Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

©Yann Arthus-Bertrand/ La terre vue du ciel

102
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and biocultural

diversity: a close-up look at linkages, delearning trends &
changing patterns of transmission
Stanford Zent

103
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

the only possible measures of biodiver- Stepp 2004; Zent 1999). One of the im-
Introduction
sity and cultural diversity respectively. portant lessons learned from a dynamic
A better theoretical understanding of perspective of TEK is that its persistence
Concerned about the rapid rate of this relationship will require more fine- and resilience over time is critically de-
extinction of biological species and hu- grained investigations at the empirical pendent upon environment and cul-
man languages throughout the world, and comparative levels. ture specific contexts and customary
environmental scientists, activists and methods of knowledge transmission.
policymakers have recently become Local and traditional ecological This points to the need for studies of
interested in understanding the links knowledge (TEK) provides a key window the dynamic patterns and processes of
between biodiversity and cultural diver- for viewing at close range how the nat- knowledge variation, change, transmis-
sity. Some scholars maintain that the ural environment shapes, penetrates or sion and the local contextual factors
two kinds of diversity are interactive, even permeates human cultural expres- affecting these. The transmission pro-
interdependent and possibly coevolved, sion and vice-versa. Such knowledge cess is especially crucial from an in situ
a viewpoint expressed in the emerging is often intimately tied, on one hand, biocultural conservation standpoint be-
concept of biocultural diversity (Cocks to local language, social organisation, cause the reproduction and continuity,
2006; Harmon 2002; Maffi 2001, 2005). economic goals, religious beliefs, aes- or alternatively the transformation and/
The implications of this insight for con- thetics, ritual observances and material or loss, of historically-accumulated, cul-
servation policy are obvious: protection culture, and on the other hand, to re- ture-specific knowledge from one gener-
of organic nature and human culture source appropriation and management ation to the next depends on it. Among
should proceed hand in hand. The hy- practices, environmental impacts, vari- whom, what, when, where and how is
pothesis of biocultural diversity draws ety and distribution of natural species, knowledge passed along or acquired in
support mainly from macro-geographi- the structure and functioning of biotic specific cultural and environmental set-
cal studies showing a strong correlation communities and long-term landscape tings? What factors of the local social or
between species richness and number of modifications. However, the particular ecological setting (e.g. local language,
endemic languages when tabulated by substance and structure of these inter- childcare, biotic complexity) most affect
country or when plotted on a world map relationships may vary considerably its transmission? How are traditional
(Harmon 1996; Loh and Harmon 2005; by place and group. Thus local-level patterns of transmission being affected
Stepp et al. 2004). Despite this intriguing studies of TEK can contribute to a more by changes in the wider social and en-
evidence, the nature and extent of the coherent understanding of biocultural vironmental context? These are some of
linkage between diversity in the natural diversity precisely by documenting the the questions that need to be answered
and the cultural realms at smaller spa- complex, variable and often subtle ways if conservation measures are to be tai-
tial scales are still not well understood. that knowledge is systemically connect- lored specifically to fit local situations
Correlation does not necessarily indicate ed to elements of the surrounding cul- and equipped to address the problem
causation and we do not know whether tural and natural environment. of knowledge protection. Furthermore,
the observed overlaps really reflect mu- the careful observation and documenta-
tual determination (e.g. coevolution of A number of studies in recent years tion of the empirical facts of knowledge
natural life forms and human societ- have emphasised the dynamic proper- transmission in particular places and
ies over time), asymmetrical causation ties of TEK systems: their adaptability, people will also permit more precise and
from one side to the other (e.g. unique mobility, reproduction, transformation, meaningful comparisons among cases,
cultural adaptations to biogeographical innovation, hybridisation, incorpora- which should give us a better idea of
characteristics versus anthropogenically tion of non-local knowledge fragments, some of the more general principles and
modified landscapes), analogous but in- sensitivity to surrounding factors, fragil- trends in operation.
dependent phenomena caused by third ity in the face of globalisation, and revi-
factors (e.g. fragmentation of natural and talisation efforts (Alexiades 2007; Brodt The present paper provides an explora-
social landscapes caused by mountains, 2001; Carlson and Maffi 2004; Ellen et tion of these issues by examining the dy-
islands or climatic conditions), or some al. 2000; Heckler in press; Hunn 1999; namic bio-cultural matrix of TEK from
combination of these. Moreover, simple Ohmagari and Berkes 1997; Ross 2002; a local perspective. Examples are pro-
counts of species and languages are not Toledo 2002; Zarger 2002; Zarger and vided from my ethnobotanical research

104
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

among Jotï and Piaroa Indians of the highlight what may be a more general as the main proxy indicator (Harmon
Venezuelan Amazon, two groups which, trend of intergenerational knowledge 2002). However, few studies actually il-
like many other indigenous peoples of erosion caused by contemporary cultur- lustrate how and why this is so, beyond
Venezuela and throughout the Amazon al change and modernisation. pointing out the general fact that much
Basin, are undergoing rapid social and information about the surrounding
environmental change. The close con- environment is encoded in language.
nection between vernacular language Piaroa grammatical Knowledge is structured, stored and ex-
and folk botanical classification among
classifiers of changed through language at at least
botanical forms
the Piaroa is discussed in the following three primary levels: lexicon, grammar,
section. A brief case study of ethnobo- and discourse. At each level, it is pos-
tanical knowledge transmission and Local language in particular has been sible to identify different domains (i.e.
change among the Jotï group is then highlighted as crucially important for integrated sets) of linguistic forms and
presented. Finally the general findings TEK preservation (Crystal 2000; Maffi meanings that are directly associated
of the Jotï study are compared with the 2001; Nettle and Romaine 2000) and with specific cultural domains of eco-
results obtained from a similar study global studies of the density and distri- logical knowledge and practice (Table
conducted among the Piaroa, in order to bution of cultural diversity use language 1). Tracing the linkages between these

Table 1:
Associated domains of traditional ecological language, knowledge & practice

Language Knowledge Practice

Lexicon Ethnobiological nomenclature Ethnobotany Subsistence activity:

(taxa, morpho-behavioural Ethnozoology cultivation
characters, functional properties) Ethnoentymology collection
Toponyms Etnoornithology hunting
Biotic community names Ethnomycology trapping
Body part names Ethnopedology fishing
Illness terms Ethnominerology gathering
Verb vocabulary Ethnogeography settlement & territoriality
Ethnoecology land use patterns
Ethnometeorology landscape modification
Ethnoastronomy water management
Ethnoanatomy resource localisation
Ethnomedicine activity scheduling
Ethnoarchitecture curing practices

Grammar Classifiers Life form & stage classifications tool & craft production
Evidential markers Ethnoepistemology tool repair
Syntax Activity signatures food preparation & storage
Routine activity scripts housebuilding
ceremonialism
food taboos & prescriptions

Discourse Mythical–historical narratives Plant & animal natural histories sacred site observances
Ritual songs/chants social & ecological behaviours harvest restrictions
Dialogical performances Ecological relationships conservation practices
(ceremonial & mundane) Social & spiritual values resource & practice transfer
Joking Aesthetic appreciation artwork
Proverbs Experimental techniques experimentation
Metaphors

105
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

domains of language, knowledge and corresponds to concrete object nam- tration of the potentially close connec-
practice in specific cultural settings offers ing, which is to say lexical-based codi- tion between vernacular grammar and
a promising method for substantiating fication. Less attention has been paid local environmental knowledge will be
the connections between biodiversity thus far to the knowledge contained at provided here through a brief descrip-
and cultural diversity at the local scale. the grammatical and discursive levels tion of the botanical applications of
even though these are more likely to nominal classifiers among the Piaroa.
The most well-known and common- be associated with more complex and
ly-cited examples of language-bound abstract knowledge types, such as or- The Piaroa are an indigenous society
knowledge concern the cognitive cat- ganising principles, explanatory mod- numbering about 15,000 individuals,
egorisation of living beings, expressed els of behaviour, natural processes or who inhabit a large, mostly tropical for-
through ethnobotanical and ethno- interrelationships among species (cf. est territory in southern Venezuela. One
zoological nomenclatures. This type Kempton 2001; Maffi 2001). An illus- of the terms the Piaroa use to describe

Table 2: Piaroa botanical shape classifiers

Classifier Gloss Classifier Gloss

~ ~
Isabæ length of narrow, flexible vine Isæræ hanging, branching-stemmed fruit bunch

Isade thin, delicate stem Isæsa drooping, soft-stemmed fruit bunch

isahwe branching structure Isæsã grass growing in separate clumps

isame fruit bunch on drooping skeleton-like stalk Isæsu thick, curved stem of fruit bunch

isamu hard, rounded, almond-like nut or seed Isætæ spike-like fruit bunch

isana tubular, hollow stem Isæte flower type

isane baby stem shoot or sprout isæt’e tuberous root

~
isaphæ stringy fibre Isætã thin, woven-like covering or skin

isaphe powdery substance on leaf Isæte~ small fruit/seed/nut/pit

~h
Isari thorn isæt ã fruit type

Isate multi-part leaf bud isætha fruit type

Isæ’æ banana-like canopied plant isæthi campanate-shaped flower

isæba spherical fruit shape Isæwa thick, gelatinous sap

isæbæ thin, flat leafy cover Isæwã herbaceous form?

isæbi small, roundish, flattish fruit/seed Isæyu oblong fruit shape

Isæbi single-rooted, multi-stemmed, herbaceous plant Isæyu? spongy material at centre of certain trees

ˇ
Isæc’e smaller plant form? ˇ
isec’e tight cluster of several small fruits

ˇ
Isæc’e hair-like grass isek’e stilt roots

ˇ
isæca fruit type? Isoha legume pod-shaped fruit

ˇ
isæcã dry leafless branch or fruitless stalk Isohæ leaf or leafy plant

106
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

themselves is de’a ruwa ‘owner/master of swidden horticulture, hunting, fishing The Piaroa speak a language classi-
the forest’ and in keeping with this au- and collection activities. While the ma- fied as one of three extant members
todenomination, they are widely regard- jor portion of food energy is supplied by (along with Sáliva and Maco) of the
ed as being exceptionally knowledge- a few cultivated crops, several hundred small Saliban family. One of the out-
able and skilled at extracting a living wild plant and animal species really standing grammatical features of this
from the forest. Before the 1960s, they make vital contributions to the overall language is the common use of more
dwelled in small, dispersed and shifting subsistence pattern as sources of supple- than 100 nominal classifiers that func-
settlements located in interfluvial forest mentary foods, medicines, narcotics, tion semantically to group all nouns
and avoided contact with surrounding tools, handicrafts, construction materi- into a bounded number of referentially
criollo (i.e. white or mestizo) peoples. als, firewood, ritual objects, indicators of meaningful classes based on shape,
Their traditional subsistence economy ecological information and plant foods size, texture, internal arrangement and
depends on an extensive mixture of for game animals (Zent 1992). number attributes, and syntactically to

Classifier Gloss Classifier Gloss

isædu individual, small, roundish, hard fruit/seed Isõhæ~ fruit endocarp type

isæhu single narrow vine Isoho fruit type

Isæi big woody tree Isoi~ palm class

Isæk’æ non-rounded stem isok’æ rosette-shaped herbaceous plant

multiple fruits or flowers in circular arrangement

Isæk’e isok’e~ stick-like
around stem or base

Isæk’e~ dehisced fruit Isoka single section of multi-sectioned fruit bunch

isækæ intricate, multi-part root system Isokã planted or anchored stick

isæke slender length of stem Isokæ spiny plant

Isækha arched, multi-sided fruit skin or shell Isone small, juicy, teardrop-shaped fruit

fruit shape rounded on one end, pointy on the

Isækhe~ single section of sectioned stem Isoñe
other end

Isækwa overgrown, bushy or tangled vegetation isopha small, fluttery, fern-like, leafy plant

isæma medium-sized, compound flower type Isoræ fruit type

isæmæ flattish, whorled fruit pod Isose hard empty shell

isæmi tiny, round, flat (two-dimensional) fruit/seed isot’a cup-shaped fruit

isæmi multi-bulbous fruit or root with common base isot’æ thick woody vine

Isæna round woody stem isotha flower shape

Isæra noded stem Isoya thin, free-flowing sap

isæræ pencil-shaped fruit or flower type

107
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

mark concordially constituents of the The contribution of shape classifier through a contrasting set of classifier suf-
noun phrase outside the head (Krute markers to the memorisation and re- fixes, -na ‘rounded stem’ and -k’æ ‘non-
1989). The classifiers typically appear in call of a prolific number of plant group rounded stem’. I was initially puzzled
speech as monosyllabic suffixes of the categories is suggested by Krute’s (1989) about their insistence at making repeat-
form –(C)V attached to the modifier(s) thorough analysis of the semantic or- ed reference to what seemed to me to be
within a noun phrase or to other words ganisation of Piaroa classifiers, by my a rather inconsequential property (with
making anaphoric reference to some own observations of Piaroa plant nam- the possible exception of its suitability as
previously named head noun, but may ing and classification performance, and a housebuilding pole) of the plant. So at
also be expressed as abstract concepts by statements of the Piaroa themselves. one point during one of the interviews,
when suffixed onto the generic root is Krute contends that the classifiers oper- I could not help but ask the respondent
V – ‘thing.’ The Piaroa employ at least ate as prototypical images to which re- why he chose to name these classifiers
seventy-five nominal classifier suffixes ferred objects are assigned on the basis instead of the more general classifier
to categorise, distinguish and refer to of their perceived resemblance, whether used to designate the tree life form, and
different botanical life forms, plant literal or metaphorical, to the ideal form he just smiled and said for him it was
parts, growth habits and ecological expressed by the classifier. Rosch (1977) ‘easy’ to say it that way while for other
associations (Table 2). Different clas- has written that prototypes are impor- people it was ‘easy’ to say it another way.
sifiers may occur with the same root, tant aids for the mental organisation and After further reflection, I believe what he
and more rarely two classifiers may processing of knowledge in that items was trying to tell me was that his mental
co-occur, depending on which form(s) judged to be typical can be categorised association and vocalisation of the plant
or property(ies) the speaker wants to more efficiently (recalled faster and lon- category together with that particular
emphasise, where the root refers to the ger, transmitted more accurately, sorted set of classifiers simply helped him to
essential plant group (species or genus) with fewer errors). The possible role of remember it and if this interpretation is
and the classifier(s) to the attribute(s) classifier marking for categorical memo- correct it suggests the mnemonic func-
of it. For example, arara-i ‘cashew tree’, risation also surfaced during a controlled tion of classifier categorisation.
arara-sa-de ‘cashew sapling’, arara-yu study of individual competences of tree/
‘cashew fruit’, arara-te ‘cashew seed’. liana identification, naming and utilitar-
The set of classifiers that applies to a ian knowledge that I made in a Piaroa Jotï ethnobotany
particular plant taxon is frequently community in 1994. The results of that
quite idiosyncratic, so few taxa share study have been reported elsewhere Beyond tracing the vital connections
exactly the same set with any other. (Zent 1999, 2001) and some of those between language, cognition and behav-
The selective combining and contrast- will be summarised below (see section iour, an adequate understanding of the
ing of classifier-encoded meanings 4), so I will not repeat them here beyond biocultural matrix of TEK requires de-
which reflect observable morphologi- stating the general finding that a sta- tailed consideration of the local patterns
cal and behavioral attributes undoubt- tistically significant difference between and processes of knowledge acquisition,
edly contributes to the ability of the younger and older generations’ ethno- variation and change. A dynamic, differ-
Piaroa to distinguish several hundred botanical knowledge was observed, with entiated perspective of TEK is also moti-
taxa at the basic (i.e. folk generic) level. the former exhibiting lower knowledge vated by concerns that much valuable
Although undoubtedly a phenomenal- competence levels. However, another local knowledge is being eroded due to
ly complex semantic system to learn, potentially significant result of that cultural and ecological change and that
once mastered it provides an efficient study, not previously reported upon, was in-situ knowledge preservation efforts
key that enables the folk botanist to that the more knowledgeable (i.e. higher must take into account this dynamic
quickly identify encountered individu- scoring) older respondents tended to use process and the factors driving it. Partly
als, to cognitively locate and incorpo- more classifiers in their answers to my motivated by this problematic, a com-
rate unfamiliar specimens and, perhaps questions about plant names and uses. parative study of ethnobotanical varia-
most importantly, to memorise a large In particular, a couple of older men who tion and change was carried out in 1996–
inventory of taxa at the generic and scored very high on the test made con- 99 among the Jotï, a traditional nomadic
specific ranks by assignation of clearly stant and consistent reference to the tree hunter-gatherer group who inhabit a
recognised perceptual markers. stem shape when naming the test plants remote, mountainous, tropical forest

108
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

region of southern Venezuela. The Jotï

Table 3:
were completely isolated from Western
Summary statistics of wild plant species by use category
society until 1969 when they were con-
tacted by missionaries. At the time of first Use Category Families Species Undetermined Ethnotaxa
contact, they were found living in small,
Edible 58 222 43 253
fluid, nomadic bands, subsisting by
hunting-gathering and incipient cultiva- Magic and Medicine 67 182 76 229
tion, and possessing a rudimentary ma-
terial technology, including stone tools, Construction 59 285 46 294
and very few items of Western origin.
Fishing 18 36 4 39
However, two missions were established
in the Jotï territory, at Caño Iguana in the Firewood 54 325 51 351
1971 and on the Río Kayamá in 1983,
Beverages 9 11 4 14
and since then these have gradually at-
tracted more than half of the formerly Hygiene 15 23 7 29
dispersed, mobile population to come
Technology 59 193 50 245
and settle permanently at these fixed
locations. The missionaries have taught Animal Food 91 550 89 591
the mission residents the Christian re-
* Complete lists of scientific and folk taxa on which these statistics are based are detailed in Zent et al. 2001
ligion and basic non-traditional educa-
tional skills (such as literacy in the native and ethnobotanical studies at four Jotï interviews and observations in regards to
or national languages), provided Western communities: Caño Mosquito, Caño plot as well as non-plot plants (see below).
trade goods and medicines, and advo- Majagua, Caño Iguana and Río Kayamá. This part of the study revealed that these
cated agricultural innovations. Since the At each site, a one hectare primary for- people possess an extraordinarily exten-
1990s, some Jotï bands who chose not to est plot was set up and all trees greater sive knowledge and use of primary forest
move to the missions have instead mi- than or equal to 10 cm diameter at breast species, including more than 220 edible
grated down the rivers to the lowland height were inventoried. The results of species and approximately 180 medicinal
fringes of their territory and as a result the floristic study indicate that the forests plants (Table 3; cf. Zent et al. 2001).
have expanded their social and econom- occupied by the Jotï exhibit surprisingly
ic contacts with surrounding Indian and high levels of species richness. Three Before reviewing certain aspects of
criollo peoples. The sum result is that out of four forest plots contained greater the current transitional state of Jotï plant
within the space of a generation the Jotï than 180 species of large trees per hectare knowledge acquisition, I would like to
have gone from total isolation to more (Zent and Zent 2004a). These figures are consider briefly how such knowledge is
or less permanent contact with outsid- remarkable for two reasons. First, they organised in terms of the morpho-behav-
ers with the consequence that they are show the highest levels of tree diversity ioral characters and cues used to distin-
now experiencing a phase of rapid cul- thus far recorded for the Guayana Shield guish among the wide variety of plants
ture change, including the introduction region of South America. Second, all found in local environments. The expert
of new technology, changes in settle- of the plots from which the figures are Jotï botanist can usually identify most
ment pattern and economic focus, and drawn are within a few minutes walk of a trees from a distance of 10 m to 20 m or
ideological conversions. However, these Jotï community. Thus one may conclude more away, from its overall appearance,
impacts are uneven across the ethnic that the Jotï demonstrate that human oc- especially the stem form. If not, he or she
group, with mission groups being more cupation, exploitation and disturbance will take a closer look at the trunk or bark,
deeply affected while independent (i.e. (in the form of low-impact fruit, leaf and perhaps cut it with a knife and smell it or
non-mission) groups maintain a more bark harvesting, seed dispersal and gap see what kind of resin or sap flows out. If
traditional (i.e. pre-contact) lifestyle. creation) are not necessarily incompat- it still cannot be identified, he or she will
ible with high diversity maintenance look up at the leaves, then perhaps the
From 1996–99, E. L. Zent and I car- (Zent and Zent 2004b). The ethnobotani- fruit or flowers. In other words, the pro-
ried out quantitative floristic inventories cal study involved general collections, cedure for keying out a plant goes from

109
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

Table 4: Jotï plant classification characters & terminology

Plant Characters
part

circum- abun- height–

form girth buttress habitat location
shape dance length

Stem jyaï: tree libude: jkyë- (jae): jtamuna: uli: large jlajla: bïecha: anywhere jtojto: far
ji: palm round singleton tall or long jani: small vertical inewanï: rock outcrop jameina:
ibuju: liana ñë-: jkuata: alikwete: jyona uli: buttress jchonï: high forest near
jena: non- numerous short largish jlalade: me: savanna jchaka:
hollow- round individuals jtamuweya: jyona jani: without jchojwï: forest hill downriver
stemmed x jcho: branches smallish buttress inewajwï: rocky hill mameka:
jele: small x-dominant high above leya: jedö anï: riverbank upriver
woody plant stand ground lateral janijedönï: creekbank
jya: ground jedöjtunï: headwater
herbaceous root spring
leafy plant nomekejaenï: forest, no
rock outcrops
balokwa: swidden plot
jcho mabau: lagoon or
flooded forest
me oneijka: forest-
savanna ecotone
mejtujtkö: scrub forest

layer thickness colour texture hardness taste–smell

Bark miji: bajtu: thick walejte: black Jtejtena: juluwejka: tough lebona: fragrant odour
inner bark nane: thin duëjka: brown smooth baliejka: brittle lebonade: odourless
mijchoka: nujtibo: green waijka: ridged ijëjka: hard yaka lebona: pungent
outer bark yabo: white jolowajka: rough jkolaibe: fibrous iniwëjka: onionlike
duebe: red nenowa: slick & jtilo: mildly pleasant
non-fibrous jtijtikë: very bitter
ba: thorny lowekato: nauseous
iyeba: flaking nujtiëbo jibu: chlorophyllous

presence abundance colour texture taste-smell

Exudates nana: generic term aiwa: a lot duebe: red jyubomajae: milk-like jtilo: mildly pleasant
for exudate ejlau: flowing yabo: white jtïjkïwajka: sticky yaka: mildly bitter
nanade: no exudate janiwana: waleajte: black ojtewajka: oily jkujtiwëjka: stinky
a little aubounajae: transparent iyëjkabae: hardens waka: rotten stinky

perceptually larger to smaller properties, Many of these features are formally la- often expressed in the form ‘species x has
from more to less accessible percepts, belled and it is not uncommon to hear fruit the same size and shape as species
from ground-level to aerial strata. How- such labels being attached verbally to dif- y’ or ‘the exudate of species y smells like
ever, in fact numerous characteristics of ferent plant types when people are out in that of species z.’ Thus the ability to learn
the different parts of a plant are taken the forest and talking about what they see and remember a large number of taxa
into account simultaneously in order to or reporting their discoveries to someone depends on prior associative knowledge
‘classify’ it, such as pattern, shape, abun- back at home. However, it is also clear of a number of other taxa and we can
dance, size, habitat, location or niche, that plant classification does not depend infer that learning large inventories is
colour, texture, hardness, taste or smell, entirely upon abstract character categori- not merely an additive process but also
interspecific associations, and the human sation encoded in a formal vocabulary. a ramifying and contextual one, with fu-
uses or actions applied to it. Each part has Many species are recognised and classi- ture learning potential being a function
its own specific set of features (Table 4). fied by reference to other known species, of prior learning achievements.

110
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

Plant Characters
part

colour hardness taste–smell

Wood yabo: white waiño: soft yuwëjka: noxious

jyaï: generic term for wood duebe: red iyejka: hard
waleajte: black

abundance size girth–width texture venation substance

Leaf aiwa: a lot jtamu(wa): uliwa: large jtejtena: smooth jwï jele: ijejka:
jya: leaf haniwana: a little long janiwa: small jtiwa: glossy midvein hard
aiye: yowa(kï): bajtu: thick iyeba: flaky leya: jkenowano:
leaves long & thin nijluka: broad jkuejte: sharp primary vein soft
alikwejte: ijlukï: slender jwï yuku: abrasive jtïnëkï: juluwejka:
short janiijawa: very small kö: tomentose secondary tough
anï juete: jnajnae: thin & fragile najnï: smooth vein balieka:
pointed nilujkato: powdery brittle

shape abundance size shape colour texture taste–smell seasonality

duwonï:
Fruit ju/ujto: aiwa: haniwa: small kökönï: duebe: inëjkade: ïnëjka: delicious
dry season
spherical a lot uli ujto: rosette red-yellow dry & inedible jtijtikë: bitter
öjkunë:
juadejkwa: haniwa: large dujwe: duëna: ejlau(kwa): jtijtide:
wet season
round with a little yowakï: flat orange juicy not bitter
seed inside small jele ajkunï: yabo: jolowajka miji: ejkaka: spicy
titoju: jtuweneka: grows on white rough skin yuwëjka:
(various
oblong long stem nujtibo: jtejtena miji: noxious
finer
dali/ade: alikwete: green-blue smooth skin lowekato:
distinctions
small fruit short waleajte: nea: nauseous
made for
ja/ïeya: black humid lebona:
each type)
legume kao: turns pleasant
dark purple wikë: sour

abundance size shape colour texture seasonality behaviour

Flower aiwa: jani: small kökönï: yabo: white jena: duwonï: dry season jkukï(deke):
bu: a lot janii: very small rosette duebe: red-yellow nectar öjkunë: wet season falls to
generic janiwana: uli: large kwiinï: duëna: orange ground
term for a little alikwete: short compound yaka: purple (various finer distinctions
flower jtamuwa: long nujtibo: green-blue made for each type)

Variation & change in the larger, mission-based, more ac- (traditional settlement, traditional hab-
knowledge acquisition culturated communities. Another key itat), Majagua (traditional settlement,
variable for our sample design was non-traditional habitat), Iguana (non-
In order to study the dynamic process- whether they occupied traditional pre- traditional settlement, traditional habi-
es of ethnobotanical knowledge acqui- montane forest habitats (Mosquito and tat) and Kayamá (non-traditional settle-
sition and distribution, we compared Iguana) or non-traditional fluvial forest ment, non-traditional habitat).
interinformant knowledge patterns and savanna-forest transitional habi-
across the four study communities. tats (Majagua and Kayamá). Thus each The research method consisted of car-
Mosquito and Majagua are to smaller, community was distinct in terms of rying out structured interviews in refer-
independent, less acculturated settle- the cross-cutting parameters of settle- ence to the plot trees and lianas among
ments while Iguana and Kayamá are ment and habitat as follows: Mosquito a broad range of community members

111
 Figure 1
Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge Generic, specific
& nomenclature
classification by age

1 1

0.9 0.9

R² = 0.572
0.8 0.8
Generic R² = 0.607
0.7 0.7
R² = 0.231
Specific R² = 0.501
Competence score

0.6
Generic

Competence score
0.6
Nomenclature R² = 0.134
0.5 Specific
0.5

0.4
R² = 0.169 Nomenclature
0.4

0.3
0.3

0.2
Majagua
0.2
Mosquito
0.1
0.1

0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 0
Age 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55
Age
1
R² = 0.804
1
0.9 R² = 0.325
0.9
R² = 0.783
0.8 R² = 0.302
0.8

0.7
Competence score

0.7
R² = 0.671 R2 = 0.196

Competence score
0.6
0.6
Generic Generic
0.5
0.5
Specific
Specific
0.4 0.4
Nomenclature
0.3 0.3
Nomenclature
0.2 0.2
Iguana Kayamá
0.1 0.1

0 0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70
Age Age

varying by age and sex. The respective research (cf. Chipeniuk 1995; Hatano are most relevant to the main topic of
sample sizes were: 24 individuals (15 and Inagaki 1999; Kellert 1985; Ki-fong knowledge transmission and change
males, 9 females) at Mosquito, 20 indi- Au and Romo 1999). We then compared (see Zent and Zent 2004 for a more de-
viduals (12 males, 8 females) at Majagua, the statistically modeled learning curves tailed discussion). The first set of results
62 individuals (31 males, 31 females) at across the four communities and the re- reviewed here are scatterplots and poly-
Iguana, and 63 individuals (32 males, 31 lationships of these to change-indicator nomial regression trendlines for generic,
females) at Kayamá . Each person inter- variables in order to infer the impact specific and nomenclatural classification
viewed was walked through the plot and of social and ecological changes on the (indicated in blue, red and green respec-
asked to provide the name, taxonomic knowledge acquisition process. This last tively) by age in the four communities
classification and use values for every step is especially important because it (Figure 1). ‘Generic’ classification refers
marked plant in the plot. Individual provides the context needed to inter- to middle-inclusive groupings, ‘specific’
knowledge was measured by perform- pret correctly the observed knowledge- to lower level terminal taxa, and ‘no-
ing a cultural consensus analysis on the upon-age differentials by community, menclature’ to the particular names giv-
totality of answers using the Anthropac as representing either a normal learning en to a plant. Please keep in mind that
computer program (Romney et al. 1986).2 trend (i.e. age-based knowledge accumu- the two plots on top correspond to the
Linear and curvilinear regression was lation) as may be expected under steady- two non-mission groups and the bot-
used to model and test the relationships state conditions or rather as a delearning tom two refer to the two mission com-
between ethnobotanical competence trend (i.e. failure to learn what elders munities, while the two plots on the left
and age. Given the difficulties of directly once learned) as may be expected under correspond to settlements located in the
observing knowledge acquisition and rapid change conditions. traditional habitat setting and the two
change over time, we used age as a proxy on the right indicate recently-colonised,
for modelling time-based learning, an Due to space constraints, in this paper hence non-traditional ecozones. In all
inferential technique that is commonly I am only able to present a very brief groups, the consensus knowledge trends
used in developmental bio-psychological and laconic summary of the results that at the three levels of classification are

112
 Figure 2 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity
Generic classification
by age

1 1

0.9 0.9
R² = 0.012
0.8 0.8
R² = 0.177 R² = 0.239
0.7 0.7
Competence score

Competence score
0.6 0.6
R² = 0.595
0.5 0.5

0.4 0.4

0.3 0.3

0.2 0.2
Mosquito Majagua
0.1
0.1

0
0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55
Age Age

1
1
0.9
R² = 0.002 0.9
0.8
0.8
R² = 0.004
0.7
Competence score

0.7

Competence score
0.6
0.6
R² = 0.304
0.5
0.5
R² = 0.709
0.4
0.4

0.3 0.3

0.2 0.2
Iguana Kayamá
0.1 0.1

0 0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65
Age
Age

closely parallel, thus indicating that ac- into younger and older groups and dependent on wild resources for their
quiring correct names is closely associat- then plotting the results. Figure 2 dis- subsistence, and children likewise have
ed with correct taxonomic identification, plays the dichotomised competence- more contact and manipulation of for-
and lower-level taxonomic classification on-age trends for generic classification. est plants. Younger people at Majagua,
is closely associated with higher-level The results show very clearly the active we remember, also displayed less knowl-
classification. Regarding knowledge- (de)learning trend among children, ad- edge by age than adults, indicating a de-
on-age trends, Majagua, Iguana and olescents and young adults at Majagua, layed learning phase, similar to mission
Kayamá share the same basic pattern, Iguana and Kayamá whereas there is no communities, but this result can prob-
that is a definite rise of competence by significant difference among younger ably be explained by the fact they have
age among younger people up until and older people at Mosquito. recently moved into a non-traditional
around 20 years of age followed by no habitat, hence historically less familiar
further significant acquisition after that, The next graph hints at the reasons flora. Thus when viewed in a cross-com-
no matter how much older one is. The for the uniqueness of Mosquito (Figure munity context and related to indicator
pattern observed at Mosquito is differ- 3). Through time-allocation studies,3 variables of activity or habitat change,
ent, there being no significant change of we were able to determine that they the results suggest that adolescents and
knowledge level between younger and spend a greater amount of their time young adults in the mission communi-
older persons. out in the forest, marked by the green ties and the independent, migrating
colours in the figure. In fact, going from community are experiencing a delearn-
The marked difference between an ac- upper left to upper right and then lower ing trend (i.e. failure to learn knowledge
tive (de)learning phase among younger left to lower right, that is from least to that is normally acquired by such indi-
people vs. a more static non-learning most acculturated, we see a progres- viduals under traditional conditions).
phase among adults greater than 20 sive drop in the amount of time spent
years of age can be made more visible in the forest. Related to this, the people The learning process of use knowl-
by dividing our community samples at Mosquito and Majagua are still more edge – food and medicine classification

113
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge Figure 3
Space–time
allocation

Mosquito Majagua

forest-far
17% forest-far
21%

house house
41% 43%

forest-near forest-near
village
36% 24%
1%
village
river 4%
garden garden
2% river
3% 5%
3%

Iguana Kayamá
urban
forest-far forest-far 1%
11% 10%
house
28%

forest-near house
forest-near 13% 37%
20%

garden
9%

garden river
10% 2%
village
river 27%
4%
village
28%

– is modelled in the next set of di- seemingly caused by the fact that the Apparently mission-raised children are
chotomised sample plots (Figure 4). younger people are picking up knowl- not learning as many medicinal plants
The respective dichotomised trends edge about more commonplace and as their non-mission counterparts.
across communities described above widely-known plant cures while older There are other key results that should
are replicated once again for food use adults know more rare medicinals. If be briefly mentioned: (a) no significant
categorisation: competence rises with this assumption is correct, it would differences in taxonomic or use value
age until young people reach their also mean that the consensus model knowledge levels were found accord-
early twenties in Majagua, Iguana and is not the most appropriate method ing to gender or according to gender by
Kayamá while there is no significant for analysing the distributional pattern age; (b) there is a rather strong positive
difference by age at Mosquito. For of this data set (because knowledge of relationship between ability to classify
medicinal use, however, the pattern is rarely used medicinal plants qualifies at the specific rank and food use knowl-
somewhat distinct. Younger people at as a type of specialist knowledge, see edge among all communities except
both Mosquito and Majagua, the two note 1). As can be appreciated in Figure for Mosquito, and a similar but weaker
independent communities (top two 5, older people at Iguana and Kayamá relationship of this kind with regard
plots), display insignificant differ- display larger inventories of medicinal to medicinal use knowledge, thus indi-
ences of competence from older plants (a measure different from cultur- cating that taxonomic and utilitarian
people. Meanwhile at the two mis- al consensus) than younger people, as knowledge are to some extent interde-
sion communities there seems to be the bottom two trends are clearly signif- pendent; and (c) degree of bilingualism
a weakly significant bimodal ten- icant. Our cross-community interpreta- and length of school education were
dency for the younger cohort to tion of this result takes into account the not found to correlate with ethnobo-
improve their competency with age and fact that Western medicines are readily tanical knowledge at Kayamá, the only
for the older cohort to decline in com- available at the missions whereas at the community where these developments
petency with age. This unlikely result is independent communities they are not. have occurred.

114
 Figure 4 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity
Food & medicine
classification by age

1 1

0.9 0.9
R² = 0.076 R² = 0.014
Medicine Medicine
0.8 0.8
R² = 0.139 R² = 0.109 R² = 0.208
Food R² = 0.0001
0.7 0.7
R² = 0.044
Food
Competence score

Competence score
0.6 0.6
R² = 0.488
0.5 0.5

0.4 0.4

0.3 0.3

0.2
0.2
Mosquito Majagua
0.1
0.1

0
0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60
Age
Age

1
1
0.9
0.9
0.8 R² = 0.008
R² = 0.04802
0.8
0.7
R² = 0.231
Competence score

Medicine 0.7
Food
0.6

Competence score
R² = 0.280
0.6
R² = 0.17 Medicine
0.5
R² = 0.125
R² = 0.228
0.5
Food
0.4
0.4
R² = 0.45
0.3
0.3

0.2 0.2
Iguana Kayamá
0.1 0.1

0 0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65
Age Age

Dynamic Context of situated interactions, communications, processing or eating the catch, painting
Knowledge Transmission observations and participation in shared the body with vegetable dyes, perform-
experiences with older and/or more ing rites with magical plants to enhance
The previous section examined the experienced individuals, acquires the hunting success, curing the sick, etc. We
socially and ecologically structured pat- knowledge and skills that are needed to did not witness formal or consciously-
tern of ethnobotanical knowledge varia- function, and be regarded, as competent planned teacher-led instruction about
tion within and between Jotï commu- members of their communities. plants, with the exception of one of the
nities as an indirect means of inferring schoolteachers at Kayamá who decided
processes of knowledge acquisition and Previous anthropological and edu- to teach his pupils about plants after we
its change over time. Now we turn to a cational studies have emphasised the completed our study and then informed
brief but more direct consideration of informal, context-dependent, activity- the community of the gap between
the actual knowledge acquisition/trans- situated and participatory nature of tra- children’s and adult’s knowledge on
mission process, the routine procedures ditional knowledge transmission, and the subject. Only when children asked
and contexts through which this occurs, our observations of Jotï ethnobotanical questions first to parents, older siblings
and the social and ecological transitions knowledge are largely consistent with or other caregivers, usually in the course
affecting these. Although research on the this characterisation (Katz 1986, 1989; of subsistence activities, was specific and
informal acquisition of biological knowl- Lave and Wenger 1981; Lozada et al. directed verbal instruction provided. In
edge has expanded in recent years, most 2006; Zarger 2002). According to our ex- that sense, we would characterise eth-
of this has focused on the psychological perience of Jotï daily life, most talk about nobotanical knowledge transmission
rather than the cultural or sociological plants occurs in contexts in which there among Jotï as learner-initiated or mo-
dimension. Thus I limit my discussion is direct contact and interaction with tivated: information is verbally trans-
to the socialisation process by which a them. These include: walking through mitted from expert to apprentice upon
child or novice, through recurrent and the forest, harvesting plant products, the latter’s request. More commonly,

115
 Figure 5
Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge Regression of number
of medicinal plants
identified by age

18 14

16
12

14

10
12
No. of medicinal taxa

R² = 0.04334

No. of medicinal taxa

10 8
R² = 0.00894
8
6

4
4
Majagua
Mosquito
2 2

0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55
Age
Age
25
40

35
20

30

No. of medicinal taxa

No. of medicinal taxa

15 25

R² = 0.15469
20
R² = 0.11206
10
15

10
5 Kayamá
Iguana 5

0
0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60
Age
Age

however, the child-learner will merely and seemed puzzled at the suggestion. modification in a relatively larger area
watch and listen to what adults or older This suggests the largely unconscious surrounding the village, children’s
children do or say in the course of their nature of this process. We also asked unchaperoned range has increased.
normal activities. Thus it appears that several adults if they taught their plant Less free time is also available to adults
the primary method of knowledge ac- knowledge to their children. Most as- such that when they are at home or
quisition in this context is focused ob- sured us that they did but were unable in the village, where children could
servation and peripheral participation, to specify how they did so other than potentially spend more time with them,
a pattern reported elsewhere (Katz 1986; to say they took them along camping they are often very busy with other
Zarger 2002), and the burden of trans- or hunting-gathering. In sum, we can work or visiting other adults;
mission is with the learner. This style characterise the ethnobotanical knowl-
of learning is also consistent with the edge transmission process as mostly 2 Less time is spent in traditional
general norm that individuals are able unconscious, activity-situated, verbally subsistence activities and more time is
to choose what activities they engage in and non-verbally communicated, ob- spent in non-traditional activities such
free from social pressure or coercion of server-activated and learner-directed. as church, school or organised games;
any kind from a young age.
What are some of the impacts of so- 3 Less importance is attached to
We asked a number of individuals cial and economic change on ethnobo- a large variety of supplemental wild
who it was that taught them about tanical knowledge transmission/sociali- resources due to more dependence on
plants in general and particular, and sation? Mission groups differed socially, agriculture, including non-traditional
how was this done. The most common behaviorally and culturally from non- crops introduced by missionaries, and
response was one’s parents, or occa- mission groups in the following ways: imported foods, tools and materials.
sionally a grandparent (no one indi-
cated a sibling), but almost everyone 1 Less time is spent with adults, more 4 There is less concern for learning
was unable to answer how it occurred time is spent with peers. Due to habitat about medicinal plants because free

116
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

antibiotics, analgesics and other the methods and results). The Piaroa are never be fully made up, rather than a
pharmaceuticals are available at also an indigenous horticultural-hunt- so-called ‘normal’ learning curve. This is
the mission; ing society and inhabit a tropical forest based partly on the historical datum that
habitat similar to that of the Jotï, but the town was also founded thirty years
5 Greater social and economic their history of contact and integration prior to the study. From that point on,
value is being attached to with Western society is about a genera- the ecological, economic, social and cul-
allotochtonous knowledge, especially tion longer. The study was conducted in tural life of the people began to change
among young people, such as Gavilán, a relatively large, nucleated and radically. Children growing up in this
school education, Spanish language, sedentary town that was founded thirty environment were exposed directly or
Christian religion, specialised skills years prior to the date of the study and is indirectly through their care-givers to
(e.g. Western medical caregiving, about an hour’s car drive away from the classrooms, Western medicines, import-
carpentry, electricity, masonry, state capital city. While people in this ed foods, exotic goods, frequent visits to
lawn-mowing), and the ability to community still generate a large portion the capital city, organised sports, radios,
play football or other sports. This of their own daily subsistence, mainly television, Christian religion, retreat-
is because these are perceived as through shifting cultivation, at the same ing forest edges, political parties and a
training paths to acquiring higher time they have become highly depen- host of other non-traditional agents of
social status and material benefits dent on outside markets and a money change. Another telling result of the
(for example, people who perform economy and government-provided ser- study contributing to this interpretation
such services are rewarded by vices (school, health care, housing, elec- is that intrusive knowledge forms, as
the missionaries). Some children tricity, cooperative businesses). A large indicated by years of school education
expressed their desire to follow proportion (about 50 per cent) speak the completed and bilingual ability, were
novel career paths (airplane pilot, national language, and the preponder- found to be contributing factors to low-
agronomist, medical doctor). ance of Western cultural ideals, practices er competence levels. Finally, Gavilán
and material items is plainly evident. youngsters also appear to be somewhat
One of the main results of the chang- knowledge-deprived when the results are
es in patterns of social interaction, ac- The main result from the Gavlián considered in the light of cross-cultural
tivities and values is the generation gap study that I want to mention here is that comparison. In other studies of ethno-
in ethnobotanical knowledge observed the same general pattern of knowledge botanical knowledge acquisition carried
previously. This indicates that TEK is differential among younger vs. older out among rural, agrarian populations in
especially sensitive and vulnerable to generations for taxonomic and use com- Meso-America, it was found that adult
changes in the surrounding context. petence was found but in this case the or near-adult competency is reached by
rise of knowledge with age is even more about the age of puberty (12 or 13 years
extended, up to 30 years old and perhaps old) (Hunn 2002; Stross 1973; Zarger
Comparison with slightly beyond. Averaging the recorded and Stepp 2004). Taken together, these
the Piaroa case competence scores by age cohort, it was data strongly suggest that the observed
found that 10 to 14 year-old males are knowledge differences by age in Gavilán
As mentioned previously, cross-cultural able to identify and name correctly 46 expose a delearning trend that contrib-
comparisons are useful for revealing per cent, 15-19 year olds 53 per cent, 20- utes to a TEK generation gap. The fact
more general or explanatory trends in 24 year-olds 69 per cent and 25-29 year that this gap is wider among the Piaroa
knowledge transmission and its change olds 76 per cent of the trees or lianas than among the Jotï and that the for-
beyond the confined setting of a local that mature adult males of 30 years old mer exhibit a more advanced state of
group. With this goal in mind, I now and above typically know. These figures general cultural and ecological change
compare some of the results obtained suggest that the knowledge generation suggests that this may be a more gener-
in the Jotï study with those obtained gap has become wider in comparison to al, interculturally-valid process resulting
in another similar but smaller study I the Jotï case. My interpretation is that from progressive impairment, devalu-
made among the Piaroa group that was this differential really reflects a trend of ation or disuse of traditional transmis-
mentioned earlier (see Zent 1999, 2001 knowledge decline among the younger sion processes. Further confirmation of
for a detailed description and analysis of generation of Gavilán residents that will this hypothesis could be provided by

117
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

measuring and comparing the relative reviewed here suggests however that tra- the retention of rich ethnobotanical
generation gaps among groups who ditional environmental language, classi- inventories from one generation to the
have travelled even further down the fier suffix designations among the Piaroa next. Meanwhile the positive feedback
road of cultural modernisation. and plant names and plant part attribu- (i.e. deviation-amplifying) effects of
tions among the Jotï, may already be declining knowledge on processes of
experiencing decay in the sense of struc- cultural and ecological change are less
Conclusion tural (categorical) and functional (use) well understood at this time but may be
reduction, with serious consequences equally significant. For example, it seems
for continued maintenance of ethnobo- logical to assume that the loss of knowl-
When viewed at a national scale, it tanical knowledge and use abilities. This edge about edible and medicinal plants
seems all too obvious that many if not observation elicits the hypothesis that makes people increasingly dependent
all indigenous peoples in Venezuela are traditional environmental language is upon cultivated or imported foods and
currently experiencing a widespread one of the linguistic domains that first medical care provided by outsiders, thus
trend of TEK erosion associated with suffers decay in a context of rapid cul- reinforcing pressures toward settlement
rapid cultural and ecological change (cf. tural and ecological change. nucleation and sedentism, agricultural
Zent and Zent 2007). However, I have at- intensification, market integration, na-
tempted to show here how a closer look Clear trends of TEK erosion were de- tional language learning and sustained
at the unfolding of this general trend tected in the two case studies described contact with surrounding societies. As
in specific localities can enrich our un- and the displacement of traditional well, diminishing knowledge and use of
derstanding of the variation and com- methods, actors and contexts of knowl- wild plant resources appear to be linked
plexity of this process. The particulars edge transmission was emphasised as a to corresponding shifts in the ecological
of biocultural connections, acquisition main contributing factor. Comparing impact of subsistence and settlement
dynamics and contingent variables of the two cases brought to light that the patterns on local biodiversity. Among
change among the Jotï and the Piaroa al- erosional process is manifested locally as the Jotï, knowledge of the seasonal hab-
low us to distinguish (partially) separate an ever-widening generation gap, which its and dispersed locations of a diverse
realities of the TEK transition within the further underscores the importance of range of plant and animal species plays a
larger picture. The careful comparison of better understanding how and why key role in traditional trekking (i.e. mo-
differences as well as similarities across transmission of knowledge from older bile camping) and foraging behaviors.
different groups permit sharper defini- to younger generations is or is not occur- These activities are in turn associated
tion of the general processes and causal ring. The data reviewed here suggest that with micro-scale, low-impact ecological
factors involved. Thus local language the Piaroa have moved further along disturbances (e.g. seed banking and
was highlighted as an integral compo- this intergenerational transition and dispersal, felling of senescent trees, gap
nent of TEK management among both therefore more drastic measures aimed creation, cultivation in tree fall clearings
groups. Although there is no indication at revitalising, reinventing or revaluing and selective fire application) that main-
that either the Jotï or Piaroa languages threatened mechanisms of knowledge tain and create biodiversity within the
are facing imminent endangerment and transmission may be needed. surrounding landscape (Zent and Zent
in none of these groups are vernacular 2004b). With the decline of nomadic for-
mother tongue speakers declining, a What are the implications of TEK aging habits, one may also expect fewer
closer look at their situations suggests delearning trends for maintenance of diversity-enhancing disturbances caused
that the local language may be under- cultural and biological diversity? The by humans. Among the Piaroa, the tra-
going significant shifts. Villalón (n.d.) case studies reviewed in this chapter and ditional long-fallow shifting cultivation
characterises Jotï as a generally stable elsewhere (Begossi et al. 2002; Benz et al. cycle coupled with frequent settlement
but threatened language given the small 2000; Caniago and Siebert 1998; Case et mobility produces a heterogeneous mo-
population and rapid transculturation al. 2005; Estomba et al. 2006; Luoga et saic of secondary vegetation in various
they are experiencing, and classifies al. 2000; Voeks and Leony 2004) support stages of succession interspersed with
Piaroa as hypothetically threatened the hypothesis that local acculturation primary forest types. Different invento-
due to the rapid increase of bilingual- processes driven by exogenous agents ries of utilised plant and animal species
ism among young people. The evidence and forces of change negatively impact are associated with each vegetation type,

118
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

thus providing incentives for their con- technique based on principal

Notes
tinued maintenance and reproduction components analysis, which is
(Zent 1995, 1997). The commercialisa- designed to measure patterns
tion and intensification of slash-and- 1 Previous versions of this chapter of interinformant agreement/
burn cultivation practices, resulting in were presented at the UNESCO/Japan disagreement about selected culturally
the lengthening of the cultivation phase Center for Area Studies, National shared domains. The method requires
and the shortening of the fallow phase, Museum of Ethnology Symposium obtaining a single factor solution
along with greater population pressure and Experts Meeting ‘Safeguarding the (expressed by a first eigenvalue
on local resources due to greater con- Transmission of Local & Indigenous three times greater than the second
centration and sedentarisation of settle- Knowledge of Nature: Exploring eigenvalue), which indicates that
ment, has produced habitat and biodi- Linkages between Cultural Diversity and a group consensus model exists.
versity degradation in the home ranges Biodiversity’ held at Aichi Prefectural Having established that consensus
of some Piaroa communities (Melnyck University, Nagoya, Japan, April 14–15, configures the domain, it permits:
1993; Zent 1994, 1999). Thus the dy- 2005, and at the Christensen Fund/ (a) determination of the correct (i.e.
namic interrelationships between tradi- Terralingua-sponsored Workshop ‘Gaps consensual) answers (when such
tional knowledge, socioeconomic prac- and Needs in Biocultural Diversity answers are unknown beforehand)
tice, ecological impact and biodiversity Research’ held at the University of and (b) rating of the individual
are clearly inferable from a close consid- Florida, Gainesville, Florida, U.S.A. knowledge levels, expressed in
eration of these case studies. April 21–22, 2005. The author wishes terms of competence scores. The
to thank the participants of those method is limited in the sense that
Whether the changing knowledge events for stimulating feedback that it is appropriate for rating generalist
base can be implicated as a contributing helped me to sharpen some of the ideas knowledge but not appropriate for
cause, rather than merely an effect, of presented in the written version. Useful specialist knowledge. It has been
larger social and environmental trends comments and criticisms of an earlier widely used in studies of TEK variation
still needs to be answered and will re- draft were provided by Egleé Zent, Janet and change (Atran et al. 2002; Guest
quire a more focused research design, Chernela, Jenny Navas, Jeyni Gonzalez, 2002; Miller et al. 2004; Reyes-García
preferably implemented at different Francisco Tiapa, Yheicar Bernal, Marie et al. 2005, 2007; Ross 2002; Ross and
sites. If future research does determine Claude Mattéi-Müller, Peter Bates and Medin 2005; Zent 1999, 2001; Zent
that changing patterns of TEK interact Sabine Kube. Any errors of fact or and Zent 2004).
in a causal or synergetic sense with other interpretation are the sole responsibility
change indicator variables, then this of the author. The data on the Jotï 3 To measure time allocation,
would give some support to the hypoth- was collected and analysed together the spot check method innovated
esis that biological diversity and cultural with Egleé Zent. Material support for by Johnson (1975) was used. The
diversity are interdependent (rather than the Piaroa fieldwork was given by the method involves random selection of
analogous) phenomena. It would also Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones individuals and hourly time periods
reinforce the idea that TEK erosion is Científicas (IVIC), International and the instantaneous observation
not necessarily an inevitable outcome of Institute of Education Fulbright and recording of the person’s activity
modernisation processes and therefore Fellowship Program and the Explorer’s and location at the designated hour.
underline the importance of promot- Club. Material support for the Jotï The sum total of observations per
ing the intergenerational transmission fieldwork was provided by the IVIC, the activity type is converted to a time
of TEK as a means for defending biocul- Consejo Nacional para la Investigación allocation figure (i.e. minutes per
tural diversity over time. In conclusion, Científica y Tecnológica (CONICIT), day) by multiplying the relative
we recommend that more local-level and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for frequency of the activity by the
studies of the causal or systemic linkages Anthropological Research. number of hours (thirteen) covered by
between TEK and the broader historical the daily observation period (0600hr
and ecological context are needed to 2 Cultural consensus analysis, as to 1900hr). The overall result is a
advance both the theory and the policy developed by Romney and associates quantitative profile of the time spent
applications of biocultural diversity. (1986, 1987), is a mathematical per activity by the community.

119
 Safeguarding the transmission of indigenous knowledge

References

Alexiades, M.N. 2007. Mobility and Migra- Estomba, D., Ladio, A. and Lozada, M. Kempton, W. 2001. Cognitive Anthropology
tion in Indigenous Amazonia: Contempo- 2006. Medicinal wild plant knowledge and and the Environment. In Crumley C.L. (ed.),
rary Ethnoecological Perspectives. Oxford, gathering patterns in a Mapuche commu- New Directions in Anthropology & Environment.
Berghahn Books. nity from northwestern Patagonia. Journal Walnut Creek, Altamira Press. Pp. 49–71.
of Ethnopharmacology, 103:109–119.
Atran, S., Medin, D.,. Ross, N., Lynch, Ki-fong Au T. and Romo, L.F. 1999. Me-
E., Vapnarsky, V., Ucan Ek’, E., Coley, J., Guest, G. 2002. Market integration and chanical Causality in Children’s ‘Folkbiol-
Timura, C. and Baran, M. 2002. Folkecol- the distribution of ecological knowledge ogy’. In Medin D., and Atran, S. (eds.),
ogy, cultural epidemiology, and the spirit within an Ecuadorian fishing community. Folkbiology. Cambridge, Mass., The MIT
of the commons. Current Anthropology, Journal of Ecological Anthropology, 6:38–49. Press. Pp. 355–401.
43:421–450.
Harmon, D. 1996. Losing species, losing Krute, L. 1989. Piaroa Nominal Morphose-
Begossi, A., Hanazaki, N. and Tamashiro, J. languages: Connections between bio- mantics. Ph.D. thesis. Columbia Univer-
2002. Medicinal plants in the Atlantic For- logical and linguistic diversity. Southwest sity, Ann Arbor: University Microfilms
est (Brazil): Knowledge, use, and conserva- Journal of Linguistics, 15:89–108. International.
tion. Human Ecology, 30(3):281–299.
Harmon, D. 2002. In Light of Our Differ- Lave, J. and Wenger, E. 1991. Situated
Benz, B.F., Cevallos, J., Santana, F., Rosales, ences: How Diversity in Nature and Culture Learning: Legitimate peripheral participation.
J. and Graf, S. 2000. Losing knowledge Makes us Human. Washington, Smithsonian Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
about plant use in the Sierra de Manant- Institution Press.
lan Biosphere Reserve, Mexico. Economic Lee, R.A., Balick, M.J., Ling, D.L, Sohl, F.,
Botany, 54:183–191. Hatano, G. and Inagaki, K. 1999. A Brosi, B.J. and Raynor, W. 2001. Cultural
Developmental Perspective on Informal Dynamism and Change – An Example
Brodt, S. 2001. A Systems Perspective on Biology. In Medin, D. and S. Atran (eds.), from the Federated States of Micronesia.
the Conservation and Erosion of Indig- Folkbiology. Cambridge, Mass., The MIT Economic Botany, 55(1):9–13.
enous Agricultural Knowledge in Central Press. Pp. 321–354.
India. Human Ecology, 29(1):99–120. Loh, J. and Harmon, D. 2005. A global
Heckler, S. (ed.). In press. Landscape, Power index of biocultural diversity. Ecological
Caniago, I. and Siebert, S.F. 1998. Me- and Process: a new environmental knowledge Indicators, 5(2005):231–241.
dicinal plant economy, knowledge and synthesis. Oxford, Berghahn Books.
conservation in Kalimantan, Indonesia. Lozada, M., Ladio, A. and Weigandt, M.
Economic Botany, 52:229–250. Hunn, E. 1999. The Value of Subsistence 2006. Cultural Transmission of Ethnobo-
for the Future of the World. Nazarea, V. tanical Knowledge in a Rural Community
Carlson, T. and Maffi L. (eds.). 2004. Eth- (ed.), Ethnoecology. Tucson, University of of Northwestern Patagonia, Argentina.
nobotany and Conservation of Biocultural Arizona Press. Pp. 23–36. Economic Botany, 60(4):374–385.
Diversity. Advances in Economic Botany, Vol.
15. Bronx, New York Botanical Garden Press. Hunn, E. 2002. Evidence for the precocious Luoga, E.J., Witkowski, E.T.F. and Balkwill, K.
acquisition of plant knowledge by Zapotec 2000. Differential utilization and ethnobot-
Case, R.J., Pauli, G.F. and Soejarto, D.D. children. Stepp, J., Wyndham, F. and Zarger, R. any of trees in Kitulanghalo Forest Reserve
2005. Factors in maintaining indigenous (eds.), Ethnobiology and biocultural diversity. Ath- and surrounding communal lands, eastern
knowledge among ethnic communities of ens, University of Georgia Press. Pp. 604–613. Tanzania. Economic Botany, 54:328–343.
Manus Island. Economic Botany, 59:356–365.
Johnson, A.W. 1975. Time allocation in Maffi, L. 2001. Linking Language and En-
Chipeniuk, R. 1995. Childhood Foraging a Machiguenga community. Ethnology, vironment: A Coevolutionary Perspective.
as a Means of Acquiring Competent Hu- 14:301–310. In Crumley C.L. (ed.), New Directions in
man Cognition about Biodiversity. Environ- Anthropology & Environment. Walnut Creek,
ment and Behavior, 27(4):490–512. Katz, C. 1986. Children and the Environ- Altamira Press. Pp. 24–48.
ment: Work, Play and Learning in Rural
Cocks, M. 2006. Biocultural Diversity: Sudan. Children’s Environments Quarterly, Maffi, L. 2005. Linguistic, cultural, and
Moving beyond the Realm of ‘Indig- 3(4):43–51. biological diversity. Annual Review of An-
enous’ and ‘Local’ People. Human Ecology, thropology, 34:599–617.
34(2):185–200. Katz, C. 1989. Herders, gatherers and for-
agers: The emerging botanies of children Melnyk, M. 1993. The contribution of
Crystal, D. 2000. Language Death. Cam- in rural Sudan. Children’s Environments forest foods to the livelihood of the Huottuja
bridge, Cambridge University Press. Quarterly, 6(1):46–53. (piaroa) people of southern Venezuela. Ph.D.
thesis, University of London, UK.
Ellen, R., Parkes, P. and Bicker, A. (eds.). Kellert, S.R. 1985. Attitudes towards
2000. Indigenous Environmental Knowledge animals: Age-related development among
and its Transformations. Amsterdam, Har- children. Journal of Environmental Educa-
wood Academic Publishers. tion, 16(3):29–39.

120
 Traditional ecological knowledge and biocultural diversity

Miller, M.L., Kaneko, J., Bartram, P., Marks, J. Stross, B. 1973. Acquisition of Botanical Zent, S. 1999. The Quandary of Conserving
and Brewer, D.D. 2004. Cultural Consensus Terminology by Tzeltal Children. In Edmon- Ethnobotanical Knowledge: A Piaroa Ex-
analysis and environmental anthropology: son, M.S. (ed.) Meaning in Mayan Languag- ample. In Gragson, T. and Blount, B. (eds.)
Yellowfin tuna fishery management in Ha- es. The Hague: Mouton. Pp. 107–141. Ethnoecology: Knowledge, Resources, Rights.
waii. Cross-Cultural Research, 38:289–314. University of Georgia Press. Pp. 90–124.
Toledo, V.M. 2002. Ethnoecology: A
Nettle, D. and Romaine, S. 2000. Vanish- Conceptual Framework for the Study of Zent, S. 2001. Acculturation and Eth-
ing Voices: the extinction of the world’s the Indigenous Knowledge of Nature. In nobotanical Knowledge Loss among the
languages. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Stepp, J., Wyndham, F. and Zarger, R. (eds.) Piaroa of Venezuela: Demonstration of
Ethnobiology and biocultural diversity. Athens: a Quantitative Method for the Empirical
Ohmagari, K. and Berkes, F. 1997. Trans- University of Georgia Press. Pp. 511–522. Study of TEK Change. In Maffi, L. (ed.)
mission of Indigenous Knowledge and On Biocultural Diversity: Linking Language,
Bush Skills Among the Western James Bay Villalón, N.D. Una Apreciación de la Vitali- Knowledge, and the Environment. Washing-
Cree Women of Subarctic Canada. Human dad Lingüística en Venezuela. Unpublished ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Ecology, 25(2):197–222. Manuscript. Pp. 190–211.

Reyes-Garcia, V., Vadez V., Byron, E., Apa- Voeks, R.A. and Leony, A. 2004. Forgetting Zent, E.L. and Zent, S. 2004a. Floristic
za, L., Leonard, W.R, Pérez, E. and Wilkie, the Forest: Assessing Medicinal Plant Ero- Composition, Structure and Diversity of
D. 2005. Market Economy and the Loss of sion in Eastern Brazil. Economic Botany, 58 Four Forest Plots in the Sierra Maigualida,
Folk Knowledge of Plant Uses: Estimates (Supplement):S294–S306. Venezuelan Guayana. Biodiversity and Con-
from the Tsimane’ of the Bolivian Amazon. servation, 13: 2453–2483.
Current Anthropology, 46(4):651–656. Zarger, R. 2002. Acquisition and transmis-
sion of subsistence knowledge by Q’eqchi’ Zent, E.L. and Zent, S. 2004b. Amazonian
Reyes-Garcia, V., Vadez V., Huanca T., Maya in Belize. In J. Stepp, F. Wyndham Indians as Ecological Disturbance Agents:
Leonard W.R. and McDade, T. 2007. and R. Zarger (eds.). Ethnobiology and The Hoti of the Sierra Maigualida, Ven-
Economic Development and Local Ecologi- biocultural diversity. Athens: University of ezuelan Amazon. In Carlson, T. and Maffi,
cal Knowledge: A Deadlock? Quantitative Georgia Press. Pp. 593–603. L. (eds.) Ethnobotany and Conservation of
Research from a Native Amazonian Society. Biocultural Diversity. Advances in Economic
Human Ecology, 35(3):371–377. Zarger, R. and Stepp, J. 2004. Persistence Botany. Vol. 15. Bronx: New York Botanical
of Botanical Knowledge among Tzeltal Garden Press. Pp. 79–112.
Romney, A.K., Weller, S.C. and Batchelder, Maya Children. Current Anthropology,
W.H. 1986. Culture as Consensus: A 45(3):413–418. Zent, S. and Zent, E.L. 2004. Ethnobotani-
Theory of Culture and Informant Accuracy. cal Convergence, Divergence, and Change
American Anthropologist, 88(2):313–318. Zent, S. 1992. Historical and Ethnographic among the Hoti. In Carlson, T. and Maffi,
Ecology of the Upper Cuao River Wõthhã: L. (eds.) Ethnobotany and Conservation of
Romney, A.K., Batchelder, W.H. and Clues for an Interpretation of Native Guianese Biocultural Diversity. Advances in Economic
Weller, S.C. 1987. Recent Applications Social Organisation. PhD Dissertation Co- Botany. Vol. 15. Bronx: New York Botanical
of Cultural Consensus Theory. American lumbia University, New York. xii + 478 pp. Garden Press. Pp. 37–78.
Behavioral Scientist, 31(2):163–177.
Zent, S. 1994. Agricultural Transformations Zent, S. and Zent, E.L. 2007. On Biocultur-
Rosch, E. 1977. Human Categorization. In among the Piaroa Indians of the Venezue- al Diversity from a Venezuelan Perspective:
Warren, N. (ed.) Studies in Cross-Cultural lan Amazon. Paper presented at the 48th tracing the interrelationships among biodi-
Psychology. London: Academic Press. International Congress of Americanists, versity, culture change, and legal reforms.
Uppsala, Sweden. July, 1994. In McManis, C. (ed.) Biodiversity and the
Ross, N. 2002. Cognitive aspects of Law: Intellectual Property, Biotechnology and
intergenerational change: Mental models, Zent, S. 1995. Clasificación, Explotación y Traditional Knowledge. London: Earthscan
cultural change, and environmental behav- Composición de Bosques Secundarios en Publications. Pp. 91–114.
ior among the Lacandon Maya of southern el Alto Río Cuao, Estado Amazonas, Ven-
Mexico. Human Organisation, 61:125–138. ezuela. Scientia Guaianae, 5:79–113. Zent, S., Zent, E.L. and Marius, L. 2001.
Informe Final del Proyecto S1 ‘Etnobotánica
Ross, N. and Medin, D.L. 2005. Ethnography Zent, S. 1997. Piaroa and the Cracidae: Cuantitativa de los Indígenas Jotï de la
and Experiments: Cultural Models and Exper- Game Management under Shifting Culti- Región Circum-Maigualida, Estados Amazo-
tise Effects Elicited with Experimental Research vation. In Strahl, S., Beaujon, S., Brooks, nas y Bolívar, Venezuela’. Preparado para
Techniques. Field Methods, 17(2):131–150. D.M., Begazo, A.J., Sedaghatkish, G. and el Consejo Nacional para la Investigación
Olmos, F. (eds.). The Cracidae: Their Biology Científica y Tecnológica (CONICIT), Min-
Stepp, J.R., Cervone, S., Castaneda, H., and Conservation. Hong Kong: Hancock isterio de Ciencia y Tecnología, República
Lasseter, A., Stocks, G. and Gíchon, Y. 2004. House Publishers, LTD. Pp. 177–194. Bolivariana de Venezuela. 275 pp.
Development of a GIS for Global Biocultural
Diversity. Policy Matters, 13:267–272.

121