10.4324 9780203991459 Previewpdf
10.4324 9780203991459 Previewpdf
HISTORIOGRAPHY
COMPANION TO
HISTORIOGRAPHY
EDITED BY
MICHAEL BENTLEY
Professor ofModern History
University ofSt Andrews
ISBN 0-415-03084-6
Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint
but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent.
CONTENTS
v
CONTENTS
Vl
CONTENTS
Index 974
VII
EDITORIAL BOARD
Vlll
CONTRIBUTORS
GENERAL EDITOR
Michael Bentley, University ofSt Andrews
EDITORIAL CONSULTANTS
Gerald Aylmer, St Peter's College, University of Oxford
David Morgan, School of Oriental and African Studies, University ofLondon
CONTRIBUTORS
Bernard S. Bachrach, University ofMinnesota
Jairus Banaji, formerly St John's College, University of Oxford
C. A. Bayly, St Catharine's College, University of Cambridge
Peter Biller, University of York
David Birmingham, University of Kent
Jane Caplan, Bryn Mawr College, USA
Paul Cartledge, Clare College, University of Cambridge
Patrick Collinson, University of Cambridge
Michael Comber, StJohn's College, University of Oxford
Pamela Kyle Crossley, Dartmouth College, USA
John A. Davis, University of Connecticut
Carl N. Degler, Stanford University
William Dray, University of Ottawa, Canada
Ulrike Freitag, School of Oriental and African Studies, University ofLondon
Jordan Goodman, UMIST
Guy Halsall, Birkbeck College, University ofLondon
Peter Heather, University College, University ofLondon
IX
CONTRIBUTORS
x
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
The Project of Historiography
Michael Bentley
XI
GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE PROJECT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY
possible of the writings of previous historians. Some saw the task as a philosophi-
cal one and battled against the tightening grip of 'scientific' models - none more
resolutely than the Italian Idealist thinker, Benedetto Croce. I But most writers
went in the direction of 'empirical' study. This could be done with a Germanic
commitment to systematic treatment, as in the pioneering account of Eduard
Fueter at the turn of the century. 2 It could become an unconcealed mode of holier-
than-thou liberalism in the hands of George Peabody Gooch. 3 It could become a
concealed mode of Christian apologetic, as it did for Britain's most self-conscious
historiographer, Herbert Butterfield. 4 It could turn into an annotated bibliography
determined to list anyone who ever wrote anything: the besetting difficulty of a
highly-scholarly compendium by the American historian Harry Elmer Barnes. 5
Each of these examples had its own point of view and distinctive tone; but joining
them all together (and linking them with many other studies from the same
period) were a series of characteristics which no longer go unchallenged. For what
they all assumed was that the task of the historiographer should be seen as
biographical, expository and corrective. Their books took shape from the lives and
writings of the 'great historians' they wanted to bring to the reader's attention.
Typically, they presented arguments about a single individual who had, by
acclamation, become part of the historical canon from Thucydides to Gibbon and
then onwards into the congested list of major professional historians working in
Noteworthy in Croce's astonishing output from this point of view are Storia della storiografia
italiana nel secolo decimonono (2 vols, Bari, 1921); Filosofia e storiografia (Bari, 1949); La dialetta
hegeliana e la storia della storiografia (Bari, 1952).
2 Eduard Fueter, Geschichte der neuren Historiographie (Munich and Berlin, 1911).
3 G. P. Gooch, History and Historiam in the Nineteenth Century (1913) 'Happy in the treasures of his
monastic library, the pious chronicler did not stop to investigate their value .. .' (p. 1). 'Gibbon
constructed a bridge from the old world to the new which is still the highway of nations, and stands
erect after every other structure of the time has fallen into ruins' (p. 7). His judgement of Michelet's
French Revolution is a memorable paradigm of this sort of criticism:
' ... though the book possesses unique merits [it is 'a contribution to knowledge as well as to
interpretation'], his judgement of the Revolution is unacceptable ... [H]e is too tender to the masses,
he is too harsh to the Church. He regards the Revolution as a struggle between two conceptions of
life, the life of rationalist democracy against Christian monarchy ... The execution of the work is not
less faulty than its general conception. Some events are described with infinite detail, others no less
important are scarcely noticed. The book swarms with errors, and suffers from exaggeration and
effervescence'
(pp. 183-4).
Nobody ever accused Gooch of effervescence.
4 Herbert Butterfield's oeuvre concentrated, most atypically for his generation, on historiography
rather than substantive historical writing. As G. R. Elton commented with not untypical sweetness,
Butterfield rarely troubled the editors of learned journals. See in particular The Whig Interpretation oj
History (1931); Christianity and History (1949); Man on his Past (1955); George III and the Historiam
(1957).
5 Harry Elmer Barnes, A History oj Historical Writing (1937, revised edn, NY, 1962). The index to
this formidable work of scholarship is over thirty pages long and contains between 1,500 and 2,000
names.
xu
GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE PROJECT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY
the shadow of the magisterial figure of Leopold von Ranke. Their investigations
gave rise to a text which abbreviated and epitomized what those historians had said
- reducing the sixty volumes of Ranke to a few pages of pith, expanding the terse
passages of Marx or Burckhardt to give the reader more idea of what the author
intended to convey. Once beyond this expository role, they then turned to
criticism; but the critique had a particular flavour. It showed where the authors
under review had in some sense gone wrong. The point of the exercise lay in
showing the 'modern' reader how historians of past ages, unblessed by the clinical
judgement of the critic's own epoch and usually cursed by 'bias', had mangled the
'truth' through incompetence, wilful manipulation or - the ultimate patronage -
through no fault of their own. Fingers were wagged at religious zeal, ears tweaked
for thin or purblind research, heads patted for insight in advance of their time.
The historiographer gave his contemporaries some reassurance that history
advances towards truth by avoiding the mistakes committed by wanton predeces-
sors. He (for there were no female historiographers of note in this period) told the
fellow members of a professionalizing discipline what they wanted to hear and
reinforced the claim of history to stand beside science as a means of appropriating
reliable and permanent knowledge.
Thus historiography became, like theology, the study of error. And the result of
that self-image has proved ruinous for the subject. If modern writers are correct
and past writers are wrong, what is the point of bothering with what Condorcet or
Theodore Mommsen or Bishop Stubbs happened to believe? They have, after all,
been 'superseded'. If one does bother with them out of a respect for civilized
values and the importance of having an educated mind - every sound Englishman
should read Macaulay, every true Frenchman Michelet, and so on - then what
can be done with those texts beyond paraphrasing them or telling the young to
read them on the same grounds that one might tell them to read Shakespeare or
Moliere? The difficulty has proved intractable for generations of teachers,
especially those who graduated in the West before about 1960. Approaching the
subject with this baggage, they presented courses in 'historiography' that
supposedly represented the leading edge of historical thought only to find that
students deemed them pointless and campaigned for their removal to make way for
something more 'relevant'. Many readers of this Companion will remember
seminars in 'historiography' whose leaders had read the 'text' of the week while
lacking any clear notion of what to do with it. Indeed the sad and brutal facts are
these: historiography cannot be effectively taught or learned without a prior
interest in epistemology; and no one is likely to take the trouble with challenging
philosophical problems of that kind until he or she has come to appreciate that
history is a theoretical subject.
At some point between 1960 and 1975, in most countries of the West, history
took a turn towards theory. Why it did so raises difficult issues that we shall
examine later in this volume. The point to be pressed here is that the arrival of
theoretical models of one sort or another brought upon professional history an
embarrassing sense of self-consciousness. Historians quite deliberately made
Xlll
GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE PROJECT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY
models and drew graphs, spoke in -isms and -ologies, with a 'sixties contempt for
those who did not. They began a journey (still continuing) away from telling the
'truth' about 'the' past towards a view that there are infinitely many sorts of past to
talk about and towards a deep scepticism about the possibility of discerning the
truth about most of them. For some, it has been a frustrating, even appalling
transition and the period certainly provided more than one instance of chic,
superficial fashion overriding patient research. Others, however, have found in it a
new plausibility for the subject and a liberation for the individual attempting its
study. Both points of view will appear in this book but, regardless of the point of
view one may hold about the shifts in method and approach over the past thirty
years, what seems clear is that a revolution in the understanding of historiography
has proved one of its central consequences. Not only has historical writing itself
received an irresistible impetus, that is to say, but the idea of historiography found
itself swept along on the tide. The question, how and why did previous generations
see their past(s) in ways different from those current now, became a serious issue
for those trying to evaluate present perceptions rather than an optional visit to the
National Portrait Gallery. The problem of how historical work ought to be done in a
changed intellectual and political climate threw light backwards on how other
generations and cultures had gone about it. The patronizing of past historians for
having got the story wrong (or for having written stories at all) turned into a
genuine curiosity about why their pictures and models look so strange to us and
why they seemed persuasive to the particular audience for whom they had been
intended. Historiography began to look like a first-rank subject in which, it was
increasingly thought, serious historians needed encouragement and training - a
training that would stimulate students to go beyond their immediate period or topic
and examine the broader development of historical writing by relating it to various
other forms of intellectual expression.
Acknowledging the challenge does not take one very far without a literature to
which students and interested historians at all levels may be sent. And here there are
profound problems. It is not that no literature exists: historiography is a subject whose
bibliography has undergone enormous extension in the past two decades. But the
material is frequently highly technical (especially in its more philosophical reaches)
and its scope often turns out either too narrow to offer general guidance or so wide as
to give the reader little more than a superficial impression. Perhaps this awkwardness
lies so close to the heart of the subject that neither teachers nor books can change it.
Whatever help secondary sources may provide, after all, it remains the case that the
only way to understand historians is to read what they wrote; and any form of
abbreviation or characterization will lose something. Many readers cannot spend
weeks coping with a single author's historical works, on the other hand: they need
urgent help in making sense of voluminous and elusive writers and of the schools and
tendencies to which they may have contributed. Teachers no less urgently wish to
have around them some basic texts to which they can direct pupils for initial
orientation before writing that essay on Hitler or the coming project on the medieval
family. For the general reader, intrigued by Marx as a historian or the Soviet
XIV
GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE PROJECT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY
Revolution as a drama, some sense of context for such writers and events becomes the
desideratum - a field-guide to the territory, as it were. These needs ought not to be
beyond the capacities of a communicative and prolific profession. They have in some
degree guided the modest ambitions of this Companion to Historiography.
Good books make good companions and the intention here has been to produce
a volume that can be read rather than pulled from the shelf sporadically like an
encyclopedia or compilation of historical 'facts'. Indeed, this collection of essays is
as far from a mere work of reference as we could make it. If anyone needs a
column of print on Lord Acton or a column and a half on Ranke, he or she will
find little difficulty in tracking it down in these days of historical 'dictionaries'.
Harder to find is an overview of developments within English or German
historical practice within which the writing of these two writers might be located.
So the starting point here has been that coverage of so vast an area as that bounded
by historiography over the two and a half thousand years of its (Western)
existence would prove less valuable (and less feasible in a single volume) than a
series of studies whose analysis would remain relevant for subjects beyond the
specific ones treated here. The emphasis would be placed, in other words, on
approach and method as much as on content. By not including everything,
conversely, it has become possible to insert important material about parts of the
world - China, Japan, India, Africa - that frequently disappear in systematic
treatments of European developments and which in no way replicate those
experiences. Scaling down the space on the familiar canon of great historians has
also allowed a greater concentration on changes since the Second World War. For
young people trying to make sense of their own historiographical context, these
years are the crucial ones because they made the perceptions of their parents and
teachers and supplied the material against which many of the young stand in
unconscious, or sometimes highly purposive, resistance. Balancing the competing
claims of the general and the particular, of completeness and concentration, has
proved no easier for this editor than it seemed to Ranke, who at least had talent on
his side. But I have done my best within the parameters of the exercise and amid
the often-acknowledged exasperations of a collaborative venture.
In the main body of the text we provide an understanding of development over
time and a recognition of the spatial issues involved. The four sections dealing with
ancient, medieval, early-modern and modern styles of historical writing operate in
similar ways. Each has either an interpretative gloss on the essays that follow or, in
the case of the later sections, a more extended introduction to historiographical
changes within the period under discussion. In this way readers new to the period
will find enough context to make intelligible the more detailed treatments of
contemporary historiography reflected in the essays. Those essays offer a meditation
by an expert on some aspect of the period's more recent historiography - usually
one that has attracted interest or debate in the last thirty years or so. It goes without
saying that the choosing of issues to include has turned on a compromise between
the general purposes of the volume and the particular interest of the author.
Another editor and other authors could identify precisely the same purposes and yet
xv
GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE PROJECT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY
choose an entirely different range of topics to illustrate them. My own prejudice has
been to concentrate on finding interesting and engaged authors rather than lurch
towards the boring out of Calvinist relish. This procedure, compounded as any
would have been by the defaulting of authors, leaves manifest gaps in the account
but it also has enabled me to include some writing of extremely high significance
and quality. Time having been satisfied, space receives its own treatment in a series
of case-studies whose purpose is comparative as well as illustrative. No one should
walk away from this volume thinking that the history of non-Western cultures is
trivial or without its own special character. We then move on to think about more
general contexts for the writing of history by situating the activity, first, against
some other disciplines which have become especially important for how historians
have seen their problems in the last few decades and, second, by examining some of
the major new approaches to the subject that have often resulted from various forms
of fertilization from beyond the acknowledged boundaries of the subject. The
journey offered here is not the only one possible but I hope that readers with
interests in any historical period or territory will find in it some of the stimulation I
have received in watching it take shape.
The task of bringing forty essayists, each with a distinctive vision, topic and
temperament, into a common framework would give pause to anyone familiar with
the problems that beset the structuring of historical argument. To do so when the
framework itself has frequently changed to accommodate a failure to commission a
particular subject satisfactorily or, far more unsettling, to deal with someone else's
failure to produce an essay when contracted to do so, has given editor and
contributors alike a lesson in patience and persistence. But the overwhelming sense
from the editorial end is one of gratitude. Many of these contributors provided their
essays longer ago than either of us wish to remember. Not a single one has
complained about the delays and disappointments that, almost inevitably, dog the
progress of a large-scale undertaking of this kind. I am immensely conscious of their
tolerance and encouragement. Of those who came into the project very late in the
day - often to fill the place of those who had promised to arrive by mid-afternoon -
I cannot speak too highly for their professionalism and unselfishness. It is a pleasure
to record help at early stages of the book's preparation from Professor James
Campbell and Dr Nicholas Purcell and throughout the enterprise from Dr Gerald
Aylmer and Dr David Morgan whose expertise in, respectively, early-modern and
Asian history has greatly enhanced the scope and content of what follows. I am also
extremely grateful to Dr Paul Cartledge and Dr Julia Smith for supplying
contextual glosses for the ancient and medieval sections and to a roll-call of friendly
helpers at Routledge, most recently Samantha Parkinson, during the years of
preparation. Finally but emphatically, I have to thank Jonathan Price. His was the
original instinct out of which this volume arose and, during the period that I worked
with him, he struck me as a figure rarely met with in academic publishing: a
commissioning editor who is driven by the intellectual credentials of a project rather
than its market-value or the demands of publishing as a streamlined, competitive
branch of commerce. When others thought that this book might never happen,
XVI
GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE PROJECT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY
Jonathan never wavered. When others lowered their sights, Jonathan always raised
them again. When all around him were keeping their heads, Jonathan resolutely lost
his - to the immense benefit of the book he inspired.
Michael Bentley
University of St Andrews
October 1996
XVll
I BEGINNINGS - EAST
AND WEST
INTRODUCTION
Paul Cartledge
References in Chapter 2, n. 3.
2 Classic is White 1973. But see the rejoinder by Momigliano 1981b. See also below, n. 8.
3
BEGINNINGS - EAST AND WEST
3 Momigliano: see Chapter 2, n. 5; cf. Finley 1986a. Finley: 1985; cf. 1981. Ste. Croix: 1975; 1981;
cf. Cartledge and Harvey 1985.
4
INTRODUCTION
4 Excellent bibliographies on the ancient historians, and the modern study thereof, in Momigliano
1980: 150-3; 1981a: 182-4; 1982; 1990. On the Greek historians see also Canfora 1985, further
references in Chapter 2, n. 2. On the Roman historians, see further Chapter 3.
5
BEGINNINGS - EAST AND WEST
the women's history of the 1960s and 1970s have been fairly rapidly subsumed or
superseded by even newer ones such as the gender/sexuality studies of the 1980s
and 1990s (Scott 1988; Abelove et at. 1994). Worse still, from the point of view of
conservatives, self-styled 'progressive' historiography, most noticeably in its
postmodernist or New Historicist forms, not only has abandoned even the weakest
versions of the nineteenth-century positivist claim that history was a science, no
more and no less, but has even questioned the sacred notion of historical truth, in
the name either of a rhetoric of discourse or of an ethical and/or cultural relativism. 5
Of all this ferment the ancient world's accredited historians were blissfully
innocent and ignorant. After Herodotus, the father not only of history for the
Greeks but also of what some moderns might approve as having a more than passing
resemblance to Annates-style total history, political history - sometimes enlarged by
consideration of social, economic, intellectual and cultural factors, but more usually
not - ruled the ancient roost more or less unchallenged. A moral point of view was
not to be hidden behind the mask of faceless objectivity but rather, at least in the
Roman case, proclaimed as the historian's ultimate task. Rhetoric, so far from being
shunned as a shameful distortion or disguise, was praised and pursued as the
necessary adornment of an essentially literary genre. Above all, history was regularly
touted as useful, not merely diverting, and centrally important, a proper study for
the ancient world's movers and shakers to whom it was mostly directed. 6
5 Appleby et at. 1994; Appleby et at. 1996; Veeser 1989; Veeser 1994. Broadly under the sign of the
new historicism is Hartog 1988. Ankersmit and Kellner 1995 in fact reviews various such 'philosophies'.
6 De Romilly 1958, with discussion on pp. 67-81. Audiences of historians in antiquity: Momigliano
1978.
6
INTRODUCTION
medium of a more inclusive historiography than the ancients themselves could have
countenanced. 7
It is precisely in this context that the ancient historians themselves have come
under renewed critical scrutiny. Fathers of history and truth - or Fathers of lies,
fiction, and rhetoric? Such has been the emphasis on what for want of a better word
might be called the ancient historians' inventiveness that one leading student of
Greece has recently felt obliged to mount a 'defence of the Greek historians'; it is a
fair index of the nature and success of the attack that the burden of his defence is that
they 'were not so unlike modem historians that we cannot read them as historians at
all'.8 It would be harder, as Michael Comber's chapter (3) shows, though not perhaps
quite impossible, to construct such a defence of the Roman historians, since they
were quite up front about the desirability, indeed necessity, for authorial pleading.
Not even the rhetoric of impersonal objectivity (cf. Novick 1988) was deployed.
Tacitus's famous prefatory sine ira et studio ('without anger and partisanship'), for
example, had the strictly limited self-referential meaning that he himself personally
had no cause to feel resentment or take sides in the subject-matter he had chosen to
narrate - not that he did not feel indignation about the past or attempt vigorously,
and often most subtly, to sway the reader towards one interpretation of it rather than
another.
But if the manner of the ancient historians is controversial, their relative
narrowness of scope is not. The sorts of agenda that a historian of antiquity
influenced by recent turns in historiography more generally might wish to espouse
simply could not begin to be addressed, if the ancient historians were all we had left
to go on. 9 Consider, for example, religious history, the subject of Chapter 4. The
ancients differed considerably in the amount of interest they took in and importance
they allowed to religious phenomena, Thucydides occupying one end of the
spectrum, that of almost complete denial, Livy the other. But not even Livy gives
us nearly enough to begin to write a decent history of, say, religious change in the
Late Republic and early Empire, roughly the last couple of centuries BCE and the
first two CEo For that we must tum to archaeology, epigraphy and non-historical
literary sources, complemented or informed by liberal applications of modem
theory derived from comparative sociology and social anthropology.
7
BEGINNINGS - EAST AND WEST
8
INTRODUCTION
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9
BEGINNINGS - EAST AND WEST
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10
Introduction
Abelove, H. et al. (eds) (1994) The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader , New York and London.
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Appleby, J. , Hunt, L. and Jacob, M. (1994) Telling the Truth about History , New York.
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Burke, P. (ed.) (1991) New Perspectives on Historical Writing , Cambridge.
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N. Livingstone (eds), Pedagogy and Power: Rhetorics of Ancient Learning , Cambridge.
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M. de Ste. Croix on his 75th Birthday , Exeter and London.
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Finley, M. I. (1977) ‘“Progress” in historiography’, Daedalus 106: 125–142.
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London.
Finley, M. I. (1985) Ancient History: Evidence and Models , London.
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and Abuse of History , 2nd edn, London.
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