major Films-Gandhi, The Making Of The
Mahatma, And Gandhi, My Father." CINEJ Cinema
Journal 2.2 (2013): 4–37. online (https://cinej.pitt.e
du/ojs/index.php/cinej/article/download/66/23
9)
 Power, Paul F. "Toward a Revaluation of Gandhi's
Political Thought." Western Political Quarterly 16.1
(1963): 99–108 excerpt.
Rudolph, Lloyd I. "Gandhi in the Mind of America."
Economic and Political Weekly 45, no. 47 (2010):
23–26. JSTOR 25764146 (https://www.jstor.org/sta
ble/25764146) .

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External links

Mahatma Gandhi
at Wikipedia's sister projects

Media from
Commons
Quotations
from
Wikiquote
 Texts from
Wikisource
Data from
Wikidata

Gandhi's correspondence with the Indian

government 1942–1944 (https://web.archiv
e.org/web/20160701151650/http://www.dli.e
rnet.in/handle/2015/502501%3Bjsessionid%3
DD74A55AB7FEF2464BAE33254D74FFA03)
About Mahatma Gandhi (https://www.gand
hiheritageportal.org/)
Gandhi at Sabarmati Ashram (http://www.g
andhiashramsabarmati.org/)
Works by Mahatma Gandhi (https://www.gu
tenberg.org/ebooks/author/3490) at
Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Mahatma Gandhi (http
s://archive.org/search.php?query=%28%28s
ubject%3A%22Gandhi%22%20OR%20creato
r%3A%22Gandhi%22%20OR%20descriptio
n%3A%22Gandhi%22%20OR%20title%3A%2
2Gandhi%22%29%20OR%20%28%221869-19
48%22%20AND%20Gandhi%29%29%20AN
D%20%28-mediatype:software%29) at
Internet Archive
Works by Mahatma Gandhi (https://librivox.o
rg/author/622) at LibriVox (public domain
audiobooks)
Newspaper clippings about Mahatma
Gandhi (http://purl.org/pressemappe20/fol
der/pe/005823) in the 20th Century Press
Archives of the ZBW
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?
title=Mahatma_Gandhi&oldid=1225093594"

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