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Integrative Governance: Generating Sustainable Responses to Global Crises

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Integrative Governance is a richly powerful, cross-disciplinary book. It captures the voice
of Mary Parker Follett’s work, the essence of German existential thought, and applications
to governance. Moreover, the book cuts across disciplines including public administration,
political science, economics, and sociology. In this sense, the book serves as a compass to
navigate administrative theory in the 21st century through its accessibility and utility.
Arthur Sementelli, Florida Atlantic University, USA

Stout and Love have crafted a deeply intellectual, yet praxis focused text on integrative
governance. It covers the expected topics, with a detailed philosophical account of
governance being the value-added contribution. This text is a must for those responsible for
constructing the genuine and nuanced integrative governance demanded by contemporary
issues.
Robyn Keast, Southern Cross University, Australia

This book is an exemplar of how all books in public governance ought to make the
philosophical foundations of the proposed argument explicit, to enable the most fruitful of
dialogues in the field. My ontology is different than the authors’ yet my admiration for such
a thoroughly crafted work is paramount.
Edoardo Ongaro, The Open University, UK

Embracing an “attachment to existence” and defying the widespread skepticism and

“sustained cynicism” of mainstream political science in the face of global crises, Margaret
Stout and Jeannine Love have written a remarkable book. By articulating a relational,
process-oriented and integrative approach to governance, they attempt to break the iron
grip of rationalistic, dualistic, hierarchical, and economistic thinking on our understanding
of state, citizen, nature and society, as well as our self-image as academic professionals.
Drawing on the work of Mary Follett, Alfred Whitehead and their contemporary followers
such as William Connolly, they systematically build a coherent and affirmative alternative
that anchors the administrative, economic and democratic aspects of integrative governance
in a process-based cosmology and epistemology. No one will walk away from this book
without a wealth of new, inspirational insights.
Hendrik Wagenaar, King’s College London,
UK and The University of Vienna, Austria

This book is an intense reflection and an extensive theoretical contribution to a unitary

understanding and valuing of how to act in the complex processes of governance in our time.
It is not just a contestation of the resigned advocacy of traditional PA theories, nor an idle,
cosmetic revamping of novelties advanced by Follett and other classical process theorists.
Stout and Love offer testimony and committed persuasion for multiple ways of creative
resistance to the seemingly uncontestable forces of growing global inequity, violence, and
mistrust – the futility of which is a deception.
Ricardo Schmukler, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina

Margaret Stout and Jeannine Love have accomplished the extraordinary task of bringing
the fullness of Mary Parker Follett’s philosophy and scholarship to the field of public
administration in their conceptualization of “integrative governance,” an approach to
governance (not government) deeply situated in Follett’s principles of association and in
radically democratic processes. Stout and Love adeptly show that now is the time to turn
to integrative governance to aid in ameliorating the wicked and gnarly problems in this
era of global, transnational governance. This book contains the seeds of transformational
regime change, globally, transnationally, trans-disciplinarily, and trans-organizationally/
trans-jurisdictionally. Read it.
Cheryl Simrell King, The Evergreen State College, USA
Integrative Governance

Dominant governance theories are drawn primarily from Euro-American sources, including
emergent theories of network and collaborative governance. The authors contest this narrow
view and seek a more globally inclusive and transdisciplinary perspective, arguing such an
approach is more fruitful in addressing the wicked problems of sustainability – including
social, economic, and environmental crises. This book thus offers and affirms an innovative
governance approach that may hold more promise as a “universal” framework that is not
colonizing in nature due to its grounding in relational process assumptions and practices.
Using a comprehensive Governance Typology that encompasses ontological assumptions,
psychosocial theory, epistemological concepts, belief systems, ethical concepts, political
theory, economic theory, and administrative theory, the authors delve deeply into underlying
philosophical commitments and carry them into practice through an approach they call
Integrative Governance. The authors consider ways this approach to radical self-governance
is already being implemented in the prefigurative politics of contemporary social movements,
and they invite scholars and activists to: imagine governance in contexts of social, economic,
and environmental interconnectedness; to use the ideal-type as an evaluative tool against
which to measure practice; and to pursue paradigmatic change through collaborative praxis.

Margaret Stout is an Associate Professor of Public Administration at West Virginia University.

Her research explores the role of public and nonprofit practitioners in achieving democratic
social and economic justice with specific interests in administrative theory, public service
leadership and ethics, and sustainable community development. Dr. Stout’s first career was
in human resource development, with a focus on work/life balance programming. Leading
directly out of related experiences in state-wide and regional community and economic
development initiatives, her second career was in community and youth development, serving
as an executive director, project manager, and consultant to nonprofit and government
agencies in Arizona. These experiences inform both her research and teaching through
extensive and meaningful community engaged scholarship.

Jeannine M. Love is an Associate Professor of Public Administration at Roosevelt University

in Chicago, Illinois. Her research analyzes rhetorics of individualism in political theory and
practice, as well as social movements. Her work pays particular attention to issues of racial,
economic, and food justice. Dr. Love’s career in public administration began in 2000, when
she began working as a child support caseworker in Columbus, Ohio. The practices she
witnessed as a “street level bureaucrat,” particularly the problematic marginalization of the
country’s poorest residents, continues to motivate her research and teaching.
Global Law and Sustainable Development
Series editor: Paolo Davide Farah
West Virginia University, USA and gLAWcal – Global Law Initiatives for
Sustainable Development, UK

This series provides a new focus on the relationship between international law, economy,
and trade, with special attention to what are commonly referred to as non-trade-related
values and concerns. Through research and policy analysis the series sheds new light on a
range of issues relating to good governance and human rights in the widest sense. It is held
that the values supporting these issues are directly affected by the global expansion of world
trade and need to be upheld in order to balance the excesses of globalization. Multidiscipli-
nary in approach, the series integrates studies from scholars and researchers with a range of
different backgrounds and interdisciplinary expertise from law, economics, political science,
and sociology through to history, philosophy and natural science.

Available titles in this series:

The Reform of International Economic Governance
Edited by Antonio Segura Serrano

China’s Influence on Non-Trade Concerns in International Economic Law

Edited by Paolo Davide Farah and Elena Cima

Integrative Governance: Generating Sustainable Responses to Global Crises

Margaret Stout and Jeannine M. Love

Forthcoming:
India’s Foreign Economic Policy: Deciphering the Law, Economics and Politics
Julien Chaisse and Debashis Chaktraborty

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Global-Law-and-

Sustainable-Development/book-series/ASHSER1419
Integrative Governance
Generating Sustainable Responses to
Global Crises

Margaret Stout and

Jeannine M. Love
First published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Margaret Stout and Jeannine M. Love
The right of Margaret Stout and Jeannine M. Love to be identified as authors of
this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Stout, Margaret, author. | Love, Jeannine M., author.
Title: Integrative governance : generating sustainable responses to global crises /
Margaret Stout and Jeannine M. Love.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Global
law and sustainable development | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018007738 | ISBN 9781138695733 (hbk) | ISBN
9781315526294 (ebk)
Subjects: LCSH: International cooperation—Philosophy. | Crisis management—
International cooperation. | Sustainability—International cooperation.
Classification: LCC JZ1318 .S756 2019 | DDC 363.34/56—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018007738

ISBN: 978-1-138-69573-3 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-52629-4 (ebk)

Typeset in Galliard
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
This book is dedicated to all those who have had and will have the courage
and persistence to develop and pursue dispositions, relational styles, and
modes of association based on the principles of Integrative Governance,
whether it is in their homes, in their communities, in their workplaces, or
in their governments.
Contents ContentsContents

List of figuresxiii
List of tablesxiv
Forewordxv
Prefacexxii
Acknowledgementsxxiv

PART I
Situating Integrative Governance1

1 Complex global crises 3

Social crises 4
International relations 4
Domestic governmental relations 6
Hegemonic populism 8
Economic crises 8
Counterhegemonic movements 10
Environmental crises 11
Rising municipalism 12
A wicked situation 14

2 Governance network theories 16

A genealogy of the governance literature 17
Defining collaborative governance networks 19
Structural characteristics 20
Function and purpose 20
Operational dynamics 22
An ideal-type definition 26
The elusive collaborative advantage 26
Instrumental failure 26
Incongruent operational dynamics 28

3 Advancing collaborative governance theory and practice 33

Insufficient objects of study 33
Insular perspectives 34
x Contents
Thin theoretical grounding and philosophical misalignment 35
A transdisciplinary solution 38

PART II
A transdisciplinary understanding of governance41

4 The meaning of integration 43

Why meanings matter 44
Dialectical synthesis 45
Integrative Governance as a synthesis 46

5 Ontological assumptions: Relational Becoming 50

Embodiment 55
Relational assemblage 57
Creative emergence 60
Relational Becoming 64
Integrative pathways 64

6 Psychosocial theory: Ensembling individuality 67

Relationality 70
Emergent multidimensionality 73
Ensembling individuality 76
Implications for the social bond 76
Integrative pathways 79

7 Epistemological concepts: Integral Knowing 82

Embodied knowing 84
Panexperientialism 85
Tacit knowing 86
Intuition 86
Holistic perception 87
Creative imagination 88
Accessing embodied knowing 88
Relational subjectivity 90
Situated knowing 91
Relational objectivity 92
Intersubjective agreement 93
Integral Knowing 95
Integrative pathways 96

8 Belief systems: Co-Creationism 99

Panentheism and process theology 101
God as creative potential 102
God as the sum of everything 103
 Contents xi
Aligning process theism with Relational Becoming 103
Indigenous spiritualities 105
Neo-pagan traditions 107
Posthumanism and new materialism 108
Co-Creationism 110
Integrative pathways 111

9 Ethical concepts: Stewardship 114

Reverent interconnectivity 117
Mutual care 118
Relational mindfulness 119
Emergent principles 121
Stewardship 123
Integrative pathways 124

10 Political theory: Radical Democracy 127

Self-organizing confederalism 130
Power-with 132
Cooperative sovereignty 134
Multiscalar citizenship 135
Delegate representation 135
Participatory policy making 136
Radical Democracy 139
Integrative pathways 140

11 Economic theory: Coopetition 144

Commoning 148
Qualitative progress 149
Socioeconomic actors 152
Common ownership and use 152
Relational production and consumption 154
Relational finance 155
Cooperation 155
Coopetition 158
Integrative pathways 159

12 Administrative theory: Facilitative Coordination 162

Responsive networks 166
Integrative collaboration 168
Situational authority 168
Leadership as emergent and evoking 169
Management as enabling 170
Participative coordination 171
Facilitative Coordination 173
Integrative pathways 175
xii Contents
PART III
Illustration and affirmation of Integrative Governance179

13 Finding the will to integrate 181

The need for affirmation 183
Nascent practices of Integrative Governance 185

14 Affirming Integrative Governance 192

Fostering translational integration 193
Daring to affirm 195
Advancing Integrative Governance theory and practice 199
Onward the revolution! 200

References204
Glossary252
Index258
Figures List of figuresList of figures

  2.1 The developmental path of collaborative governance network theory 18

  3.1 Philosophical misalignment in governance approaches 38
  4.1 Conceptual composition of ideal-type governance approaches 47
  4.2 Integrative pathways for dialectical synthesis 48
  5.1 Embodied source of Relational Becoming (O/one) 52
  5.2 T’ai-chi T’u symbol (yin/yang)62
  5.3 Integrative pathways for Relational Becoming 65
  6.1 Ensembling individuality69
  6.2 Integrative pathways for Ensembling individuality79
  7.1 Integrative pathways for Integral Knowing 96
  8.1 Integrative pathways for Co-Creationism 111
  9.1 Integrative pathways for Stewardship 124
10.1 Integrative pathways for Radical Democracy 141
11.1 Integrative pathways for Coopetition 160
12.1 Responsive network organizational structure 167
12.2 Integrative pathways for Facilitative Coordination 176
14.1 Integrative pathways for Integrative Governance 194
Tables List of tablesList of tables

  4.1 Primary governance approaches 46

  4.2 Political ontology dialectics 47
  4.3 Integrative Governance 49
  5.1 Dialectical ontological assumptions 51
  5.2 Integrating ontological concerns 66
  6.1 Dialectical psychosocial theory 68
  6.2 Integrating psychosocial concerns 80
  7.1 Dialectical epistemological concepts 83
  7.2 Integrating epistemological concerns 97
  8.1 Dialectical belief systems 100
  8.2 Integrating belief system concerns 112
  9.1 Dialectical ethical concepts 115
  9.2 Integrating ethical concerns 125
10.1 Dialectical political theory 129
10.2 Integrating political concerns 142
11.1 Dialectical economic theory 146
11.2 Integrating economic concerns 161
12.1 Dialectical administrative theory 163
12.2 Integrating administrative concerns 177
Foreword ForewordForeword

Paolo Davide Farah 1

Integrative Governance: Generating Sustainable Responses to Global Crises by Margaret Stout

and Jeannine M. Love represents an important contribution to the discussion about the best
forms of global (and local) governance and alternatives to the existing ones.
It is a great pleasure for me to write this foreword, as both the authors have extensive
experience as academics and practitioners.
Stout’s research explores the role of public and non-profit practitioners in achieving social
and economic justice with specific interests in administrative theory. She also has a strong
interest in philosophical underpinnings, as shown in her previous books and the current
one. She continues her passion for community development through action research and
service learning projects as a faculty member. She employs a unique apprenticeship-style
approach that was extensively recognized by her university through its Outstanding Public
Service Award and Faculty Excellence in Civic Engagement Award, and the Community
Development Society through its Outstanding Educator Award.
Before entering academia, Stout was president of WorkLife Strategies, Tempe, AZ which
provided human resources management and strategic planning services in the area of work/
life balance, with a specialty in dependent care needs assessment, program planning, and evalu-
ation. She provided strategic planning and collaborative program design for regional economic
development initiatives pertaining to quality of life and workforce development (Arizona Stra-
tegic Partnership for Economic Development). Later, she was founder and executive director
of NewTown Community Development Corporation with a mission to create a sustainable
urban village in the heart of the Phoenix metropolitan area. In this role, she completed com-
munity and economic development project development, implementation, management,
evaluation, and reporting. She designed and facilitated community-based planning processes
and authored two city-adopted neighborhood plans including all General Plan elements. She
completed preliminary work for a Redevelopment District Plan and implementation plan for
the Neighborhood Strategic Plans; successfully advocated for development decisions based
on adopted Plans; provided leadership in the creation and adoption of mixed use zoning
ordinances, transit-oriented design, light rail service, and free neighborhood shuttles con-
necting residents to regional transit; created and managed the multi-agency Tempe Child

1 Paolo Davide Farah, West Virginia University, John D. Rockefeller IV, School of Policy and Politics,
Department of Public Administration and College of Law; West Virginia University, Energy Institute and
Center for Innovation in Gas Research and Utilization (CIGRU); West Virginia University, Institute of
Water Security and Science (IWSS). Founder, President, Director and Principal Investigator at gLAWcal –
Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development. Senior Fellow at the IIEL – Institute of International
Economic Law, Georgetown University Law Center. Editor-in-Chief for the gLAWcal Book Series “Global
Law and Sustainable Development” and for the gLAWcal Book Series “Transnational Law and Govern-
ance” published by Routledge Publishing (New York/London).
xvi Foreword
Care Collaborative and its needs assessment process, service delivery plan, program design
and implementation plan; developed a Family Child Care Network micro-enterprise program;
developed a Comprehensive Housing Development Strategy with six distinct housing pro-
grams, including the implementation plan for a nationally unique Lease-to-Own program
linked with Section 8 Family Self Sufficiency; and pioneered the formation of a Community
Land Trust to ensure long-term housing affordability in a rapidly gentrifying community.
Love’s research analyses the ways contradictory rhetorics of individualism impact policy
in the U.S., with focus on implications for social, economic, and racial justice. She is inter-
ested in the ways these rhetorics are reflective of underlying political theory and grounded
in political ontology, as well as exploring their implications for contemporary social move-
ments in racial and economic justice as well as the potential for participatory democracy.
These interests are likewise reflected in her two prior books collaboratively written with
Stout, as well as the current volume.
Like Stout, Love is also a “pracademic.” Prior to her academic career, she worked as a
street-level bureaucrat in Columbus, Ohio. As a caseworker in child support enforcement, she
managed over 700 cases as well as training other caseworkers and auditing their work. When
the State of Ohio was found to be non-compliant with disbursement requirements under the
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, Love was part of a special
task force created to audit all child support cases that had involved TANF benefits—a state-
wide project that refunded millions of dollars owed to current and former recipient caregivers.
Throughout her time as a caseworker, she experienced first-hand the challenges of attempt-
ing to administer policies created in a top-down manner by elected representatives—policies
that were often crafted from an upper-class perspective and had excessively punitive impact
on lower income people, with racially disparate effects. She could see that the way policy was
created and implemented was failing the people she was supposed to be “serving,” and she
had a sense that if we were going to improve public service, those who are directly impacted
by policy need to have a voice in its creation—policy needs to be bottom-up. She wants to
understand why our street-level bureaucracies were failing those they were meant to help, and
to find better ways of serving the public. This led her to pursue graduate studies in Public
Policy and Public Administration, as well as working in a variety of national policy think tanks
focused on economic justice (Institute for Women’s Policy Research, Center on Budget and
Policy Priorities, and Urban Institute) during her graduate studies. These work experiences,
along with her first-hand experiences navigating the Supplemental Security Income (SSI),
Medicaid, and Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP) programs as a repre-
sentative payee for her late partner, collectively influence her scholarly work.
As a faculty member of West Virginia University, John D. Rockefeller IV School of Policy
and Politics and College of Law, member of the WVU Energy Institute, the WVU Center
for Innovation in Gas Research and Utilization (CIGRU) and Institute of Water Security
and Science (IWSS), USA and as Founder, President and Director of gLAWcal – Global
Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development, through research, policy analysis and grass-
roots projects, I try to shed new light on issues such as good governance, human rights,
right to water, rights to food, social, economic and cultural rights, labour rights, public
health, social welfare, consumer interests, climate change, energy, environmental protection
and sustainable development, product safety, food safety and security. All these values are
directly affected by the global expansion of world trade and should be upheld to balance the
excesses of globalization.
I share with Stout and Love this same pro-activism and vision of combining academic,
highly scholarly work, and practice. Also for this very same reason, I believe that everyone
who advocates for a similar perspective, should definitely read this book.
 Foreword xvii
We live in peculiar times: on the one hand, many people enjoy an unprecedentedly high
standard of living from a historical perspective. On the other hand, a considerable part of the
population has a feeling that something went wrong, which is underscored by their feelings
of discontent and uncertainty. Despite their potential to have positive impact on society,
globalization and the rapid pace of technological development, including robotics and arti-
ficial intelligence, might shake up the lives of individuals as well as governance frameworks at
global and national levels. The rules of play developed mainly in the 20th century can hardly
keep pace with the developments of the 21st century. There is a longing for something new
after the experiences with the -isms (fascism, socialism, capitalism etc.) of the 20th century.
It seems that Fukuyama’s argument concerning the end of history with the ultimate win
of liberal democracy requires serious rethinking and readjustment. As the example of China
shows, authoritarian regimes making an effective use of the principles of market economy are
able to enhance the standard of living of their populations, without any drawbacks, and gain
more respect at international level without introducing substantial democratic reforms and
compromising their authoritarian rule.2 At the same time, it is also true that China had been
gradually expanding its own systems of public participation and local governance with Chinese
cultural characteristics. This narrative brought forward by China and other authoritarian coun-
tries against the risks of liberal democracies is more supported in the dynamics of political dis-
courses, because as it happened between the two World Wars and all the events that led to the
Second World War, liberal democracies are again showing the potential loopholes in their own
systems. The risks that anti-democratic, xenophobic, and racist movements and political parties
might develop and take the power through the democratic instruments should not be under-
estimated. They must be closely monitored and damage control must be made immediately
to intervene when the core values of liberal democracies and their Constitutions are at stake.
For all these reasons, the adherents of liberal democracy can no longer see themselves as
ultimate winners in arguments with their contenders; they need to justify their position and,
eventually, acknowledge the need for adjustments in their views.
However, the real danger for liberal democracy might come from its core. The model of
representative democracy seems to be less and less appealing, as many people feel unrepre-
sented by those they have elected, a sentiment often truer in periods of economic recession
and/or in areas of growing economic and human poverty. A reaction to these developments
might be seen in the calls for more direct democracy. Unfortunately, as we live in the age
of “alternative facts,” even (at first sight) democratic instruments, such as referenda, might
lead to destabilization and situations with an inherent conflict potential. The examples of the
Brexit vote and the Catalan independence referendum demonstrate that the public might be
vulnerable to misinformation and that elected representatives, blinded by their ambitions,
might irresponsibly gamble with these democratic instruments. The similar risks of disinfor-
mation or even propaganda are also happening within regular election campaigns like in the
recent presidential elections in the United States and in different European countries. These
examples are often used by the proponents of representative democracy who argue that
direct democracy undermines the democratic foundations of our societies and should not
be used to decide about issues that are too complex. On the other hand, the calls for more
direct democracy might also be seen as a sign that the model of representative democracy
has shortcomings and needs certain rearrangements.

2 Paolo Davide Farah, Elena Cima (editors), China’s influence on non-trade concerns in international eco-
nomic law, Global Law and Sustainable Development Book Series, Routledge Publishing (New-York/
London), ISBN 978-1-4094-4848-8, September 2016, pp. 1–584.
xviii Foreword
Stout and Love see the solution for the governance dilemma in 21st century in a form of
Integrative Governance. Resurrecting (among other influences) the timeless ideas of Mary
Follett, the underlying solution for the issues of governance in the 21st century is seen in
the re-appropriation of authentic collaboration and genuine relations. Linking the concept
of Integrative Governance with the concept of radical democracy enables readers to see
interpersonal as well as institutional relations in a holistic perspective, stripped of redundant
layers of national, communal, or tribal identity. Such a radically human approach represents
an underlying philosophical foundation for the functioning of participatory democracy that
should be the polar star to follow. The consistent reasoning provided is urgently needed in
this field, as many initiatives calling for participatory democracy seem to omit these funda-
mentals, without which failure is a constant recurrence.
It has to be said that strong liberalist principles do not create a fairer world on their own,
but they risk facilitating a world ruled by unelected, authoritarian, and profit-driven (as
opposed to human development oriented) organizations such as some (not all) multina-
tionals. Private companies do what they are supposed to do to make a profit and otherwise
benefit their shareholders. It is not formally and institutionally their role to self-regulate
their actions if they are not requested to do so or if the rules of the game do not directly
(laws and regulations) or indirectly (corporate social responsibility and accountability for the
good public image of the company) impose to act accordingly.
As Stout and Love call out in their book and as I have also personally analysed,3 food secu-
rity might have a pivotal role in the paradigm shift from an import-export oriented model
to the re-establishment of more locally oriented production. Achieving food sovereignty has
become increasingly urgent considering the current economic crisis, the systemic problems
created by the exacerbated import-export model, and a debit and credit system that is not
sustainable and has brought our society down a dead-end street of defaults, unemployment,
and social unrest, as seen in the examples of Argentina and Greece. This change would allow
communities to re-appropriate control of local production including cultural components
and choice of domestic production and consumption.
Similarly, a growing number of local communities are creating new and innovative ways
for product commercialization like exchanges and trade with the use of alternative local
currency as opposed to the use of cryptocurrencies or alternative currencies at a massive
scale. The same can be said about other societies that are establishing methods or metrics to
measure progress and growth beyond the GDP or similar common instruments.
One arena included in the original draft of this book is the potential for e-governance
within these efforts. For instance, advancement in the field of technology and social media
led Facebook’s CEO, Mark Zuckerberg, to publish a bold statement on Facebook’s poten-
tial to create a global community, which some observers read as a sort of political manifesto
(or an elaborate marketing campaign). Be that as it may, such statements undoubtedly dem-
onstrate that the new tech-aristocracy thinks about the future of governance in an age domi-
nated by technology and artificial intelligence. It remains to be seen whether it is good or
bad. We should also remind that in the U.S. the net neutrality is the pivotal concept. As Yuval
Noah Harari notes, we cannot stop technological development, but we should be aware of
its course and impact on our lives. A breakthrough in the field of artificial intelligence might

3  Paolo Davide Farah, “Trade and Progress: The Case of China,” 30 Columbia Journal of Asian Law,
2016, pp. 97–107; Paolo Davide Farah, Elena Cima (editors), China’s Influence on non-trade concerns in
international economic law, Global Law and Sustainable Development Book Series, Routledge Publishing
(New-York/London), ISBN 978-1-4094-4848-8, September 2016, pp. 1–584.
 Foreword xix
lead to the creation of a new 1% with more power and influence than ever before. The spec-
tre of economic inequality painted by Thomas Piketty might then rise to a completely dif-
ferent level. Still, artificial intelligence might evolve into an all-knowing new God, creating
new dimensions of wholeness and connections between people. It also remains to be seen
whether experiments with cryptocurrencies, such as Bitcoin or Ethereum, are only the signs
of a new economic “bubble” and attractive subjects of speculation or whether they have a
real potential to set the basis for a new decentralized economic order based on blockchain
technology.
Even algorithms might also become the new Satanic verses, burning democracy and free
will into ashes, and action has to be taken. To prevent such scenarios from happening and
to use technological developments to their fullest (positive) potential, solid (theoretical as
well as practical) foundations of participatory democracy and governance are indispensable.
In a positive scenario, they might serve as the basis for the radically democratic governance
making the most of the progress characteristic for our times. In the worst-case scenario,
they might represent a powerful counterforce to any efforts to silence the people’s voice and
serve as a tool of a new slavery.
Stout and Love lay important groundwork for the future of participatory democracy in
the light of present challenges. The picture of Integrative Governance is painted on the grim
background of the crisis of sustainability. The illusory certainties of the people in affluent
Western countries are shaken up not only by progress in the field of technology and glo-
balization, but also by (in many aspects) the deteriorating situation in the Global South. By
applying a holistic approach, the book sheds an important light on the causalities between
seemingly unrelated phenomena, such as the link between climate change, drought, and
conflicts. The opinion that liberalism has enabled many countries to reduce poverty is cor-
rect, but at the same time and to a certain extent, what has to be examined is at what costs? In
the long-term, has this wealth been achieved? The negative externalities of industrialization
are enormous; the externalities of the excesses of globalization, free trade, and neo-liberal
thoughts are even more dramatic, in terms of loss of quality of life, water and air pollution,
climate change, environmental risks and natural disasters, health problems, and new diseases
connected to industrialization without control and rules.
The recent wave of refugees (with more likely to come) that paralyzed Europe might be
seen as a supplementary demonstration of a butterfly effect, when events in one part of the
world put into motion unpredictable developments in distant countries. This might also be
interpreted as an example of when the failure to act on the part of governments, the selfless
work of the civil society and communities might intervene and to a certain extent compen-
sate governmental failure. Several non-governmental organizations, which against all the
odds, tried in any possible way to save many lives in the Mediterranean or grant shelter and
care to those finally arrived in Europe are indeed good examples. Such welcome-initiatives
demonstrate the potential of genuine collaborative practices, building bridges between peo-
ple to overcome (or at least alleviate) the difficulties at the time of crisis.
Certain political movements might consider that negative discourses against globalization
and internationalism are enough to deny what history and technological innovation and
human desire have demonstrated for centuries. Interdependencies are a fact; the world is
interconnected without a real possibility to controvert it. Any attempt to shut this down will
have even more dramatic repercussion on a global level. This does not mean that globaliza-
tion should not be more controlled or regulated; it is actually the opposite. Globalization
must be regulated to balance an open society with a local concern and community govern-
ance that take care of the problems at local level. Stout and Love’s perspective can help in
this challenge.
xx Foreword
As they note, cooperation between cities and the activities at the local level in the field of
climate change adaptation and mitigation in the United States are examples of the potential
collaborative governance holds. These activities nurture the hope that the short-sighted step
of the United States’ administration to pull the country out the Paris Agreement would not
be the ultimate blow to global efforts to combat climate change. The international collabo-
rations and partnerships among cities around the world, such as twinning and sister cities,
help demonstrate that the needs and desires of their citizens might be similar, even in very
different countries or contexts. Again, what has to be pivotal is respect and engagement
beyond the diversities. The more we accept diversities, the more we can feel part of the same
human community.
The economic crisis in Greece also gave birth to experiments with collaborative prac-
tices: for instance, in certain cases of companies that went bankrupt, workers took over the
responsibility for the companies and chose to reinvent their management structure and busi-
ness strategies. Hence, the new management of such companies might resemble coopera-
tives, strengthening not only the commitment to the company and its profit, but nurturing
also the bonds between people. Paying attention to the bigger picture, their business strate-
gies have often been reinvented to focus on environmentally sustainable products.
Naturally, every crisis is unpleasant and painful. However, it also shows us a mirror and
offers a room for contemplation. And most importantly, it is in times of crisis that the need
for genuine human collaboration is most urgently felt. Hence, the crisis provides us also
with the unique opportunity to throw away our masks and become true radicals, i.e., to
come back to our roots and resurrect our authentic selves.
As the authors correctly point out, not every form of collaboration is equally meaningful
and effective. The lack of communication and coordination between international, national,
and local levels might easily backfire in a form of mistrust, loss of credibility, and confronta-
tional situations that might bring further conflicts and disorder. The often too technocratic
top-down governance approaches, also characteristic to a certain extent for the field of
international development, are increasingly criticized as too cumbersome and inadequately
responding to local needs and cultural sensibilities. As a reaction to these critiques, alterna-
tive forms of cooperation begin to emerge and have to be examined and assessed. An exam-
ple represents the South American concept of buen vivir, built inter alia upon the forms of
cooperation characteristic for indigenous communities and considering the local conditions
and cultural specifics. Similarly, as the multiple examples mentioned in Integrative Govern-
ance, ranging from quantum physics to indigenous beliefs, also the concept of buen vivir
underscores the notion of wholeness and interrelatedness of human and natural worlds. At
the same time, it represents an example of a bottom-up approach to governance as an alter-
native to the prevalent top-down approaches.
As I have mentioned in the foreword to Stout and Love’s previous book, A Radically
Democratic Response to Global Governance: Dystopian Utopias, social sciences and humani-
ties are often two steps behind the developments in natural sciences and technology and
react on these developments only when it is already too late. Similar to their previous book,
Integrative Governance: Generating Sustainable Responses to Global Crises, to a large extent,
erases this deficit and paints a vivid picture of a workable governance for the 21st century.
The timeliness and practicality of the book is also emphasized by its transdisciplinarity and
highly relevant case studies.
However, among all of these benefits of the book, one is especially noteworthy. Even
though the starting point of the book rests in the realization that we find ourselves in the
middle of multiple crises (falling under the scope of an overarching crisis of sustainability),
 Foreword xxi
which is naturally a rather depressing realization, the overall message of the book is radically
positive: We have a unique opportunity to build a governance model based on meaningful
participation. We have the know-how and the rest is in our hands. And that is extremely
good news.
Professor Paolo Davide Farah
Editor-in-Chief for the gLAWcal Book Series
“Global Law and Sustainable Development” published
by Routledge Publishing (New York/London).

West Virginia University, USA and gLAWcal – Global Law

Initiatives for Sustainable Development, United Kingdom
Preface PrefacePreface

This book is part of a larger project to conceptualize and advocate a radically democratic
approach to governance in the global context – one that builds from philosophical argument
but gets down to the particulars of practice (Stout and Love 2013, 2014a, 2015b, 2016,
2017). We offer a robust explication and affirmation of Integrative Governance, a radically
democratic approach grounded in a rapidly growing body of work from a wide array of dis-
ciplines and worldviews that share an understanding of existence as a dynamic and relational,
organic process. Many scholars argue that this alternative perspective has meaningful and
positive implications for public policy and governance. However, these assertions and even
prescriptions for alternative approaches typically lack a structure and framework that can
anchor them into traditional understandings of the governance of groups, organizations,
and societies in a manner that can effect change in practice. As public administration scholars
and practitioners, we seek to fill that gap.
By governance, we mean all of the practices used to determine and produce collective
action in any group context that affects the common good at any level of analysis: micro,
meso, and macro. Drawing out the generic practices considered in “new public governance”
(Osborne 2010), we include approaches to relational configurations, decision making,
action, and evaluation. We find governance within and between all three societal sectors,
however labeled (i.e., public, private, and nonprofit; government, market, and community;
or political, economic, and civic). It is a concept that is both political and administrative (or
managerial) and is intra-organizational, inter-organizational, intergovernmental, intersecto-
ral, and transnational in the contemporary context.
By global, we imply that many common good issues transcend the boundaries of jurisdic-
tions and nation-states, thereby demanding global governance of some type. However, a
new approach is necessary, because, as Rosenau (1999) argues, global governance “suffers
from a reliance on the artifacts of the very past beyond which it seeks to move” (287). Fur-
thermore, in the absence of effective global governance, the forces of economic globaliza-
tion have negatively affected every natural, societal, and political system. Herein, we explore
the empirical evidence of these crises, as well as the theoretical failings of collaborative gov-
ernance networks attempting to remedy the situation.
Thus, we come to this study of global governance from a radically democratic perspective.
The term “radical” means going to the root or source (as opposed to going to extremes)
(Davis 1990, Marx 1967). In reference to democracy, this means grounding theory and
practice in the individual subject or world-citizen.1 Radical politics shifts the subject from a
unified People or particular group identity to each and every person. In radical politics rights
are no longer tied to community identity, or state-based citizenship, but rather to one’s
 Preface xxiii
humanity. Radical understandings of democracy move from liberalism’s parties and elected
representatives to direct, participatory democracy (Simons 2005). Thus, radical democracy
is differentiated from conservative, liberal, and communitarian approaches to democracy
(Tønder and Thomassen 2005b).
Finally, we argue that the integrative process is a more fruitful approach to governance
than those typically found in practice – even those described as collaborative governance net-
works. The philosophical underpinnings of interconnection and the method of integration
itself provide the nuanced differentiation needed to extricate the undermining tendencies of
hierarchy and competition from collaboration. Its relational process ontology fundamentally
alters governance ideas and practices in a way that may overcome the failures of global gov-
ernance, while still achieving the primary aims of currently competing alternatives.
Part I sets the stage for Integrative Governance and why we believe it is necessary in the
contemporary global context, one that is rife with global crises of sustainability and societal
governance. Part II explains the meaning of integration and fleshes out the conceptual ele-
ments of Integrative Governance outlined in previous publications about our Governance
Typology (Stout and Love 2013, 2014a, 2015b, 2016, 2017). Part III offers the reasoning
behind our assertion that Integrative Governance is a better approach to generating sustain-
able responses to global crises and calls for its affirmation.

Note
1 We must note that the term “citizen” is problematic in radical political theory, given con-
tested legal identities. We use the term in neither a nationalistic nor cosmopolitan manner that
implies a unified identity. World-citizen simply means being a co-inhabitant of planet Earth.
Acknowledgements AcknowledgmentsAcknowledgments

The authors would like to acknowledge institutional support for research that enabled com-
pletion of this manuscript. Margaret Stout received support from the West Virginia Univer-
sity Senate Grants for Research and Scholarship 2012 (R-12-026), 2013 (R-13-049), and
2016 (R-16-003). Jeannine Love received support from Roosevelt University in the form of
a Faculty Research Leave in fall semester 2012.
All figures in the book were crafted by Eve Faulkes, with the exception of Figures 2.1 and
12.1; we deeply appreciate her creative insight in illustrating complex concepts.
While all shortcomings are ours to own, we benefitted from early suggestions from the
editors and peer reviewers of the book prospectus. Our colleagues Cheryl Simrell King,
Robyn Keast, and Art Sementelli graciously provided feedback on the complete manuscript.
We hope we have responded adequately, and believe their insights and suggestions have
improved the manuscript, and we are deeply appreciative of their time.
We would like to collectively thank all of publishers of our previous work, all of which are
appropriately cited and included in the reference list.
As an editorial note, any type of emphasis in quotes (i.e., bold or italic text) is in the origi-
nal source, unless indicated by “emphasis added.” In our own narrative, we use the gender
neutral plural (they) rather than gender specific singular terms.
Part I

Situating Integrative
Governance Situating integrative governanceSituating integrative governance

Part I sets the stage for Integrative Governance and why we believe it is necessary. Chapter 1
provides an overview of the contemporary governance context and its social, economic, and
environmental crises. We explain how the interconnected nature of these complex problems
cannot be resolved by government alone, and have therefore given rise to the concept of
governance. Yet, historical governance approaches have failed to prevent or significantly
mitigate these crises of sustainability and have even compromised the legitimacy of govern-
ance itself.
Chapter 2 presents an overview of contemporary governance theories that seek to resolve
these shortcomings through network structures and collaborative practices, considering the
manner in which governance theory is on an ongoing developmental path. We examine the
ideal and why collaborative governance networks still fail to achieve the substantive and
democratic benefits they promise.
Chapter 3 responds to these failures, considering the manner in which governance theory
has been too insular to draw in the necessary ideas and practices to achieve its substantive
and democratic goals. Empirically, it relies on insufficient objects of study to develop an
understanding of collaborative networks. By anchoring itself to thin theoretical ground,
governance theory is unable to respond to the world as it is now understood. It is philo-
sophically misaligned with the ideal of collaboration and the reality of interdependence.
Both intersectoral governance and sustainability create new objects of study that require a
transdisciplinary approach – one that is beyond the grasp of any one discipline.
1 Complex global crises Situating Integrative GovernanceComplex global crises

OUR political life is stagnating, capital and labor are virtually at war, the nations of
Europe are at one another’s throats because we have not yet learned how to live together. The
twentieth century must find a new principle of association. . . . Group organization is to be
the new method in politics, the basis of our future industrial system, the foundation of inter-
national order. Group organization will create the new world we are now blindly feeling
after, for creative force comes from the group, creative power is evolved through the activity
of the group life.
– (Follett 1918, 3)

This chapter situates the need for Integrative Governance within the current context. “The
world today confronts not one, but a series of interlocking crises – economic, political,
social, and ecological” (Bookchin and Taylor 2015, loc. 81). Social crises arise in response
to various forms of social strife and oppression, including forms of systemic discrimination
and state-sanctioned violence. These tensions fuel both internal and international conflicts
such as the civil war in Syria and NATO-led or sanctioned military actions in Afghanistan,
Iraq, and Lebanon. They also manifest in civil unrest and a proliferating number of social
movements, such as the Arab Spring, Democracy Now!, Occupy, and Black Lives Matter.
Many of these social crises are driven, at least in part, by economic and environmental crises.
Growing global inequality – both within and between societies – follows more than three
decades of market deregulation, liberal global trade agreements, and government austerity
measures (Elson 2017). Social and economic conditions are exacerbated by environmental
crises, including extended droughts, super storms, flooding, and coastal loss (Gemenne
2015, Renner 2015). These interdependent crises generate a global crisis of sustainability.
While we discuss the escalating ideological crises associated with competing governance
reform efforts elsewhere (Stout and Love 2016), here, we focus instead on the empiri-
cal conditions of the contemporary world and governance responses. Regardless of their
ideological grounding and form, governments are meant to craft and enforce the rules
by which society functions, including political, economic, and civil spheres. Governments
must seek collaboration with others (e.g., other governments, nongovernmental organiza-
tions [NGOs], corporations, and citizens) to address issues beyond their narrowing scope
and capacity or those that cross over national boundaries. Yet, even these institutional and
intersectoral arrangements fail to mitigate the pressing social, economic, and environmen-
tal crises we confront. Violent conflict has not abated, economic catastrophe has not been
avoided, and environmental disasters continue to become more frequent and extreme.
4 Situating Integrative Governance
Globalization has replaced a state-based international system of governments with a
decentralized, heterogeneous, intersectoral system of network governance (Keohane and
Nye 2000). As a result, governing functions are increasingly likely to occur through associa-
tions of nation-states, associations of cities, partnerships of public and nonprofit agencies,
and networks of affected citizens and stakeholders from across sectors. Nation-state sover-
eignty is impacted by expanding governance networks, thus creating a crisis of government.
The meaning of governance is no longer grounded in a reified assumption that nation-states
are “the foundation of politics” (Rosenau 1999, 287). Within this context, a new under-
standing of public agencies arises and national, institutional, and sectoral boundaries blur
(Roll and Thomas 2014, Wachhaus 2014). We are now in an age of governance as opposed
to state governments (Pierre and Peters 2000).
Although the terrain is well-traveled, to contextualize the need for this project, the fol-
lowing sections provide a brief account of today’s empirical situation with a focus on three
dimensions of sustainability: social, economic, and environmental. Each section describes
the manner in which governance networks and social movements have arisen in attempt
to address these respective crises, and then considers the forms of resistance these efforts
elicit. This history details the transformation of nation-states into “network states . . . hailed
as necessary to meet the challenges of increased complexity, interconnectedness, and glo-
balization” (Bang and Esmark 2009, 14). Thus, what follows is simultaneously a historical
overview of the formation of international and intersectoral governance institutions as well
as the rise of the corollary crisis of government. From this vantage point, it becomes clear
that the emergence of governance networks has resulted in a bifurcated populist reaction,
one that may either return us to the protectionism of the past as nation-states reclaim the
seats of power, or move us forward on a path toward radical democracy.
Due to their interconnectedness, disaggregating social, economic, and environmental cri-
ses is challenging. Likewise, due to the feedback loops among them, it is difficult to pick one
as the start of a causal chain. For instance, one might point to economic policies that focus
on growth, trade, and deregulation as underpinning both social crises and environmental cri-
ses. Alternatively, beginning the analysis with environmental crises allows for consideration
of how climate change is a result of pro-growth economic policies that have also exacerbated
social strife through environmental justice issues. Because we are particularly interested in
understanding how all of these crises foment a crisis of government, we make social crises
our point of departure.

Social crises
Social crises are evident in international military actions and civil unrest within nations. Social
crises have myriad driving forces (e.g., histories of slavery, colonization, and genocide; com-
peting worldviews; growing income disparities; corporate control of natural and economic
resources; and dominating relationships between governments and the governed). Of the
wide range of possible responses, mass protest, and violent conflict are the most visible
(Kirton and Stefanova 2017). Here, we consider historical trends that have direct perti-
nence to the emergence of global governance and resistance to it, including relations among
nations as well as relations between nation-states and their constituents.

International relations
International law was created due to a shared desire to establish global peace, or at minimum
reduce the likelihood of unilateral acts of aggression. Its roots can be traced to the Peace of
 Complex global crises 5
Westphalia treaty of 1648 that ended the Thirty Years Wars among European nations, estab-
lishing an international system of sovereign state actors (Olsen and McCormick 2017) who
engaged in diplomatic relations based on their own interests, ultimately backed by threat of
force (Held 1992). In the aftermath of World War I, however, there was a move to foster
international cooperation that would ensure a lasting peace among members; this was first
envisioned as the ill-fated League of Nations (Office of the Historian 2017). In response
to the enormous destruction of life and infrastructure in World War II (Favreau 2011),
the goal of multinational cooperation was revisited and became viable with the creation of
the United Nations (UN) in 1945 (Held 1992). Its founding charter stresses the goals of
preventing war, protecting human rights, and bolstering international law by nations being
“good neighbours” and uniting their strength (UN n.d.-b). The Charter was originally
signed by 26 nations and has since expanded to 193 UN member states (UN n.d.-a).
Since then, UN-orchestrated treaties and organizations have steadily expanded interna-
tional law to protect member states, individual rights, and natural resources. For instance,
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 outlined fundamental inalienable
human rights of all persons during times of war or peace. Signatory nations pledged to
protect and preserve the basic human rights of all persons within their borders in an attempt
to curb some of the driving forces of social crises ranging from systemic oppression to
genocide. The Declaration was supplemented by the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948, which authorizes punishment of member
nations that engage in acts of genocide. Similarly, the Geneva Conventions, crafted in 1949,
specify the requirements for providing medical assistance to the wounded during wartime
and acceptable treatment of prisoners of war (ICRC n.d.). Other agreements aim to prevent
conflict through the stewardship of resources, such as the 1962 Convention on the High
Seas, which regulates activities within international waters.
The UN itself has also created several specialized agencies and committees. For instance,
the Food and Agriculture Organization (1945) was created to address hunger worldwide
through treaties, technical assistance, and policy recommendations (Ivanova 2014). The
UN also continues its original focus on preventing and responding to conflict through its
Security Council, which determines when and where UN Peacekeeping missions are neces-
sary and can compel member states to assist. Its military counterpart is the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO). Whereas the UN is a global deliberative body, NATO is a
strategic alliance of Western nations who agree to combine military efforts in order to share
the risks and benefits of collective defense (NATO 2017). NATO’s founding treaty com-
mits member states to the principles of the UN Charter and declares the shared values of
consensus decision making, liberty, democracy, human rights, and rule of law (NATO 2017,
June 2). Additionally, members agreed not to pursue unilateral military action.
Perhaps the most complicated example of international cooperation is the European
Union (EU), which initially arose as the European Coal and Steel Community through the
Paris Treaty of 1951in response to the enormous death toll and devastation of agriculture
and infrastructure across Europe during World War II, as well as a centuries-long history
of wars on the continent. As Olsen and McCormick (2017) note, the EU is an example of
confederalism in which each state retains sovereignty for actions such as entering into inter-
national treaties; yet the EU has its own legislative system, a common currency and market,
and EU citizens can cross member state borders at will.
Such international alliances are a global phenomenon. In 1945, several Arab states signed
onto the Pact of the League of Arab States, forming the Arab League. Its goals were to
coordinate political activities in the region, to improve financial matters of trade and cus-
toms, to address shared infrastructure, and to promote general welfare and public health in
6 Situating Integrative Governance
the region (LAS 1945). Responding to the Cold War and related conflicts in the region, a
group of Southeast Asian states formed the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA) in 1961,
which became the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. The African
Union was established in 1999 – out of the Organization of African Unity – to unite the
nation-states on the African continent. Most recently, the Union of South American Nations
(UNASUR) was created in 2008 (Flannery 2017).
While the vast majority of actors involved in these multilateral coalitions have been states,
they work closely with NGOs to achieve shared aims, as noted in the UN’s founding charter
(Sidhu 2007). For example, the UN Security Council often works in tandem with Médecins
Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) to provide medical assistance in areas of mili-
tary conflict during peacekeeping missions. The Geneva Conventions were developed at
a conference convened by the Red Cross with 16 states and four charitable organizations
(ICRC n.d.).
These multinational coalitions serve to solidify relations between various state actors and
to provide mechanisms for allowing states to come to consensus and take action on a variety
of issues from military intervention to common resource management to human rights.
The perceived benefits of membership in these coalitions – and the risks of exclusion – have
fueled the spread of new coalitions across geographic regions and the exponential growth
in membership. They also mark the initial move away from solitary nation-states acting uni-
laterally for their own self-interest toward collaboration. Yet, global asymmetries of power
remain intact in institutions such as the UN Security Council, whose decisions are made by
majority rather than consensus, are binding rather than voluntary, and provides permanent
positions and sole veto power to five of the ten members (Sidhu 2007). Similarly, power
asymmetries and oppressive forces remain in play; many nation-states that have signed the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights routinely fail to protect the rights of all persons
within their borders.

Domestic governmental relations

Nation-states are also experiencing challenges from within. In nations with federal systems,
the relationship between national and sub-governments is inherently agonistic. The ongo-
ing negotiation and interpretation of constitutional policy making authority and implemen-
tation responsibility maintains a constant source of challenge to nation-state sovereignty.
Dubnick and Meehan (2004) describe the dynamics of the last several decades as centrifu-
gal, including both diffusion and dispersion of authority. This is evident in the late 1980s
trends toward adoption of business practices and privatization of functions through both
load shedding and contracting out to private organizations. As the authority and capacity
of government bureaucracies are minimized through deregulation and budget cuts, agen-
cies must enter public-private partnerships to tackle complex governance goals (O’Toole
1997b). These practices are often collected under banners of Reinventing Government
(Osborne and Gaebler 1992) and the New Public Management (Barzelay 2001, Kaboolian
1998). The result of these trends is described as the “hollowing out of the state” (Milward
and Provan 2000, Rhodes 1994).
However, with diminishing resources, devolution of authority has also meant significant
budget cuts to grants in aid between levels of government. These austerity measures have
left states and localities on their own to manage the social, economic, and environmental
effects of globalization. In response, cities are creating their own networks to address com-
mon problems and share strategies with one another. Barber (2013) argues that cities are
 Complex global crises 7
already more networked and globally interconnected through pragmatic collaboration than
any grouping of sovereign nations. Formal associations go back at least to 1924 with the
US Municipal League (now the National League of Cities), arising alongside the concept of
the League of Nations. These municipal networks now include the City Protocol Network,
the United Cities and Local Governments, the International Union of Local Authorities,
Metropolis, the National League of Cities (US), CityNet, the European Union Secretariat
of Cities, the US Conference of Mayors, and the Global Parliament of Mayors. Collec-
tively, their agendas navigate myriad sources of interdependence: addressing global eco-
nomic markets and crises, ensuring security in the face of global terrorism, responding to
environmental degradation and catastrophes, leveraging global communications technology
toward public participation, and increasing citizen engagement in governance. Recognizing
the potential within these networks of localities, Barber (2013) argues for a sort of global
parliament or World Assembly of Cities that “is already half-grown, waiting rather to be
recognized, exploited, and formalized” (7).
The increasing devolution of responsibility to cities foments challenges to federal author-
ity. For example, although the sanctuary city movement in the US began in 1979 in Los
Angeles (H.B.C. 2016), this form of local resistance to national immigration policy has
received renewed attention in response to actions by the Trump administration. Localities
across the US and Canada have declared themselves “sanctuaries” for undocumented immi-
grants, placing restrictions on the extent to which local law enforcement voluntarily works
with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) (Graber and Marquez 2016, Kopan
2017, Jan. 25). In March 2017, representatives of sanctuary cities across the US convened
for the first time to share their determination and their strategies for facing these threats
(Acevedo 2017, Mar. 27). Similarly, in response to slow federal action to curb human traf-
ficking, NGOs, local businesses, and government agencies are forming regional networks of
“slavery-free cities” (Allies Against Slavery 2015) or “slavery-free communities” (Slave-Free
Community Project n.d.), taking steps to identify and support victims of human trafficking
and ensure that all public and private supply chains are slavery-free.
Diffusion of authority is taken further through growing citizen demands for sovereignty,
voice, and direct participation in self-governance, reflecting a trend in the narrative of democ-
racy that has become increasingly participatory in character (Saward 2003). Indeed, the
Worldwatch Institute’s comprehensive review notes a common theme underlying the policy
ideas and reforms analyzed: “the necessity of citizen empowerment and citizen responsibil-
ity” (Prugh and Renner 2014, 248). In effect, through such public participation efforts,
communities have become the “ ‘new’ institutional site” of governance networks that are
“mediating integration arrangements between increasingly disconnected citizen-state rela-
tions” (Brown and Keast 2003, 124). For instance, the participatory budgeting movement
that began in Porto Alegre, Brazil, empowers citizens to determine how public funds will be
spent; since 1989 it has spread to cities and local districts in Latin America, North America,
Asia, Africa, and Europe (Participatory Budgeting Project 2017).
As further examined in Chapter 13, social movements often demand deeper democ-
racy, greater policy influence, and a more citizen-centric society (Commonwealth Founda-
tion 1999). For example, the Arab Spring of 2010 and 2011 began in Tunisia and spread
to Egypt, Libya, and Syria as individuals occupied public spaces demanding democratic
reforms (Haas and Lesch 2013). In the US, the Black Lives Matter movement emerged in
2012 and solidified in 2014 in response to killings of unarmed African Americans by police
officers. This movement seeks to address state-sanctioned violence against black and brown
individuals and to demand greater participation in crafting policies to affirm and protect
8 Situating Integrative Governance
their human rights (Garza 2014, Oct. 7) through mechanisms such as Campaign Zero
(Campaign Zero n.d.).
While social movements are often specific to place or interest, new social movements
share a trend toward solidarity (Day 2011). For example, the No Border Network (2004)
challenges immigration and border policies as does the No One Is Illegal (n.d.) movement
in Canada. Citizens stand in solidarity with undocumented residents demanding democratic
rights for all. These calls for democratic inclusion within increasingly globalized networks of
social movements create a new sense of world citizenship. Individuals are beginning to see
themselves as interconnected within “a borderless world” (Chacón and Davis 2006, 292).

Hegemonic populism
These radically democratic sentiments are not shared by all. Some fear that “nation-states
have been supplanted by network states” (Bang and Esmark 2009, 14) in which govern-
ments are increasingly unable to assert sovereignty through unilateral action (Scharpf 1993).
Despite the disproportionate influence both the US and the UK carry within their alliances,
their political leaders warn of dangerous erosion of national sovereignty and superpower
status (Kettl 2000) as power shifts from national governments to international arrange-
ments, agreements, and agencies (Cleveland 1993; Farazmand 1994). To reclaim the seat
of power, politicians bypass sub-governments, appealing to citizens directly in new waves
of nationalist protectionism. Strong illustrations of this trend are found in the US and UK,
and it is becoming a growing trend within European states as well. Powerful rhetoric is used
(e.g., us/them, good/evil, counter-terrorism/terrorism) to reinforce national identity and
justify increasing state power to secure safety and democracy (Jackson 2005). This perspec-
tive is reflected in state, city, and citizen protectionism (e.g., “Build the wall!”) that seeks to
reinforce borders at the national level.
Frustration with this perceived loss of power can be seen in the appeal of President
Trump’s “America First” and “Make America Great Again” populism that disparages inter-
national alliances such as the UN and NATO. Similar nationalism is evident in the rhetoric
surrounding the “Brexit” vote for the United Kingdom to leave the EU. The Leave cam-
paign stressed border and immigration control, as well as throwing off the yoke of poli-
cies enacted by the EU parliament (Vote Leave n.d.). Unfortunately, this kind of populist
rhetoric and international policy represent a “self-defeating approach,” intensifying rather
than alleviating the discontent it is purportedly meant to address (Chernus 2016, x). The
initially welcoming responses to the Syrian refugee crisis in states like Denmark, Sweden,
and Germany have been followed by a sharp uptick in far-right “Euro-sceptic” nationalist
political activity by groups across Sweden, Denmark, Austria, Germany, and France (Allen
et al. 2017).

Economic crises
Economic crises are seen in market crashes, recessions, increasing economic disparities
across regions, and growing income gaps within nation-states. Economic disparities are
often strongly correlated with race and ethnicity, and those who have faced histories of
slavery and colonialism are often disproportionately impacted by economic crises (Darity
and Nembhard 2000). The global economy is increasingly interconnected with a “complex
interplay” of market forces and financial instruments that allow financial crises to spread at
unprecedented rates (Kirton, Oldani, and Savona 2011). While the globalization of markets
 Complex global crises 9
began with the rise of the nation-state in the sixteenth century (Held 1992), most accounts
of contemporary market globalism begin with the formulation of the Bretton Woods System
in 1944. Designed in the midst of World War II and in the aftermath of the Great Depres-
sion (Kirton, Oldani, and Savona 2011), this was the first attempt to regulate an interna-
tional monetary system and create a “new world order” that would guide exchange rates,
international lending, and international trade (Eichengreen 1993, xi).
Signatory nations sought to “liberalize international trade, encourage investment, and
support the unemployed” (Eichengreen 1993, 627). Most notably, the agreement cre-
ated financial institutions. The World Bank was envisioned as an institution for investing in
reconstruction and development projects in war-ravaged Europe (Mason and Asher 1973,
Vreeland 2007). The IMF was devised to oversee the pegged exchange rate (Eichengreen
1993). However, what would quickly become its sole task was to act as a credit lender
providing emergency infusions of capital to stabilize economies of war-torn industrialized
nations. The activities of both organizations quickly expanded beyond Europe to include,
and then concentrate on, developing nations (Vreeland 2007). Both institutions have played
pivotal roles in expanding the global market (Hardt and Negri 2000) through their loan
conditions (Woods 2006).
To support these organizations’ efforts, there has been a general proliferation of inter-
national governance organizations (IGOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).
The Union of International Associations (2012/13) lists about 5,000 IGOs and 25,000
NGOs worldwide. Furthermore, private corporations have become increasingly involved
in influencing free trade agreements to minimize barriers to production and trade in global
markets (Nader 1993). The Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC)
was formed in 1948 as part of the ongoing efforts to stabilize global conflict and markets in
the aftermath of World War II; it would become the Organization for Economic Coopera-
tion and Development in 1961 (OECD 2017). The Group of Six (G6) was formed in 1975
in response to the 1973 oil crisis. It has a steadily expanding role (Hajnal 2007; Levy 2009),
envisioned as a global “steering committee” (Cooper and Schrumm 2011, 229). The G6
expanded to the Group of Seven (G7) in 1976, and eventually the Group of Eight (G8) in
1997. This was expanded to the Group of Twenty (G20) in 1999, although the G8 retains
a separate identity and significant power.
The combined efforts of IGOs and NGOs are supplemented by multinational and regional
trade agreements. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) first negotiated in
Geneva in 1947 (Vreeland 2007) set the stage for the liberalization of international trade
by reducing trade barriers such as quotas and tariffs (Zeiler 1999). The GATT was eventu-
ally supplanted by the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995, an organization created
to further the GATT’s aim of trade liberalization through monitoring and enforcing trade
agreements and providing a forum for addressing trade disputes (Anderson 2000). By the
time the WTO was formed, the GATT had increased from 23 nation-states to 128 mem-
bers; it has since grown to 151 members, accounting for 96.4 percent of the world’s trade
(WTO 2017).
During this time, there has been a proliferation of regional trade agreements, such as
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Dominican Republic-Central
America-United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), the ASEAN Free Trade Agree-
ment (AFTA), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Eco-
nomic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), and
the European Economic Agreement (EEA). Within these regional agreements, member
10 Situating Integrative Governance
countries can negotiate special terms of exchange; however, the WTO is responsible for
oversight.
As the history of these intersectoral and international networks suggest, the current
global economic system is ideologically grounded in free trade. As a result, the WEF (2010)
argues that nation-states are no longer “the overwhelmingly dominant actors on the world
stage” (8–10). This reallocation of economic policy power erodes nation-state sovereignty.
IGOs, NGOs, and corporations are able “to exercise as much or even more authority” over
national economic policy (Vreeland 2007, 1). Furthermore, because nation-states are the
only democratically accountable parties within these governance networks, this dispersal
of power raises deep democratic concerns (Wilde 2013). While decisions made by “quasi-
regional or quasi-supranational organizations” promise greater control and flexibility for
the parties, they often “diminish the range of decisions open to given national ‘majorities’ ”
(Held 1992, 21). With little democratic control by the citizens directly affected, IGOs,
NGOs, and corporations are able to influence trade agreements that impose conditions that
restructure entire national economies.
This danger is evident in loans given by the IMF and World Bank, and trade deals over-
seen by the WTO that are conditional upon the implementation of austerity measures such
as mandatory cuts in public spending, privatization of public goods and services, deregula-
tion, and reduction or elimination of trade barriers. Nations that request these loans are
facing immediate crisis and have little bargaining (Vreeland 2007). Lenders seek “structural
adjustments” to the economies of borrowers that generally favor wealthy nations and trans-
national corporations, often deepening existing wealth disparities, destabilizing the econo-
mies of developing nation-states, eroding public services, and allowing industrial nations to
flood their markets with exports. These combined effects exacerbate debt and make devel-
oping nations less likely to be able to repay their loans (Immerwahr 2015).
These economic policies and trade agreements often reinforce global power imbalances
that erode the sovereignty of developing nations while empowering multinational corpora-
tions and securing hegemony of the Global North (Hardt and Negri 2000; Stiglitz 2001).
The GATT’s most-favored nation clause is meant to prevent discriminatory trade practices;
however, both the GATT and the WTO preserve the ability of more powerful nations to
create and retain trade policies that are beneficial for themselves and transnational corpora-
tions, often to the detriment of poorer nations (Ritchie 1993; Zeiler 1999). Votes within
the IMF and World Bank are determined by the size of a nation’s economy (Vreeland
2007; Woods 2006). The G20 was created in response to these power asymmetries in an
attempt to foster broader democratic inclusion in global governance (Bradford and Lim
2011; Cooper and Schrumm 2011).

Counterhegemonic movements
Even the superpowers are not immune to the negative effects of free market ideology. The
hollowing of the state often results in deregulation and austerity measures that wreak havoc
at the local level. Both unitary and federal governments are allocating fewer resources to
cities due to policies that began with neoliberal reforms in the 1980s and accelerated during
the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. For instance, in the United States programs are being
cut and assets are being sold off to meet fiscal needs (Alperovitz 2013). Similarly, across
Europe, cities have seen public funding slashed, privatization of infrastructure, and reduc-
tions in services (Schönig and Shipper 2016).
 Complex global crises 11
Once again, we see localities responding to these impacts through local action grounded
in alternative networks. For instance the Transition Town movement in the US seeks to
build community resilience to economic and environmental shocks through participatory
processes within communities and idea sharing across networks of cities (Transition United
States 2013). An increasing number of cities worldwide have created local currencies to
incentivize buying locally and build community solidarity (Boik 2013, Feb. 5). Similarly,
coordinated efforts between local governments and organizations, such as the Evergreen
Cooperative’s “Cleveland Model,” strive to empower marginalized communities and build
local wealth (Evergreen Cooperatives 2016). These approaches often combine the efforts
of community land trusts (CLTs), community development corporations (CDCs), com-
munity development financial institutions (CDFIs), local nonprofit organizations, and
worker cooperatives to strengthen and democratize local economic development efforts
(Alperovitz 2013).
Within civil society, a number of social movements, often grouped within the category
of anti-globalization or alter-globalization, have also grown out of response to the prob-
lems imposed by economic globalization. Many of these movements initially emerged in
the Global South in response to economic hardships imposed by tree trade agreements or
conditional loans from the IMF and World Bank. One of the best-known is the Zapatista
resistance of 1994 in Chiapas, Mexico which emerged in response to the implementation
of NAFTA and the devastating economic consequences for local farmers (Kopkind 2002);
by the end of 1994, the movement had declared 38 autonomous indigenous municipalities
(Hayden 2002). This led to the formation of the People’s Action Network (Dixon 2014), a
transnational network of grassroots social justice movements.
In 1999, this mantle was picked up at the “Battle of Seattle” – grassroots protests against
the neoliberal policies of the WTO and the exploitative austerity measures imposed across
the developing world by the World Bank and IMF (Cockburn and St. Clair 2000). Most
recently, several social movements have arisen in response to the Global Financial Crisis and
resultant economic policies. The Occupy movement began as Occupy Wall Street in 2011
in response to US policies such as the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) that bailed
out banks while leaving homeowners to face foreclosure and lose up to half their property
values. Also in 2011, an occupation in Athens’ Syntagma Square became the “Democracy
Now!” movement (Tejerina and Perugorría 2013), a resistance against the austerity meas-
ures imposed on Greece by the IMF and the EU (Janssen 2010).
Most recently, the rise in American nationalist populism depicts US-led multilateral free
trade agreements as detrimental to American manufacturing (Cassidy 2017). Thus, one of
President Donald Trump’s first executive orders was to quash the 12-nation Trans-Pacific
Partnership (TPP) (Baker 2017, Jan. 23); and, his administration has insisted that the US
will pull out of NAFTA if it is not renegotiated (Reuters 2018, Jan. 11).

Environmental crises
Arguably, environmental crises are the most prominent aspect of the crisis of sustainability.
We live quite literally on the brink of destruction due to “serious compromise of the bio-
sphere” (Prugh 2015, 134); without coordinated corrective efforts we face global natu-
ral calamities. Environmental crises are evident in the continuing trend of record-breaking
global surface temperatures (2014, 2015, and 2016 were all record-breaking years). While
the problem of climate change is the most obviously global in scope, impacts are felt locally
12 Situating Integrative Governance
in the water, soil, and forests necessary to sustain life: acidification and eutrophication of
fresh and saltwater sources; rising sea levels; severe weather events from droughts to tsuna-
mis; deforestation and soil degradation due to mass agricultural production and fossil fuel
energy production and use; and, micro earthquakes linked to hydraulic fracturing for natural
gas. As with economic crises, environmental crises are inextricably linked to social crises –
both local environmental degradation and global climate change disproportionately impact
developing nations and low-income communities of color both intra- and internationally
(Bullard 2004).
While there is a long history of UN agreements pertaining to natural resources, the first
concerted international effort to address climate change came with the UN Conference on
the Human Environment (UNCHE 1972). The resulting declaration emphasizes steward-
ship of natural resources and minimization of environmental externalities, but also promotes
the need for development and stresses nation-state sovereignty in determining environ-
mental policy. This was followed by the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC), which seeks to coordinate efforts to limit the rise in global tempera-
tures (UNFCCC 2014); the first meeting in 1995 established the Berlin Mandate, which
specified a process for reaching international agreement on protecting the climate system.
Recognizing unequal contributions to climate change, developed nations were tasked with
taking the lead in addressing global emissions while developing nations were given leeway to
continue building their economies through industrialization (UNFCCC 1995).
These early measures set the stage for the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997
(amended in 2012 and extended to 2020), an agreement that legally binds signatory nations
to targets for emissions reductions (UNFCCC 1997, 2014), that distinguish between Annex
I nations, those with transitional economies, and developing nations. Failure to meet stand-
ards on time, along with the refusal of the US to ratify the agreement, led to renewed efforts
to renegotiate an international climate agreement. This resulted in the Paris Agreement of
2016, in which individual nations established their own nationally determined contributions
(NDCs) for reductions in anthropogenic climate change and set goals for assisting develop-
ing nations in meeting goals (UNFCCC 2017). Under the Obama Administration, the US
joined 173 other nations and the European Union in signing the Paris Agreement, followed
by official ratification.
Despite broad public concern regarding environmental crises, the nation-states that have
contributed the most to the rise in global temperatures and yet face comparatively fewer
effects of climate change refuse to engage or fulfill the requirements of environmental trea-
ties. Industrial nations are loathe to give up their competitive advantage, and developing
nations resent bearing the burden of climate change without reaping economic benefits.
Additionally, it is critical to note that the impacts of climate change are not equally distrib-
uted. Developing nations, particularly small island nation-states, can be expected to face
rising sea levels, drought, food insecurity, and increased poverty (IPCC 2014). Among
developed nations, these impacts are most likely to hit urban areas the hardest, where pov-
erty is often highly concentrated (IPCC 2014). Thus, the burden of global failure to address
climate change swiftly and effectively will disproportionately fall upon low-income commu-
nities of color and nation-states within the Global South with histories of colonization and
exploitation.

Rising municipalism
As with other international agreements, even the ambitious Paris Agreement faces strong
criticism. Again sounding the alarm of nationalist populism, President Trump announced in
 Complex global crises 13
June 2017 that he was pulling the US out of the agreement, citing concerns about national
sovereignty and economic growth (Shear 2017, June 1). On the other hand, environmen-
talists argue that even the goals set by signatory countries are too low to prevent exceeding
a two-degree Celsius rise in global temperature (Irfan 2016, Nov. 3); to overcome these cri-
ses, there must be widespread “ecological literacy” (Orr 1992) and researchers must explore
the root causes as well as ethical resolutions (Bookchin 2015b).
In the midst of these tensions, localities have been taking direct action. Over 90 per-
cent of urban areas are located in coastal areas and over 70 percent of them are already
feeling impacts of climate change (C40 2017). Thus, local governments have been seek-
ing ways to address climate change. In the US, the National League of Cities’ Sustainable
Cities Institute provides a central clearing house for sharing information on sustainable
policy and practices (SCI 2013); transnational alliances include the ICLEI (Local Gov-
ernments for Sustainability), the Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy
and the C40 Climate Leadership Group. Over 90 megacities within the C40 network
made specific commitments to achieve the goals of the Paris Agreement – a recognition
that local action is critical for success (C40 and Arup 2017). When the US pulled out of
the agreement, mayors across the country immediately responded, and within a month
mayors of 7,400 cities had pledged to continue to honor the commitments of the Paris
Agreement (Boffey 2017).
There is also a long history of popular social movements in response to environmental
crises; these efforts emerged alongside the Industrial Revolution with creation of the Com-
mons Preservation Society in the UK in 1865 (Open Spaces Society n.d.). In 1962, the
contemporary environmental movement was catalyzed with the publication of Silent Spring
(Carson 2002) which documented the environmental impacts of chemical pesticides such as
DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane) and sparked the creation of Earth Day in 1970
(Earth Day Network 2017). Subsequently, groups such as Greenpeace arose, formed by a
network of activists organizing campaigns against nuclear armaments and for the protection
of wildlife (Zelko 2013).
These efforts were reignited with the release of An Inconvenient Truth (Guggenheim
2006) in which Al Gore compiled incontrovertible scientific evidence of anthropogenic
climate change. In 2014 climate negotiations by the Major Economies Forum in New York
City provided the backdrop to the inaugural People’s Climate March (Foderaro 2014, Sept.
21) which consisted of 2,646 synchronized climate protests in 162 countries (Peoples Cli-
mate March 2014). Some of the most impactful organizing is emanating from communities
most harmed by environmental justice issues. For instance, Flint Rising Coalition, a coali-
tion of community organizations, was created in response to the 2014 Flint water crisis – the
coalition engages in “resident-to-resident” organizing and dialogue to identify community
concerns and long-term goals (Flint Rising 2017). Similar grassroots mobilization is seen in
organizations like the Little Village Environmental Justice Organization (LVEJO) and the
Pilsen Environmental Rights and Reform Organization (PERRO) in Chicago. These organ-
izations were created to combat the “disproportionate amount of pollution” (PERRO n.d.)
their residents faced as low-income communities of color, and to “accomplish environmental
justice” and “achieve the self-determination of immigrant, low-income, and working-class
families” in these neighborhoods (LVEJO 2014). In 2016, members of the Standing Rock
Sioux Indian Reservation rose up to protest the Dakota Access Pipeline planned to cross
Lake Oahe and endanger their water sources. This initial protest sparked national response,
resulting in resolutions of support from 300 tribes and First Nations as well as several cities,
and the creation of Sacred Stone Camp – an occupation of nearly 4,000 “water protectors”
(Standing Rock Tribe 2017).
14 Situating Integrative Governance

A wicked situation
As can be seen in these brief explanations of social, economic, and environmental crises,
they are mutually influencing, often coalescing to harm the most vulnerable simultane-
ously – those in poverty and people of color. Therefore, in the same way that societal sectors
are artificial separations devised for analytical purposes, these three pillars of sustainability
are inextricable from one another in a global system. The complex and deeply interdepend-
ent issues that comprise the crisis of sustainability are recognized as “wicked problems” in
the policy and planning fields (Rittel and Webber 1973, 155). Unlike relatively tame and
simplistic issues, wicked problems resist resolution because if only one aspect of the issue
is addressed, the many others with which it is enmeshed will continue producing causal
influences. In other words, each problem is potentially a symptom and a cause of others
and addressing root causes is difficult. Furthermore, disagreements about both problem
definition and resolution method abound in pluralist contexts – there are no “definitive and
objective answers” (Rittel and Webber 1973, 155).
Because of their complexity and tendency to escape jurisdictional borders, wicked prob-
lems demand coordinated responses – a form of global governance, but not one that is uni-
tary. There must be many democratic collaborative networks focused on particular complex
problems (Hisschemöller and Hoppe 1995). Indeed, the outcome document of the Rio+20
summit, The Future We Want, describes the three dimensions of sustainable development as
fluid and interconnected, opening up “opportunities for more integrative forms of govern-
ance” (Ivanova 2014, 142). Its New Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) seek voluntary
commitments from governments, corporations, NGOs, and citizens in the pursuit of long-
term well-being for humans and the other species with whom we share the planet. As such,
it is easy to understand claims that the complex problems can only be addressed through
governance networks (Edelenbos and Klijn 2007, Kickert, Klijn, and Koppenjan 1997).
Whether the goal is peaceful coexistence, democratic voice, stable and thriving markets,
or a sustainable and just natural environment, IGOs, NGOs, and social movements have
arisen in response, collectively seeking to steer humanity toward a sustainable future. Inter-
sectoral governance networks are deeply entrenched in social, economic, and environmental
policy arenas globally, regionally, and locally. To a large degree, globalization has replaced
an international system of nation-state governments with a decentralized, heterogeneous,
intersectoral system of network governance (Keohane and Nye 2000). This array of institu-
tions includes governments, private firms, and nongovernmental organizations that come
together to focus on specific problems and opportunities, remaining structurally flexible in
response to the changing contexts.
Similarly, social networks and movements arise and engage governance networks in their
advocacy for a wide variety of issues. People want greater influence over the policies that
might reverse our crisis of sustainability. Fortunately, there is a good fit between the wicked
problem of sustainability and the demand for radical democracy. Given his understand-
ing of wicked problems, Rittel (1972) offered a “second generation” systems approach to
pragmatic problem solving and planning that heralded the collaborative and participatory
governance practices that followed:

1 Bring together many different types of experts who view the problem and solutions
differently;
2 Actively involve those who are experiencing the problem in planning;
3 Acknowledge the inherent subjectivity involved and the impact of moral and ethical
commitments;
 Complex global crises 15
4 Employ a communicative process to develop shared understandings and find common
ground among rationales;
5 Recognize that planning is politics;
6 Ensure that experts play a facilitative, educative role;
7 Approach the process with humility;
8 Maintain optimism;
9 Consider action strategies as adventures that may or may not work out; and
10 Keep open opportunities for argumentation.

Intractable, wicked problems require this type of egalitarian, participatory, deliberative

democracy to enable open, inclusive learning processes to not only understand and resolve
the problem, but to attain agreement on how to do so and to garner collaborative engage-
ment in policy implementation (Hoppe 2011).
Considering the many IGOs at every level of government, the plethora of NGOs engaged
in governance activities, and the myriad social movements seeking governance influence,
at this point, it is hard to dismiss claims that we now live in a “network society” (Castells
2000). The combined result of these shifts toward intersectoral, intergovernmental, and
global network activities largely supplant the study of government with the study of network
governance at all levels of society – local, regional, national, and international. We turn
to this literature in Chapter 2 to uncover the ideals of collaborative network governance
therein and the barriers that continue to hinder the kind of collaboration that might success-
fully address the wicked problems we face in an effective, egalitarian, democratic manner.
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