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THIRD EDITION
JEFFREY BROOD
California State University, Sacramento
LAYNE LITTLE
University ofCalifornia, Davis
BRADLEY NYSTROM
California State University, Sacramento
ROBERT PLATZNER
California State University, Sacramento
RICHARD SHEK
California State University, Sacramento
ERIN STILES
University ofNevada, Reno
9 8 7 6 5 432 1
Printed by LSC Communications, United Scares of America
• BRIEF CONTENTS
Preface xvii
4 Hinduism 91
5 Buddhism 145
6 Jainism 193
7 Sikhism 223
9 Shinto 303
10 Zoroastrianism 331
11 Judaism 361
12 Christianity 419
13 Islam 479
Notes N-1
Glossary G-1
Credits C-1
Index 1-1
CONTENTS
Preface xvii
vii
viii Contents
4 • Hinduism 91
THE TEACHINGS OF HINDUISM 93
Hindu Beliefs about Divine Reality 93
The Individual and the Quest for Liberation 98
Three Paths to Liberation 100
Vedanta: The Predominant School of Hindu Philosophy 102
Yoga 104
The Individual and Society 104
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Contents ix
5 e Buddhism 145
THE TEACHINGS OF BUDDHISM 147
The Life of the Buddha 147
What Did the Buddha Teach? 150
VOICES: An Interview with Katherine Sei 155
THE HISTORY OF BUDDHISM 156
The Period of the Buddhist Councils 157
Theravada Buddhism 159
Mahayana Buddhism 160
Vajrayana Buddhism 166
Buddhism in India 169
Buddhism Beyond India 170
x Contents
6 • Jainism 193
THE TEACHINGS OF JAINISM 196
Mahavira, theTwenty-Fourth and Last Tirthankara ofThis World Cycle 196
An Eternal Succession ofTirthankaras 197
Jainism and Hinduism 198
Ahimsa and Asceticism: Jainism's Ideals 199
Theory of the Universe 200
Liberation and Salvation 203
THE HISTORY OF JAINISM 205
The Indian Historical Context 205
The Legacy of the Tirthankaras: Jainism through the Centuries 206
Jainism inToday's World 207
GLOBAL SNAPSHOT: Jains Beyond India 208
JAINISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 209
Digambaras and Shvetambaras 209
VOICES: An Interview with Girish Shah 210
The Ascetic Life 212
Jainism and Women 215
The Religious Life of the Jain Laity 215
CONCLUSION 218
7 • Sikhism 223
THE TEACHINGS OF SIKHISM 225
The Life of Guru Nanak 226
Contents xi
9 • Shinto 303
THE TEACHINGS OF SHINTO 305
The Meaning of Kam i 306
xii Contents
10 • Zoroastrianism 331
THE TEACHINGS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 333
Monotheism and Dualism 333
The Divine Realm 335
Creation and the Nature of the World 336
Human Nature and Human Destiny 338
THE HISTORY OF ZOROASTRIANISM 339
The Background of Zoroastrianism 339
Zarathushtra 340
Zoroastrian Scriptures 341
Zoroastrianism through the Centuries 342
Zoroastrianism in the Modern World 346
ZOROASTRIANISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 348
GLOBAL SNAPSHOT: Zoroastrianism in New York 349
Ritual Practices 350
VOICES: An Interview with Rustom Ghadiali 350
Women and Zoroastrianism 353
Holy Days and Rites of Passage 354
The Zoroastrian Community: Social and Ethical Responsibilities 356
CONCLUSION 357
11 • Judaism 361
THE TEACHINGS OF JUDAISM 363
God 363
Torah 364
Contents xiii
12 • Christianity 419
THE TEACHINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 421
The Life of Jesus 422
The Teachings of Jesus 424
Paul and the Mission to the Gentiles 426
God, Creation, and Original Humanity 427
God as Trinity 429
The Consequences of Sin 430
Grace and Salvation 431
The Church 432
VOICES: An Interview with Terrie M. and Father Art 432
Sc ripture 433
xiv Contents
Tradition 435
"Last Things" 436
The Afterlife 436
Christianity and Other Religions: Points of Conflict 440
THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY 441
Christianity in the Roman World 441
The Church in the Middle Ages 446
The Reformation: Protestant Challenge and Roman Catholic Response 450
Christianity in the Modern World 454
Women in Christianity 459
Christianity Today and Tomorrow: Trends and Prospects 459
GLOBAL SNAPSHOT: The Kimbanguist Church in Africa 461
CHRISTIANITY AS A WAY OF L I FE 462
Worship 463
Sacraments 464
Church Interiors: Sacred Space 466
Prayer 468
The Liturgical Year 469
Veneration of Saints 470
Social and Political Activism 471
CONC LUSION 472
13 • Islam 479
THE TEACHINGS OF ISLAM 482
Muhammad and the Revelations 483
The Holy Our'an 484
The Teachings of the Our'an 485
Commentary on the Our'an 489
The Sunnah: The Example of the Prophet 489
The Five Pillars 490
THE HISTORY OF ISLAM 498
The Hijra and the Growth of the Muslim Community 499
The Crisis of Succession and the Rightly Guided Caliphs 502
The Umayyads and the Abbasids 503
Later Islamic Empires: The Ottomans, the Mughals, and the Safavids 505
Islam and Nationalism 506
Islamic Reform Movements 508
Varieties of Islam: Sunni and Shi'a 511
Islam and Political Conflict Today 513
Muslims in North America 514
GLOBAL SNAPSHOT: Muslims in the West 516
Contents xv
XVII
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XVIII Preface
Religions are multidimensional. Accordingly, all but the first and lase chapters
examine three primar y aspects of each religion: teachings, historical development,
and way of life (practices and experiences). These three aspects are presented in the
same order in every chapter in which they appear. Although they appear in the same
order, we do not devote equal attention co each category. To do so would be co ignore
the varying nature of the religious traditions. Judaism, for example, naturally calls for
extensive attention to historical development; Jainism, for which an early historical
record bardy exists, does not. In each case, we shape our coverage in the way that
seems most natural given the characteristics of the tradition under discussion.
Teachings. Commonly found in scriptures, myths, creeds, and ethical codes, the
basic teachings of a religious tradition convey its answers to fundamental questions,
such as: What is the human condition? How can the human condition be improved or
transcended? What is the nature of the world? What is ultimate reality, and how is it
revealed? The authority on which a rdigion answers questions such as these is also
important. Are its truths revealed? Are they the products of intellectual effort? Are
they insights gained in moments of profound psychological experience? Or are they
simply traditional ways of looking at reality and our place within it that have been
passed down from generation to generation?
Historical Development. Every religious tradition has a history that reveals how
and why it developed its distinctive features, including its system of bdiefs, leadership
and governance structures, social institutions, and forms of artistic expression. Some
times the forces that generate change arise largely from within a tradition, as in the
case of conflict between opposing sects or schools of thought. At other times they
operate from the outside, as with the influence exerted by Western powers on foreign
colonies and spheres of influence or through the expansion of a tradition into a new
cultural milieu. A religion's histor y also functions co unite the individual with others
in a shared memory of the past that helps to explain the present.
ORGANIZATION
Our survey begins in Chapter l with an introductory essay on the academic study of
religions. After considering what religion is, the chapter identifies some of the ocher
Preface XIX
important questions scholars ask: What do rdigions do? What issues of universal con
cern do they address? What do scholars mean when they speak of mystical experience
or of transcendence? What are the constituent parts of rdigious traditions? How are
rdigions today being affected by the forces of mo dernization, urbanization, globaliza
tion, and science? Finally, the chapter explains why a multidisciplinary approach is
necessary in any serious attempt to understand the world's rdigions.
Chapter 1 is followed by two chapters on indigenous traditions. The book con
cludes with a chapter on new religions. The ten chapters in the middle are organized
according to geographical and (roughly) chronological order, as follows: first, the rdi
gions of South Asian origin (Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism); next, those of
East Asian origin (Chinese religions, Japanese religions); and, finally, those of West
Asian (or Middle Eastern) origin (Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity, Islam). By
studying the indigenous traditions first, students will gain an appreciation not only for
the many living traditions that continue to thrive but also for certain ways of being
rdigious (such as emphasis on oral transference of myths and other sacred lore) that at
one time were predominant in most of today's major world rdigions. By studying new
rdigions last, students will likewise gain an appreciation for living traditions, along
with glimpsing the sorts of innovations that occur within the old traditions, to o, as
rdigions respond to the cultural, technological, social, and cultural changes and chal
lenges of the world around them.
The island was low, of coral formation, and, in all respects, resembled
Caroline, Clarence, York, Byron's, and Drummond's Islands. The inhabitants
were not numerous, and differed from all we had seen before in dress and
manners. They gave us a most kind and hospitable reception, freely offered
whatever any of us expressed a wish for, and in all respects acquitted
themselves in a manner highly satisfactory. Near our landing place we had
the satisfaction to find two or three old wells of water, which, after being
cleared out, would afford us a supply without much labour in getting it off,
the landing being tolerably good.
Beyond us, to the south and west, was a range of islets, as far as we
could see from the masthead, and having thoroughly explored the island,
where we were anchored, completed our watering, and made such repairs
upon the vessel as were necessary, we determined to proceed further in that
direction. At our anchorage here the wind several times changed from
blowing off shore, which, as we had not room to ride in shore of our anchor,
made it, upon such occasions, necessary to get underway, and stand off. At
such times, we remarked, with particular satisfaction, the advantage we
possessed in our vessel, being schooner rigged, as none but a fore and after
could, with the same facility, have performed the delicate operation of
getting underway, and crawling off, when riding upon a lee shore, within a
few fathoms of the rocks, to have touched which would inevitably have been
attended with shipwreck.
Upon the island, besides cocoa-nut, there were a few bread-fruit trees,
growing in great luxuriance. The golden yellow fruit, with which the females
of Nooaheeva ornamented their necks, grew here in the greatest abundance,
and was eaten by the natives almost constantly, who called it bup. A species
of small rat, with a tuft of hair upon the tail, was very numerous, and so
tame, that hundreds of them were constantly feeding about the huts.
A small canoe came off, paddled by one man, who ventured on board,
and looked round for a few minutes, when he departed, without seeming to
have had any other object in view than to gratify his curiosity. We should
have suspected him of being a spy, had we not believed these people too
simple, to adopt such an expedient of civilization. This we, however,
afterwards ascertained was the capacity in which he came, having been sent
by the principal chief of all the Mulgrave Group.
The schooner coasted along the islands, keeping way with the captain,
who continued on to the westward, examining all parts of it. Beyond, in what
we afterwards ascertained was an inland sea of great extent; several large
sail canoes were discovered coming from a distant islet. The captain crossed
the reef into the inland sea, where he found the water smooth, but every
where filled with shoals of coral. Without indicating a wish to examine the
canoes, which might have caused them to put back, he soon afterwards
returned on board, and another boat was sent to continue the examination of
the islet, as we advanced. The officer prevailed upon some natives, that he
met with, to come near him, and one of them gave him, in return for a
present, some glass beads. Upon arriving at the western extremity of the
islet, the captain put off for the shore, where he found four large canoes
hauled up on the beach, and those he had seen before, coming over the
inland sea, just in the act of landing. As we afterwards ascertained, it was the
high chief of the Mulgrave Group, with from fifty to a hundred of his chiefs
and warriors, on a cruise of observation, to satisfy himself who, and what we
were, and what was the object of our visit to his lonely and unfrequented
isle. None of the chiefs had any thing to distinguish them, so that we knew
not but that they were here upon some ordinary pursuit, otherwise, their
presence would have excited in us a much more lively interest. As it was, we
were gratified to have an opportunity of seeing so many of the natives, with
their canoes, which we could examine, for proofs of the crew of the Globe
having landed upon these islands, of which we were already pretty well
satisfied from what we had seen. The fact was satisfactorily proved in a few
minutes afterwards, by our discovering upon the platform of their canoes the
lids of several sailors' chests. On a farther examination, pieces of cloth and
ash-spars were also found. The natives were watching our every look and
motion, and notwithstanding their pretended apathy and indifference, could
not conceal the intense excitement that our close examination produced
amongst them, It soon gave rise to an animated conversation, which was
accompanied with angry looks, and the only satisfaction they gave us, when
we pointed to the chest-lids, was a vacant stare, or a few words of their
island language not more intelligible. Not far from the beach was a pleasant
grove of cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees, through which was scattered a
number of neat little Indian huts. One of them, near the shore, was
frequented by a great many of the natives, with whom our people freely
mingled. It was about ten feet high, and above the ground; had a small
garret, which was screened from observation by a floor of sticks, thickly
interwoven with leaves. Although most of the huts had been examined by
our men, it was our good or ill fortune, that this, where so many were
constantly assembled, should escape observation. We should there have
found one of the men, as he afterwards informed us, for whom we were so
anxiously looking; but the discovery might have been attended with
bloodshed, and, perhaps, fatal consequences to our shore party, than whom
the natives were much more numerous.
William Lay, one of the Globe's crew, had been brought to this islet, by
the chiefs, to be used as circumstances might suggest. He was concealed in
the garret of the hut, and guarded by a number of old women, who were
directed, the first whisper of noise that he made, to put him to death, the
chiefs having also denounced their heaviest vengeance upon him, if he
should, in any way, disclose the secret of his being there. He lay in this
unhappy situation for several hours, listening to the interchange of opinion
amongst his countrymen, from whose conversation he was informed of the
character of our vessel, and the object of her cruise.
Towards sun-down, when our parties were weary with the labour of the
day, they repaired on board for the night, and the natives, getting into their
canoes, took their departure from the islet, and steered away, over the inland
sea, until they were lost in the horizon. We stood off and on during the night,
and, at nine in the morning, anchored in nine fathoms water, near our place
of landing. Here there was a channel into the inland sea, having nearly water
enough for the schooner, and through which we made an unsuccessful
attempt to pass. Our situation was now becoming very unpleasant. It was
necessary for us to have parties on shore, exploring the islands, and the
remainder of the crew was quite insufficient to get the vessel underway,—an
expedient indispensable, whenever the wind came on shore, as the anchorage
hardly ever extended more than half a cable's length from it. That we might
lose nothing from delay or want of perseverance, however, soon after we
came to, an officer, with a party of eleven men, attended by a boat to take
them over the drowned reefs, was sent to march round, and explore the
islets, that formed a continued chain to the southward and westward of us.
We felt a conviction, from the conduct of the natives, that they were
unwilling to give us the intelligence we required, and that we must depend
entirely upon our industry and good fortune, for any discovery we might
make. In the evening we sent a boat to communicate with our party, but they
had advanced so far, that she returned without seeing any of them.
On the following day, November the twenty-fifth, the weather clear and
pleasant, a boat was sent with refreshments to our exploring party, who were
overtaken at the distance of ten miles from us, just commencing their
morning's march. The islets, thus far, were narrow, not averaging a quarter of
a mile in breadth, and but thinly inhabited. Our party were pleased with the
conduct of the natives they had seen. They gave them cocoa-nuts, without
receiving any thing in return, and in the evening, when they stopped to
repose for the night, provided them with huts to sleep in. The officer of the
party, in the course of the day's march, found a mitten, with the name of
Rowland Coffin marked on it, who, by referring to a list of the Globe's crew,
proved to be one of the boys left with the mutineers. From the place where
the party was found, the extent of the island could not be seen. I landed at
the settlement where we were anchored, and found the hats nearly all
deserted. Such of the natives, as remained, seemed disposed to be very
friendly, and followed me to the beach, where I shot a few sand-snipe, which
drew from them loud shouts of applause, on witnessing the effect of my
musket. Near the huts I observed a number of small white cranes, one of
which I shot, supposing them to be wild, but afterwards regretted it very
much, on learning that they were domesticated, and held in great reverence
by the natives.
The surgeon, who was very much debilitated, when we sailed from the
coast of Peru, had gradually, and almost imperceptibly, become more feeble,
and for some time past believed that he had a disease of the liver. Until
within two days of coming to our present anchorage, he discharged his
ordinary duties, in attending the sick, when his mind began to fail, and it was
evident to us that the period of his existence was near its close. He lay for a
time in a state of insensibility, receiving the little aid that his friends could
afford him; and at forty-five minutes after four, P.M., November the twenty-
seventh, breathed his last, deeply lamented by all the crew, to whom he had
greatly endeared himself, by kind and assiduous attentions, even when he
was extremely ill, and knew that he was fast hastening to the close of life. In
the morning, I took a party of men on shore, and in a grove, at the foot of a
wide-spreading bread-fruit tree, made the narrow bed of our departed
messmate. At nine, the vessel struck adrift, and dragged off the bank. When
she again stood in towards the shore, we landed, with as many of the officers
and men as could be spared to bury the doctor's remains, with the honours of
war. The natives assembled, to the number of twenty or thirty, and followed
us to the grave, watching all our motions with an expression of great
surprise. They were silent until the first discharge of musketry, when they
burst into loud shouts and laughter, for which we drove them back, with
threats of punishment, a considerable distance from us, where they
afterwards remained quiet. At the foot and head of the grave we planted
seeds of orange, lemon, and cheramoya, and upon the bread-fruit tree, at the
head of it, carved his name, rank, and the vessel to which he belonged.
Below this we spiked, firmly upon the tree, a brass plate, with his name, age,
the vessel to which he belonged, and the day of his death inscribed upon it.
A little to the eastward of the grave we had the satisfaction to find two
springs of excellent water.
Our party had acquired no information since morning, but from the
discoveries that had already been made, we felt satisfied, that on the
following day, we should find other traces of the mutineers. In taking my
departure, I stretched off with a fine breeze, but it was blowing directly from
the point to which I wished to steer. I suffered the men to lay down and
refresh themselves with sleep, whilst midshipman S. and myself steered the
boat, and to my regret, in returning back towards the shore from whence I
had started, discovered that we had lost ground; besides, our boat being
clumsy and badly fitted, we found that we had to contend with a strong
current. I got the oars out, therefore, and pulled dead to windward until day-
light, when having proceeded about six miles, we again made sail to the
northward and eastward, close haul upon a wind; it gradually veered, until I
could head for an island eight or ten miles from us, which just appeared
above the horizon, and where I designed to land and give the men breakfast.
When within two or three miles of the island, I observed a number of canoes
leaving places nearer to me and landing upon it. Two canoes had put off
from thence, and were standing for me as I was beating with my clumsy boat
to weather an intervening coral reef; they were manned with about twenty
natives, all armed with spears and stones. When they had approached me
pretty near, and were passing under my lee, I ran alongside to examine them,
for which they gave us a great many cross looks. As soon as I suffered them
to depart, they immediately returned to the shore from whence they came,
and where I not long afterwards discovered about twenty canoes that would
carry from twenty to forty men each.
The canoes I had boarded, sailed at least three miles to my one, and I
now discovered the impossibility of possessing ourselves of the mutineers of
the Globe, whilst they, or the natives, if friendly, to them, had the disposal of
such fleet vessels, with which to avoid us whenever our too near approach
endangered their safety. I determined, therefore, to take possession of all that
were now assembled, even though I should be opposed by the natives, and
reduced to the necessity of measuring our strength with them.
The island was small, producing but few nut trees, and having but a
small number of huts upon it, notwithstanding which, there were several
hundreds of people assembled;—a great crowd, considering the thinly
populated state of the islands. But as this large assemblage could only have
been brought together from some extraordinary cause, I determined to land
and search their huts, and look round, before I made so wide a breach with
them, as must necessarily result from the seizure of their canoes. I was sorry
to see, on our coming near them, that they were sending their women and
children towards the huts, which were at a short distance from the
assemblage of natives; a movement that indicated a want of confidence in us
on their part, or what was still less agreeable to us, a disposition to hostility.
There was some surf on the shore where we were about to land near the
canoes, and that the boat might be the more readily at our disposal when we
should have occasion for her after landing, I dropped an anchor, and was in
the act of veering to through the surf, when, to my astonishment, a person
dressed and looking like a native, addressed us in our own language. He was
standing upon the beach thirty or forty yards distant, and half way between
us and the natives, all of whom had seated themselves. The first words that
we understood, were, "The Indians are going to kill you: don't come on
shore unless you are prepared to fight." The scene now presented to us,
inspired an indescribable sensation; for, although we were convinced that
this was one of the men we were so anxiously looking for, his sudden and
unexpected appearance, his wild attire, and above all, his warning, seemed
like an illusion of fancy. His hair was long, combed up, and tied in a knot on
the top of his head; round his loins, he wore a large mat, finely wrought, and
the use of cocoa-nut oil, and the action of a tropical sun, for nearly two
years, had made his skin almost as dark as that of the natives. He earnestly
repeated, several times, that we must not land unless we were prepared to
fight, and described the plan the natives had concerted with him, which was,
to prevail upon us to come on shore and seat ourselves amongst them, when,
at a given signal, they would all rise and knock us on the head with stones.
This statement was probable enough, but the suspicion that this was one of
the mutineers, very naturally occurred to our minds, with the questions,
"Why have we not found him before? and, why does he not now fly to us for
protection, if he is innocent?"—forgetting that our contemptible numbers
precluded all idea of safety to him, if opposed by the numerous assemblage
of natives by whom he was surrounded. I asked his name, which he told me
was William Lay, and that he was one of the crew of the Globe. His stature
and juvenile appearance, answered the description we had of him. I told him
to come to the boat, but he said that he was afraid of the natives, who had
directed him not to advance any nearer to us. I then directed him to run to us
and we would protect him; but he declined, saying, that the natives would
kill him with stones before he could get there. During all this time, they
thought he was arranging their plan for us to come on shore, and called out
frequently to him to know what we said; to which, he replied in a way
calculated to suit his purpose.
After discharging and re-loading our pistols, with one of which and a
cartridge-box each man was provided, we landed, and marched up to the
place where Lay was standing. Still doubting whether he were not more foe
than friend, and determined that, under any circumstances, he should not
escape, I received him with my left hand, presenting, at the same time, a
cocked pistol to his breast. I was not insensible to the sentiment my harsh
reception was calculated to inspire; but circumstanced as I was, I could not
risk every thing in preference to inflicting a momentary pang, keenly as it
might be felt. I repeated the question, "Who are you?" to which he replied, "I
am your man," and burst into tears. I told him then to say to the natives, that
if they rose from their seats, or threw a stone, we would shoot them all; but
the poor fellow, delirious with joy for the moment, knew not what he said,
and, instead of obeying my command, called out in half English, and half
Island language, in broken sentences, most of which was unintelligible to us;
amongst other things, he exclaimed, "they are going to kill me, they are
going to kill me." I ordered him to be silent, and then asked, why he told
them we were going to kill him.—Recollecting himself immediately, he
begged my pardon, declaring that he knew not what he was saying. By this
time, some of the natives had risen, and were becoming very animated and
violent in their conversation and gestures. Two or three of them advanced
towards us; I pointed my pistol at them, and made Lay repeat my threat,
which had the desired effect on all but one old man, who, unarmed,
advanced in defiance of me. Lay desired me to suffer him to approach,
which he did, and taking hold of Lay's hand with both of his, he asked what
his countrymen were going to do with him. Lay explained to him, in a few
words, as clearly as he could, at which the old man seemed much affected.
This was his benefactor, the person to whom he was indebted for life; and
the poor fellow seemed not wanting in sensibility or gratitude, at the moment
of their parting. He embraced him affectionately, told him that he would see
him again before he departed, and wept like a child. I was unwilling to
remain longer than was absolutely necessary, lest the natives, when they had
recovered from their first surprise, should conceive a contempt for our small
number, and make trial of our strength, in which I knew they would be much
superior to us, if they were determined and brave, as the first discharge of
our pistols would place us upon an equality with the same number as
ourselves. I therefore cut short Lay's interview with his friend, and hastened
him to the boat; there he wept for joy, and gave us several proofs of the
agitated state of his mind. His first impulse, which did great credit to his
heart, was, to inquire if his friends were well, and then recollecting that it
was probable none of us knew them, told us he belonged to East Saybrook,
Connecticut, and asked if any of us were acquainted in that section of the
country. He several times repeated the same questions, forgetful that he had
asked them before, and that we had replied in the negative. When his mind
was a little composed, we made inquiries of him respecting the rest of the
Globe's crew, who had been left on the island; to which he answered, that
they were all dead except Cyrus H. Huzzy, who was on an island a few miles
to windward of us, and now full in sight. He asked, with an expression of
great solicitude, if we would go for Huzzy, and when I told him we would, it
seemed to afford him not less pleasure than his own deliverance. He stated
that he and Huzzy both knew that we were in search of them, and that our
vessel was a man of war. He said that the chiefs had sent spies on board of
the schooner every day when it was practicable, who had communicated to
them the number of guns we carried, and, within a very few, the number of
which the crew consisted. They had apprised them of the force and conduct
of our exploring party, descending to the minutest particulars, and even
describing most of the individuals on board. They had seriously debated the
question of making war upon us several times, and always consulted Lay
and Huzzy as to the propriety of it, and what would probably be their
prospect of success. They dissuaded them from it, of course, and filled them
with apprehension, by declaring, repeatedly, that we were invincible, and
that there was scarcely any thing we could not accomplish with our six-
pounders; they even made them believe, trifling as our armament was, that
we could sink the islands with our cannon: so ready is the human mind to
receive for truth what it cannot comprehend, if recommended by superior
intelligence, though it may be at variance with every thing in nature or
reason.
Another of their plans, and the most plausible one, was, to assemble
secretly all the canoes of the islands, at some point not distant from us, and
approaching under cover of the night, surprise and board us.
If this last plan had been put into execution, in a dark night, it is possible
that it might have succeeded, as we could hardly have seen them in time to
use our cannon, and the fire of musketry which they had heard before, would
probably not have driven them back when they had advanced near to us,
particularly if, as might be apprehended, at night, the fire were not directed
effectively. They would not have found us entirely unprepared; for, under the
impression that the mutineers were still living, and on terms of friendship
with the natives, we were on the lookout for such an attempt being made, as
it seemed to be the only means by which they could possibly escape, and the
plan which would most naturally occur to desperate men in their situation.
I was walking, back of the huts, over a level green spot, enclosed by
cocoa-nut trees, when Lugoma came to me in great haste, and with a
disturbed look beckoned me to come away, at the same time saying to
Huzzy, that I must not go there: it was a place for the dead; my presence
would disturb them, and bring spirits round his huts; I indulged his
superstition, and walked off. Lugoma was about thirty years of age, of
moderate stature, square built, with low forehead, and flat nose; having an
expression of countenance that indicated intelligence and enterprize. Huzzy
gave him the character of being very passionate, inveterate in his enmities,
fierce and determined in his hostility, but firmly attached to his friends, and
possessing a benevolent heart. He often became offended with Huzzy, in
their ordinary occupation, and upon such occasions would use violent
language, and sometimes threaten to kill him; but, when his passion
subsided, would be very sorry for what he had said, and soothe Huzzy by
telling him not to be afraid; he would not hurt him. Once, however, in
working their canoe, when something went wrong, he raised a paddle and
struck Huzzy with it, upon which, the poor fellow, slave as he was, gave way
to his indignant feelings, and was in the act of repaying the chief's violence
with interest, who, seeing that he had gone too far with the high-spirited
white man, and that his life was menaced, begged him not to strike,
declaring that he would never again raise his hand against him; and the
quarrel was amicably settled by Huzzy's telling him, that if ever he did, he
would kill him. From this story, I thought there might be some truth in the
one which Huzzy told me was one day related to him by Lugoma's son, the
boy that was in the boat with us. We had a mulatto lad on board of the
schooner, and at the time our contemplated capture was spoken of amongst
the natives, this little boy told Huzzy that his father was going to save the
life of the mulatto boy, and then kill him as he was getting too large. The
mulatto boy was a great favourite amongst the natives, and upon several
occasions, quarrels had arisen amongst the chiefs who should have him,
when in the presence of Lay or Huzzy they were debating the question of our
capture.
The day was far advanced when we left Lugoma's Island, and stood
along the shores of the islets to intercept the land party whom we met at no
very great distance, making rapid marches. We landed to inform them of our
success, and that their labour was at an end, in which they could not but
rejoice with us, although they were extremely disappointed that they should
not themselves have been the fortunate persons, after all the toil they had
experienced in the search. We put off and made sail in both our boats, and as
the canoes were all still upon the beach of the island from whence we had
taken Lay, I intended to land and get his musket, which, in the hurry of our
departure, he had forgotten. No sooner, however, did the natives see both our
boats standing towards them, than they put off with all their canoes, and bore
away directly before the wind. We made all sail in chase, but soon perceived
that they were leaving us very fast; and, as night was coming on, we made
the experiment of a few musket shots, fired over their heads, with the hope
of bringing them to. Instead of answering the desired purpose, it served only
to increase their alarm, and the weather becoming squally, we suffered them
to depart without further pursuit. I had cause to regret that I had fired; for
from the first discharge, poor Lugoma was in the greatest agony, for fear we
were going to kill him, as well as the rest of the chiefs. All the explanations
that Lay and Huzzy could make, and all their assurances of my friendship,
could not quiet him. Several times he would have taken his son and jumped
overboard, had we allowed him to do so. Whenever I went to the stern of the
boat where he was sitting, he repeated to me again and again that he was my
good friend, and that I must not kill him; my replying that I would not hurt
him, that I was his friend, &c., had not the least effect; it only caused him
again to repeat what he had before told me of, his being my friend, and that I
must not kill him.
The numerous shoals of coral, with the violence of the wind, rendering it
somewhat dangerous to run in the dark, I determined to come to for the
night, as we were yet a long distance from the schooner. For this purpose, we
stood in towards the place where, on the preceding night, we had met the
exploring party. Lugoma no sooner found himself so near the shore, than he
became more earnest than ever in his petition to be permitted to land with his
son, although he was more than twenty miles from his home. I would have
allowed him to leave us, had I not been apprehensive of the hostility of his
countrymen; I knew not but by his aid in piloting them to our night's
encampment, we might be surprised before morning, and my resolution to
keep him was confirmed, when it was reported to me, by some omen who
had landed from the other boat, that one or more natives had been seen near
us, skulking through the bushes. We also determined, not to trust ourselves
on shore, but to lay in the boat, and make an awning of our sails, to screen us
from the heavy showers that were frequently coming over, in the best
manner we could.—When we had finished our repast, we hauled off and
anchored, but not to sleep. Our awning was but poorly calculated for shelter,
and the showers that constantly succeeded each other, kept us too wet and
cold for rest; besides this, I was frequently reminded of Lugoma's presence,
who made me pay dearly for his detention. He would lay no where else than
alongside of me, and during the whole night, not more than ten minutes
elapsed at any one time, that he did not move his hand over my face, and
when he thought my attention was sufficiently awakened, call out to me,
"Hitera;" a word that signified he was my good friend, nor would he suffer
me to rest a moment afterwards until I had replied to him "Hitera."
We were anchored but a short distance from the place where the chief
mutineer of the Globe and his murderous companions had landed—where he
had fallen by their hands, and where they, in their turn, had been killed by
savages. It was a spot, calculated to revive, in the minds of Lay and Huzzy,
the liveliest recollection of sorrows and sufferings, that no language could
describe; and as we all wished to hear an account of the mutiny, and of the
events that subsequently transpired, I desired Lay to favour us with the
relation. Lay's narrative was as follows: "The first that I heard of discontent
on board of the ship, was a few days previous to the mutiny. I went to the
maintop-mast-head, where I found Comstock; after a few moment's
conversation, he said to me, 'What shall we do, William? we have bad usage:
shall we take the ship, or run away?' To this I did not make much of any
answer. I do not now remember what I said; I was quite inexperienced, it
being my first voyage. In the afternoon, or the next morning, I heard him
talking to some of the men on the forecastle about running away with him
when we arrived at Funning's Island, for which, I believe, we were then
steering. This, I suppose, was for the purpose of sounding them, to find out
their disposition, and who would join him in the mutiny.—From what we
heard, we began to think that all was not right, and tried to get the news aft,
but unfortunately did not succeed. In the afternoon, before the night on
which the mutiny took place, we were on the main yard furling the mainsail,
and I tried then to tell the second mate, but Paine or Comstock was between
us, and I was afraid to say any thing. Comstock had, some days previous,
taken his cutlass from the cabin into the forecastle; he was a boat-steerer,
and used to eat in the cabin with the officers. I knew nothing more about it
until twelve or one o'clock on the night that the mutiny took place; I was
sleeping in the forecastle, when Rowland Coffin came and awoke me, saying
I must come upon deck, they had taken the ship. I got up and went aft, where
all the crew were mustered on the quarter-deck. When Comstock had told us
what he had done, and what his regulations were, he said, that such as would
not swear to stick by him, must go on the other side of the deck. I did not
know how many were engaged in the mutiny, and believing that we should
be killed if we did not swear, we all swore to stick by Comstock and obey
his orders. He then told us to haul the third mate up out of the cabin; I was
one that had to take hold of the rope made fast to him. We laid him in the
gangway, and I thought he was dead; but when Comstock was throwing him
overboard, he clung to the ship with his hands. Comstock told some one to
bring an axe and cut his hands off, when he let go and went overboard. I saw
him in the water astern, swimming after the ship for some time. We then
made sail; Comstock was the only navigator on board. We first went to the
Kingsmill Group, but did not like to stop there, as the natives were very
numerous and thievish; besides, Comstock had shot one of them for stealing
something; after which, he was afraid to stay amongst them. From
Drummond's Island, of the Kingsmill Group, we came directly to the
Mulgraves, and made this part of them, where we anchored and commenced
landing the stores.
"The crew of the Globe consisted of between twenty-five and thirty; but
the only persons engaged in the mutiny were Comstock, Paine, Oliver, and
the black steward, (Lilliston, who was one of the mutineers he did not
mention.) It was midnight, and previous to descending to the cabin, one of
the number was placed as a sentinel at the cabin door, with an axe,
Comstock saying to a young brother who was at the helm, that if he did not
keep the ship in her course, he would kill him as soon as he came on deck.
Comstock killed the captain by striking him on the forehead with an axe
whilst he was sleeping, having first locked the mates up in their state-rooms,
that they might not escape. He then went with the other mutineers, and, I
believe, cut the throats of the first and second mates, and shot the third mate.
I did not see any but the third mate, and was told that the others were thrown
out of the cabin windows.
"Not many days after the mutiny, the black steward was detected in the
cabin loading a pistol which was forbidden on pain of death; and on being
asked by Comstock what he intended doing with it, he replied, at first,
"Nothing;" but, when questioned more closely, he said that he had heard
Smith and some one else say, they intended to take the ship. Smith and the
other person named by the steward, were called up by Comstock, and asked
if they had threatened to take the ship; to which they replied in the negative,
insisting that they had never intimated or intended any thing of the kind.
Comstock declared that such an offence could not go unpunished, and that
the steward must be tried by a court martial; he thereupon told the steward to
choose one man, and said that he would choose another, and that the two
should sentence the steward to such punishment as the offence merited. The
two men were accordingly chosen, the steward selecting Rowland Coffin for
his advocate, and Comstock, Paine for his. After hearing the evidence, and
deliberating for a short time, they found the steward guilty, and sentenced
him to be hung at the yard-arm until he was dead. Immediately afterwards,
all hands were called to witness the execution; and the steward was taken
forward and given fourteen seconds to make his peace with God.[9] The
foretop-mast steering sail haulyards were overhauled down and tied round
the steward's neck, and Comstock, after making every body take hold of the
haulyards, held the fourteen second glass in one hand, and his cutlass in the
other. When the glass was out, he gave the signal for the people to run away
with the haulyards, by striking the ship's bell with his cutlass, and, in a
moment, the criminal was run up to the yard-arm.
"After the death of the officers, Comstock made us all live in the cabin
with him, where the mutineers used to sing, and carouse, and tell over the
story of the murder, and what they had dreamed. Paine and Oliver, who
could scarcely ever sleep, spoke with horror of their dreams, and of ghosts
that appeared to them at night; but Comstock always made light of it, and
appeared to exult in what he had done. He said once, that the captain came to
him with his wounded and bloody head, and showed him what he had done,
when he told the captain to depart and never come again, or he would kill
him a second time.
"After our arrival here, we made a raft of two whale-boats and some
spars, and on the first or second day, landed thirty or forty barrels of beef
and pork, sails, rigging, and a variety of other articles, when Comstock
having pitched a tent on shore, commenced with the mechanics to work on a
whale-boat that he was going to raise upon and make larger. Paine was
displeased with his doing this so soon, and sent word to him that he had
better discharge the ship, and then work upon the boats. This greatly enraged
Comstock, who hailed the ship for a boat, and on her being sent to him,
came on board. There he and Paine had a violent quarrel, and Paine dared
him to take a musket and go on shore with him and fight it out, which
Comstock refused to do. When he landed, being afraid that Paine and Oliver
would kill him if he slept in the tent, he went off to pass the night with the
natives; in his absence, Paine and Oliver agreed to shoot him when he came