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Review On The Historical Prospective of Siiqqee: The Ancient African Indigenous Institution For Empowering Women

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Review On The Historical Prospective of Siiqqee: The Ancient African Indigenous Institution For Empowering Women

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© © All Rights Reserved
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Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Religion www.iiste.org


ISSN 2422-8443 An International Peer-reviewed Journal
Vol.36, 2018

Review on the Historical Prospective of Siiqqee: The Ancient


African Indigenous Institution for Empowering Women
Endalkachew Lelisa Duressa
Department of History and Heritage Management, College of Social Science and Humanities, Bule Hora
University, Bule Hora, Oromia,Ethiopia,P.O. Box 144

Abstract
The major purpose of this review is to reconstruct a Historical Prospective of Siiqqee, the ancient Oromo
Women Indigenous Institution. The implication of this review is to present the summary of existing scholarly
works on the role of Siiqqee Institution to empower women. Additionally, this paper explores the potential role
of women in Siiqqee institution and analyses the position of women in the traditional Oromo cultural practices.
Despite all Oromo women had an influential position in the past; now it is being declining by following the
degeneration in the people’s indigenous cultural practices. So, the purpose of this paper is to carry out an in-
depth investigation about the status of Oromo women in traditional Siiqqee institution. Even though various
studies in the past assessed the situation of Siiqqee institution and status of Oromo women in some aspects, it is
important to examine, update, and document the situation whenever or wherever recent data are available to
identify changes and continuities. Information has been drawn from the works of several authors and oral
traditions. The data in this study consisted of the primary and secondary sources. Secondary data sources were
collected by assessing published and unpublished materials. The available oral traditions were used as sources of
data. Finally, these data were described, expressed and articulated qualitatively. All the data were analyzed and
interpreted carefully in accordance with the standardized rules of the social science disciplines.
Keywords: Siiqqee, Indigenous Institution, Oromo, Gadaa, Empowering Women, Ateetee

Introduction
Indigenous knowledge is a traditional knowledge that the indigenous people have used for a prolonged period of
time. It has enabled them to pass through the ups and downs of life in the attempt to lead their day to day life in
their immediate environment. It is also called local knowledge; a village science; or rural people's knowledge. As
many scholars argued, it has been seen as alternative way of promoting development in poor local communities
[1]. However, a few scholars have considered the importance of indigenous knowledge in good governance, in
enhancing public participation and constitute pluralistic society [2] [3]. Mostly, local knowledge is embedded in
culture in various forms such as cultural practices, customs, traditions, religious ceremonies, folk stories, folk
songs, and proverbs. It passed from generation to generations through words of mouth; not in written form [4]
[5].
The Oromo is indigenous people who live in the Horn of Africa with indigenous socio-political institution
called Gadaa System [6]. However, the emergence of modern world systems and the impact of globalization
have much contributed in changing the long established cultural values of Oromo. Hence, the introductions of
foreign cultures into the cultural of the indigenous peoples have contributed massive changes in indigenous
people’s philosophies [7

The Concept of Women Empowerment


Now a day, empowering women has been becoming a hot issue in all over the world since last few decades.
Inequalities between men and women and discrimination against women have also been venerable issues.
Women’s empowerment means women gaining more power and control over their own lives. This involves the
idea of women’s continued disadvantage compared to men which is apparent in different economic, socio-
cultural and political spheres. The process of correcting gender gap in a society leads us to improve the condition
and status of women in all spheres. It is the degree of women’s access to and control over materials and social
resources within the family, in the community, and in the society at large [9].
Therefore, women’s empowerment can also be seen as an important process in reaching gender equality,
which is understood to mean that the rights, responsibilities, and opportunities of individuals will not depend on
whether they are born male or female [10]. Women are playing bigger role in economic fields: as workers,
consumers, entrepreneurs, managers and investors [11]. According to the UN Population Fund, an empowered
woman has a sense of self-worth. They can determine their own choices, and has access to opportunities and
resources providing there with an array of options they can pursue. They have control over their own life, both
within and outside the home and they have also the ability to influence the direction of social change and
economic order, both nationally and internationally [12].

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Vol.36, 2018

The Origin of Siiqqee Institution among Oromo Women


Oromo people have different long established indigenous institutions for the well-being of the society. Among
all these mechanisms there are an institutions under which the Oromo women could build up their unity, and
practice their complaints against unfair action by men in their society. The material cultures are the products of
human beings which are created by humans’ mind with their knowledge and skills. Siiqqee (ritual stick) is one of
the material cultures that Oromo women can play cultural, economic, political and religious roles in their society.
Siiqqee is the special kind of stick that has been accustomed to work as an emblem of both peace and female
empowerment. [13] [14 ].
According to Oromo tradition, mostly Siiqqee ritual stick is prepared from a tree known as 'Man'eera',
'Haroressaa', 'Ejersaa', 'Waddeessaa' and etc. It has various symbolic representations. For example, “as a
symbol of married Oromo women, as a ritual stick used for praying, as a ritual stick used during cattle raid , and
as an institution of conflict resolution.” Oromo women used Siiqqee to bless or to curse when their rights are
violated. [15].

Picture 1: Borena Oromo Women Holding Siiqqee Ritual Stick


Based on the information gathered from informants, in Oromo culture, Siiqqee cannot be made by anybody
rather it is made by a one who is senior from a high-ranking clan. There are contradicting ideas for the origin of
the Siiqqee institution within the Oromo society. Some Scholars have the idea that women made the institution
by themselves because of Gadaa system the socio-political philosophy of Oromo which excludes them from
political structures of Oromo [16].Others argued that Siiqqee institution as power of Oromo women is speculated
back to the evolution of Gadaa system. It was Abba Gadaa who had given a Siiqqee, ritual stick to his wife by
the Qalluu (spiritual leader). Similarly, Abbaa Gadaa was also given a Siiqqee stick to his wife in order to use
when she participates in different ritualistic performance. This idea tells us Abbaa Gadaa allows his wife only to
use Siiqqee for ritual purpose as a recreational value rather than social, religious, political and economic aspects
[17].
Generally, these arguments are weak as compared to others ideas. Siiqqee institution is the issue of social,
religious, political and economic aspects of Oromo society, and it may not be limited to Abbaa Gadaa’s family.
In contrary to this as Loo argued," Siiqqee came into being in the Oromo culture with the Gadaa system to
govern the life of Oromo women in the social, religious, political and economic aspects [18]. However, some
other scholars again discussed that the stick is prepared by mother of a daughter and given at her wedding day.
This is a symbol gift that mothers can pass her own Siiqqee to their daughter. The women, to whom the Siiqqee
is given, used to make some arts and decorate the whole body of the stick finally she uses it. [19 ].
On the wedding day, she gives Siiqqee stick to her daughter after blessing her. As the mother blesses in her
turn the daughter blesses her mother and at meantime both the mother and the daughter hold the Siiqqee. It
symbolizes the tie between the mother and the daughter. Siiqqee symbolizes the respect and right of a married
woman that has been provided by the Gadaa law. Women holding Siiqqee stick signify that she is legally
married. [20] [21] [22].
Siiqqee institution is the weapon by which Oromo women fight for their rights and function side by side
with Gadaa system. This is an exclusively women’s solidarity institution that is legitimatized by tradition and
respected by society. It is a sort of union that provides women with channels to participate in village councils
and a cultural vehicle to mobilize women against violence and abuse. It is an institution in which women
organize themselves in group to stand up for their rights and control every movement in the society. The use of
Siiqqee draws an enormous religious, ritual and moral authority, and in the pursuit of peace and social harmony.
Oromo women gathered under Siiqqee institution and used it as a weapon to fight against the violation of Seeraa
Waqaa and loss of Safuu" among Oromo women. For example if a husband violates the right of his wife, she is
shouting Siiqqee scream (iyya Siiqqee) is occurred. Iyya Siiqqee is the mode of communication between
Oromo womento mobilize support during problem in the society [23]. Bethrotal

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The Siiqqee stick is important and related to the rules and regulation of marriage. There are forms of marriages
which are based on Siiqqee institution, and there are not based on Siiqqee institution. In the kadhaa (formal
engagement of marriage), Siiqqee is important. If there is marriage by force (butii) Siiqqee is not important.
People say “Siiqqeen gurguraan” (She is married by Siiqqee). If a woman get married based on Siiqqee, she has
full rights as formal marriage. If she get married without Siiqqee, she has no power or respect in her husband’s
family since it is considered as informally married [24].

Siiqqee Symbols of Oromo Womens’ Authority


Based on the oral traditions among Oromo if social problems such as drought, famine, lack of rain, infertility,
disease,political instability and war occurred, Women march to a nearby riverbank and they pray to Waaqa (God)
by raising up their Siiqqee which symbolizes women pray to Waaqa . When they get answers to their prayers
from Waaqa (God), they give thanks to him by putting their Siiqqee on the ground. For instance, if a woman
cannot give birth, the women gather and pray to Waaqa (God) through ateetee ritual by holding their Siiqqee to
give her a child [25].

Picture 2: Arsi Oromo Women Holding their Siiqqee


Therefore, the women in the clan organize themselves under the Siiqqee sisterhood solidarity. “They form
this Siiqqee solidarity by coming out from the clan holding their Siiqqee, inserting the tip of their Siiqqee in the
blood of a slaughtered sheep, and touching one another forehead by the blood touched by their Siiqqee”. It is
making apromise to help and support each other until they die [26].
According to Dirribii, Siiqqee stick has a special respect in Oromo traditional society, “no one can use the
stick to keep cattle, riding horse, beating donkey, etc like ordinary stick” since it is a symbol of honor for
married women. In Oromo traditional society, married women identified from unmarried women or girls by
holding her Siiqqee. A married woman holds Siiqqee whenever there is a special event, or ceremony, and social
or natural problems. The informants also narrated that in traditional Oromo society, married Oromo women
without holding Siiqqee is sign of breaking Safuu (Oromo moral code) of the society and her husband is
responsible for her breaking Safuu of Oromo. It is not allowed to use Siiqqee by girls and not yet married women.
Several of the informants have stated that the young unmarried girl does not seem to possess similar power as
she does not have the power hold Siiqqee to pray or to curse. It is believed that she is wayyuu. No one could
cross women holding Siiqqee in any place during conflict resolution, during rituals such as irreechaa, ateetee,
muudaetc all peoples including Abbaa Gadaa, Abbaa Bokkuu, Abbaa Duulaa, and other officials should have
give them respect and receive blessing from folk of women[ 27 ].
Additionally, Hinnant asserts the respect of Siiqqee in the society as follows:
“For example if a man riding horse comes across a woman holding Siiqqee, he has come down
from his horse for the honor of Siiqqee. And anyone who comes across a woman holding Siiqqee
has to stop and give the way for the woman holding Siiqqee. Even one has to give the way first for

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a woman holding Siiqqee to cross a river before he crosses the river. If a woman is going a long
journey like going to visit her mother and father from her clan, she holds her Siiqqee stick with her
and no one will attempt to attack her even if she is going alone”[28].
However, now day young generations are victims of globalization, the values of Siiqqee are on the way to
extinct. They are forgot the respect and honor of Siiqqee institution. It is also due to the fact that the younger
generation has been seriously influenced by the global media. Thus, many of its members now view such
institutions as “primitive” and “old fashion”.
According to Oromo oral tradition, if there is a conflict or war between two groups in a clan and if the
women come and stand between the parties by holding their Siiqqee, the fighting has to stop completely for the
respect of Siiqqee. For example, as it discussed above if a husband violates the right of his wife she take her
Siiqqee and runs out of the house to start Siiqqee scream (iyya Siiqqee) which is the mode of communication
between Oromo women. As soon as iyya Siiqqee is heard, women in the village abandoning their houses and
must move to the area by holding their Siiqqee. Then after, women gather in the compound of the misbehaving
husband and they see the case of this misbehaving husband and his wife [29]. Under such circumstances if the
situation is minor they solve the problem and if the case is beyond their capacity they postpone it for another day.
The conflict resolution usually ends by compensating the group and peacemaking their divinity. This is
usually done by forcing the offender to sacrifice one of his cows or calves for the women to eat. If the offender
does not admit his mistake, the women impose a more serious curse called abaarsa Siiqqee (the curse of Siiqqee).
This is the stage when all of the women began to curse through praying to Waaqa for the offender to be
abandoned [30].Traditionally, the village women pronounced the offense committed against a single woman as
violation committed against them as a group. Hence, no woman in the village excuses protesting. A woman who
disregards the request for protest is considered as one who has weakened the group unity and break law of
Siiqqee. Therefore, if someone assess the role of women in the Siiqqee institution in the past and the present due
to Christianity and Islamic religions, impact of globalization and the modern education, the status of Siiqqee
institution in Oromo society. However, even if, Siiqqee has now come under the protection of Walda Siiqqee
( Siiqqee Association) the association did not contributed much to accelerate and restore this institution, to
enhance the role of women in the communities and to take inspiration on women empowerment. [31].

Ateetee Ritual under the Shadow of the Siiqqee Institution


The word Siiqqee is thus often used to describe various mobilizations conducted by women yet the term ateetee
is also applied. In some areas of Oromia, ateetee and Siiqqee seems interchangeably refers to both religious
practices and political mobilizations conducted when women’s rights or women’s wayyuu (Safuu) has been
violated. In Oromia, women’s prayer was used in the past as a powerful means of ending harsh ecological
distractions, political, economic and social crises. It also indicates the system in which Ayyaana(spirituality),
uumaa (nature) and Safuu (ethical and moral code) to explain the relation of human, spiritual and physical world.
This is a part of the belief system that women are closer to nature in their nurturing and life sustaining activities
[32].
The Oromo women perform traditional ateetee ceremonies in respect of Maaram. Maaram was created by
Waaqa and it believed to be the divinity of women. Therefore, Oromo women perform ateetee ritual ceremonies
in respect of Maaram. It is believed that Maaram will help barren women to produce a child, and help pregnant
women to give birth to a child. When a woman gives birth to child women will gather say ilili ilili ilili as a
symbol of thanks giving to Waaqa. On the other hand, ateetee is a spirit that comes upon women and worshiped
as a traditional religion. Oromo women worship the ateetee spirit by making different rituals. They come
together from the whole village to worship Waaqa through this ritual. The women host ateetee sprit is prepared a
big feast for the ateetee ritual and make sacrifice for the spirit. The other women who came for the ritual pray
sing and dance calling the ateetee spirit to upon the host mother saying “illi-illi-illi". Then the spirit comes upon
her and she began show different actions like scream and jump here and there. This is a symbol of sprit arrival
on women. Then after, the neighboring women prayed to the spirit for their children, cattle and for the barren
women. Lastly, they eat and drink, and go back to their home. The ateetee ritual goes to every woman turn by
turn in the village [33].
There are two important theories in the ateetee ceremony. The first one is “its ritual functions as a prime
source and protector of the female individuals’ morality”.The second one is “the mechanism that women can
cause pressure on male domination when they struggle in group” [34] [35] [36]. In the ateetee worship, the
leading committee is elected based on their age, better knowledge of the ritual and personal commitment in the
society. The duty of this committee is to hear the compliant of the women. As it discussed above some of these
problems can be mistreatment and offenses that men caused against women. Thus an offended wife calls ateetee
outside her house by saying “illi-illi-illi" until neighboring women come and join her. Then the neighboring
women come and have assembled in her compound. Then, the offended wife declares her grievance and the
women either directly proceed to ateete or more usually take an appointment for another time. The offender is

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made to be present on the occasion and asked if he has committed the offence. The husband who admits his
mistake apologizes for his act and scarifies sheep for the folk of women. Then reconciled with his wife, he gets
back to his home. So, ateetee is a public gathering of women and it has both religious and social function among
the traditional Oromo cultures [37].

Picture: 3 Neighboring Women who Took Part in the Ateetee Ritual Practice
Due to various internal and external factors, the ateetee ritual and other beautiful Oromo cultural heritage
are now seriously endangered to extinct. Among many factors, Islam and Christianity religious and other agents
of globalizations are the most hindering factors. They have caused a breakdown to valuable Oromo indigenous
philosophies.They view its use as a form of paganism. When compared to Christianity, Islam is more fanatical
towards the Oromo traditional values. In its long history, the religion had never been as intolerant to indigenous
creeds and communal practices as it is presently observed. As elsewhere in Islamic Africa, the influence of
Islamic laws was very limited and always subordinate to and combined with the local customs [38]. Before the
expansion of Islam and Christianity, the Oromo had their own traditional African religion called Waaqeffannaa the
belief in Waaqa (God). Following the expansion of Islam and Christianity the socio-political movement and
indigenous values in the area became decline. Later when the expansionist pressurized Oromo society “they
adopted the religion as an ideology of resistance against the anticipated disintegration of their social structure
and identity” [39] [40].

The role of Women in Gadaa System


As it discussed above this paper has the product of several studies conducted on the Gadaa and the role of
women in the Gadaa System. Among a dozen of scholars, geographer Enrico Cerulli, Anthropologist Asmarom
Legesse, Hunting Ford, Martial De Slavic, Marco Bassi and P. T. W. Baxter and some others are contributed for
the interpretation of the Gadaa System and their work was a ground breaking to the study of the indigenous
Oromo socio-political philosophies.
Historically, Scholars are argued as Oromo women have no powers during the period of Gadaa rule. In
Gadaa democracy women cannot be Abbaa Gadaa or hayyuu in the clan leadership structure. However, this
scholar substantiates this view as the wife of elected Abbaa Gadaa is equally treated like the Abbaa Gadaa
himself. The question for why women marginalized from Gadaa System is still controversial among scholars.
For some scholars, the reasons are rooted in cultural, socio-economic and biological factors [41], [42]. Other
scholar also argued as “Under Gada system, women do not belong to the Gadaa grade of the clan in which they
were born and to which they are married. Unmarried women are viewed as keessummaa (stranger) and Alagaa
(non-relative) in the clan to which they are married’’ [43]. Though, even if, the issue is still debatable it doesn’t
mean that women didn’t have role in the Gadaa Democracy. Basically, Gadaa system is not the issue of being
Abbaa Gadaa or not being Abbaa Gadaa. Gadaa Democracy is the issue of Oromo socio-political philosophies
that required equal participation of both male and female.
Furthermore, others also argued as age-grading Gadaa system by itself is obstacle to women participation.
This idea confirm that “naturally women need to give birth to children and to look after their home and children
which affect them to pass through all Gadaa grades like the men”[44]. But as a mechanism of check and

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balance and to counter the male domination they developed their ownparallel institution known as Siiqqee
institution [45] [46]. However, under Gadaa umbrella the role of women as part of Oromo community is
fundamental and very crucial. Women are half part of Oromo society and equally considered with men under
Gadaa system. It is believed that Gadaa system is not complete without role and participation of women.
According to Debela, “women are pillar of the Gadaa system and in all cases without the women’s participation
there is no Gadaa System.” He also argued as the role of women in Gadaa system to promote moral and ethical
order of Oromo community is large. In the Gadaa system, “ if Abbaa Gadaa dies by chance, it is his wife who
takes the position and run Gadaa Leadership until the next Gadaa leader elected.” [47]. Thus, Gadaa system is a
system in which the rights of women are respected. Therefore, that is why Oromo women formed a parallel
institution of their own under the protection of Gadaa system and it stands for women’s ritual, political and
social power in the society. For me Gadaa system and Siiqqee institution is a coin of opposite sides [48].

Picture 4: Both Gujii Oromo elder men and women marching to 74 th Gumii Bokkoo (a ritual place where the
Gujii people exercise their cultural events and hand over traditional Gadaa System )
During the Gadaa power transfer, it is the women with the Siiqqee that blesses and decorates the
ceremonies for the person who gives and takes over the Gadaa offices. Again, Ragatu quotes as ‘’The newly
elected officials walk under the Siiqqee sticks raised up by women standing in two rows and touching the other
tips of their Siiqqee together‘’ [49]. Thus, both Gadaa and Siiqqee institutions helped to maintain Safuu (Oromo
moral codes) of Oromo society. It functions hand in hand with Gadaa institution and it has given big opportunity
for Oromo women to articulate their views and address issues of concerning to women [50]. Generally, in the
Gadaa rule, women are actively engaged through Siiqqee institution and they deal with all aspects of their life
[51] [52].

Picture 5: This is a special food that women prepared during Gadaa power transfer (baalli)

The Role of Oromo Women in Indigenous Peace Building


As the researcher experience about the Oromia region, it is known that the majorities of the disputes in rural
areas are settled through traditional procedures. Different scholars have been studied the role of indigenous
conflict management. But they did not study the role of Siiqqee institution, which is one of the indigenous peace
building mechanisms practiced by Oromo women. So, this study examines the roles of Oromo women in conflict
management with special emphasis on practicing use of Siiqqee. Besides, many scholars existing in the country
in general and the Oromia region in particular tend to neglect the role of women in the various social, cultural,

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and economic interventions of their communities. Those who studied conflict resolution have not given due
attention to women's role in conflict resolution of their respective society. In light of the existing views, this
study looks at the role and place of women in Oromo traditional conflict resolution with specific reference to
Siiqqee institution [53].
One of the duties of women holding Siiqqee is for pray to waaqa and settling conflict. They have a regular
meeting to pray to waaqa. In many parts of Oromia this is called ateete worship. The women take their Siiqqee
when they go out for prayer. For instance, Getu quotes‘’ They pray for a barren woman so that she can have a
child, they pray for the sick to be healed, they pray for the peace of the people and cattle, they pray for good
weather, etc. ’’[54]. One of the main uses of Siiqqee is defending the right and respect of women. For example if
a husband violates the right of his wife she grabs her Siiqqee and runs out of the house screaming Siiqqee (iyya
Siiqqee) which is the mode of communication between Oromo women to mobilize support. As soon as iyya
Siiqqee is heard, women must leave the house to join in the scream. Additionally, the elders of the community
will be sent to the women group to assess the problems. Then she will tell her problem and finally they solve the
case [55].
In the Oromo culture, for woman complains, “Additional witnesses are not required in order to punish the
offender. Her words are trusted and taken at face value”. So the person who violated the right of the woman will
be punished accordingly. Woman defends their rights also by Abaarsa Siiqqee (Siiqqee curse). In this case, they
raise their Siiqqee together and curse the person who violated their right. In Oromo tradition, a curse of women is
believed to be very powerful. Additionally, “whenever accidents occurred, like over flooding properties by
heavy rain, someone’s house is caught on fire and destroys his property, the women in village will take their
Siiqqee to mobilize the community to help the person or the group that affected by the accident” [56].
The authority women have is ending conflict or war between different clans or with other ethnic groups.
Whenever there is conflict between parties if women carrying their Siiqqee and stand between them they quickly
stop the fighting for the respect of Siiqqee [57]. In other hands, if a foreigner comes to fight one country or one
region to take their resource, the women will raise their Siiqqee and pray to waaqa until they come back
peacefully. So, in Oromo tradition, men will not go to war to fight enemy before they receive blessing and pray
from women holding Siiqqee [58].
However, according to many scholars, there are a number of factors affect Siiqqee institution towards
conflict resolution approaches. They do not end conflicts which are beyond the women power. As Bartels stated,
‘’The Procedures of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism often contradicts with universal declaration of
human rights’’. For example, the practice restricts the participation of children's and girls’ below 18 ages [59].
But, children grow under the school of Oromo socialization called safuu (what is right and what is wrong) of the
society. In addition to that, since the system is cultural ‘’traditional institutions are open for abuse, politicization
and corruption’’ [60]. Furthermore, in indigenous conflict resolution there is gender bias for example, in cases
with no women elders, some women may believe that male elders are biased against women [61]. On the top of
these, traditional conflict resolution mechanism has also its own strengths. “It quickly responds to time crisis,
they contribute to the saving court case loads, they contribute to saving money, it also minimizes the problem in
shortage of judges who work in the regular courts, and budget constraints’’. One important features of Siiqqee
institution is their use of colorful ritual symbol and interpretation of myths to bring conflicts to an end. The
rituals and interpretation of myths have psychological impacts on the parties in conflict [62].

Conclusion
Historically, both Siiqqee and Gadaa institutions equally appeared in the Oromo culture to govern the social,
religious, political and economic life of Oromo society. Many Scholars are argued as Oromo women have no
role in the Gadaa justice system. The questions of these scholars are open to scholarly debate. However, in
Gadaa system have big role and without the women’s participation there is no complete structure of Gadaa
System at all. Therefore, under the protection of Gadaa system, Oromo women formed Siiqqee institution as a
mechanism of check and balance to counter the male domination in the society. Siiqqee ritual stick is a symbol
gift that by mothers given to their daughter during her wedding day. In Oromo culture, Siiqqee is a symbol of
married women, a ritual stick used for praying and an institution of conflict resolution. It is a cultural vehicle of
Oromo women used to bless or to curse and to mobilize support when the rights of women are violated. In
Oromo traditional society Siiqqee tick has a special respect. It is a symbol of married women. Married women
distinguished from unmarried women by holding her Siiqqee. A married woman holds Siiqqee whenever there is
some special ceremony, social, and natural problems. A married woman without holding Siiqqee is sign of
breaking Safuu (Oromo moral code) of the society and her husband is responsible for the action.
One of the duties of women holding Siiqqee is pray to waaqa and settling conflict. In many parts of Oromia
this is called ateetee worship. Both, ateete and Siiqqee refers to religious practices and political mobilizations
conduct. If social problems such as drought, famine, lack of rain, infertility, disease, political instability and war
occurred women will march to a nearby riverbank and pray to Waaqa(God) by raising up their Siiqqee and when

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Vol.36, 2018

they get answers they give thanks to him by putting their Siiqqee on the ground. The ateetee practice by women is
one part of a belief system that women are intermediary figures between Waaqa and the physical world. Whenever
there is conflict between parties if women intervene and stand between them they quickly stop the fighting for
the respect of Siiqqee. In other hands, if a foreigner invaded one country and men going to defend these enemies,
the women raise their Siiqqee and pray to waaqa until they come back peacefully. So, in Oromo tradition men
will not going to war to fight enemy before they receive blessing from women holding Siiqqee. Unlike modern
court system, traditional institutions are very important to minimize the crisis of time, save court case loads,
and contribute to save money.
In the past, both Ateete and Siiqqee institution plays a big role in social, religious, political and economic
life of Oromo women. However, currently due to the impact of religion (Christianity and Islamic), globalization
and the modern education system, the status of Siiqqee institution in Oromia has been endanger to extinct. Now a
day since young generations are the victims of globalization, the values of Siiqqee are on the way to extinct.
They forgot the respect of Siiqqee institution in the society. It is also due to the fact that the young generation has
been seriously influenced by the global media and tempted to western style. Thus, many of them now view such
institutions as primitive and old fashion.

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