Workers of all lands, unite!

For a Lasting Peace,

For a People’s Democracy !

Bucharest. Organ of the Information

Bureau of the Communist and Workers’
Parties

NO 16 (19), SUNDAY, AUGUST 15, 1948

 2

Scanned/Transcribed by
The Socialist Truth in Cyprus-London Bureaux
http://www.st-cyprus.co.uk

&
Direct Democracy (Communist Party)

www.directdemocracy4u.uk

March 2918
 3

Contents
CONTACT WITH MASSES—SOURCE OF STRENGTH TO
COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’ PARTIES .................................................. 5
MASS TRAINING OF MEMBERS OF THE POLISH WORKERS’
PARTY AND SOCIALIST PARTY ................................................................ 10
PAS DE CALAIS COMMUNISTS PROTEST AGAINST TITO’S
SLANDEROUS STATEMENT ....................................................................... 11
MACHINATIONS OF CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF YUGOSLAV
COMMUNIST PARTY ..................................................................................... 12
FUSION OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA AND SLOVAK COMMUNIST
PARTIES ............................................................................................................. 13
MEETING OF EDITORS OF LOCAL PARTY NEWSPAPERS ............. 15
SUCCESSES OF THE LIBERATION ARMY OF CHINA ........................ 17
CZECHOSLOVAK NATIONAL FRONT ACTION MEETS .................... 20
EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN RUMANIA ................................................. 21
MORE SOVIET EXEMPTIONS FOR BULGARIA .................................... 22
ELECTION RESULTS AND POLITICAL SITUATION IN FINLAND.
Aili Mjakinen, Propaganda Secretary, Central Committee,
Communist Party, Finland. ......................................................................... 23
TO THE INFORMATION BUREAU OF THE FRATERNAL
COMMUNIST PARTIES ................................................................................. 31
MARSHALL MEN’S TRADE UNION CONFERENCE ............................ 32
BRITAIN: NORTH EAST DISTRICT PARTY CONGRESS ................... 34
BRITISH COMMUNIST PARTY PROTESTS AT COMMUNIST
PERSECUTION IN UNITED STATES ........................................................ 35
SITUATION IN ITALY: RESOLUTION OF COMMUNIST PARTY
LEADERSHIP .................................................................................................... 36
14TH NATIONAL CONVENTION OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF
UNITED STATES.............................................................................................. 39
GENERAL EXPERIENCES OF PARTY WORK ........................................ 43
INNER-PARTY DEMOCRACY—BASIC LAW OF LIFE OF
COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’ PARTIES .......................................... 43
Observe Principle of Election of Party Organs. I. Kovacs,
Candidate Member, Political Bureau, Hungarian Workers’
Party ........................................................................................................... 43
 4

The Active—Mainstay of the Party Committee. F. Strunc,

Secretary, Party Committee, Gottwald Works .......................... 49
DISMEMBERMENT OF GERMANY AND TASKS OF SOCIALIST
UNIT PARTY. Otto Grotewhol, Chairman, Socialist Unity Party of
Germany. ............................................................................................................ 57
IN THE FACTORIES AND FIELDS OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA .............. 64
LETTERS FROM OUR READERS ............................................................... 66
As Seen By An Eye-Witness ................................................................... 66
HOW THE CONGRESS OF THE C.P.Y. WAS HELD .............................. 71
JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY FIGHTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC
JAPAN. Iosio Kodzaka ................................................................................... 75
DANISH WORKERS PROTEST AGAINST EXCESSIVE TAXATION 80
TORTURE OF PROGRESSIVE ELEMENTS ............................................. 81
FASCIST TERROR IN SPAIN ....................................................................... 82
PRESS REVIEW ................................................................................................ 83
Combatting The Kulaks ........................................................................... 83
Fascists Active In Britain ........................................................................ 84
rain Deliveries in Rumania .................................................................... 85
FULFILMENT OF TWO YEAR PLAN IN BULGARIA. Dobri
Terpeshev, Member, Political Bureau, Bulgarian Worker’s Party,
Chairman, State Planning Commission ................................................. 87
The Two-Year Plan And Its Realisation............................................ 87
The Five Year Plan..................................................................................... 91
BOOK REVIEW ................................................................................................. 95
Two Speeches by Comrade Togliatti—Nicola de Simone ......... 95
PUBLICATION OF THE JOURNAL “THE CLASS STRUGGLE”
RECOMMENDED IN RUMANIA .............................................................. 100
INSTRUCTIONS OF BARBARIANS ........................................................ 101
BANNING OF COMMUNIST PRESS IN INDIA.................................... 102
SINGLE GOVERNMENT FOR NORTH CHINA .................................... 103
STRENGTHENING UNITY OF WORKING PEOPLE OF FRANCE 104
THE SAME OLD STORY—“Figaro” Here, “Figaro There”—
Drawing By Constantinescu .................................................................... 105
FEUILLETON ................................................................................................. 106
“Figaro” here,—“Figaro” there, “Figaro” lies—Here and there
........................................................................................................................ 106
 5

CONTACT WITH MASSES—SOURCE

OF STRENGTH TO COMMUNIST AND
WORKERS’ PARTIES
The Communist movement is the mighty irresistible
movement of the day. The Marxist-Leninist idea, expresses the
vital interests of the mass of the people, has become the banner
and programme of struggle for millions of people throughout
the world. The Communist and Workers’ Parties have become
mass organisations with an enormous following of workers,
peasants and intellectuals.
The prestige of the Communists has grown, as Comrade
Stalin pointed out, because during the bitter years of fascist
domination in Europe they proved to be selfless champions
against the yoke of fascism and for the freedom of the people.
At a time when the bourgeois parties and Right Socialists
cringed before the occupation authorities, betrayed and
bartered the interests of their peoples, the Communists led the
struggle and the resistance movement of the people against
fascism. In this way they won the people’s trust.
In this post-war period the Communist and Workers’
Parties are leading the struggle of the working people for a
lasting peace, for a people’s democracy and for socialism. The
historical changes carried out in the countries of the new
democracy have placed them, from the point of view of social
development, years in advance of the capitalist states. The
Communist and Workers’ Parties are the very pivot of these
changes which have been carried cut on their initiative and
under their guidance with the wholehearted support of the
broad masses of the people. In France, Italy, China, Greece and
other capitalist countries, the Communist Parties guide the
struggle of the working people for their liberation, national
 6

independence, for freedom and democracy.

Each day brings additional proof that the Marxist Parties
are closely linked with the masses. The recent successful
nationalisation of industry, the railways and banks in Rumania
and Hungary, as well as the further nationalisation of industry
in Czechoslovakia, was unanimously supported by the working
class and the masses of the people.
These measures are of decisive importance for the future of
the new democracies, and would have been impossible without
the support of the people.
In Poland and Bulgaria nationalised industry has given fine
result it is successfully fulfilling all target of the plan, a fact
which clearly demonstrates the support given by the masses of
the people to these measures of the Workers’ Parties.
The struggle against the capitalist elements in the
countryside is sharpening in the countries of the new
democracy. The grain delivery campaigns show that the policy
of the Communist and Workers’ parties and the policy of the
People’s Governments enjoy wide support among the working
peasantry.
The recent events in Italy are yet another example of the
Marxist Parties’ unbreakable ties with the masses. The
dastardly attempt by human monsters on the life of Palmiro
Togliatti, the leader of the working class and working people of
Italy, evoked the wrath and indignation of millions of workers’
and peasants.
By resorting to open terror and by striking at the very heart
of the Communist Party, reaction hoped to cause confusion and
disorganisation in the ranks of the champions of freedom and
democracy. It hoped to intimidate them and so prepare the
ground for a new fascist dictatorship. But the enemy
miscalculated.
The working people replied to this dastardly attack by
rallying still closer around the Communist Party.
 7

The strength of the Communist and Workers’ Parties lies in

their contact with the masses, and, as long as this contact exists
they have every chance of remaining invincible.
The historical experience of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) teaches that the party of the
working class cannot be a truly mass party, capable of leading
the millions of the working class and the working people unless
it has wide contact with the masses, unless it constantly
strengthens this contact, unless it is capable of listening to the
voice of the masses and understanding their urgent needs,
unless it is ready not only to teach the masses but also to learn
from them.
Isolation from the masses, the loss or even the weakening
of its leading role among the working people is fraught with
dangerous consequences for the Party “However fine a
vanguard the Party may be and however well it may be
organised. Stalin teaches us, “it cannot exist and develop
without connections with the non-Party masses, and without
multiplying and strengthening these connections.”
The anti-Party and anti-Soviet policy of the present leader
of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia which was condemned
and subjected to an exhaustive Marxist-Leninist analysis in the
recent Resolution of the Information Bureau, reveals the
disastrous consequences that violation of the Marxist-Leninist
principle of contact between Party and masses entails for the
Party.
The leaders of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia are
trying to create the semblance of contact with the masses. But
the anti-Soviet, anti-Marxist, nationalist outcry of the Yugoslav
renegades is a far cry from genuine Marxist-Leninist organic
contact of the Community and Workers’ Parties with the
masses, which is effected not by means of administrative police
campaigns, but by daily work among the masses, conducted
systematically, carefully and persistently year in and year out.
 8

The Resolution of the Information Bureau particularly

underlines how important in the practical work of Party
organisations is the Marxist-Leninist doctrine concerning the
party of a new type, the need to strengthen continually the
Communist and Workers’ Parties as the highest form of class
organisation of the proletariat and as its most important
weapon, the honourable and responsible task of the Party as the
leader and educator of the masses.
The new democracies are advancing toward socialism in
conditions of fierce class struggle which, far from weakening,
is sharpening as these countries develop. In these conditions,
the Communist and Workers’ Parties must strengthen the
leading role in the People’s Front, must tirelessly carry out
their work among the people, raise the revolutionary vigilance
of the Party members and of the people, strengthen the
vanguard and leading role of the Communists among the
people. Members of the Marxist Parties must be an example of
labour discipline and organisation, an example to all workers in
strengthening the people’s democracy and in building
socialism; they must always be with the masses and at the head
of the masses.
The problem of contact between the Communist Parties
and the masses of the people is a major issue in the capitalist
countries. A titanic battle is now unfolding in those countries
for the national independence and elementary rights of the
working people, against the predatory policy of American
imperialism and the treachery of the national bourgeoisie and
Right Socialists.
Only daily contact with, the masses of the people can bring
victory, to the working class and its vanguard. This is all the
more essential because in a number of countries a weakening,
of the leading role of Party organisations can be observed. The
mass recruitment of hew members to the Marxist Parties has in
certain cases obliterated the demarcation line between Party
 9

and masses and has lowered the level of consciousness and

organisation of the membership. There are Party members and
even Party branches who are not carrying out their vanguard
role, are tailing in the wake of events.
These fads should serve as a serious lesson to Party
organisations in all countries. Tireless work must be carried on
to purge the Party of alien elements who have managed to
creep in to improve the fighting qualities, the political maturity
of its ranks and to strengthen the Party’s ties with the broad
masses of the working people.
 10

MASS TRAINING OF MEMBERS OF

THE POLISH WORKERS’ PARTY AND
SOCIALIST PARTY
Joint Party, training courses are now being held by the
Polish Workers’ Party and Socialist Party.
During the past three months, training classes were held
after working hours at 1,100 large factories.
About 65,000 students, mostly workers-members of Party
committees in the factories and active members of the basic
organisations of both parties, attended lectures on theoretical
subjects and problems of practical Party work.
The courses evoked considerable interest among the
membership of the two parties. In order to eliminate the
shortcomings which made themselves felt in the course of the
work, and for the purpose of improving the qualifications of
the teachers, the two central committees have organised
refresher courses of one month’s duration.
 11

PAS DE CALAIS COMMUNISTS

PROTEST AGAINST TITO’S
SLANDEROUS STATEMENT
Democratic opinion in various countries, particularly in
France, are protesting sharply at Tito’s slanderous statement
that before Hitler Germany attacked the Soviet Union the only
people and the only party which fought the German fascist
invaders were the Yugoslavs and the Yugoslav Communist
Party.
The Pas de Calais Federation of the French Communist
Party has passed a special resolution indignantly repudiating
the false and ambitious claims of Tito.
The resolution states: “Without underestimating the
fighting spirit of the working people of Yugoslavia in the
struggle against Germany, nevertheless the Communists of the
Pas de Calais Federation consider it necessary to recall that
only a few days after Maurice Thorez and Jacques Duclos had
made the historic call of July 10, 1940, they carried out the first
act of resistance against the German army when, under the
leadership of Charles Debarge, they set fire to a great motor
transport park. In response to the call of Thorez and Duclos,
the miners, led by the Communists, conducted a remarkable
patriotic strike during May and June 1941, thus proving to the
enslaved peoples that it was possible to fight the fascist
invaders on their own soil.
“The Pas de Calais Federation of the Communist Party
most strongly protests against the calumnies of Tito and the
other Yugoslav leaders.
 12

MACHINATIONS OF CENTRAL
COMMITTEE OF YUGOSLAV
COMMUNIST PARTY
Readers of our newspaper have sent us reports from
London on the machinations of the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia in the matter of circulating
anti-Soviet and anti-Marxist literature.
The Yugoslav bookselling agency, “Yugoslovenska
Kniga”, which handled the circulation of “For a Lasting
Peace, For a Peoples Democracy” when it was published in
Belgrade has lists of our subscribers in different countries.
Utilising these addresses, the Central Committee of the
Yugoslav Communist Party is distributing booklets and
material directed against the Information Bureau. These facts
are further confirmation of the dishonest methods used by the
Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party in their
treacherous, undermining activity directed against the united
Communist front.
 13

FUSION OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA AND

SLOVAK COMMUNIST PARTIES
The magazine “Tvorba” carried an article by S.
Bastovansky, General Secretary of the Communist Party of
Slovakia, on the fusion of the Communist Party of Slovakia
with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.
Comrade Bastovansky writes: while the principle of a
single party of the working class, the most important principle
of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the Party, prevails in all
other countries, Czechoslovakia in this respect was an
exception. From the German occupation to the present, two
formally independent parties have existed in our country—the
Communist Parties of Czechoslovakia and Slovakia.
Prior to Munich, there had only been one Communist Party
in the country—the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. After
the Hitler hordes had overrun the country and torn away
Slovakia from the Czech lands it became a practical
impossibility to direct the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia
from a single centre. Consequently, with the aim of furthering
and developing the resistance movement against the fascists, an
independent Slovak party leadership was set up.
Due to the circumstances of the liberation struggle the
Communist Party of Slovakia became a historical necessity,
This was well-proved by the organisation of illegal antifascist
struggle and later by the Slovak national uprising, it fulfilled its
historic mission in the struggle for the liberation of
Czechoslovakia and for the introduction of the peoples
democracy.
After the liberation of Slovakia by the valiant Soviet Army,
the Slovak Communist Party set about rebuilding the country.
It was the only force in Slovakia which consistently defended
the unity of the Republic and the interests of the Slovak people
 14

against reaction.
The February victory of the working class and of the
progressive forces of the Republic opened the way for the
realisation of the Lenin-Stalin principle of a single party
leadership, and for the formation of one single working-class in
Czechoslovakia. The formal creation of a united Communist
Party is a question to be settled in the near future.
Comrade Bastovansky stressed that the policy of the
Communist Parties of Czechoslovakia and Slovakia has always
been, and will always be, essentially the same, being based on
the principle of Marxism-Leninism. On all principal and basic
questions, the Slovak Party acted in complete agreement with
the Czech Party. At the same time, the Czech Party consistently
fought for the national tights of the Slovaks and for equality of
the Slovak people within the united Republic.
 15

MEETING OF EDITORS OF LOCAL

PARTY NEWSPAPERS
Italian Communist Party publications include a number of
weekly newspapers and journals. “Unita”, the central organ of
the Party, has a readership of over 500,000—the biggest
circulation of any daily newspaper in the country. At the same
time the 45 regional bodies of the Party publish their own
weeklies with a combined circulation of 400,000.
These local papers play quite a big role in popularising
Party policy and in organising the people. They enable the
Party organisations to maintain close contact with the masses,
facilitate the political training of the Party members and play a
most useful role in propaganda work among the people.
Recently, the Central Committee of the Party convened a
meeting of the editors of the local newspapers. At this meeting
an analysis was made of the work of the papers, shortcomings
noted and their future tasks defined.
Attention was drawn to the fact that a number of the
weeklies were prone to eliminate the main dallies instead of
devoting space to explaining the Party line on the basis of the
concrete examples of their own particular province, and to
leading the daily struggles in the localities.
The meeting resolved that the local Party newspapers
should keep in close contact with the people (the trade unions,
peasant leagues, works councils etc.), should support all
actions by the organisations of the working people, explain the
reasons for these actions and popularise their successes. It was
further resolved that the newspapers should devote more space
to political propaganda and issue special supplements more
frequently.
The editors were recommended to maintain close contact
with the local members at Parliament, to give more space to
 16

readers’ letters, to have a question and answer column, a legal

advice column and to utilise the services of Party writers.
 17

SUCCESSES OF THE LIBERATION

ARMY OF CHINA
In the course of the sweeping offensive launched recently
by the People’s Liberation Army in Central Shansi, in the
vicinity of its capital, Taiyuan, eleven county towns were
liberated.
In the fighting for these towns, seven Kuomintang
divisions and one brigade were defeated and suffered heavy
losses.
Substantial gains are also reported from the Kaifeng area
and from Eastern Honan. According to the Sinhua Agency,
Kuomintang losses in the recent fighting around Kaifeng
amounted to 39,000, killed.
In Eastern Honan, units of the People’s Liberation Army
completely routed the enemy forces. Upwards of 50,000 enemy
troops were annihilated in this operation.
Commenting on the Kaifeng and Eastern Honan
operations, a People’s Army observer declared that in the final
count. these victories will lead to a fundamental change in the
military situation in Central China and will pave the way for
further heavy blows against the enemy. According to this
observer, a feature of the, East Honan fighting was the large
scale desertion of Kuomintang troops to the People’s Army.
Report from China speak of serious alarm in Kuomintang
quarters at the successes of the People’s Liberation Army and
of frantic attempts to avert the critical situation now developing
on various sectors of the front.
The newspaper “Sinwenpao” reported that at an unofficial
meeting held on July 23rd, certain members of the Kuomintang
National, Assembly decided to request Chiang Kai-shek to
invoke the emergency powers granted him by the Constitution
in order to deal with the critical .situation. They pointed out
 18

that only by means of emergency powers would it be possible

to overcome the crisis.
An official communique issued by Liberation Army
Headquarters at the end of July summarised the results of the
military operations during the past twelve months. Enemy
losses for the year ending July 1948 totalled 1,521,400. Of
these 953,000 were taken prisoner, killed and wounded
numbered 540,200, while 28,200 men turned their guns against
the Kuomintang forces and joined the Liberation Army.
Liberation Army losses for the same period amounted to
452,900, that is three and a half times less than the losses
inflicted on the enemy.
Over the two year period, July 1946 to July 1948.
Kuomintang losses numbered 2,641,400. Liberation Army
losses for the same period amounted to 810,900. Of the total
Kuomintang losses 1,630,000, that is over 60 per cent, were
taken prisoner.
Liberation Army losses in prisoners were only 7,800 men.
In other words, for every Liberation Army, soldier taken
prisoner, the Kuomintang lost 208 prisoners.
Even more interesting is the fact that of the Kuomintang
officers and men taken prisoner, between 50 and 75 per cent
join, the ranks of the Liberation Army.
Together with the Kuomintang units which came over to
the side of the Liberation Army, the prisoners volunteering for
service in the Liberation Army more than compensate for its
losses.
During the past year 150 Kuomintang generals and 39
colonels were taken prisoner. For the two year period the
numbers are 326 generals and 42 colonels.
Territory liberated from the Kuomintang during the year
ending .July 1948 amounted to 155,000 square kilometres. The
total area liberated to date covers 2,355,000 square kilometres,
or about one quarter of the entire territory of China.
 19

Another 37 million people were liberated from

Kuomintang rule during the past twelve months. It brings the
total population of the liberated territories to 168 million or 37
per cent of the entire population of the country. Towns
liberated during the past twelve months numbered 164,
Altogether there are 586 towns on liberated territory, 28 per
cent of the towns in China.
 20

CZECHOSLOVAK NATIONAL FRONT

ACTION MEETS

Comrade Slansky, General Secretary of the Communist

Party of Czechoslovakia, outlined future tasks facing the
Czechoslovak National Front when he spoke recently to a
meeting of the Front’s Central Action Committee.
He pointed out that the work of the National Front since
February had greatly benefitted the Republic. A new system of
political life was being created in the country. The National,
Front, declared Comrade Slansky, is now a militant
organisation both among the regenerated political parties and
for all mass democratic organisations. Certain people were
wrong when they thought, that Action Committees were no
longer necessary. These Committees would carry out big tasks
also in the future.
Reaction at home, working together with foreign
imperialists, was increasing its activities. Proof of this was
given by incidents during the Sokol festival as well as by other
incidents. Consequently, the struggle against reaction and the
removal of all hostile elements from public life remained
primary tasks of the National Front Action Committees.
Comrade Slansky also outlined practical work facing the
Action Committees, stressing that broad sections of the people
should be drawn into the work of these Committees. Today the
most important task was to bring in the harvest and complete
grain purchases in good time. Last year the kulaks had not
fulfilled the targets and had deprived the market of 25 per cent
of the supplies anticipated. It was necessary lo combat the
black market more vigorously.
The Committee adopted a resolution on the lines proposed
by the Communist Party.
 21

EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN RUMANIA

On the initiative of the Workers’ Party of Rumania the
Government has introduced an educational reform.
The present system of education does not meet the
country’s requirements with the result that there is an acute
shortage of engineers and technicians and other trained
personnel for industry, agriculture, and cooperative trade.
The reform is designed to raise the cultural level of the
people and to ensure the necessary personnel in the near future.
Free education in the native language (7 classes) will be
introduced and the network of special schools extended. Also
one and two-year courses, with a grammar school curriculum,
will be opened to abolish illiteracy among the adult population.
Russian will be taught in all schools. starting with the 4th
class.
 22

MORE SOVIET EXEMPTIONS FOR

BULGARIA
The Soviet Government has reduced by half-from nine
million dollars to four and a half million dollars—the sum due
to the Soviet Union from German assets in Bulgaria. The
German assets in Bulgaria were turned over to the Soviet
Union on the basis of the Peace Treaty. This big reduction
represents a great boon to Bulgaria and will greatly facilitate
the further development of her economy.
The Soviet Government has waived its claim against
Bulgaria for 2,970 million leva for damage caused to former
German assets during the period when they were at the disposal
of Bulgarian Government organs.
This should have been made good on the basis of the
agreement signed on January 10th, 1948. The Soviet
Government has also decided to return to the Bulgarian
Government at 50 per cent of their cost, Soviet trading and
transport enterprises in Bulgaria, one credit establishment, two
small power stations, buildings and other property valued at
576 million leva.
Expressing its gratitude to the Soviet Government for these
exemptions, the Bulgarian Government said that this action
was further evidence of the friendship and help which the
Soviet Government is extending to Bulgaria and the other
democratic countries.
 23

ELECTION RESULTS AND POLITICAL

SITUATION IN FINLAND. Aili
Mjakinen, Propaganda Secretary,
Central Committee, Communist
Party, Finland.
The general election held in Finland on July 1 and 2,
resulted in a certain setback for the Peoples Democratic Union
and for the Communist Party which formed a single election
bloc. Compared with the last election, the Democratic Union
this time received 38 seats against 49. Of these 33 are held by
Communists and 5 by Left Social Democrats. In the 1945
election the Democratic Union polled 23.3 per cent of the vote
in July 19.9 per cent.
At the same time the Social Democratic Party increased
their seats from 50 to 51, the bourgeois Agrarian Party from 49
to 56 and the extreme Right Coalition Party from 28 to 33. The
Coalition Party benefited from the election bloc. It deprived the
so-called Progressive Patty, which occupies a still more
reactionary position of four seats. The Progressive Party now
has 5 seats instead of 9 as previously. The Swedish Party,
which unfurls the banner of defence of the national interests of
the Swedish minority, but at the same time docilely carries out
the behests of big capital on all social and economic questions,
also lost one seat in favour of the Coalition Party, thus bringing
down its number of deputies to 14.
The election results somewhat change the relation of forces
inside Parliament. The bourgeois parties which had 101 seats
out of the 200 in the previous Parliament have increased their
majority to 108. The fact that the Right leadership of the Social
Democratic Party refused to join the election bloc with the
 24

People’s Democratic Party, signified a loss of 6 seats for these

groups, for the election law gives priority to big parties.
However, there, was no “collapse” of people’s democracy
as internal and foreign reaction so loudly declared. The
Democratic Union and the Communist Party demonstrated that
they are, and will remain, an exceptionally important factor in
the political life of the country.
At the same time the election showed that the reactionary,
right wing front bad fully mobilised their forces. When the
1945 election was held, reaction was still in a state of
confusion. The fiasco of its fascist anti-Soviet military policy
was fresh in the minds of the people; members of the war
government who had not only been members of the
Government but also leaders of the Coalition, Agrarian, Social
Democratic and Progressive parties, ignominiously surrendered
their seats. After 27 years underground, the Communist Party
of Finland emerged into the open under the armistice terms.
Along with the left wing of the Social Democratic Party, the
Democratic Union of the People of Finland was founded. On
the eve of the elections many prominent leaders of the Social
Democratic Party. among them M. Pekkala and J. V. Keto,
joined the Democratic Union. All fascist organisations were
smashed and their papers banned. The people’s democratic
movement won a major victory. Three Communists and three
Left Social Democrats joined the Paasikivi Government of
April 1945; in the Pekkala Government of March 1946, the
same relation of forces was preserved. The Ministry of the
Interior went to a Communist.
The Communists, however, fully realised that a bitter
struggle with reaction lay ahead.
Finland’s bourgeoisie was not deprived of its key
economic positions. It lost only part of its political power and
retained the greater share of state and public influence.
Fully aware of this situation, the Communist Party strove
 25

to use its influence in Parliament, in the Government and in the

mass organisations to unite the progressive forces and to form a
people’s front. This was the aim of the agreement signed in
April 1945 between the three main parliamentary parties—the
People’s Democratic, Social Democratic and Agrarian parties.
This was an agreement for cooperation which later formed
the basis for the post-war economic and political recovery
programme. This programme rejected the disastrous foreign
policy pursued by reactionary circles; it called for close
friendship between Finland and the Soviet Union. The
programmes home policy gave the main task as the eradication
of fascism, the democratisation of state departments, the army,
the law and the police. It called for a planned economy and the
nationalisation of large scale industry. The signatories to this
agreement pledged themselves to work for a decent standard of
living in the countryside and land for the landless. It also called
for new social legislation and a democratic educational system.
The greatest progress was made in the sphere of foreign
policy. Although all political groups declare their support of
the Government’s peaceful foreign policy, which aims at
developing friendly relations with the Soviet Union, this does
not mean in the least that they all try to carry out this policy in
practice.
Typically characteristic of Finnish conditions is the history
of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual
Assistance, signed between Finland and the Soviet Union last
April. The Communist Party and the Democratic Union were
the only organisations which gave wholehearted support to
Generalissimo Stalin’s proposal for an agreement. The
Progressive and Coalition parties even objected to taking part
in the talks; the Agrarian Party declared that it was
categorically opposed to the Agreement; the Social Democratic
Party took a similar stand. Nevertheless, negotiations were
begun and, largely due to the considerate attitude taken by the
 26

Soviet representatives to the Finnish delegation’s proposals, the

Agreement was signed and approved by Parliament. It was
signed in spite of the eleven Agrarian and Coalition Party
diehards who voted against it.
Together with the Peace Treaty, this Agreement is of great
significance from the point of view of our country’s security
and independence. It expresses the new foreign policy which
the country adopted after the Armistice, under the leadership of
the Communist Party and the People’s Democrats. The result
of this policy was also the magnificent gesture of the Soviet
Government in agreeing to the request of the Communist
Ministers to cut Finland’s remaining reparation payments by 50
per cent.
But reactionary circles in the country did everything
possible to strengthen their lies with the imperialist powers.
The attitude towards the Marshall Plan in the spring of 1947 is
a good illustration. When it was suggested that Finland should
come into the Plan, Leskinen, Secretary of the Social
Democratic Party asked Parliament to accept the Plan. He was
supported by Annala, representative of the extreme Agrarian
right wing. However, Parliament did not agree to accept this
anti-Soviet project, though later on, ties with the Western
imperialists were strengthened through trade policy. When
Virkkunen, Foreign Ministry Trade and Political chief,
returned from the United States early in 1917, where he had
taken part in talks concerning credits for Finland, he said that it
was openly hinted in the US that “the measures directed
towards socialising Finland might deprive her of credits in the
future”. Virkkunen is now a director of the National Bank. On
July 1 general election day—the conservative “Uusi Suomi”
carried an article from its Stockholm correspondent who wrote:
“Should Finland prove that she will take a heavy stand and
protect herself from all kinds of social economic ventures, she
would enjoy the growing favour of America.”
 27

These examples illustrate now blatantly the US imperialists

are trying to interfere with Finland’s Internal affairs and to
dictate conditions to her.
It was far more difficult to make headway in home than in
foreign policy because of the resistance of right-wing circles.
During the past two years, cooperation between the three
Parliamentary parties has been brought practically to a
standstill because the Rights are now determining the policy of
the Social Democratic and Agrarian parties. The Democratic
Union alone supports the policy of agreement. As a result, it
has not been possible to form a people’s front, even though the
agreement on three-party cooperation was the cornerstone for
this front. On the eve of the election, that is, in May, the Social
Democratic Party formally rejected the agreement. The
leadership of the Agrarian Party followed their example.
The Communist Minister of the Inferior, who tried to carry
out the principles of the three-party agreement and to curb the
pro-fascist elements, encountered furious resistance from Right
circles. The bills introduced by him were blocked in
Parliament. The Rights asked endless questions with the object
of obstructing the work of the reorganised State police who had
uncovered a number of conspiracies and most effectively upset
the plans and manoeuvres of the fascists.
The right-wing offensive against the Minister of the
Interior reached culmination point last May. By recording a
vote of no confidence in him, the Rights caused a Government
crisis which was only solved by workers taking an active hand
by means of strike action. The post thereupon remained in the
hands of the People’s Democrats.
The right-wing circles had the support of the reactionary
law courts, which after the armistice, carried on as before. The
courts actually assisted the fascist criminals, exonerating them
wherever possible and, at worst, imposing very light sentences.
Reaction also succeeded in retaining its grip on the key
 28

economic positions As a consequence, economic progress was

retarded, and political development within the country was
held back.
The main industries and the banks were prevented from
being nationalised by the action of the Right Social Democrats
who hastened to the aid of the capitalists. In February 1945, the
Social Democratic Party, alarmed by the mass movement of the
working people, suggested that the Government should
undertake an immediate study of ways and means of
transferring to the state a number of the biggest industrial
enterprises, certain branches of industry and some of the
commercial banks. A commission, headed by prominent Social
Democrats was appointed for the purpose. But to this day the
commission has not submitted a single suggestion for the
transfer of a single industrial enterprise to the State.
Only two years later, in February 1917, after every
proposal submitted by the People’s Democrats for cooperating
in the matter of nationalisation had been scuttled, was the
Seim, on the initiative of the Communist Party presented with a
bill for nationalisation, of large-scale enterprises and banks.
The entire right wing of the Social Democrats without
exception, opposed the Communist Party on nationalisation.
They marshalled all their officials and politicians for the
purpose of paralysing and defeating the bill.
Varionen, former secretary of the Social Democratic Party
cynically declared: “This slogan about socialism is just the
dogma with which the working-class movement blinded the
ordinary man”.
The Rights in the leadership of the trade unions likewise
refused to take part in the struggle for nationalisation,
notwithstanding the unanimous decision of the 1947 trade
union congress in favour of nationalisation. The trade union
leaders resorted to every means, fair and unfair, in the attempt
to wriggle out of making a public declaration of their views in
 29

the matter of nationalisation.

To this day there has been no land reform, although all the
smallholders in the countryside are impatient for the reform.
Both Agrarians and Social Democrats adopted a negative
attitude to every proposal submitted by the People’s Democrats
concerning the transfer of land to the landless peasants and
peasants with tiny plots of whom there are over 200,000 in
Finland.
Discontent among the poor peasants has made itself felt,
meetings have been held in the villages and they have
submitted their demands to the Government. But the Land
Ministry in which the Agrarians are entrenched has always
managed, aided by the other parties of the Right, to hamstring
every proposal of the People’s Democrats.

***

In summing up the results of the general election, the

Central Committee of the Communist Party of Finland noted
that the Democratic Front had not been able, in the preceding
years, to break the back of reaction.
The Communist Party is fully aware that it is now
confronted with new difficulties, in the matter of ensuring the
democratisation of the country. The situation calls for a more
careful concentration of forces, for blows at the decisive
objectives, for painstaking propaganda work and for resolute
struggle to improve the condition of the working people.
It is necessary to extend and strengthen the alliance
between the working class and peasantry. For years the Social
Democrats, like the bourgeoisie, have been preaching that the
interests of the working class and peasantry conflict with one
another, that the same political party cannot defend
simultaneously the interests of the two groups.
Our job is to overcome the prejudices among the worker
 30

and the peasants. We must convince them that without

cooperation and mutual action on their part there can be no
economic and political progress in Finland.
During the election campaign the Communist Party tried
out new organisational forms—working by means of Party
groups in the districts and with quite satisfactory results.
The outcome of the election did not cause any dismay in
our rank to the extent that difficulties increased, the
Communists felt a heavier responsibility for the fate of the
people as a whole.
The Party is conscious that an even more grave
responsibility rests with it—that of preventing the country from
being drawn into irresponsible warlike ventures and into fresh
misfortunes.
Although the progress recorded, in the past few years was
not satisfactory in every respect, it has provided us with certain
guarantees for the future, and has paved the way for our
onward march.
In the time that has elapsed since the armistice, the
working people of our country have discovered wherein lies
their strength; they have become more conscious of
themselves, and will never be deprived of the gains they have
won. The Communist Party will struggle ever more resolutely
for the democratic development of the country, for a higher
standard of living for the working people, for a peaceful policy
and for a lasting friendship between the peoples of Finland and
the Soviet Union.
 31

TO THE INFORMATION BUREAU OF

THE FRATERNAL COMMUNIST
PARTIES
BUCHAREST

We, the undersigned, in complete agreement with your

Resolution concerning the situation in our Party, today reported
this decision to the Central Committee of our Party, and have
requested that the leadership should unreservedly acknowledge
their errors, correct them immediately, and take the only
correct path of internationalism and proletarian solidarity.
Greetings to the Information Bureau, headed by the Lenin-
Stalin Party.
With comradely greetings from the members of the Party
group in the Yugoslav Mission in Teheran.

Secretary: Petar Kogol

Members: Asim Alihodjic
Mate Urlicic
Stanko Breshic

Teheran, 14 July, 1948

 32

MARSHALL MEN’S TRADE UNION

CONFERENCE
During the last week of July, self-appointed representatives
of Marshall Country trade unions held a so-called International
Trade Union Conference.
The “representatives” came from 16 countries and from a
grand total of 25 organisations. Although the rank and file of
the British trade union movement were not consulted in the
matter, they were “represented” by Arthur Deakin and our
other stalwarts of the Right, Leon Jouhaux, pensioner of the
Marshall men, represented his highly anaemic “Force
Ouvriere” which is kept in a state of animation by continual
dollar injections.
Mr. Kuypers of the Dutch trade unions was there and the
various dollar seeking splinter groups of Italian and other
splitters were well to the fore.
The big trade union confederations of Europe, the French
CGT and the Italian Confederation of Labour, were not
represented.
The most significant thing about this “international trade
union conference” was that it was organised by inspirers of the
anti-union Taft-Hartley Law—the multi-millionaire capitalists,
Harriman and Hoffman.
The conference ended by agreeing that each body
represented should appoint a full-time officer “to specialise in
Marshall Plan problems” and to maintain contact with an
“advisory council” presided over by Kuypers with Tewson of
the British unions as secretary.
Irving Brown of the AF of L and one of the leading
Marshall agents in Europe based somewhat rashly that the
conference marked the beginning of a new trade union
international.
 33

Harriman and Hoffman and their lieutenants in the

American Federation of Labour and in the Congress of
Industrial Organisations followed up the London conference
with a special meeting in Paris of the “Labour attaches” from
the American embassies in the Marshall countries.
They want the World Federation destroyed and for this
purpose are using dollars and trade union quislings for all they
are worth.
The prostrate state of the Force Ouvriere, as well as the
sorry state of the other splinter groups in Italy and elsewhere
seem to indicate that they will hardly get value for their money.

Jack BERING
 34

BRITAIN: NORTH EAST DISTRICT

PARTY CONGRESS
Some 200 delegates and visitors were present at the recent
North East District, Party Congress in Newcastle.
Comrade Lee, District Secretary and member of the
Executive Committee of the British Communist Party reported
on the situation in the North East which is prominently a centre
of the mining, shipbuilding and engineering industries.
The report revealed that considerable work had been
carried out during the past year. Over 300 new members had
been made during recent months.
A District Committee of thirty members was elected. Of
these, twelve were new members.
 35

BRITISH COMMUNIST PARTY

PROTESTS AT COMMUNIST
PERSECUTION IN UNITED STATES
The British Communist Party has protested to the
American Ambassador in Britain at the charge filed against the
leaders of the United States Communist Party.
ln a letter to the Ambassador, the General Secretary, Harry
Pollitt announced the “trumped up charge of transpiring to
overthrow by force the United States Government”, and
referred to the invidious position in which the American people
were placed by such anti-democratic actions of their
Government.
 36

SITUATION IN ITALY: RESOLUTION

OF COMMUNIST PARTY LEADERSHIP
The leadership of the Communist Party of Italy, after
discussing a report from Comrade Luigi Longo on the political
situation in the country following the general strike, adopted a
resolution which states:
The general strike demonstrated the solidarity of the
democratic forces of Italy, their unshakable determination to
defend democratic liberties and to wreck the machinations of
internal and foreign reaction. The general strike which took
place under conditions of sharpening class struggle, was in a
serious battle fought by the working people of Italy in defence
of democracy and peace”.
The leadership of the Communist Party exposed the
provocative attitude taken by the De Gasperi Government
when the people voiced their indignation and demanded severe
punishment for those responsible for the dastardly attempt on
Comrade Togliatti’s life. By ignoring the voice of the people
who are demanding a change in the country’s policy, the De
Gasperi Government proves without doubt that it is an anti-
popular government, that it cannot express the will of the
people nor defend their interests.
The resolution calls upon all progressive forces of the
country to unite in a great united action front to combat internal
and international reaction. Only a united front of the working
people, continues the resolution, will be able to put an end to
the Christian Democratic Governments propaganda of discord
and hatred and will be able to change the country’s policy. The
need for unification is necessitated by the new offensive of the
employers and the Government against the vital interests of the
working people. The Government is bent on destroying the
leaders of the democratic movement; it is encouraging the dark
 37

forces of reaction, is creating an atmosphere in the country

conducive to provocations and political ventures.
Reaction plans to disrupt trade union unity, to reduce
wages (the plan of the Labour Minister, Fanfani), and to
victimise militant workers in enterprises. The need for such
unity has now been made clear the broad sections of the
working people even to those who hitherto believed the
propaganda of the Christian Democrats and voted for them in
the general election last April.
They realise that the Parliamentary majority of the
Christian Democratic Party is leading the country to a new
totalitarian, dictatorial regime and is threatening the vital needs
of the Italian people and their will for freedom and peace for
the sake of the self interests of the ruling classes.
The general strike demonstrated the growing influence and
militancy of the democratic forces.
The resolution stresses that the working people of Italy are
not alone in the struggle against the forces of reaction. Behind
them is the support and help of the democratic forces
throughout the world. Examples of this are to be found in the
unanimous demonstrations of solidarity with the working
people of Italy after the attack on Comrade Togliatti, which
were held by workers of all countries.
The resolution of the Communist Party leadership outlines
the tasks of the Party’s the vanguard of the working people in
condition of the sharpening class struggle. These tasks include:
organisational and political strengthening of the Party, raising
the ideological level of the Communists, developing criticism
and sell-criticism, and strengthening the vigilance of all Party
organisations.
The leadership of the Communist Party of Italy heartily
thanks those genuine democrats throughout the world and the
fraternal Communist Parties who joined the protest movement
of the working people of Italy and who expressed their
 38

indignation at the attempt on Comrade Togliatti’s life.

The leadership of the Communist Party of Italy expresses
wholehearted gratitude to the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and to its great leader
Comrade Stalin. Comrade Stalin’s call to strengthen vigilance
will help all democratic forces fighting today for peace,
progress, freedom, and against social injustice, slavery and
war.
 39

14TH NATIONAL CONVENTION OF

COMMUNIST PARTY OF UNITED
STATES
The 14th National Convention of the Communist Party held
in New York over August 2-6, was attended by 250 delegates.
The Convention was held at a time when reaction in the
United States is conducting a fierce drive against the
democratic movement, the working class and the working
people as a whole. The capitalist monopolies, by means of
intensified exploitation, are piling up enormous profits.
Whereas in 1939 the profits of the corporations (before tax
payments) totalled 6.5 billion dollars, in 1947 the figure had
increased to 28 billion dollars. Conscious of the oncoming
economic crisis, the U.S. Government is seeking to avert it
with the aid of colossal war preparations and military ventures
and by subordinating the nations to world domination by
American imperialism. The 1948 military appropriations
amount to 20 billion dollars. US imperialist circles are
resorting to blackmail, intimidation, provocations, to say
nothing of other extremist measures—terror, assassinations
and draconic laws. They are trying to camouflage the setting up
of a fascist regime with false words about democracy and the
“American way of life”. The Government is encouraging
unbridled Negro baiting, and is persecuting all who dare to
protest against the war hysteria now being whipped up in the
country. During the preparations for the Convention the Party
leaders were placed under arrest.
However, the American people are realising more and
more whither the ruling imperialist circles are taking the
country. Despite the brutal terror the influence of the
Communist Party is growing.
 40

Eighteen thousand people were present at Madison Square

Garden when the Convention opened on August 2. The
chairman of the Party, Comrade Foster stated in his speech
that, like Hitler, Wall Street needs fascism to carry out its
programme of world conquest.
Spending billions of dollars, continued Foster, Wall Street
is seeking to establish American economic control over
Europe, to rearm the European continent, and especially
Germany and to unite the capitalist countries into an active
military alliance against the Soviet Union. The “Marshall
Plan”, Foster said, which has split the world into two hostile
camps will not secure American world domination. The United
States is tightening its grip on the shattered capitalist countries
of Western Europe and Latin America, but it has not succeeded
in intimidating the Soviet Union or in smashing the political
democratic movement in Europe and the widespread liberation
struggle in the colonial world.
The cardinal task facing the democratic forces of the
world continued Foster, is to stop the war campaign of the Wall
Street imperialists, and in this connection, a grave
responsibility rests with the American people.
Speaking of the forthcoming Presidential election Foster
noted that the Progressive Party in the United States will enable
the forces battling for peace to wage a struggle against inflation
and fascism. The new party destroys the two-party system
which for generations had paralysed political activity on the
part of the working class of America. Those who charge the
Communist Party with attempting in seize the leadership of the
new party or who ascribe its establishment to the Communist
Party are simply lying.
The forces of in international democracy, Foster declared,
are much stronger than any Wall Street sponsored coalition of
international reaction could ever be. The forces of democracy
will resolutely combat fascism and war preparations.
 41

The General Secretary of the Party Comrade Eugene

Dennis, outlined a programme of struggle against the fascist
danger. All the forces of the working people must be mobilised
to fight the Taft-Hartley Law, for Negro rights and to defend
the Communists. This struggle must be headed by the working
class. The Communist Party supports the Progressive Party
which is the outcome of the crisis in the monopolistic two-
Party system and in bourgeois democracy. However, support
for the Progressive Party does not alter the fact that there are
certain differences both in principle and of a tactical nature
between the Communist Party and Wallace and with the Third
Party forces around him.
Comrade Winston, Organisational Secretary of the Party,
in his report stressed the need to make the Communist Party
into a mass, political party of the working class. Communist
Party members are at present organised in 1,700 local sections,
approximately 300 factory sections, 421 so-called industrial
sections composed of workers employed in one and the same
branch of industry, 200 trade union sections and 200 student
and youth clubs.
In intensifying the struggle for the leading role of the
working class in the progressive movement, in organising the
struggle for the vital needs of the people and against the danger
of war and fascism, the Communist Party must draw into its
ranks, above all, the industrial workers. The sharpening class
struggle in the United States requires from the Communist
Party that Party discipline be tightened up, that Party members
be educated in the spirit of selfless devotion to the cause of the
working class and the entire working people, and an ability to
extend and strengthen contact with the masses. Hence the task
of waging resolute struggle against every manifestation of
opportunism, of inculcating in the working class the ideas of
the irreconcilability of its interests with the interests of the
imperialist bourgeoisie who are leading the country to fascism.
 42

The delegates discussed the reports and adopted resolutions

defining the tasks of the Party. The Convention unanimously
rejected Earl Browder’s application to be reinstated in the
Party.
The Convention elected the leading organs of the Party.
Comrade Foster was re-elected Chairman of the Party and
Comrade Dermis, General Secretary.
 43

GENERAL EXPERIENCES OF PARTY

WORK

INNER-PARTY DEMOCRACY—BASIC LAW

OF LIFE OF COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’
PARTIES
The Marxist-Leninist principle of democratic centralism
which is the basis of the organisational structure of the
Communist and Workers’ Parties, is one of the sources of
their invincible might. The iron discipline of the party and the
high prestige of the leading bodies, fuse with the creative
initiative of the rank and file. Each member of the Party
regards himself as an active fighter and vanguard champion
of the socialist cause.
Below we publish some experiences of Party building in
the Communist and Workers’ Parties. The exchange of these
experiences should facilitate the further strengthening of
inner Party democracy.

Observe Principle of Election of Party Organs. I.

Kovacs, Candidate Member, Political Bureau,
Hungarian Workers’ Party

Regular elections and reports from leading bodies

constitute one of the most important principles of inner Party
democracy.
After Hungary had been liberated by the victorious Soviet
Army and our Party had become legal, the Central Committee
 44

started to put this principle in to practice.

The National Party Conference of 350 delegates in May,
1945, was the first step in this direction. The Conference
discussed how the Party could be strengthened organisationally
and elected its leading bodies.
The following January and February conferences were held
in 25 regions and the five biggest cities which elected city and
district Party committees. At these conferences delegates
enjoyed complete freedom to criticise the work of leading
bodies.
They pointed out that representatives of regional and
district committees seldom visited the branches and paid only
the bare minimum of attention to organisations in the
countryside. Delegates also demanded that leading bodies
should give more planned and active help to branches.
Since then conferences are held regularly in regions,
districts, cities and factories, where the committees concerned
report on their work as laid down in the Party rules.
The Central Committee is paying special attention to
seeing that Party leaders study the principles of Marxism-
Leninism. A network of party schools has been set up and
large-scale Marxist-Leninist propaganda is being conducted.
Besides this the Central Committee is taking steps to help new
functionaries to benefit from the organisational experience
others.
Meetings of Party leaders form one way in which
organisational experience can be shared so that leaders can
benefit from it.
The first meeting of this kind was held in Budapest soon
after the regional Party conferences in 1946. Over 400
delegates were present. In April of last year a similar meeting
was held attended by 800 Party functionaries. In January of this
year the third national conference of leading Party
functionaries took place with 1,200 delegates. These meetings
 45

became a school to educate young cadres and a platform for

exchanging experiences in practical Party work.
The Third Party Congress—the first legal one—was held
in September 1946 and marked an important stage in
developing inter Party democracy. After considerable
discussion, Congress elected a Central Committee by secret
ballot.
This year each regional and city organisation held two
conferences. In many districts, branch committees have been
re-elected twice, first at the beginning of the year, and then in
May after the Right Wing of the Social Democratic Workers
Party had been defeated and moves to fuse the Communist and
Social Democratic Parties were being made.
Even before the Unity Congress, regional, city and factory
unity conferences were held to discuss the draft programme
and statutes of the new party. All the merged organisations
elected new leadership.
This work was completed by the Fourth Congress of the
Communist Party which opened on June 12, this year, and by
the Unity Congress of the Communist and Social Democratic
Parties which followed it. The Unity Congress elected, by
secret ballot, a Central Committee and a Central Control
Commission for the new Workers’ Party.
As far back as 1946, Comrade Rakosi, speaking at the
Third Congress of the Communist Party, stressed that regional,
district and local committees must report on their work to Party
meetings and that it was imperative to acquaint the rank and
file with all important decisions.
Meetings of the most active members are now held every
four or five months. Party leaders make their reports, at these
meetings on the vital tasks facing the Party. At these meetings
comrades fully utilise their right to criticism freely the work of
the Party leadership.
Branch leaders in their turn report to branch meetings on
 46

the work of branch committees.

After our Party, became legal, there were some Party
committee members who tried to lead the work not by
convincing the membership but by ordering them to perform
certain duties. The annual general meetings strongly denounced
these attempts as anti-Marxist. By educating the membership
and leading cadres in the spirit of inner Party democracy, we
are increasing the activity and fighting capacity of our Party.
The members of the Hungarian Workers’ Party have
unanimously approved the Information Bureau Resolution on
the situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. They
realise that the readers of the Yugoslav Party have abandoned
the principles of inner Party democracy laid down by Lenin
and Stalin.
After the Soviet Army had liberated our country, the
Central Committee of the Party insisted on developing inner
Party democracy and has made big strides forward. However, it
would be a serious mistake to say that all shortcomings have
already been overcome,
Learning the lesson of the serious mistakes of the Yugoslav
Communist Party, the cadres and entire membership of the
Hungarian Workers’ Party will be yet more vigilant and will
fight relentlessly to develop inner Party democracy still further.
For this is the rock-like basis of the activities of all Communist
and Workers’ Parties.

Criticism and Self-Criticism—Our Sharpest Weapon.

Secretary Party Committee, Czecho-Moravska-Kolban-
Danek Enterprise

The Czecho-Moravska-Kolben-Danek enterprises is one of

the biggest in Czechoslovakia.
Our workers have a fine tradition both for revolutionary
spirit and for skill. Our workers are taking an active part in
 47

building up the people’s democratic State.

Reaction is using every means in its power to resist the
people’s government and the Communist Party, and to hold up
the fulfilment of the Two-Year Plan.
It is the imperative duty of our Party and of every Czech
Communist to expose the reactionaries, the hidden enemies.
Criticism and self-criticism, the keen weapon of Communists
everywhere, will help us to discover and eliminate
shortcomings, to expose the reactionaries and to overcome
difficulties.
Our Party committees have a well-earned prestige among
the rank and file membership. This, of course, does not mean
that there are no shortcomings in the work of the Party
committees or of their leaders. On the contrary, such
shortcomings exist and at times they are very serious ones.
Many C:ommunists still fail to realise this, and are apt to take
criticism of the shortcomings of Party committees and their
leaders as criticism of the Party line. Considerable educational
work is needed, especially among the new members, to help
them to see the incorrectness of this view and encourage them
to use their right to criticise Party committees and leaders at
meetings and discussions. Such educational work has only just
begun in our Party organisations, but already It is yielding
positive results.
Many of our comrades react with hostility to criticism of
their work and activities. This is particularly true of the
technical personnel infected with petty-bourgeois prejudices.
The main work of Party organisations in our plants is see the
Two Year Plan fulfilled. As was the case during the February
days when the workers of our enterprise, led by the
Communists, provided rocklike support for the Central
Committee of the Czechoslovak Party, so, today, our workers
are an active force in the struggle against reaction and for the
prosperity of our people’s republic.
 48

Wages is a subject for lively discussions at our meetings.

We operate on a piece-work system. Each is paid according to
the amount of labour expended and the quality of his
production. This system is not always properly understood by
certain workers, especially those who are politically backward.
Some of them try to leave for work in another plant where the
basic wage is higher. This results in fluctuation of labour and
prevents the enterprise from efficiently carrying out its
production programme. Communists and advanced workers are
perturbed at this situation. They sharply criticise the slowness
of the Ministry of Industry and its various bodies which seem
to be in no hurry to introduce wage-scales standards for all the
enterprises in the Republic.
Our members rightly criticise the district and regional
Party committees tor their failure to react speedily to the
demands of factory organisations. Often these demands are
unanswered or are replied to only after great delay. This is
most harmful. However, it should be noted that Party
organisations react properly to criticism from the rank and file
and try to eliminate their shortcomings. Of course, this is not
always the case, since many of our leaders are accustomed to
criticism from above rather than from below.
An increasing number of Communists are beginning to
recognise the fact that the sharper and more widely practised is
criticism and sell-criticism in all Party organisations, the
stronger we shall be in the struggle against reaction, and the
more successfully shall we be able to eliminate mistake and
surmount obstacles standing in the way of building Socialism.
The rank and file is beginning to realise that the absence of
criticism and covering up of mistakes can lead to disintegration
as is strikingly borne out by the example of the Tito clique.
Recognition of mistakes means forging ahead.
 49

The Active—Mainstay of the Party Committee.

F. Strunc, Secretary, Party Committee, Gottwald
Works

The Communist Party organisation is the leading element

of the entire social, political and economic life of the Gottwald
Works.
Its leading body, the Party Committee, usually consists of
forty members. It is elected annually at a factory Party
conference and is made up of the best Party workers who have
the confidence of the men and women in the plant.
The annual conference also approves the Committee’s
secretary and two deputy-secretaries. The first meeting of the
new Committee elects all the rest of the leading functionaries
and the chairmen of various sub-committees.
The sub-committees are auxiliary bodies. They carry out an
important job on the basis of the Committee’s plan of work and
help the Committee’s secretariat to raise various questions in
the field of social, political and inner Party life. Each sub-
committee ranges from ten to fifteen members. In addition, the
more active Party members are drawn in to help the sub-
committees, and this is what we call the “active.”
The work of the sub-committees and of the Party
committee clearly reflects the Bolshevik principle of inner
Party democracy. A great number of Communists take part in
examining and working out all the important questions and in
deciding how the workers can be mobilised for the fulfilment
of the Two Year Plan ahead of schedule and for the struggle
against reaction.
The way the Party active takes part in forming decisions
makes it possible to avoid mistakes and to work out the best
line of work for our organisations under the present difficult
conditions of political struggle for the triumph of the new
 50

order, for socialism.

At present each Party Committee at our factories operates
with ten sub-committees: including those on social-political,
economic, organisational, cultural-propaganda, cadres, trade-
union discipline, youth and women.
The social-political sub-committee plans and supervises
the carrying out of the decisions of the Central Committee and
of the Government in our enterprise. It also engages in large-
scale explanatory work, propagating the tasks of building
peoples democracy.
For the fulfilment of the Two Year Plan it is essential that
in all sectors of production and of Party work there are capable
and talented people loyal to the cause of the Party. The sub-
committee which handles matters appertaining to personnel is
in charge of selecting and developing such people. Its job is to
know the members, to direct their work, and to help the Party
Committee to place in leading positions those who are best able
to justify the confidence of the people.
The cultural and propaganda sub-committee guides the
work of the numerous study circles and political courses and all
Party propaganda at our enterprise. It holds lectures on
Marxism-Leninism, on home and international policy and on
the cultural and social life of the Republic. For this purpose it
has at its disposal factory magazine “Onslaught” and radio
network.
A very important role is played by the national-economic
sub-committee. The factories which now make up the Gottwald
enterprise were formerly owned by capitalists. Today they are
nationalised and belong to the people.
They are run by the representatives of the people. It is the
task of the national-economic sub-committee to give every
assistance to these new leaders. The sub-committee helps the
manager and the heads of departments in overcoming
shortcomings in the organisation of labour and production, and
 51

obstacles holding up the supply of the necessary materials.

The national-economic sub-committee takes an active part
in planning production. The national-economic sub-committee
explains to Party members and to the entire personnel that the
struggle for quality output and for economy is simultaneously a
struggle for strengthening our national economy and for the
prosperity of our democratic Republic.
The work of the sub-committees directed by the Party
Committee is closely linked with the work of the 46 Party
branches at our enterprises. Each of these Party branches has
its own democratically elected committee.
For the purpose of involving all Party members in active
Party life, we formed groups of ten members. At present there
are 607 such groups. Each is headed by a group organiser,
whose job is to raise the political level of the members,
acquaint them with political literature and arrange for informal
discussions.
Relying on these groups, the group organisers strive for
high quality production and against wastage. They endeavour
to see that the members of their groups are models of discipline
and selfless labour.
The big tasks facing Party branches make it essential that
there should be better direction of the work of the branch
organisers from the main Party committee. To meet this, we
organise studies for branch organisers, hold meetings, confer
with them and give them to day-to-day assistance. We seek to
develop from these local party functionaries future Party
leaders devoted to the cause of socialism, to the cause of the
people.
Our Party organisation, despite shortcomings, is considered
to be the best in the Brno region. We were awarded the banner
of the regional Party committee for good political work and for
reaching the production targets. We have challenged a number
of enterprises in the Brno and Prague region to a competition.
 52

But we are far from resting on our laurels and are striving to
improve the forms and methods of our Party work. And in this
we receive great support from our mainstay—the Party active.

The Party Meeting, School of Political Education. A.

Mogioros, Member, Political Bureau, Rumanian Workers’
Party

When the means of production passed into the hands of the

people’s state, it was a great revolutionary achievement in
Rumania’s history.
The nationalisation of 90 per cent of industry, and the
measures taken to restrict the capitalist elements in the
countryside are an important step toward building socialism in
our country.
The Rumanian Workers’ Party is the vanguard of the
working class and the recognised leader of the working people.
True to the principles of Marxism-Leninism and guided by the
rich experience of the Communist Party of he Soviet Union
(Bolsheviks) it is making, every effort to widen still further the
democratic changes in the country. The tasks facing the
Workers’ Party today demand that each member should be an
active fighter for socialism, an example of labour discipline,
the initiator of socialist emulation, a vigilant protector of social
property and should have an irreconcilable attitude to the class
enemy.
The education of Party members in the spirit of Marxism-
Leninism is an important task of the basic branch
organisations. The Party rules define the task of the basic
organisation as follows: to carry out the political line of the
Party and all decisions of leading Party bodies. Its duty is to
take an active part in the political and economic life of the
country, raise the level of production, fight for the strict
observance of labour discipline and mobilise the working
 53

people under the Party slogans. It must strengthen and

safeguard the unity of the Party and educate the membership in
the spirit of proletarian solidarity.
Party meetings have a particular role to play in the solution
of these tasks. They serve as a school for the political education
of the members.
Attaching great importance to the general Party meeting,
which it regards as an expression of the collective will of the
Party, the Central Committee instructs all Party committees
and organisations to hold regular meetings of their membership
at which current questions of |Party policy must be discussed.
Considering that one of the essential tasks of the Party is to
draw all members into active political life, the Central
Committee proposed that all Party organisations should discuss
the Resolution of the Information Bureau concerning the
situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, and the
decisions of the Second Plenum of the Central Committee of
the Workers’ Party.
Meetings which discussed these two important documents
were marked by great enthusiasm on the part of the
membership. They unanimously approved the Information
Bureau Resolution and the Central Committee decisions on this
question.
Serious preparatory work preceded the meetings in the
branches. A special conference of the most active Party
members was held and was attended by leading Party workers.
A report on the Information Bureau Resolution was delivered
by the Secretary of the Central Committee, Comrade V. Luca.
As a guide for those reporting back to their organisations,
another conference was organised for regional committee
members engaged in propaganda work. This conference also
explained how this important document should be studied in
the branches. Conferences of district committee secretaries and
heads of organisational departments were held in the regions.
 54

Meetings of Party committees were held in sixty districts

attended by some 36,000 Party workers. The Central
Committee proposed that regional and district committees
should ask the more qualified propagandists to deliver reports
on the Information Bureau Resolution. Considerable help was
given to rural Party organisations by sending a group of highly
qualified reporters from Bucharest into the countryside.
The thorough preparations which preceded the Party
meetings ensured their high ideological and political level. The
meetings which discussed the Resolution were a serious
political school for the membership. They helped to show up
many shortcomings in various aspects of our work.
The lively discussion which followed the reports centred
chiefly around essential problems of inner Party life. The
members spoke of the organising and mobilising role of the
Party, of the need to sharpen class vigilance, to develop inner
Party democracy, strengthen proletarian internationalism and
develop self-criticism.
In discussion they acknowledged the Soviet Union’s
historic role in the creation of the new democracies, pointing
out that the leading position of the Soviet Union in the united
socialist front guarantees the invincibility of the forces of
socialism in the struggle against the anti-democratic,
imperialist camp, headed by the United States. The
membership unanimously condemned the treachery of the Tito
clique in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
These meetings sharply criticised the harmful methods of
work practised by certain Party committees and their leaders.
instances were given of conceit, sell-advertisement, violation
of Party ethics on the part of district committee secretaries. The
meetings censured certain committee secretaries for their
attitude of delivering commands to lower organisations. The
resolutions adopted at these meetings noted that the
suppression of criticism inevitably led to bigger mistakes
 55

which caused great harm to the Party.

They also noted instances of chauvinist sentiments and
lack of vigilance in a number of organisations.
This discussion of the Information Bureaus Resolution
helped to stimulate Party life. Party branch meetings which are
held regularly, suffer from serious shortcomings. For one thing,
the agenda is often cluttered with questions of secondary
importance; the secretaries of these organisations rarely report
to the membership; criticism and self-criticism are seldom
practised.
At the same time, the experience of many Party
organisations shows that Party meetings considerably develop
the organising role of the organisations in the struggle for
socialism.
The Party organisation in the Brasov tractor plant is
achieving good results in raising the ideological level of the
Party membership. The branch meetings regularly discuss
current political questions, as well as questions concerning
production and increased labour productivity. After a
suggestion made at one meeting a machine was installed which
sent up output considerably. Another innovation cut the time
needed to turn out spare parts for tractors. These are only two
of numerous rationalisation proposals made at these meetings.
The Party branch in a village in the Feheraj district
discusses all matters affecting village life. For instance, the
membership discussed the matter of building a dam which
would prevent flooding in the neighbourhood. When the
proposal was put to the villagers it met with their unanimous
support.
At their meetings village branches pay great attention to
the questions of grain deliveries and the struggle against hostile
class elements who try to disrupt the system of centralised
State purchasing. The Party members, discussing all sides of
the grain question, help to expose abuses in various
 56

organisations of the State apparatus and to expel saboteurs and

disruptive elements from these organs.
Experience shows clearly that the success of Party branch
meetings depends very largely on how well they are prepared
and on the help given to the branch secretaries by city and
district committees. Unprepared meetings often result in
disorganisation and inactivity.
A serious shortcoming in the work at Party secretaries is
their inability to draw up a proper agenda for a general
meeting. In many cases the items presented for discussion are
so numerous that important political issues get lost in a maze of
petty detail which need not be discussed at such meetings.
Party organisations are not always able to propose activity
which would place concrete tasks before the mass of the
membership.
After studying the experience of general branch meetings,
the General Committee of the Rumanian Workers’ Party
declares that all Party committees must work to raise the
ideological level of these meetings and turn them into a real
school of political education for the mass of the Party.
 57

DISMEMBERMENT OF GERMANY
AND TASKS OF SOCIALIST UNIT
PARTY. Otto Grotewhol, Chairman,
Socialist Unity Party of Germany.
The Socialist Unity Party and the Socialist People’s Party
of Germany (former Communist Party of the Western zones),
are the only two parties in Germany, which from the very
beginning, have vigorously upheld the view that the Yalta and
Potsdam agreements must be taken as the basis for building the
new German State.
The spirit of Potsdam is clear. The Agreement is, directed
against German monopoly capital, against feudal landlordism
and against militarism.
The Western allies are pursuing a policy that is at complete
variance with Potsdam. Instead of carrying out the Agreement
they are carrying out a policy of sabotage and dismemberment
of Germany. The Western powers, dominated by monopoly
capital, are strenuously resisting the setting up of a united,
democratic Germany. Beginning with 1945, this resistance has
obstructed the fusion of the Social Democrats and Communists
into a united Socialist Party in Western Germany; has led to the
banning of the Cultural League for the Democratic Recovery
of Germany, and the Socialist Unity Party in the Western
zones; to gagging the press and numerous other repressive
measures.
The policy followed by the Western powers of
systematically refusing to honour the obligations undertaken at
Potsdam explain, the futility of the conferences of Foreign
Ministers and has resulted in the setting up of a separate
Western German State. Bizonia came into being and an
Economic Council was set up in Frankfurt-on-Maine. The four-
 58

power administration of Germany and Berlin was completely

abolished. All these separatist measures were accompanied by
false propaganda to the effect that the Soviet Union,
consistently upholding the fulfilment of the Potsdam
Agreement, was responsible for the dismemberment of
Germany.
Matters culminated with the London Conference of the
Western Powers and the Benelux countries which openly
favoured the unification of the Western zones. The Potsdam
Agreement was thrown to the winds. Moreover, the formation
of this West German State was entrusted to the prime ministers
of the 11 West German laender and not democratic and anti-
fascist organisations. The relations of the new State with the
occupation powers will be regulated by occupation statues and
not by a peace treaty. This, naturally, gives the Western powers
a decisive voice. The period of occupation will continue
indefinitely and the Ruhr, vital to German economy, will
remain subordinate to the Western powers. An attempt will be
made to change the face of Germany by drawing up new
frontiers. The Ruhr will become a special Ruhr State. This will
bring it under American control and make possible its inclusion
in the Western bloc. The admission of Dr. Adenauer,
representative of the Christian Democratic Union in the British
zone, that “the Versailles Treaty was a bouquet of roses
compared to the London Agreement”, reveals that even the
defenders of the dismemberment policy are in bad way.
Unlike the London conference which met to complete the
dismemberment of Germany, the Foreign Ministers of Eastern
and Southeastern Europe met in Warsaw to insist on the
fulfilment of the Potsdam decisions. While London
dismembering Germany and trying to turn the West German
State into a democratic farce, Warsaw made proposals in
keeping with the interests of the German people.
The behaviour of the 11 prime ministers of the West
 59

German laender is a disgrace to the people of Germany.

Together with the bourgeois and Social Democratic politicians
of the Western zones these prime ministers are only too eager
to follow the follow the splitting policy of the Western powers.
This was made possible because considerable elements among
the population of Western Germany are still under the
influence of the anti-Soviet ideology, implanted by the Nazi
regime. But in the long run this is to be explained by the fact
that the occupation authorities in the Western zones, supported
by the German bourgeois and Social Democratic politicians,
are fostering Nazi Anti-Soviet baiting, combining it with lies
and slander of the worst kind. This is the key to the striking
fact that while the Soviet Union favours the restoration of
German unity and the sovereignty of Germany, German
politicians are rubbing shoulders with monopoly capital, with
the splitters of Germany and, headed by the Social Democratic
leadership and its press, are openly demanding withdrawal
from the agreements signed in Yalta and Potsdam.
In this set-up the role of the Schumachers is more than
grotesque. They keep on saying that there can be no future for
Germany without introducing Socialist measures. At the same
time, however, they join forces with the representatives of
foreign monopoly capital for joint struggle against the Soviet
Union and Communism. The Schumachers are loudest of all in
the demand for a revision of Potsdam.
In connection with the Berlin conflict it should be pointed
out that the currency reform introduced by the Western
occupation authorities without consulting the Soviet Union,
threatened the Soviet zone with inflation. Hence the issue of
new money in the Soviet zone was just as necessary an
economic measure as was the extension of the currency reform
to Berlin. Berlin is the centre of the Soviet zone and closely
linked with this zone economically. Cooperation by the
Western powers in carrying out measures connected with the
 60

currency reform proved superfluous in the Soviet zone and in

Berlin, since the governments of the Western powers had, by
their separate actions, destroyed the four-power administration
of Germany and the Control Council had ceased to function.
The setting lip of the West German State with its capital in
Frankfurt-on-Maine precludes all possibilities of any further
four-power administration in Berlin.
The Western powers decided to introduce the new money
into their sectors in Berlin and by doing so caused confusion in
the capital’s economy. The Soviet Government’s statement that
it would take care of supplies for the entire population of
Berlin, and the necessary measures taken in this connection put
an end to the provocative machinations of the war mongers.
Until the very last moment the Social Democratic press
insisted that the Western powers remain adamant and prohibit
Soviet zone currency from being circulated in their sectors of
Berlin. The fact that this hullabaloo eventually subsided can be
ascribed to the influence of certain official organs as well as
the fact, for instance, that the Social Democratic organ
“Telegraf”, issued in Berlin wrote August 6 that there should
be uniform currency for Berlin “regardless of whether it be the
currency of the Eastern zones, the currency of the Western
zones, or any other special currency”. The statement that Berlin
“should maintain the same economic ties with all zones of
Germany”, is in contradiction to what had been written hitherto
by the press hostile to the Soviet Union. Until now it was a
question of Berlin being included in West Germany, and of the
economy of the capital maintaining close ties with Western
Germany.
The talks which took place in Goblentz and Rudesheim
between the generals—representing the Western occupation
authorities—and the Premiers of the 11 West German laender
about carrying out the recommendations of the London
Conference, ended with the Premiers agreeing to the
 61

dismemberment of Germany.
Quite clearly it is impossible to remain deaf to the demands
of a big majority of the German people who insist on the
restoration of German unity. The response to the People’s
Congress in Berlin and, indeed, throughout Germany brought
home to the splitters that the urge for a united Germany is
strong among the people and will always be counterposed to
their policy. It is not surprising, therefore, that the movement
for the People’s Congress which was supported by all trends of
political opinion, and which called people to the struggle for
unity and democracy, was banned in the Western sectors of
Berlin. The People’s Council, elected by the Congress, called
upon the people to engage in what it described as national self-
help, and undertook the preparation and prosecution of
measures designed to secure a united Germany and the signing
of a just peace.
Among the measures initiated by the People’s Council was
the collecting of signatures to a petition which called for a
nation-wide referendum. Fifteen million men and women, that
is, more than one-third of the adult population signed the
petition which demanded a referendum on the question of the
unity of Germany. Documentary evidence in the form of 15
million signatures was presented to the Allied Control Council
by the Presidium of the German People’s Council who at the
same time, requested permission for carrying out the
referendum.
Despite certain differences, the German People’s Council
which consist of representatives of all the legal organisations in
the Soviet zone, and of representatives of the progressive
organisations in the other zones, will go ahead with measures
necessary for the building of a united, democratic Germany.
The Council has set up subcommittees which will examine
questions relative to a Constitution for Germany, her economic
future, cultural development and so on. The Constitution sub-
 62

committee has already submitted to the Council certain guiding

principle for the Constitution. These directives were
unanimously accepted by the representatives of the people. The
forthcoming autumn session of the People’s Council will
debate and decide upon the new Constitution. At the present
moment Germany is experiencing an ever growing sharpening
of class contradictions and class struggle. The enemies of
Germany’s unity are conducting a smear campaign against the
Soviet Union and the new democracies. And the policy pursued
by the Socialist Unity Party will, in the long run, put paid to
this baiting. Of this the members of our Party have no doubts
whatsoever. They know that for the people of Germany, close
cooperation with the Soviet Union and the new democracies in
Eastern and Southeastern Europe constitutes the basic
condition for the creation of a united democratic Germany and
of normal conditions of life.
The Two-Year Economic Plan for the Soviet zone which
was reviewed recently by the Board of the Socialist Unity Party
and ratified by the German Economic Commission, will
increase the productivity of all branches of industry. The
driving out of the private property monopolists in the Soviet
zone and the change-over from the monopoly system to
people’s enterprises, is bringing about a complete change of
attitude on the part of the people towards production tasks. The
Party of the working class is conscious of the difficult tasks
which face it. But it knows also that it is the sole force which
is capable of overcoming the difficulties. Taking this into
account, and conscious of its responsibility, the Party is
anxious to play a leading role in political and economic life.
All one can say to the critics in the bourgeois parties who
still refuse to recognise that the Party lays claims to the leading
role is that no other party has the influence necessary in present
day conditions to achieve the 30 per cent increase in output
within the framework of the Two Year Plan.
 63

Taking into account the magnitude of the tasks, the Board

of the Party recognises the heed for ideologically strengthening
the Party in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism.
The forthcoming 30th anniversary of the Revolution of
November 1918 was the subject of discussion by the Board,
which reviewed the historical ties of this unsuccessful
revolution and critically debated its lessons for the German
labour movement. The Party Board considers it of prime
importance to acquaint all members with the reasons that gave
rise to opportunism and its pernicious influence.
That is why the Party Board has decided to carry out the
special campaign with the object of increasing the activity of
the membership. A check up will be made of Party members
and measures taken to eliminate existing shortcomings in the
work of the Party.
We are confident that, thanks to the selflessness of the
broad mass of the membership and the strengthening of the
Party organisations, the Socialist Unity Party will cope with its
tasks and successfully realise the democratic development of
Germany.
 64

IN THE FACTORIES AND FIELDS OF

CZECHOSLOVAKIA
The Communist Party and trade unions of Czechoslovakia
are battling for the elimination of shortcomings in industry and
in the organisation of labour. They are tackling such questions
as the general introduction of the principle of payment based
on the growth of labour productivity, securing public control
over the utilisation by factory workers of a 10 per cent share in
the profits of the enterprise; the elimination of absenteeism and
work stoppages; tightening up labour discipline and so on.
In May, the volume of the Czechoslovak industry reached
the figure of 111 per cent compared to 1937—the best ore-war
year. However, the above mentioned shortcomings hinder the
further rapid development of industry. Hence these new
measures, which are designed to eliminate these shortcomings
as quickly as possible. Czechoslovakia has all the prerequisites
for this.
the Party and trade union press have begun to popularise
the successful expedience of applying the principle of payment
based on the growth of individual labour productivity. This
principle was introduced, for instance in two mines in
Moravska Ostrava, where the miners were formerly paid
according to the output of the brigade as a whole. The positive
results were soon apparent both pits began to exceed fixed
targets.
At the same time voluntary harvesting work is going on in
the fields. Thousands of work brigades composed of factory
and office workers, students and professional workers are
helping the peasants to secure the food supply.
At the same time, harvesting work is going on in the fields.
Thousands of work brigades composed of factory and office
workers, students and professional workers are helping the
 65

peasants to secure the food supply. This year’s harvest is far in

excess of last year’s.
 66

LETTERS FROM OUR READERS

As Seen By An Eye-Witness
The very moment when Comrade Togliatti, seriously
wounded, was being hurried by ambulance to hospital, the
working people of Italy, enraged at the dastardly attempt on his
life, downed tools and poured out onto the streets.
This movement was so powerful and the outburst of
indignation so unanimous that De Gasperi sought to explain it
by conjuring up the charge about the notorious “K Plan”.
According to this gauleiter of the American imperialists,
the “Defence Plan of the Italian Communist Party went into
operation at noon on July 14th.” That was how the
contemptible hireling of reaction tried to explain the heroic
protest strike of eight million workers, a strike which brought
all industrial activity to a standstill.
For months past and especially after the general election,
the press and radio of the Christian Democrats and other
reactionary parties had been screaming about “the loss of
prestige suffered by the Communist Party”. They claimed that
Togliatti was now “bankrupt as a political reader”. They lied so
outrageously that they were caught in the net of their own gross
fabrications. On July 14-15, the manipulators of the election
“miracles” found themselves face to face with the genuine
article—the magnificent rebuff of reaction by the people.
True one can afford to be merciful toward the Christian
Democrat and Saragat leaders when it is borne in mind that the
observed those heroic days from the cellars where they had
taken refuge from the indignation of the people.
It is never easy, of course, to take in the magnitude of a
struggle from peepholes and it is even more difficult to get an
 67

idea of its perspectives. Submitting themselves to the mercy of

the Lord—or perhaps we should be more correct in saying, to
Italy’s No. 1 policeman, Scelba—they burrowed deep
underground. They had not even done this during the fascist
regime. In those days they were busy in Rome speculating and
indulging in shady transactions.
Just how badly Italian reaction was scared was revealed by
Senator Aldizio, a leading member of the Christian Democratic
Party. Speaking in the Senate, Aldizio said that when he was in
Paris during the general strike days he had given up hope of
being able to return to Italy. Another who shook in his shoes
was Andreoni, Trotskyite provocateur and director of
“Umanita”, who called for the assassination of Communists.
This gentleman hurriedly left his comfortable headquarters and
departed for an unknown destination. And Andreoni was no
exception.
During the general strike the most out-of-the-way Italian
resorts were swarming with “very important persons” and the
proprietors of Swiss hotels soon realized that the Italian strike
considerably improved the somewhat slack tourist trade. There
was a sudden end enormous influx of “titled” tourists.
Hundreds of luxurious limousines, belonging to big capitalists
and landowners and to top leaders of the Christian Democratic
organisations crossed the border at Cijaso, Spluga and
Sinplona, bearing their frightened owners not only to famous
resorts but also to the strong-rooms of Swiss banks where they
safely deposited their funk money.
The Government, scared out of its wits circulated the most
fantastic reasons for the attempt on Comrade Togliatti’s life as
well as ridiculous stories about the man who fired the shots.
These inventions were meant to convince the people that the
would-be assassin was an irate fanatic of no party affiliation.
They tried to prove that he acted singlehanded without
accomplices and that he fired on Togliatti for purely personal
 68

reasons. In this way the heads of the Government parties tried

to absolve themselves of political responsibility for this foul
crime.
The Government representatives, afraid to appear before
the people with their false explanations, dispatched instead
Scelba’s police armed to the teeth with tommy guns and
armoured cars.
Scelba, confident of American support, grew more and
more insolent. But his crafty calculations went awry. He had
hoped to intimidate the “rebels” and introduce order by
deploying a great force of police and by firing on the unarmed
people.
But the Italian working class cannot be so intimidated. The
tanks and armoured cars failed in their purpose.
The over-zealous prefect of Genoa was forced to leave his
post. He wanted to suppress the strikers anti wreak vengeance
on them with his armoured cars. Alas, the armoured cars on
which he had pinned his hopes were in the hand of the workers,
and the police, disarmed by the strikers, beat a hasty retreat.
Of late, police flying squads have been attacking the
working people, the unemployed and housewives. However,
after the events of those July days, Truman’s police expert and
Minister Scelba will have to revise the question of the tactical
use of police gangsters who have been trained along American
lines. The point is that the working people of Italy applied such
forms of struggle that they could protect the protest
demonstrations against police raids. They displayed not only
examples of courage and solidarity, restraint and coolness, but
also revolutionary initiative which clamped the ardour of
Scelba’s police.
In the principal street of Rome, armoured police cars ran
into small stone barricades erected by the strikers. The workers
occupied many plants and workshops. And everywhere,
especially at the iron and steel works, automobile, aircraft and
 69

chemical factories, the workers turned out “technical means of

defence” which frustrated all attempts by the police to
penetrate the enterprises.
The police in Bijellja province spent a whole day pulling
down the barricades erected on the roads. No matter where
they moved they were confronted with obstacles which
hampered the movement of their columns and armoured cars.
Many police officers were seized with panic. Thousands of
policemen presented doctors’ certificates that they could not
carry out their duties due to poor health. In the North, many
police officers, discarding their uniforms appeared in civilian
clothes and departed for the countryside where they waited
until things settled down.
The general strike, which was staged as a powerful protest
demonstration, was concluded in an organised fashion on the
instructions of the leading trade unions. During this strike the
working people of Italy displayed magnificent examples of
organisation and revolutionary discipline.
In Milan for instance, thousands of people attended the
mass meetings. There were no incidents—not surprising since
there was not a single policeman to be seen on the streets of
Milan during those days. Wherever the authorities tried to use
force against the strikers, and where they trampled on the
constitutional rights of the working people, there they
encountered stiff resistance.
In order to keep up their morale and to reinstate their
prestige in the eyes of their American masters, De Gasperi,
Scelba and company are now circulating the story that during
the strike the themselves by their decisive “action” defeated the
attempt of the Communists to organise an armed uprising in the
country.
Another reason why they publicise this calumny is to
justify the widespread terror they are using to suppress the
revolutionary upsurge of the masses.
 70

Under screaming headlines their papers report the arrest of

thousands of the finest sons of the Italian people. But
repression, arrests, torture and imprisonment will not solve the
social and political problems of present-day Italy. These
measures will not succeed to destroying the working class and
the Communist Party nor in suppressing the democratic
movement. De Gasperi and Scelba should know that the
representatives of Italy’s working people whom Mussolini in
his day threw into prison as the leaders of a small Communist
nucleus are now the leaders of an army of conscious fighters,
numbering many millions.
The heroic protest strike of the working people of Italy
called forth a powerful wave of proletarian solidarity
throughout the world. The word of fraternal sympathy sent by
the working people of other countries added new strength to
the columns of strikers whose banners bear the inscription:
“The strike is over but the struggle continues.”
The general strike showed the might of the organised
proletariat of Italy. Millions of ordinary people realised that
they had made a mistake when they voted for the Christian
Democrats. They see now that De Gasperi and Scelba are
trying to establish a terrorist regime which threatens the
Republic with disaster.
The heroic July days show that the Italian people are
determined to combat the reactionary policy of the Government
and to fight for freedom and democracy, for the national
independence of their country, for socialism.

Paola Ardi

Italy, Rome
 HOW THE CONGRESS OF THE C.P.Y.
WAS HELD
I would like to give some impressions of the conditions
under which the Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of
Yugoslavia was held.
The Congress was held in the military barracks at
Topchider, on the outskirts of Belgrade. The Mihailovic trial
took place in this same barracks. Topchider can be reached by
tram and bus out during the Congress but all traffic was
prohibited in the area, and all approaches to the barracks were
heavily guarded. Advanced posts were located at points several
kilometres distant from the Congress hall.
The State security forces were reinforced with army
artillery units in full fighting order.
All this beginning with the organisation of the Congress in
the barracks and ending with the way in which it was
conducted, indicates the purely military terrorist methods
pursued by the leader of the Yugoslav Party. Rankovic, who
combines the jobs of Secretary of the Central Committee of the
Party and Minister of Home Affairs, saw to it that the Congress
delegates were well guarded. The ambassador of one of the
new democracies, living in the vicinity of the barracks was not
allowed to leave his house. You may well imagine the
restrictions imposed by Rankovic on ordinary citizens not
enjoying diplomatic immunity!
The Belgrade railway station, the railway lines and even
the streets were patrolled by armed guards. Seeing them, I
involuntarily remembered that the last time I had seen so many
armed patrols was at the end of the war. But then Chetnik, and
Ustashi bands were operating in the country. Why did Tito and
company imitate them by putting the capital under martial law?
Delegates from the provinces were accommodated in three
 72

large buildings one of which was formerly the “Ivo Lola Ribar”
students’ dormitory. A few days before the Congress the
students were moved elsewhere. Delegates had their meals
inside the barracks. In a word, they were completely isolated
from the outside world.
There were several cases of “unreliable” delegates being
replaced by others. In Zagreb, for instance, two students, old
Party members and former partisans, had their credentials
taken away because they questioned the integrity of the present
leaders.
In selecting “reliable” delegates the Rankcovic machine
quite frequently resorted to slander and even arrested comrades
who expressed the slightest doubt. Some delegates, elected at
meetings on instructions from the top, but who later questioned
the correctness of the Central Committee’s line, were
immediately replaced. The Party membership, of course, was
not informed of this.
Congress discussion was manipulated to prevent delegates
from debating the charges made by the Information Bureau
against the Party leadership.
The moment Tito made his appearance a special group of
cheer leaders began to shout slogans. Some of them were so
zealous at this that it seemed as though this were their main
job. However, their duties went a bit further—they kept close
watch over the other delegates. Rankovic and his men had full
command of the Congress hall and its surroundings. Hence the
nervous atmosphere of the Congress and the complete absence
of criticism.
The impression created was that delegates were obliged
to speak about the “unjust” charges levelled against Tito and
the Central Committee. Hardly a single delegate thought it
worth while to take the floor after Rankovic’s report on the
organisational work of the Central Committee. Everything was
concentrated on slandering the Information Bureau, the
 73

Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union.

Now that the Congress is over the Yugoslav Party are once
again, and with redoubled energy, resorting to repressive
measures against genuine Communists. At the Congress, Tito
and his clique threatened any who wavered with severe
punishment. All who expressed the least agreement with the
Information Bureau Resolution are being hounded out or the
Party and persecuted. A purge was carried out among student
brigades working on the New Belgrade. The student Emilo
Danilovic who at a Party meeting opposed the anti-Soviet
policy of the Communist Party leaders has been expelled from
the Party and deprived of his scholarship.
On the way back from Zemun today was stopped by an air
force captain who asked for a lift into the city. In the course of
our conversation he said that Tito and his retinue ought to
resign if they did not want to correct their mistakes. He was
emphatic that Yugoslavia could not build socialism without the
Soviet Union and the new democracies. He confirmed that a
large number of officers had been arrested and that the State
security organs had everybody terrorised. Arrests among
Communists were particularly widespread in Zagreb.
Tito’s name is being publicised the way Hitler’s was in his
day. In Zagren, Party members greet each other with the words
‘Long live Tito!” In Belgrade one of the military buildings
bears the inscription written in electric lights: “Party-Tito”. The
word “Party” dimmed out leaving the word “Tito” illuminated.
Portraits of Tito abound everywhere. And Tito’s portrait is
always bigger than any other and is always in the centre,
flanked on other side with small portraits of sometimes Marx
and Engels and Lenin and Stalin.
Indignation is widespread particularly among veteran Party
members. It is clear that the honest Communists in Yugoslavia
who love their country and who do not want to see it in
bondage to the imperialists will, sooner or later, replace the
 74

leadership and thus save the Party and the Yugoslav Republic
from degeneration.
This conviction of Yugoslav Communists is meeting
with support among ever wider circles.

Belgrade Micunovic
 75

JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY

FIGHTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC JAPAN.
Iosio Kodzaka
Democratic public opinion throughout the world was
deeply moved by the news of the dastardly attempt on the life
of Comrade Tokuda, outstanding leader of the working class of
Japan and general secretary of the Communist Party.
This attempt was directed against the Communist Party,
vanguard of the Japanese working class. It was a foul terrorist
attack on the working class by the militarist reactionary
elements in the country.
The hatred of the Japanese reactionaries for the Communist
Party increases in proportion to the Party’s growing prestige
and popularity among the masses.
After the destruction of the Japanese military machine, the
Communists launched a vigorous struggle for the
democratisation of Japan. Among the handful of Communists
who had survived the terror and remained true to the ideas of
Marxism-Leninism, was Comrade Tokuda, one of the
organisers and leaders of the Communist Party of Japan.
Eighteen years in the torture chambers of imperialist Japan
failed to crush his militant spirit and revolutionary ardour.
Together with other comrades, Tokuda set about the job of
rebuilding the Party. He headed the struggle to uproot the
survivals of the military-fascist regime, to rally the masses into
a united front and for democratic reforms in all spheres of life.
The Japanese Communists won the sympathy of the
people. The Party’s demands for the speedy elimination of the
legacies of the past, for the right to live and work in freedom
from the police baton, for political liberties and decent living
conditions were widely taken up by the people. An indication
 76

of the Party’s growing prestige is found to the great

demonstrations held under its militant slogans in spite of the
obstacles created by the Japanese and American authorities.
In Tokyo alone, more than a million people demonstrated
on May Day. The Communist newspaper “Akahata” has a wide
readership.
The strike movement against sabotage by the employers,
for improved living conditions and for the fulfilment of the
Potsdam Agreement concerning the democratisation of Japan is
gaining momentum.
Last year, in response to the call of the Communist Party,
the trade unions declared a general strike against the
Government’s anti-labour policy. This strike was broken on
orders from General MacArthur who hastened to the assistance
of the Japanese reactionaries.
The strike movement as a whole, however, is spreading
steadily.
Irrefutable facts, such as the rapid growth of the Party
demonstrated its strength and influence among the masses.
Since its emergence from underground, the Party has increased
its membership from 1,000 to 100,000. It has the backing of
many trade unions, as well as the Peasant Union—organisation
of the landless peasants and tenant farmers. The Communist
Party’s demands to smash the feudal conditions in the
countryside, to introduce a just and progressive agrarian reform
and to give land to those who till it, enjoy wide support.
No matter where the Communists appear, whether at
factory meetings, at mass public meetings or in Parliament,
they defend the interests of the people against the attacks of
reaction which is once again showing itself.
The Communist Party vigorously opposes the uncontrolled
import of foreign capital into Japan which threatens to turn the
country into a colony of Wall Street. One of the Party leaders
Comrade Nodzaka, speaking in Parliament recently,
 77

emphatically condemned the Government’s policy which is

handing over the country’s economy to American capital.
Pointing out the danger this policy brings to Japan’s national
sovereignty, Nodzaka declared: “We insist on a policy that will
allow our country to be rebuilt with its own forces. The foreign
policy of the present cabinet endangers our national
independence. We demand the establishment of equal
economic relations with all countries, without exception.”
The Communist Party has called on the people to combat
the reactionary policy of the Government and the machinations
of militarist elements.” It has called on the people to unite and
to rally all democratic forces. The Communists are exposing
the servility of the Right Socialists to reaction and foreign
capital. As is known, the Socialist Party refused to cooperate
with the Communists and has entered into an alliance with the
extreme Right parties, working together with them in the
cabinet and servilely following their reactionary policy.
But the attempts of the Right Socialists to oust the
Communists from the trade unions and other mass
organisations are a dismal failure. The last Congress of the
industrial trade unions of Japan, uniting some four million
members, elected a Communist majority to its Executive
Committee. The Communist Party has also considerable
influence in a number of other trade union bodies.
In the face of the counter-measures of the Socialist Party
leadership, dominated by Right Socialists, there is a growing
rank and file movement for cooperation between Communists
and Socialists.
There was co-operation in a number of districts during the
last general election campaign, with the result that the
democratic candidates were successful. There is similar
cooperation in a number of trade unions and in the Peasant
Union. Headed by the Communist Party, the movement for a
popular front is steadily growing. The foundation for this front
 78

was laid by the Conference of the Coordinating Council of

Workers’ and Peasant Unions held in Tokyo on June 9, on the
initiative of the Communist Party.
The matter came up for special discussion at a Conference
of Communist leaders held at the end of June. The report given
by Comrade Tokuda on the role of Communists in this
movement was unanimously adopted.
The growth of the democratic forces and the increasing
influence and popularity of Party policy among the masses
have angered Japanese reaction and the American occupation
authorities beyond measure. They are hounding its leaders and
using terrorists against them.
Last year fascist thugs stabbed the Communist leader of the
Left trade unions, Comrade Kikunami. The reactionary parties
have organised terrorist groups to fight the democrats. They are
the sponsors of the fascist Anti-Communist League. The fascist
hireling, Koga, who threw the hand-grenade at Comrade
Tokuda when he was addressing a workers’ meeting, was a
member of the League.
Repressive measures against both the Communist Party
and other democratic organisations have been intensified. Ten
Communists were recently arrested in Isikawa on the charge of
having “unlawfully entered” the premises of the Komatsu
Company. On July 7 the Tokyo police arrested twelve
members of the Printers’ Union on a charge of “unlawful
activities.”
There have been numerous cases of raids made by police
and fascist gangs working for reaction, on the premises of
Communist and trade union organisations, on meetings and so
on.
The anti-democratic campaign in the country is headed by
the Ashida cabinet and MacArthur’s headquarters. With the
sanction of the American occupation authorities, the
Government is preparing a bill to prohibit Communists from
 79

occupying official positions. On May 20, Ashida, speaking in

Parliament, said that this bill was needed “to safeguard
Japanese democracy.” Ashida urged the “need” for this law on
the grounds that similar measures had been taken against the
Communists in the United States and Great Britain.
Another violation of Potsdam is the Government’s anti-
trade union bill which is actually a Tokyo edition of the
notorious Taft-Hartley Law.
The anti-Communist hysteria and rebirth of fascism in
Japan are accompanied by new intrigues against other
countries. The reactionary press is already inciting Japan to
lead the struggle against Communism in Eastern Asia. Foreign
political ventures and aggression are being planned on the
pretext of combating Communism. The United States is giving
every encouragement to Japanese reaction and is abetting the
restoration of Japan’s military potential. In short, the United
States wants to make Japan its Far Eastern gendarme.
Reactionaries see in the Japanese Communists the staunch
opponents of their criminal plans for new military and political
ventures, plans which are being fostered by the Ashida
Government—the oppressor of democracy. Reaction is out to
suppress at all costs the Communist Party and other democratic
forces in the country. That is why it uses assassins against the
finest representatives of the people.
But the forces of Japanese democracy are no longer as they
were in the past. They are growing and multiplying each day
and are resisting the machinations of the militarist and their
transpacific masters. And at the head of these democratic force
stands the Communist Party, which is fighting to turn Japan
into a peace-loving and democratic country.
 80

DANISH WORKERS PROTEST

AGAINST EXCESSIVE TAXATION
Working-class conditions in Denmark are deteriorating
steadily as can be seen from the price index for July. According
to the Danish Department of Statistics, the price index has risen
5 points compared to wages.
The increased prices are accompanied by increased
taxation which falls heaviest on the working people. According
to the statistics, direct taxation increased during the past month
by 32 kroner per head of the population, expenditure on food—
by 40 kroner, and other essential expenditure—20 kroner.
Discontent with the Government’s policy found expression
at big public meetings throughout the country. These meetings
passed resolutions protesting against excessive taxes. The
workers are demanding a more just distribution of taxation
between the wealthy and the poor sections of the population, a
reduction in military expenditure and the introduction of a
strict control over prices.
 81

TORTURE OF PROGRESSIVE
ELEMENTS
The Buenos Aires correspondent of the Latin-American
press agency “Prensa Continental” reports that eight Radical
Party deputies, headed by Rodriguez Araija are demanding a
Government investigation into the numerous cases of torture to
which political prisoners are subjected. According to the
agency, the working-class leader, Leon Gogiel lost this reason
as a result of inhuman torture. Gioldi Orestes, a member of the
Central Committee of the Communist Party of Argentina, was
brutally beaten up by the police, denied food and kept for
several days in a cell with the temperature below zero.
 82

FASCIST TERROR IN SPAIN

The Spanish Republican radio reports that during the past
six months, 117 anti-fascists were killed in Spain. Of this
number, 15 were shot after trial, 36 “shot while attempting to
escape”, 22 tortured to death in prison, while 44 peasants were
killed by the police.
Reports from all parts of Spain speak of the brutal terror in
the country. In a village near Malaga, two peasants were
arrested and tortured in an attempt to make them reveal the
names of guerrillas known to them. Failing to extract the
required information, the police drove the two men into a field
and shot them. In the district of Corunia, 9 villagers were
arrested for aiding guerrillas, in Almeria, 8 peasants were
arrested on a similar charge.
 83

PRESS REVIEW
Combatting The Kulaks
The central organ of the Hungarian Workers’ Party,
“Szabad Nep” has recently given much space to the sharpening
class struggle in Hungary. In an article entitled “Progress of the
Working Peasantry”, the paper writes that reaction is now on
the march against grain deliveries, control of threshing and
grain prices.
The aim is to create difficulties and disturbances thus
disorganising the peoples bread supplies for next year. “The
class struggle has intensified in the countryside”, the paper
goes on. “because we are advancing, because it is becoming
increasingly difficult, for the exploiters to sap the energy of the
working people, because we are building socialism, and
successfully at that. The rural bourgeoisie, like the urban
bourgeoisie, is aware that the result can only be the
disintegration of its economic power and influence”.
Instead of a workers’ and peasants’ alliance, the article
points out, reaction is proposing peasant unity. Ferenc Nagy
and Bela Kovac sang the same song. And their reason was
obvious; they hoped the kulaks, with other exploiting elements
in the countryside and the bourgeoisie would lead the working
peasantry against the working class.
“We oppose this “peasant unity” not only because it
threatens the working class but because it represents the
greatest danger to the working peasantry today” declares the
paper.
With the help of the working class, the peasantry threw off
the feudal yoke, the power of the usurer, manufacturer and
banker. Now it is necessary to restrict the economic power and
influence of the kulaks whose activity is a menace not merely
 84

to the development of the working peasantry, but to their very

existence.

Fascists Active In Britain

In its issue of July 30, the London “Daily Worker” exposed
the link-up between the British and German fascists. The paper
writes that 10,000 copies of a newspaper printed in Great
Britain in German for Sir Oswald Mosley are finding their way
into the British and American zones of Germany. The
newspaper called Deutsches Flugblatt carries a large portrait of
Mosley capped with the headline: “Von Oswald Mosley,
Fuehrer”.
The “Daily Worker” correspondent writes that district
leaders and other members of the Union movement were told
to volunteer for the Army with the object of being sent to
Germany.
There the main task was to get in touch with the old-gang
German Nazis and, having received the papers, to get them
widely but subversively, distributed.
Meanwhile fascists in Britain are sending a steady stream
of “food parcels” to “friends” in Germany.
Copies are also going to Germany via Mosley contacts in
Spain, Ireland, South America and South Africa.
German ex-prisoners-of-war were another important link
when they were kept in this country. Many were contacted and
Mosley himself had P.O.W.s working for him on his farm at
Ramsbury, Wiltshire.
 85

rain Deliveries in Rumania

The Rumanian press is paying great attention to the work
of getting in grain deliveries to the State. According to reports
from “Scanteia” and “Frontul Plugarilor”, grain deliveries are
being fulfilled successfully throughout the Rumanian People’s
Republic. This success is due largely to the extensive
campaign launched in all districts by the organisations of the
Rumanian Workers’ Party and the Ploughman’s Front.
Trainloads of grain are unloaded each day at the State
elevators. The working peasantry solidly support this measure
which they regard as new proof of the Governments just
agrarian policy. Members of the Agricultural Workers’ Union
and the poor peasants are seeing to it that the kulaks are
properly taxed and are exposing their attempts to evade State
deliveries, to hide the grain from the State commissions and
disorganise deliveries. Such instances have been registered in a
number of villages.
For their own ends the kulaks are trying to build
themselves up in the local organisations and even in the special
grain commissions. For instance, in the village of Kudalby, the
kulaks Mistrjanu and Fusa, owners of big farms, got
themselves elected to the grain commission. In other districts
kulaks are deliberately misinterpreting the system of deliveries
to make the poor peasants shoulder the full weight, hoping to
make the peasants discontented with the existing order in the
country. Kulaks in the local committee in the villages of
Skrisor, Piseljag and Vadescu forged lists of farmers in an
attempt to save themselves from having to give up their grain.
Kulak agents in the Karakal district threatened to shoot any
peasant who delivered grain to the State.
 86

The organisations of the Rumanian Workers’ and the

Ploughman’s Front have sent thousands of propaganda workers
into the villages to help carry through the grain deliveries and
to expose the disruptive activities of the kulaks and
expropriated landlords.
In an editorial entitled “Greater Vigilance toward Kulak
sabotage”, the newspaper “Romania Libera” writes: “The first
task of all responsible organs and the country today is to
defend the interests of the working peasantry. This task is
particularly important because the capitalist elements in the
countryside are trying to use the grain deliveries as a weapon
against the State and the interests of the poor peasants. There
have been many cases of kulaks and, former landlords trying to
evade grain deliveries, concealing grain and inciting the poor
peasants against deliveries. However, a positive factor is that
the poor peasants are actively helping to expose kulak
sabotage. The grain delivery commissions must give the utmost
support to the working peasantry and wage a bitter struggle
against kulak sabotage which is directed against the interests of
the Rumanian people”.
FULFILMENT OF TWO YEAR PLAN IN
BULGARIA. Dobri Terpeshev,
Member, Political Bureau, Bulgarian
Worker’s Party, Chairman, State
Planning Commission
When the people government came to power in September
1944 it was faced with a devastated economy. The Hitler
plunderers had looted the country. Industrial and agricultural
production dropped by 64 and 84 per cent compared with 1939.
To enable our backward economy to recover and develop,
the National Assembly on March 25, 1947, approved the 1947-
48 Two Year Plan. For the first time Bulgaria’s economy was
to be planned.
The concentration of political power in the hands of the
people and the expansion or the social sector in the national
economy were the main essentials for economic planning.

The Two-Year Plan And Its Realisation

Before the Two Year Plan was adopted, agricultural and
industrial production in 1946 reached 85.9 per cent of the 1939
level on the basis of prices for that year.
The principal object of the Two Year Plan was to
overcome the economic aftermath of fascism and war which
had been considerably increased by two years of drought. It
was necessary to reach, and in certain industries to surpass the
pre-war level. This was to be done through the industrialisation
and electrification of the country, the mechanisation of
agriculture, improvement of transport, development of home
 88

and foreign trade, large-scale expansion of the cooperative

sector in trade and handicraft production and in agriculture, and
by means of training skilled personnel.
Such were the measures needed to raise the material and
cultural level of the people.
Conditions during the first year of the Plan were moot
unfavourable. It was a year of drought and crop failure. This in
turn affected industry because of the considerable shortage of
raw materials. The drought also affected supplies to the people
and for foreign trade, agricultural products being our main
source of foreign currency.
The difficulties caused by survivals of capitalism in our
country were overcome by the labour enthusiasm and energy of
the people, particularly the youth who formed work brigades
and were the initiator of emulation and shock-work.
The Fatherland Front Government led the country out of
the international isolation in which it had been confined before
and immediately after September 9, 1944, by concluding trade
agreements with a number of countries: This helped us to
achieve our production targets. We are indebted above all to
the friendly help of the Soviet Union, accorded us on the basis
of trade agreements.
Last year was a much more satisfactory one and in certain
industries excellent results were achieved.
Industrial output (handicrafts excluded) increased by 25.8
per cent compared with 1946 and by 30.5 per cent compared
with 1939. The output of the iron and steel and engineering
industries registered an increase of 10 per cent compared with
1946, the chemical industry 43 per cent, building materials
industry 40 per cent, rubber industry 99 per cent, coal mining
15.3 per cent. Ore deposits were prospected with the result that
the mining of ore increased 90 per cent compared with 1939
and 31.7 per cent compared with 1946.
ln spite of the drought, agricultural production rose 8.8 per
 89

cent compared with 1916: 524 agricultural cooperatives and 31

machine and tractor depots were established in the course of
the year and these played a big part in the mechanisation and
development of agriculture.
Capital investments in 1947 increased by 60 per cent
compared with the preceding year. A number of undertakings
were completed such us the “Hainboaz” the Pernik-Volyak
railway, the “Vulcan” works and a number of electric power
stations. Work was begun on a number of other projects which
laid the foundations for the industrialisation of the country.
Exports increased by 21 per cent while imports went up 68
per cent compared with 1946.
A number of measures were introduced such as the
exchange of bank notes and state bonds which averted the
danger of inflation. The State look over the monopoly of the
tobacco and alcohol Industries; home and foreign trade were
reorganised by establishing State wholesale trade; and last, but
by no mean least, private industries, the mines and banks were
nationalised.
The 1948 Plan will fake further steps to overcome existing
difficulties, to eliminate a number of organisational
shortcomings and the disproportion between industrial output
and construction.
The Plan calls for a 65 per cent increase in industrial goods
and 28.3 per cent increase in agricultural products compared
with pre-war. The output of electric power will go up 22 per
cent, coal 16 per cent, ore and other mined products 16 per
cent. Industrial output as a whole will, increase 38 per cent
over 1947 with the chief increases in heavy industry.
The Two Year Plan is changing the social structure of
industry as well. By the end of 1946 all coal mining and
electric power will be nationalised, and in the rest of Industry
the social sector will be 90 per cent. This will make it possible
to fully utilise the country’s industrial capacity and to enable
 90

existing industry to be brought up-to-date technically in

agriculture 4.7 per cent of the sown area is cultivated by
tractors while 17.8 per cent of harvesting work is done by
machines. The machine and tractor depots of which there will
be 70 by the end of 1948, cover an area of some two and a half
million dekars. Marketable product constitute 40 per cent of the
total agricultural output and cattle breeding 25 per cent. By the
end of the Two Year Plan there will be 800 agricultural
cooperative farms, working 3.5 per cent of the total cultivated
area.
Despite difficulties, we will have sufficient supplies of
building materials by the end or 1949.
The Plan provides for a 100 per cent increase in the trade
turnover of the State sector, a 94 per cent increase in
cooperative trading and a decrease of 62 per cent in private
trade turnover.
Construction work is now under way on a fertiliser plant.
Work will soon begin on a number of projects such as steel
rolling mills and factories producing spare parts for
automobiles and tractors. Capital investments will increase by
54.2 per cent.
The extended network of children’s homes, nursery
schools, rest homes and clinics, not to mention dwelling
houses, will promote the social well-being of the people.
Favourable conditions for the development of our national
economy this year and for the successful fulfilment of the State
Plan were furnished during the first quarter of the year. This
was secured by importing metal, machines, calcium, celluloid,
and other materials which enabled us to build our supplies of
raw materials and equipment.
Raw materials and equipment continued to flow in during
the second quarter which enabled us to increase the capacity of
our basic enterprises.
The successful fulfilment of the Plan is guaranteed by the
 91

fact that the people are in power, by the leading role of the
Workers’ Party and by the powerful upsurge of labour
enthusiasm among the people. This is strikingly reflected in tire
sweeping development of labour emulation, in the initiative
displayed in rationalisation, in the widespread youth brigade
movement and the growth in the productivity of labour.
The fulfilment of the Plan will mark the end of the
rehabilitation period in our national economy, enabling
Bulgaria to be changed from an agrarian into an industrial-
agrarian country in the future.
There is every reason to believe that the Plan will be
completed ahead of schedule—that is by the end of 1948
instead of April 1, 1949. With the rehabilitation period
completed, our national economy will have considerable
reserves which will facilitate the fulfilment of the projected
Five Year Plan (1949-1953).

The Five Year Plan

The planning organisation is now working out the Five
Year Plan which once accepted, will be a landmark in the
economic and political life of the country. The realisation of
this Plan will fundamentally change the whole of our economic
life.
One of the essential economic and political objects of the
Five Year Plan is to consolidate the socialist sector in our
economy. The socialist sector was considerably extended
during the rehabilitation period. By the end of 1948 it will
constitute 90 per cent in industry, 60 per cent in trade and 90
per cent in finance. The Fatherland Front programme provides
for the steady development of the socialist sector of industry
and trade and for the exclusion of the capitalist elements.
At the same time it provides for the socialist reorganisation
 92

of agriculture where the social sector will be steadily extended

by the cooperatives formed of individual peasant households
and by waging a resolute struggle against the capitalist
elements.
In keeping with the programme of the Fatherland Front, of
which the Workers’ Party is the driving force, the Five Year
Plan gives priority to heavy industry—iron and steel
engineering, chemical, coal mining and electric power—as the
foundation for raising the whole economy; the socialist
reconstruction of industry and trade and the exclusion of the
capitalist element; developing agriculture by means of
cooperatives and mechanisation; increasing the productivity of
labour; strengthening the economic and defence capacity of our
country and laying the foundations of socialism in our country.
The Five Year Plan provides for the rapid expansion of the
chemical industry. This means increased output of chemical
fertilisers which in turn, will help raise harvest yields; it means
that we will be able to produce the chemical products needed
for the development of other industries: sulphuric acid,
calcium, celluloid, and so on.
The speedy electrification of our country will help
overcome the serious shortage of electric power. This, in turn
will enable light industry to work at full capacity.
Geological prospecting will continue. This will give the
country the necessary supplies of minerals which are needed,
above all, for the development of our iron and steel industry. It
is also planned to increase the output of coal and to expand the
chemical-coke industry.
The Five Year Plan will lay the foundations of our own
machine-tool and transport engineering industries.
The technical reconstruction of the railways will be
completed and some of the main lines will be electrified.
Agriculture will be technically reequipped and developed,
along modern lines. Agricultural cooperatives will be put on a
 93

solid organisational footing.

Approximately 160 new machine and tractor depots will he
established, which will be able to cultivate 15,000,000 dekars.
Machine and tractor depots will be brought up-to-date and the
number of repair shops will be increased.
Increased production of fodder will enable us to improve
our cattle-breeding.
New universities and secondary schools will be opened. By
1953 we hope to have enough highly trained personnel in
industry, building arid agriculture.
The material and cultural level of the people will be raised.
New settlements with facilities for cultural amenities will be
built near the various enterprises. Supplies of food and other
foods will be greatly improved as a result of the abolition of
rationing and the passing over to extensive State and
cooperative trade. By the end of the Five Year Olan the
national income will have increased 60 per cent over 1948 the
consumers’ fund, 35 per cent and capital investments 164 per
cent. The spending power of the population will increase from
37,100 leva per head in 1948 to 48,400 leva in 1953, thus
exceeding the 1939 level by nearly 30 per cent.
Industry will be allocated some 43 per cent of the total sum
of capital investments, the greater part of which will go to
industries manufacturing the means of production. The Five
Year Plan will develop heavy industry and will provide the
basis for the re-equipment of industry, transport and
agriculture.
Because of better organisation of labour, labour emulation
and rationalisation and the improved skill of the workers, the
productivity of labour will leap up more than 50 per cent in the
course of the Five Year Plan. This will help to increase the
wages fund from 38.7 billion leva in 1948 to 69.1 billion in
1953.
The people of Bulgaria are relying on their own forces to
 94

carry out the Five Year Plan. We are also relying on the
assistance of friendly countries, especially the Soviet Union.
In the course of the first Five Year Plan period we can and
must create the necessary conditions for laying the economic
foundation of socialist society in our country toward which our
people are confidently advancing. The decisive pre-condition
for this is the public ownership of the means of production and
the monopoly of foreign trade, the ever expanding social sector
in agriculture and home trade and the unity of the working
people under the banner of the Fatherland Front and under the
leadership of our Party.
The Party Congress which will be convened on October
31, in accordance with a recent decision of the Central
Committee, will discuss to approve the Five Year Plan, and
will work out its tempo and general lines of progress. The
fulfilment of the Plan will guarantee that our economy
continues to march toward Socialism.
In carrying out this historical task the people of Bulgaria
will draw from the rich experience of Socialist construction in
the Soviet Union and rely on the friendly assistance of the great
country of victorious Socialism.
 95

BOOK REVIEW

Two Speeches by Comrade Togliatti—

Nicola de Simone
One fraternal Communist Party newspaper recently wrote
that Togliatti was a man in whom “the humanism of Italian
culture combines with Marxist-Leninist ideas and with the iron
will of the ascending class”.
These qualities of the leader and teacher of Italian
Communists were vividly expressed in his speeches to
Parliament in June and July of this year.*
In his speech on June 10, Comrade Togliatti reviewed the
situation in Italy against its background of the whole
development of the Italian people. The history of Italy said
Comrade Togliatti, was the history of a country in which even
those social-economic reforms which had been carried out in
other countries by the bourgeois revolution, were wanting.
The failure to carry through these reforms had affected the
present development of Italy. The programme of the wartime
resistance movement demanded that essential social-economic
reforms would be carried out and a new political and social
order established in the country. However, because of the
situation, this programme was not realised despite the valiant
struggle of the working people.
Togliatti further pointed out that only those peoples of
Europe who had been liberated with the direct assistance of the

*
Palmiro Togliatti, “The Unity of the People “and the “Marshall
Plan—Plan of War.” (speeches delivered in Parliament) Published
by CDS Rome 1948
 96

Soviet army had been able to free themselves from the yoke of
imperialism and to open the way to a new life.
“The fate of Italy was different,” said Togliatti. “We were
liberated by the armed forces of states that sought and are still
desperately seeking to preserve the capitalist structure and
imperialist domination.”
The people of Italy demanded social reforms, went on
Togliatti. How did the Government of April 18 reply to this
demand? The first Parliamentary bill submitted by De Gasperi
was a police bill directed against those in possession of arms
(those not belonging to the Government party!) Naturally, this
measure could not facilitate the solution of Italy’s Social
problems, particularly the agrarian problem which had been
specially dealt with in a Government statement criticised by
Comrade Togliatti.
The Government’s plans of subsidising the big landowners
as Mussolini and his ministers had done, would not help to
solve the agrarian problem.
A Government that turned police into the armed right hand
of the employers could not be a government of social reforms.
“You stand on this question”, said Togliatti, addressing De
Gasperi, “is even worse than that of the governments which
held office in 1900 and 1910 which even at that time admitted
that the state machine and armed police could not be used for
solving labour conflicts.”
Togliatti addressed De Gasperi who was brimming over with
confidence in his huge majority, with these words:
“Mr. De Gasperi, your majority of 307 is not a bad thing.
But are you sure that your uniform as Chairman of the Council
of Ministers is not stained with blood? Beware, it is difficult to
wash off this blood!”
During the twelve-month rule of the Christian Democratic
Government, Italy’s economic situation further deteriorated.
There were 2,300,000 unemployed in the country; the budget
 97

deficit exceeded 750,000 million lire; there was more then a

900,000 million lire deficit in the balance of payments; notes in
circulation soared during one year from 500,000 million to
800,000 million lire.
Such were the results of Marshallising the country, as the
De Gasperi Government was doing, declared Togliatti. Such
were the fruits of the De Gasperi policy of enslaving Italy
under American Imperialism. Togliatti counterposed the results
of this policy with those of a different policy. He quoted
figures on the industrial development in the new democracies
published in connection with the recent session of the UNO
Economic Council. These figures showed that industrial output
had increased by 152 per cent over prewar in Poland, by 127
per cent in Hungary, by 134 per cent in Bulgaria and by 110
per cent in Czechoslovakia.
Count Sforza was constantly talking of the “European”
policy. But what was “Europe” in his opinion?
“This Europe,” said Comrade Togliatti, “looks too much
like the Europe of which the fascists spoke. It has an interesting
characteristic feature: it gets smaller after every adventure of its
master. The Europe of the Fascists and of Count Sforza is
declining steadily because every movement that shakes the
capitalist world results in countries where the working people
succeed in seizing power and overthrowing the imperialist
domination”.
In his speeches, De Gasperi was trying hard to gloss over
the question of Italy’s joining the Western bloc and the
American plans of preparing a new war. Exposing the
Government’s tactics Togliatti demanded that De Gasperi
should tell the people plainly whether, with the help of the
Western alliance, he was going to lead Italy into war?
“Why not be explicit?” asked Togliatti. “Probably those
who supported you so generously during the election campaign
won’t let you? Well, speak up!”
 98

Crude abuse was the only answer De Gasperi and Saragat

could make.
Togliatti exposed the very roots of the activities of the De
Gasperi and Saragat clique. “You decided to harness the entire
life of the nation to the system of hatred, slander and division
which is represented by anti-Communism,” said Togliatti.
“What are you going to erect on the basis of this system? You
cannot build anything positive or serious. Fascism could not
build anything stable on the basis of coercion. What will you
build by means of terror, intimidation and corruption? Where
will it lead you? Where is this policy leading Italy? Our alarm
grows when we see what you are preparing for the Italian
nation. But you will never be able to reverse the wheel of
history and the forward march of the working people.”
The dastardly attempt on Comrade Togliatti’s life made a
month after this speech, proved the correctness of this
statement by the leader of the working people of Italy. Later
events have shown that reaction is unable to smash the ever
growing movement of the working people. Even the Marshall
Plan cannot help reaction.
In his speech on July 10, Comrade Togliatti exposed the
essence of the Marshall Plan. “The myth about this “plan” was
created in the same way as the myth about the “lira fund”. It
was the basis for large-scale electoral black-marketeering,”
said Togliatti. “At present the country is alarmed and worried.
It is beginning to realise what is happening. Both the
employers and the working people are alarmed, and among the
latter not only those who are convinced of the correctness of
our stand, but also those who before April 18 allowed
themselves to be misled. They too, are now beginning to
understand reality. Reality means the closing down of
numerous small and medium enterprises and the threat of
hundreds and thousands of workers being thrown out of work.”
Togliatti explained how the Marshall Plan was conceived
 99

in conditions of capitalism’s sharpening general crisis.

The basis of capitalism had been shattered by the loss of
influence in Central and Eastern Europe, by the defeat of
German imperialism, by the breakdown of the system of
relations between Europe and non-European countries and
finally by the disillusionment millions of people now felt
toward the capitalist system. The democratic movement of
these millions could not be suppressed or halted neither in
Central and Eastern Europe nor in Britain, Italy and France.
U.S. monopoly capitalism was endeavouring to impose its
domination on Europe and the entire world. For this end it was
pursuing an increasingly aggressive policy. From this angle
must the Marshall Plan be considered.
Togliatti condemned the conditions under which this plan
is offered to Italy and its disastrous consequences for the
country.
The Marshall Plan opened tragic perspectives for Italy. It
contained “the embryo of a new national catastrophe, the scale
of which is difficult to comprehend.”
In his speeches, Togliatti did not confine himself to
denouncing the imperialist war plans and to championing the
policy of peace advanced by the Communists and all
democrats. He plainly warned the warmongers and plainly
indicated the path for the friends of peace and freedom.
“Even if our country is pushed into the path which leads to
war,” he concluded, “even then we know our duty. The
imperialist war, today must be answered with a war in defence
of the peace, independence and future of our country.”
 PUBLICATION OF THE JOURNAL
“THE CLASS STRUGGLE”
RECOMMENDED IN RUMANIA
Publication of the theoretical and political Party journal
“The Class Struggle” has been resumed by decision of the
Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Rumania. The
journal was banned by the old reactionary fascist government.
In an article on the objects of the journal, Comrade
Gheorgeiu-Dej pointed out that it should become the principal
means of equipping the Party with the theory of Marx-Engels-
Lenin-Stalin, the true leaders of the working class of Rumania,
in the struggle for a better social system—the socialist system.
The first issue also carried an article by J. Kishinevsky
“Programme and Statutes of the Communist Party of
Yugoslavia—New Proof of the Betrayal of Marxism”, in which
the author criticises the anti-Marxist position of the Yugoslav
leaders relative to the structure and tasks of the Party.
Other articles included “Party Ethics” by C. Pyrvulescu
“Nationalised Industry—the Socialist Sector of Our Economy,”
by Stef Voicu “Centenary of the 1848 Revolution” by Nestora
Ignata book reviews and international notes.
 101

INSTRUCTIONS OF BARBARIANS
The Greek monarcho-fascists, striving might and main to
crush the popular resistance movement, to annihilate the
partisans and intimidate the civil population, are resorting to
the savagery of Hitler’s Gestapo.
In a recent order of the day, No. 145, issued over the
signature of Lieutenant General Tsakalatos, commander of the
1st Corps of the fascist army, the latter ordered his
subordinates to shoot without trial every partisan taken
prisoner.
Directives issued to the gendarmerie contain detailed
instructions on how to handle captured partisans. When a
partisan has been shot, state the instructions, three soldiers
advance cautiously towards him with rifles at the ready, so as
not to be deceived should the partisan be feigning death. One
of the soldier will then turn over the body and remove all arms.
This done, the partisan’s head is severed, placed in a sack and
taken to gendarme headquarters for public exhibition.
In this way are the Greek fascists trying to smother in
blood the aspirations of the people for freedom and democracy.
 102

BANNING OF COMMUNIST PRESS IN

INDIA
In “free India” the wave of oppression and terror used
against the Communist Party, is hitting a new high level. In an
attempt to muzzle the Communist Press, the Congress
Governments in various parts of India have, in the past four
months, shut down provincial papers with a total circulation of
over 400,000, arrested members of their editorial staffs, and
confiscated the contributions of readers.
 103

SINGLE GOVERNMENT FOR NORTH

CHINA
A North China Provisional People’s Congress will be
convened soon to form a North China Democratic Coalition
Government. This development follows closely the recent
merging of the two great Liberated Areas of North China.
The Congress will draw up an Organisational Law for a
United North China Democratic Coalition Government and an
Electoral Law. It will also elect a Government Council, a
Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the North China People’s
Government.
 104

STRENGTHENING UNITY OF
WORKING PEOPLE OF FRANCE
The economic strikes and protest demonstrations against
the Marie-Blum-Reynaud Government testify to the powerful
movement for unity among the working people of France.
The General Confederation of Labour is gaining strength.
During the month of June, 20,000 workers joined the Metal
Workers’ Union of the Seine Department. In some cases entire
trade union organisations are returning to the CGT. For
example, the autonomous dockers’ union in Havre and the Lille
dockers of the “Force Ouvriere” section, headed by their
secretaries have voted to rejoin the ranks of the CGT.
The desire for unity is so keen that under pressure of the
membership the leaders of the Christian trade unions and
“Force Ouvriere” organisations are compelled to conduct a
joint struggle on the basis of CGT proposals. Three trade union
organisations of the Herault Department—the CGT, Christian
trade unions and “Force Ouvriere”—waged joint action to
secure a revision of wage scales and a subsistence minimum of
13,000 francs monthly. In the la Manche Department, the
Christian trade unions and “Force Ouvriere” adhered to the
proposal of the CGT for wage rates according to zones.
 105

THE SAME OLD STORY—“Figaro”

Here, “Figaro There”—Drawing By
Constantinescu
 106

FEUILLETON

“Figaro” here,—“Figaro” there, “Figaro”

lies—Here and there
It is an insult to the gay and mischievous Barber of Seville,
hero of the Beaumarchais comedy, that his name is carried by a
French newspaper as filthy as it is reactionary.
While the adventures of Figaro the Barber—as we can still
see them on the stage today with his harmless escapades in
which he leads his master by the nose—keep the audience
constantly laughing, the adventures of Figaro the newspaper,
evoke an entirely different reaction. They arouse a feeling of
revulsion, a feeling that one should not so much as touch the
paper for fear of soiling one’s hands.
“Figaro” claims to be an up-to-the-minute newspaper—
which it ought to be, considering its title. And sure enough it is
invariably to be found at work where slander, lies and wild
anti-Soviet fabrications are being concocted, where the new
democracies are under fire and wherever Communists are
being smirched.
Lately a number of statements made by “Figaro”, apart
from evoking a feeling of disgust are also occasion for a little
laughter, something the paper would not have happen for all
the world. Perhaps the reason for this is the truly scandalous
chain of misfortunes which have befallen the rag. In all truth,
the handiwork of the forgerers on “Figaro’s” editorial board is
too crude for words.
But to the point. About a month ago “Figaro” obligingly,
as befits a good lackey, picked up the canard circulated by the
British embassy in Paris alleging a “Communist plot in Berlin.
Zealous servants of the British embassy provocateurs,
 107

“Figaro’s” hack writers did not stop at merely circulating this

fantastic lie: they lost no time in concocting a forgery in the
shape of a “secret order” supposedly issued to “Communist
branches” in Berlin and signed by a non-existent “General
Secretary of the Communist Party of Germany”.
The finale of this ill-starred story is known to all: both the
British and French authorities denied all knowledge of this
base provocation, realising that it would put them in a
ridiculous and uncomfortable position. The fantasy about
“secret order L” met with an inglorious end, leaving behind it
only a foul smell and leaving also “Figaro” exposed for what it
is a filthy slanderer and provocateur.
After landing themselves in a mess, “Figaro’s”
swashbucklers lay low. But not for long. And so the editorial
board of “Figaro” gave birth to a new Hitler-style lie, a lie that
beats all records.
Well-aware that “Figaro’s’ dispatches are no longer,
treated with the same credulity since the disastrous failure of
the canard about a “Communist plot” in Berlin when the paper
wrote in the issue of July 6 that “a very important document
has come into our possession” the authors of the new
inventions are hastening to screen themselves with the
“testimony of witnesses”. This time they quote “Page
Internationale” which provided them with a “document from a
reliable source”.
What does this new “document” say? It appears that this
time it is the “Cominform”. The paper starts by warning its
readers that the “significance of the recent Cominform meeting
far exceeds the importance attached to it, “because at this
conference, in addition to the official agenda, organisational
questions were also discussed”.
The paper had to invent this to give the impression of a
“struggle” within the “Cominform”, which, you see, is not
known to the general public.
 108

What was the reason for the “struggle”?

Well, to begin with, the Hungarians, that is, the Hungarian
Communists, demanded neither more nor less than a “war
against the Vatican”, the “commencement of hostilities”
against it and; if you please, the placing of all Catholic priests
in Hungary under arrest.
To give added weight to this utterly ridiculous invention,
the paper hastened to report an urgent trip to Moscow by
Rakosi, carelessly forgetting that the reader could easily
establish Rakosi’s whereabouts at the time, and once again
catch “Figaro” in a lie.
After Rakosi, Gottwald comes into the picture. Gottwald, it
appears, is guilty of “egoistic autocracy” and is opposed to
strengthening Czechoslovakia’s economic contacts with the
Central European and Balkan countries. Having blurted out this
absurdity, “Figaro” then brings in Thorez who is also “guilty”
and also “fighting”.
Thorez is “guilty” because, in the words of “Figaro’’, there
are too many intellectuals in the French Communist Party (the
paper is completely unable to stomach the fact that the finest
representatives of the French intelligentsia are marching
shoulder to shoulder with the Communists), and he is
“resisting” the appointment of a “Cominform representative”,
which would relegate him to second place.
There is a motive behind this last invention about a
“representative”. It is designed to lead up to the essence of the
new “organisational measures” which, it is alleged, consist of
the appointment in each Communist Party of a “Cominform
representative” enjoying the right to take part in the meetings.
of the political Bureau and to veto its decisions.
In addition to this mythical “representative”, there will be a
mythical “consultative council of five members “not holding
official posts”.
There is no need to say “Figaro” is running true to form.
 109

What can one expect of this gutter rag which, in the words of
Saltykov-Scbedrin, has nothing to its name either in the past or
in the future.
Even with the naked eye one can see the object of the latest
“document”: the myth about the “representatives of the
Cominform” is the signal for another smear campaign against
the Communists, and another crusade against democracy.
As for the “struggle” in the ranks of the “Cominform”, that
is a clear case of wishful thinking on the part of the inspirers of
these forgeries and provocations.
They are obviously upset because the world is witnessing
the growing consolidation of the democratic forces, the
growing prestige of the Communist Parties as the leading force.
They are petrified at the might of democracy to whom the
future belongs. This fear, and the knowledge that the victorious
onward march of history cannot be halted, are voiced in the
vicious howl set up by the capitalist papers of the “Figaro”
type.
No matter how ridiculous and monstrous the provocation
of the type dished up by “Figaro”, it shows that reaction is not
asleep, that it will stoop to any means to achieve its aim. And
this calls for the further consolidation of the democratic forces,
for increased vigilance and alertness toward the machinations
of the enemy.

J. Victorov

EDITORIAL BOARD
 110

Printed, Published, in Rumania, Journal “For a Lasting

Peace, for a People’s Democracy!”, appears on the 1st and 15th
of every month. Address of the Editorial Office and of the
Publishing House: Bucharest, Valeriu, Braniste, 56.