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DYNAMICS OF STRUCTURES
WITH
MATLAB® APPLICATIONS

Ashok K. Jain
Professor of Civil Engineering
Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee
Roorkee
Copyright © 2017 Pearson India Education Services Pvt. Ltd

Published by Pearson India Education Services Pvt. Ltd, CIN: U72200TN2005PTC057128,

formerly known as TutorVista Global Pvt. Ltd, licensee of Pearson Education in South Asia.

No part of this eBook may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without the
publisher’s prior written consent.

This eBook may or may not include all assets that were part of the print version. The publisher
reserves the right to remove any material in this eBook at any time.

ISBN 978-93-325-5855-7
eISBN 978-93-325-782 6-5

Head Office: A-8 (A), 7th Floor, Knowledge Boulevard, Sector 62, Noida 201 309,
Uttar Pradesh, India.
Registered Office: 4th Floor, Software Block, Elnet Software City, TS 140, Block 2 & 9,
Rajiv Gandhi Salai, Taramani, Chennai 600 113, Tamil Nadu, India.
Fax: 080-30461003, Phone: 080-30461060
www.pearson.co.in, Email: [email protected]
 Dedicated to
my grandchildren, Dhruv and Samyukta, who made me
understand energy dissipation mechanisms
in live dynamic systems
This page is intentionally left blank
 Brief Contents

Prefacexv
About the Author xix

Part 1 Single degree of Freedom Systems1

Chapter 1 Introduction to Structural Dynamics 3

Chapter 2 Single Degree of Freedom System: Free Vibrations 33
Chapter 3 Single Degree of Freedom System: Harmonic Loading 63
Chapter 4 Single Degree of Freedom System: Periodic Loading 91
Chapter 5 Single Degree of Freedom System: Impulse Loading 129
Chapter 6 Single Degree of Freedom System: Machine Vibrations 161
Chapter 7 Direct Integration of Equation of Motion 185
Chapter 8 Elastic Response Spectra 217

Part 2 Multi-degree of Freedom Systems 261

Chapter 9 Two-degree of Freedom Systems 263

Chapter 10 Multi-degree of Freedom Systems 305
Chapter 11 Systems with Distributed Mass and Elasticity 363

Part 3 Application to Earthquake Engineering387

Chapter 12 Analysis of Buildings for Earthquake Force 389

Chapter 13 Nonlinear Analysis of Structures 447
Chapter 14 Performance-based Seismic Design of Structures 519
vi    Brief Contents

Part 4 Wind Load 575

Chapter 15 Wind Load 577

Appendix 1 Measuring Earthquakes: Magnitude and Intensity 615
Appendix 2 MATLAB Basics 621
Answers to Selected Problems 637
Index645
 Contents

Prefacexv
About the Author xix

Part 1 Single degree of Freedom Systems1

Chapter 1 Introduction to Structural Dynamics 3

1.1 Introduction 3
1.1.1 Why Dynamic Analysis? 6
1.2 Physical and Mathematical Modelling 8
1.3 Discrete and Continuum Modelling 11
1.4 Laws of Equilibrium 15
1.4.1 Newton’s Law of Motion 15
1.4.2 D’Alembert’s Principle 17
1.4.3 Principle of Virtual Displacement 17
1.5 Types of Dynamic Loading 18
1.6 Solution of Equation of Motion 19
1.7 Illustrative Examples 20
Problems29

Chapter 2 Single Degree of Freedom System: Free Vibrations 33

2.1 Introduction 33
2.2 Single Degree of Freedom System (SDOF) 34
2.2.1 Undamped Free Vibrations 35
2.2.2 Damped Free Vibrations 36
2.3 MATLAB Applications 40
2.4 Illustrative Examples 46
2.5 Viscous Damping 52
2.6 Coulomb Damping 54
Problems59
viii    Contents

Chapter 3 Single Degree of Freedom System: Harmonic Loading 63

3.1 Introduction 63
3.2 Undamped Forced Vibrations 63
3.3 Damped Forced Vibrations 65
3.3.1 Dynamic Magnification Factor 69
3.4 MATLAB Applications 70
3.5 Resonant Response 74
3.6 Measurement of Viscous Damping 77
3.6.1 Resonant Amplification Method 78
3.6.2 Half Power (Bandwidth) Method 78
3.6.3 Energy Loss per Cycle: Resonant Testing Method 79
3.7 Measurement of Coulomb Damping 83
3.8 Illustrative Examples 84
Problems88

Chapter 4 Single Degree of Freedom System: Periodic Loading 91

4.1 Introduction 91
4.2 Fourier Series  92
4.3 Undamped System 93
4.4 Damped System  93
4.5 Exponential form of Fourier Series Solution 94
4.6 Frequency Domain Analysis  96
4.7 Illustrative Examples 98
4.8 MATLAB Applications 107
4.9 Human-induced Vibrations in Structures 114
4.9.1 Forces While Walking and Running 114
4.9.2 Vibration Modes of a Bridge Deck 115
4.9.3 Fourier Representation of Running Load 116
4.9.4 Fourier Representation of Walking Load 120
4.10 Codal Provisions for Human Induced Vibrations 120
4.10.1 Natural Frequency of Steel Framed Floor System 120
4.10.2 IS : 800 – 2007 Code Provisions 121
4.10.3 ISO 2631 – 1997 Provisions 121
4.10.4 ISO 10137 2007 Provisions 122
4.10.5 Eurocode Provisions 122
Problems126
References128

Chapter 5 Single Degree of Freedom System: Impulse Loading 129

5.1 Introduction 129
5.2 Duhamel Integral 129
5.3 Undamped System 130
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 Contents    ix

5.4 Damped System  131

5.5 Shock Spectra 132
5.6 Illustrative Examples 132
Problems157
References159

Chapter 6 Single Degree of Freedom System: Machine Vibrations 161

6.1 Introduction 161
6.2 Vibration Isolation Due to Base Excitation 163
6.2.1 Isolation of Ground Acceleration  166
6.3 Vibration Isolation Due to Rotating Unbalance 166
6.4 Application to Earthquake Engineering 170
6.5 I.S. Code on Machine Foundations 170
6.5.1 General Requirements 173
6.6 Illustrative Examples 175
Problems183
References184
Further Reading 184

Chapter 7 Direct Integration of Equation of Motion 185

7.1 Introduction 185
7.2 Algorithms 186
7.3 Constant Acceleration Method 187
7.4 Central Difference Method 189
7.5 Incremental Equation of Motion 195
7.6 Linear Acceleration Method 196
7.6.1 Selection of the Time Increment h199
7.7 Newmark b Method 202
7.7.1 Stability of the Newmark Method 205
7.7.2 Newmark Method in Incremental Form 205
7.8 Wilson q Method 212
7.9 Nonlinear Problems 214
Problems215

Chapter 8 Elastic Response Spectra 217

8.1 Introduction 217
8.2 Mathematical Background 221
8.3 Elastic Response Spectra 222
8.3.1 Displacement Response Spectra 222
8.3.2 Velocity Response Spectra 223
8.3.3 Acceleration Response Spectra 224
8.4 Fourier Amplitude Spectra 232
x    Contents

8.5 Design Response Spectra 234

8.6 Housner’s Average Spectra 236
8.7 Tripartite Graph 238
8.7.1 MATLAB Code 242
8.8 Elastic Design Tripartite Spectra 249
8.9 Indian Code:1893 Part 1-2002 253
8.9.1 Eurocode: EC8-part 1-2004 255
8.9.2 Design Spectrum 257
Problems258
References258

Part 2 Multi-degree of Freedom Systems 261

Chapter 9 Two-degree of Freedom Systems 263

9.1 Introduction 263
9.2 Undamped Free Vibrations 263
9.3 Undamped Forced Vibrations 266
9.4 Damped Forced Vibrations 268
9.5 Undamped Vibration Absorber 269
9.6 Tuned Vibration Absorber 271
9.6.1 Effect of Mass Ratio on the Amplitude of Primary Mass 272
9.6.2 Secondary Mass with Viscous Damping 281
9.6.3 Applications 282
9.7 Illustrative Examples 285
Problems303

Chapter 10 Multi-degree of Freedom Systems 305

10.1 Introduction 305
10.2 Spring Mass Model: Mdof System 306
10.3 Holtzer Method 309
10.4 Dynamic Equilibrium Condition: Mdof System 310
10.4.1 Elastic Force (Spring Force) 311
10.4.2 Damping Force 312
10.4.3 Inertia Force 312
10.5 Undamped Free Vibration Analysis 313
10.5.1 Solution of Eigenvalue Problem 315
10.5.2 Rayleigh’s Quotient 316
10.5.3 Orthogonality Condition of Modes 317
10.5.4 Normalization of Modes 319
10.6 Transformation of Eigenvalue Problem to Standard Form 319
10.7 Normal Coordinates 320
 Contents    xi

10.8 Uncoupled Equations of Motion 321

10.9 Solution of Undamped Free
Vibration Analysis 323
10.10 Response Spectrum Analysis 324
10.10.1 Member Forces 325
10.10.2 Modal Mass 326
10.10.3 Mode Superposition 327
10.10.4 Closely Spaced Modes 328
10.10.5 Minimum Number of Modes 329
10.11 Illustrative Examples 329
10.12 Rayleigh Damping 357
Problems360

Chapter 11 Systems with Distributed Mass and Elasticity 363

11.1 Introduction 363
11.2 Distributed Mass and Stiffness Systems 363
11.3 Simply Supported Beam 367
11.4 Cantilever Beam 369
11.5 Rayleigh’s Principle: Conservation of Energy 371
11.6 Multi-degree of Freedom System 372
11.7 Improved Rayleigh Method 374
11.8 Generalized Sdof Systems 375
11.9 Illustrative Examples 377
11.10 Lumped Mass System: Shear Buildings 381
Problems385
Reference386

Part 3 Application to Earthquake Engineering387

Chapter 12 Analysis of Buildings for Earthquake Force 389

12.1 Introduction 389
12.2 What is a Building? 390
12.3 Structural Systems 390
12.4 Concrete Frame and Shear Walls 395
12.5 Member Proportions 396
12.6 Irregularity in Configurations of Buildings 397
12.7 Modelling of a Building 399
12.8 Base Shear in a Building 400
12.9 Fundamental Period of Vibration 402
xii    Contents

12.10 Earthquake Force 405

12.10.1 Seismic Coefficient Method 406
12.10.2 Response Spectrum Method 407
12.11 Response Reduction Factor 410
12.12 Building on Stilts 414
12.13 Deflection and Separation of Buildings 414
12.14 Illustrative Examples 415
12.15 Special Devices 438
12.15.1 Passive Control Systems 438
12.15.2 Active Control Systems 442
Problems443
References445

Chapter 13 Nonlinear Analysis of Structures 447

13.1 Introduction 447
13.2 Overview of Nonlinearity 448
13.2.1 Measure of Nonlinearity: Ductility 449
13.3 Modeling for Nonlinear Analysis 450
13.3.1 Steel Brace 451
13.3.2 Steel Beam 451
13.3.3 Steel Column 455
13.3.4 Concrete Beam 456
13.3.5 Concrete Column 459
13.3.6 Nonlinear Behaviour of Frames 459
13.4 Nonlinear Analysis 461
13.4.1 Newmark b Method: With Iterations464
13.4.2 Newmark b Method: Without Iterations466
13.5 Illustrative Examples 468
13.6 Inelastic Response Spectra 480
13.7 Smoothened Inelastic Response Spectra 483
13.7.1 New Zealand Code NZS 1170.5:2004 491
13.7.2 Eurocode EC8-part 1:2004 491
13.8 Illustrative Examples 493
13.9 Energy Dissipation Systems 501
13.9.1 Viscoelasticity 502
13.9.2 Hysteresis Behaviour of Dampers 503
13.9.3 ADAS Energy Dissipating System 505
13.10 Modeling of Expansion Gap in Bridges 508
13.11 Illustrative Examples 508
Problems514
References – Further Reading 515
 Contents    xiii

Chapter 14 Performance-based Seismic Design of Structures 519

14.1 Introduction 519
14.2 Performance-based Seismic Design  521
14.3 Acceptable Risk in an Earthquake  523
14.4 Requirements for Seismic Rehabilitation 524
14.4.1 Seismic Design Category 524
14.4.2 Building Performance Objectives 525
14.4.3 Rehabilitation Objectives 527
14.5 Nonlinear Procedures  528
14.5.1 Performance Point 531
14.6 Stress–strain Curve for Concrete Section 532
14.7 Moment-curvature Curve for Concrete Section 538
14.8 Axial Force–moment Interaction Curves for Concrete 544
14.9 Acceleration-displacement Response Spectra (ADRS) 545
14.9.1 Elastic A–D Response Spectra 545
14.9.2 Inelastic A–D Response Spectra 547
14.9.3 Acceptance Criteria for Nonlinear Procedures 549
14.10 Illustrative Examples 550
Problems571
References – Further Reading 572

Part 4 Wind Load 575

Chapter 15 Wind Load 577

15.1 Introduction 577
15.2 Terminology 581
15.3 Wind Load 582
15.4 Static Wind Pressure 583
15.4.1 Change of Terrain 589
15.4.2 Design Wind Pressure 590
15.5 Illustrative Examples 590
15.6 Dynamic Wind Pressure 600
15.7 Illustrative Examples 602
15.8 Wind Load on a Truss Bridge 606
15.9 Response of Structures to Wind Load 609
Problems609
References – Further Reading 612

Appendix 1 Measuring Earthquakes: Magnitude and Intensity 615

A1.1 Magnitude 615
A1.2 Intensity 616
xiv    Contents

Appendix 2 MATLAB Basics 621

A2.1 Matlab Basics 621
A2.1.1 Help Command 621
A2.1.2 Parenthesis 621
A2.1.3 Defining Variables 622
A2.1.4 Define a Matrix 623
A2.1.5 Special Matrices 624
A2.1.6 Variable Name “ans” 625
A2.1.7 Who and Whos Commands 625
A2.1.8 Operators 625
A2.1.9 Functions 625
A2.1.10 Matrix Arithmetic and Functions 627
A2.1.11 Eigenvalues and Eigenvectors 630
A2.2 Working with MS Excel Files 630
A2.3 Conditional Statements 633
A2.4 Basic Graphing Routines 635
A2.5 Matlab Programs with this Book 636

Answers to Selected Problems 637

Index645
 Preface

It is needless to reemphasize the significance and importance of the subject of

dynamics of structures when the architects and engineers are constantly craving for
lightweight but strong materials, and lean and slim structures. Among the whole family
of the subjects on Structural Engineering, this is indeed the most mathematical and,
therefore, most scary. There are an umpteen number of textbooks available on the
subject of Dynamics of Structures that discuss the derivation of equations along with
their physical significance. Nevertheless, it is very difficult to visualize these equations.
FORTRAN has been the most powerful and preferred programming language of
structural engineers, but it was without graphic commands. The subjects of structural
dynamics, stiffness matrix method, nonlinear behaviour of members and structures,
FORTRAN language, and computer hardware and software have evolved together
since early 1960s. There used to be special Tektronix and vt100 graphic terminals,
and Calcomp plotters with proprietary graphics software. The biggest hurdle in
understanding the subject of dynamics remained the inability of easy graphical
representation of equations and dynamic response of structures. Remember SAP IV,
DRAIN-2D and SAKE developed in early 1970s? With the beginning of the twenty-
first century, all that has changed. The desktop and laptop computers, and colour laser
printers with very high resolutions are easily available and affordable. MATLAB is
a very powerful and user-friendly software for carrying out solution of extremely
complicated mathematical equations with built-in graphic functions. Another very
easy and powerful tool is the electronic worksheet such as MS-EXCEL.
The writing of this book was inspired by the following objectives:
•• to present the subject matter with utmost ease,
•• to provide necessary and detailed mathematical background,
•• to introduce more illustrative examples,
•• to present the subject matter useful to final year undergraduate and postgraduate
students,
•• to introduce MS-EXCEL and MATLAB,
•• to introduce nonlinear modelling and analysis,
•• to introduce special damping devices and their modelling, and
•• to introduce practical applications useful to practicing engineers.
xvi    Preface

During the past few years, my students have greatly appreciated the power and
impact of these tools in understanding the subject. An attempt has been made to pre-
sent both elementary topics as well as advanced topics including acceleration–displace-
ment response spectra (ADRS) and performance-based seismic design of structures.
The response of structures with energy dissipating devices subjected to earthquakes is
also presented.

Organization of the Book

A genuine effort has been made to develop the subject from the very basics of simple
harmonic motion of a pendulum and introduce the concept of equation of motion. The
next step is to find its solution. There are several techniques to solve the equations of
motion for different types of dynamic loads. The analysis of structures due to different
dynamic loads has been carried out in Chapters 3 to 7. The estimation of earthquake
force has been discussed in Chapter 8. Analysis of two degrees of freedom system and
tuned mass dampers has been developed in Chapter 9, whereas that of multi-degree-
of-freedom systems has been developed in Chapters 10 and 11.
The analysis of multistorey reinforced concrete and steel buildings subjected to
earthquake loads in accordance with IS:1893 code has been discussed in Chapter 12.
Under a severe earthquake loading, a structure is expected to undergo inelastic region.
Modelling for nonlinear analysis, hysteresis models, solution algorithms, energy dis-
sipating devices, concept of ductility etc. are discussed in Chapter 13. Nowadays, there
is a great emphasis on predicting the performance of a structure under earthquake
loads. The intention is to know whether the structure will remain in immediate occu-
pancy, damage control, life safety, limited safety, or in structural stability states during
an earthquake event. In case there is a downtime for the building after an event, then
how much will it be? What it will cost to the owner and its occupants as a result of
downtime? What will be the estimated extent and cost of repair? Pushover analysis is
used to study the performance-based design. These issues are discussed in Chapter 14.
As on today, we may not have all the answers but these do indicate the direction of
further research.
Finally, the last Chapter 15 is devoted to the estimation of wind loads based on
IS:875-Part 3 and IRC6. Wind may be treated as a static load or dynamic load. The
wind loads on various structures are calculated based on exhaustive studies in wind
tunnels over an extended period of time in various countries. The concepts of fluid
mechanics are involved in the estimation of wind loads. It is important to understand
the estimation of drag coefficient for different shape and size of structures and their
exposed structural elements. It is interesting to know that the dynamic wind loads are
applied statically to a structure to understand its response.
Wherever required, IS:1893, IS:875-part 3, IS:2974, IRC 6, Eurocode 8, ASCE 7,
AISC 341, NZS 1170 and ISO codes have been introduced. Federal Emergency
Management Agency (FEMA), Washington, D.C., and Pacific Earthquake Engineering
Research Center (PEER) have prepared several documents with detailed commen-
tary and background notes including publications under the National Earthquake
 Preface    xvii

Hazards Reduction Program (NEHRP).These publications have been introduced as

appropriate. It is recommended that the reader should have a copy of these codes and
research reports to understand and appreciate the latest developments.

How to Study the Subject of Dynamics?

As already pointed out, this is a highly mathematical subject. It is recommended that

the reader should himself/herself derive each equation and make it a general prac-
tice to represent them in graphical form. It will help develop an understanding of the
nature of equations, their physical meaning and interpretation, and, therefore, behav-
iour of the structure under a given dynamic load. MATLAB is a very powerful tool for
learning and exploring the subject. MS-EXCEL is another very powerful tool to carry
out repetitive calculations and represent the data in graphical form. In addition, the
dynamic response of structures subjected to earthquake loading should be understood
using commercially available software such as SAP2000 and ETABS. The GUI in all
these tools is extremely powerful and helpful in unravelling the mystery of dynam-
ics of structures. All such tools must be fully exploited for effective computer-aided
learning.
MATLAB source codes developed in this text can be obtained by requesting at
www.pearsoned.co.in/ashokkjain

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank the following students with whom I had short but intense brainstorming
sessions, sometimes forced as is natural in dynamics, on various aspects of structural
dynamics while they were working on their research projects during their stay at
Roorkee: M. R. Deshpande, S. S. Dasaka, Shri Pal, R. A. Mir, Satish Annigeri, Jainendra
Agarwal, J. Satyanarayan, P. Rajeshwari, M. L. Meena, Abhijit S. Niphade, Sourabh
Agrawal, Ranjith Shetty, Sujit Ashok Gangal, Payal Thukral, Abhinav Gupta, Shabbir
Lokhandwala, Mandakini Dehuri, Pruthvik B. M., Alwin N., Ripu Daman Singh and
Saurabh Khandelwal. In addition, there were several other students who worked on
static problems and had very stimulating technical sessions with me.
Special thanks to Ashok Mittal for our long-distance telephonic discussions
on various aspects of earthquake engineering from the point of view of a structural
designer who was chasing deadlines to finalize computer models and issue structural
drawings, and there remained a few fundamental issues still unresolved. I must admit
that I learnt wind loads from A. K. M. Tripathi who had a deep understanding of wind
loads on TV and MW towers. Sincere thanks to Aparna K. P. who worked with me
for her Master’s thesis with a clean slate and in a very short time picked up the fine
points of inelastic response spectra and acceleration–displacement response spectra,
and helped produce numerous tables and graphs.
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xviii    Preface

How can I forget my alma mater, the erstwhile University of Roorkee and now
Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee, situated in a very small and calm town on
the banks of Ganga and foothills of Himalaya, for providing an excellent work envi-
ronment, library and computing facilities to learn, learn and learn? The University of
Michigan at Ann Arbor, my another alma mater, provided me with excellent labora-
tory facilities in its North Campus to generate hysteresis loops for steel bracing mem-
bers, and computing facilities in its main campus to study the inelastic seismic response
of concentrically and eccentrically braced steel frames.
I acknowledge the editorial and production teams at Pearson consisting of
R. Dheepika, C. Purushothaman and Sojan Jose for their untiring efforts and tolerat-
ing my last-minute changes in producing this book in the present form.
Lastly, I wish to thank my wife Sarita, our children Payal and Gaurav, son-in-law
Vikash and daughter-in-law Saavy, for their unconditional support and encourage-
ment in writing this book. I also thank my father who constantly advised me to write a
book exclusively on earthquake engineering but some how I wasn’t convinced.

Ashok K. Jain
 About the Author

Dr Ashok K. Jain is Professor of Civil Engineering at the Indian Institute of Technology

Roorkee (formerly University of Roorkee), obtained his B.E. and M.E. degrees with
honours from the University of Roorkee in 1972 and 1974, and a doctorate degree from
the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, in 1978. His main areas of interest include
multistoreyed buildings, concrete and steel bridges, and nonlinear seismic response
of structures. Besides teaching and research, he has been a structural consultant to
various state and central government agencies as well as many private companies.
A recipient of several awards, he has been a research fellow at the University of
Michigan; a visiting Professor at the McGill University, Montreal; Director, Malaviya
National Institute of Technology, Jaipur; and Head of Civil Engineering Department,
I.I.T. Roorkee.
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political economy and finance which defied the capacity and industry
of others, peculiarly fitted him for the important post he occupied.
While strictly observant of his responsibilities, every circumstance of
his surroundings, every suggestion of his commanding intellect, were
made subservient to the purposes of his ambition. By the exquisite
courtesy of his manners and the deference he displayed towards his
superiors, he conciliated the proud and exclusive nobility, who at first
looked with marked disapproval upon the rapid elevation of the
aspiring young statesman. The lower classes were charmed by his
condescension, by his generosity, by his affability, by the tact that
never forgot the claims of old acquaintance, by the gratitude that
never failed to acknowledge the obligations of ancient friendship.
The treasures of the state were used, without stint or scruple, to
increase or to strengthen the following of the Superintendent of the
Mint. No one in distress applied to him without relief. The fame of
his public benefactions spread even to the borders of the khalifate.
Thus, by the improvement of every opportunity, and by the judicious
employment of the unlimited means at his disposal, Ibn-abi-Amir
organized and controlled a large and growing party of adherents,
whose loyalty to his person and his interests was in many instances
even stronger than the devotion which they entertained towards
their lawful sovereign.
It was not, however, through his influence with the nobility, nor
from his popularity with the masses, that Ibn-abi-Amir derived his
most sanguine hopes of success. His personal attractions had
captivated the susceptible Sultana, who, blessed with an
unsuspicious and complacent husband, scarcely deigned to conceal
her admiration for her handsome protégé. An intimacy was
established between them, whose continuance seems strangely
incompatible with the jealous espionage of an Oriental court, and
which furnished an inexhaustible fund of raillery for the sarcastic and
anonymous poets of the capital. Every whim of the fair Aurora was
gratified by her devoted steward. Her wishes were often anticipated.
The silence of the occupants and the slaves of the harem was
procured and retained by the distribution of costly gifts. The princess
herself was the beneficiary of the most prodigal munificence. On one
occasion, Ibn-abi-Amir caused to be constructed for her a miniature
palace of massy silver. Every detail of and appendage to a royal
dwelling was reproduced in this expensive and ingenious toy. The
eunuchs, the guards, the attendants, in their appropriate garb, were
represented by tiny statuettes. The fountains were supplied with
delicate perfumes instead of water. The gorgeous ornamentations of
an alcazar were delineated with marvellous fidelity and beauty. This
magnificent present excited the wonder of the populace, when,
supported upon the shoulders of a score of slaves, it was borne
through the streets to the palace and laid at the feet of the delighted
Aurora. But this crowning exhibition of extravagance came near
being attended with serious consequences. The promotion of Ibn-
abi-Amir, despite his tact and liberality, which disarmed the envy and
malice of the courtiers, had raised up against him powerful and
resolute enemies. The latter openly accused the Superintendent of
the Mint of embezzlement of the public funds. With the summary
proceedings characteristic of an arbitrary government, Ibn-abi-Amir
was cited at once before the Divan, and ordered to produce his
books and all the treasure in his possession. The wary minister was
equal to the emergency. A thorough accountant, he knew at the
close of each day the exact amount of the deficit which he was
conscious must, some time or other, be made good. He applied to
the vizier, Ibn-Hodair, who was indebted to him for numerous favors,
for a temporary loan of several thousand pieces of gold. The vizier
was only too happy to oblige his friend; the accuracy of the accounts
was verified; the sum for which the Superintendent of the Mint was
responsible was found to be intact; and those who had impeached
the official integrity of the minister were branded with the obloquy
which attaches to the unsuccessful persecution of an honest and
capable public servant.
The credit of Ibn-abi-Amir now rose higher than ever. His success
in extricating himself from the snare which had been so artfully laid
for him extorted the unwilling praise of his adversaries. To make
amends for the apparent injustice he had done the favorite by
impugning his honesty, Al-Hakem conferred upon him new and
repeated marks of his confidence. He became, in succession, trustee
of intestate estates, Kadi of Seville, and Chief of Police of Cordova. A
still greater dignity was soon afterwards tendered him, and one
whose importance in advancing his interests he was not slow to
appreciate.
The enormous expenditures of Ghalib in Mauritania, which he had
represented as necessary to detach the Berber chieftains from the
standard of Ibn-Kenun, had aroused the suspicions of the Khalif. The
interests of the government in Africa demanded the presence of an
able financier, whose prudence and authority might curb the
extravagance or stop the peculations of the generals who were
squandering the revenues of the empire. The reputation of Ibn-abi-
Amir designated him as the most available personage to discharge
the duties of this important but invidious employment. He was
accordingly appointed kadi of the entire province of Mauritania and
invested with extraordinary powers. His control over the finances of
the civil and military administrations was unlimited and supreme. He
was directed to supervise all expenditures and to rigidly scrutinize all
accounts. Such was the confidence reposed in his judgment, and the
high opinion entertained of his talents by the Khalif, that, although
he was entirely destitute of military training or experience, the
veteran generals of the African army were ordered to undertake no
operations without previous consultation with the Kadi of Mauritania.
The difficulties attending the administration of a charge of this
character and responsibility were such as would have utterly baffled
a less dexterous and politic statesman than Ibn-abi-Amir. By the
army he was regarded as an ignorant upstart, by the civil officials as
a spy and informer. But his rare adroitness and the irresistible
fascination of his manners soon removed these prejudices. Without
neglecting the interests of his master, he succeeded in acquiring the
esteem of the officers and the respect of the soldiery. He astonished
the former by his opportune suggestions concerning an art with the
application of whose rules he had no practical acquaintance. He
engaged in the conversation, participated in the amusements, and
shared the privations of the latter. His tenacious memory, which
recalled without effort the name of every individual he had once
seen, aided materially to the increase and the preservation of his
personal popularity. With a view to future contingencies, the
sagacious minister neglected no occasion to secure the good will of
the Berber chieftains. He shared their rude but generous hospitality.
He flattered their ridiculous pretensions, and indulged their
hereditary prejudices. He impressed them with his power by an
imposing display of pomp and magnificence. The presents which he
lavished upon them were reported and exaggerated with barbarian
hyperbole in every camp of the Desert. Such was the affection with
which he came to be regarded by the ferocious bandits of Mauritania
that it almost supplanted the semi-religious respect claimed and
exacted by their sheiks, who exercised the functions of a precarious
magistracy, based rather upon temporary and conditional submission
than established by the absolute and permanent renunciation of a
part of the natural rights of the governed.
After the return of Ibn-abi-Amir in the train of the victorious
Ghalib, he assumed a state corresponding with his rank and the
public estimation in which he was held. His palace at Rusafah, one
of the most charming suburbs of Cordova, rivalled the abodes of
royalty in elegance and splendor. The most exquisite decorations
embellished its walls. Its extensive gardens exhibited all the
luxuriance and beauty of the tropics. The groves swarmed with
nightingales and birds of gorgeous plumage. Innumerable fountains
diffused on every side their welcome and refreshing spray.
Multitudes of slaves, arrayed in brilliant robes of silk, thronged the
corridors. In the great marble dining-hall a table was constantly laid
for the benefit of all who desired to partake of the hospitality of the
owner. The influence and popularity of the latter were daily
manifested by the throng of petitioners who, from dawn to sunset,
obstructed the gates of the palace. Of all this crowd, no suppliant,
however humble, was suffered to depart without a courteous and
attentive hearing. The constant accumulation of business, and the
demands of the various official employments of the minister,
required the services of a great number of clerks and secretaries.
These offices, while no sinecures, were eagerly solicited by youths
connected with the most respectable families of Cordova, who
esteemed it an honor to perfect their political education under so
accomplished a master, and who were not slow to detect that
through his service lay the path to future power and distinction. The
popularity of Ibn-abi-Amir, who, in addition to his other official
functions, had recently assumed those of the steward of the palace,
was at its height when Al-Hakem died; and the minister, with the
Vizier Moshafi, who had jointly been invested with that trust by the
Khalif, prepared to establish the regency and assume control of the
empire.
The apprehensions entertained by Al-Hakem of the public
disapprobation attending the accession of a minor were speedily
realized. The gradual divergence from the ancient constitution of the
Arabs, which recognized only the claims of princes of mature age
and established reputation, was viewed with suspicion and dislike by
every class of the people. The merely factitious title of hereditary
descent was not sufficient, in their eyes, to compensate for the
dangers liable to result from want of experience and administrative
ability. The investiture of an infant with regal authority was uniformly
regarded by the superstitious as an evil omen, which portended the
destruction of the monarchy. The case was, moreover, without
precedent in the history of the khalifate, for the wise sovereigns of
the House of Ommeyah had invariably, under similar circumstances,
subordinated paternal fondness to the paramount interests of the
state. In this instance, the expediency of an opposite course was
obvious, for the brothers of Al-Hakem were universally recognized as
thoroughly competent to discharge with credit the high and
responsible duties connected with the exercise of the supreme
power. Fully cognizant of this prejudice, the eunuchs, those baneful
parasites of Oriental despotism whose lives were passed in an
atmosphere of intrigue and corruption, dexterously prepared to avail
themselves of the popular discontent for the promotion of their own
designs. These incarnate fiends, who found in the betrayal of their
fellow-creatures an inadequate but grateful compensation for the
outrage inflicted on them by society, had acquired, with every reign,
a fresh accession of pride and insolence. A picked body of a
thousand of them constituted the guard of the harem. Although
slaves, they enjoyed exclusive privileges, and, with every opportunity
for the indulgence of their dominating passion of avarice, had
accumulated vast possessions. A mistaken idea, imported with other
noxious principles from the Orient, caused the immunity of the
eunuch and the exhibition of his opulence to be considered as a
necessary appendage to the grandeur of the sovereign. As a natural
result of this opinion, the impudence and oppression of this powerful
caste were exercised without restraint until they became intolerable.
They robbed tradesmen with impunity. They scourged with relentless
brutality such unfortunate pedestrians as crossed their pathway.
They invaded the privacy of households and insulted their inmates,—
an inexpiable offence under Mussulman law. They borrowed large
sums of money from wealthy merchants under conditions which
practically amounted to confiscation. Their sanguinary brawls with
the populace, in which the police dared not interfere, constantly
disturbed the peace of the city. No tribunal would venture to
entertain a complaint against these petty tyrants; and the equitable
disposition of the Khalif himself was changed to gross partiality,
where the punishment of a member of that privileged guard, whose
license he considered indispensable to his own safety, was
concerned. The chiefs of this corps, which was at once the terror
and the reproach of the capital, were Fayic and Djaudar, one of
whom was Master of the Wardrobe, the other, Grand Falconer. The
affluence and power of these two officials; the lucrative
employments they controlled; the boundless opportunities for
peculation they enjoyed and improved; their constant and
unceremonious access to the monarch; their almost irresponsible
authority over the palace and the harem, gave them a consideration
not possessed by any of the other great dignitaries of the khalifate.
From all who approached them they exacted the deference and the
etiquette due only to those in the highest station. An armed retinue,
splendidly equipped, guarded their persons when they went abroad.
In accordance with the anomalous conditions which prevailed in the
society of Moorish Spain,—where soldiers served eunuchs and
freemen obeyed the behests of slaves,—a numerous following of
dependents and employees, who had not been subjected to either
the torture of emasculation or the restraints of servitude, awaited
the pleasure of the unprincipled favorites of royalty. Their
consequence was disclosed by the multitudes that incessantly
besieged the gates of their palaces. The horror and mystery which
invested their character and their lives were frequently increased by
the sudden and permanent disappearance of persons who were
known to have incurred their enmity.
The death of Al-Hakem was unexpected, and no one was present
during his last moments excepting the chief eunuchs, Fayic and
Djaudar. These crafty individuals, conscious of the unpopularity of
their caste, and knowing that their crimes would receive scant
indulgence at the hands of the ministers Ibn-abi-Amir and Moshafi,
determined to suppress for a time the intelligence of the Khalif’s
death, change the succession, and thereby secure for themselves a
continuance of power. The prince they selected to occupy the vacant
throne was Moghira, the brother of Al-Hakem. But a first and
indispensable requisite for the success of the enterprise was,
according to the practical Djaudar, the assassination of the vizier
Moshafi. To this suggestion, Fayic, who underestimated the capacity
and resolution of the minister, refused to accede. After some
discussion, it was determined to send for Moshafi, and endeavor, by
every inducement possible, to turn him from his allegiance. Nothing
could have been more gratifying to the conspirators than the
compliance of the vizier. He appeared to enter heartily into the
scheme, gave his new associates much wise counsel, and promised
that he in person would, at the proper moment, guard the door of
the palace. Then returning to his residence, he hastily assembled a
number of civil and military officials upon whose fidelity he could
depend, and acquainted them with the plot that had just come to his
knowledge. The danger was imminent; the accession of Moghira,
and the supremacy of the eunuchs which was certain to result from
it and would affect the life or fortunes of every prominent member
of the government, demanded the most energetic action. It was
determined, without a dissenting voice, that Moghira should be put
to death. This resolution was easily taken, but its execution was a
different matter. The amiable and inoffensive character of the prince
rendered his deliberate assassination extremely repugnant even to
men whose cruel habits and sanguinary experience had ordinarily
rendered them deaf to the appeals of pity. At length, Ibn-abi-Amir
rose amidst the silent assembly, and agreed to assume the invidious
office of executioner. At the head of a strong guard, he proceeded at
once to the palace of the unhappy Moghira, who was equally
unconscious of the death of his brother, of the dangerous honor for
which the ambition of the eunuchs had designated him, and of the
stern decree which had just sealed his fate. With all the matchless
courtesy for which he was distinguished, the messenger of death
announced his errand. Overcome with grief at the loss of his brother,
and terrified by the presence of the soldiery, Moghira, after giving
utterances to the most fervid protestations of devotion to his
nephew, implored with tears the clemency of the minister. Deeply
moved by the distress of the prince, the resolution of Ibn-abi-Amir
faltered, and he despatched a messenger to the vizier, declaring his
confidence in the loyalty of Moghira, and suggesting that the decree
of the council should be modified and imprisonment be substituted
for the penalty of death. The reply of Moshafi was peremptory:
“Execute him at once; if thou dost not like the commission thou hast
voluntarily undertaken, I will send another not troubled with such
unseasonable scruples.” Further delay was out of the question;
Moghira was strangled, and the room in which the crime was
perpetrated was at once walled up with solid masonry. The memory
of this deed, as cruel as it was unwise, long rankled in the heart of
Ibn-abi-Amir. He never forgave the vizier for the guilt he had
incurred through his agency, by an act whose expediency no
sophistry could establish, and whose barbarity no political necessity
could excuse. The time was soon to come when the relentless
Moshafi was to experience, in his turn, all the bitterness of death
without its consolations; all the mortifications which attend the loss
of power and fortune; all the pangs of conscience which proceed
from the violation of the immutable laws of justice and the wanton
sacrifice of the most obvious principles of morality.
The placid exterior of Ibn-abi-Amir gave no sign of his outraged
feelings when he returned to his colleagues, but his spirit had been
deeply moved, and, with the vindictive energy of his nature, he
treasured up against the vizier a terrible account to be discharged
upon the day of reckoning.
The chief eunuchs received with consternation the news of the
betrayal of their project and the death of the prince; but they were
so satisfied of the security of their power that they did not for an
instant suspend their treasonable operations. Their emissaries,
dispersed among the populace, multiplied by their artful
representations the perils incident to the accession of a sovereign
who had not yet passed the age of childhood. The circumstances
attending the murder of Moghira—unjustifiable enough in
themselves—were distorted and exaggerated. The resentment of the
masses was inflamed against the ministers, whose rapacity and
ambition, it was suggested, would subordinate to their own designs
every consideration connected with the safety of the state and the
prosperity of the empire. The services of influential and mercenary
demagogues were enlisted; the wealth of the eunuchs was lavished
without stint to secure and retain their partisans; open denunciations
of the authorities were heard on every hand; the appearance of a
member of the unpopular faction in the streets was the signal for a
riot; and the restless and seditious population of Cordova seemed
again ripe for revolution.
The manifest incompetency of Moshafi to deal with the situation
impelled Ibn-abi-Amir, who had been raised to the office of vizier, to
proffer to the Divan some wholesome advice, couched in terms not
distinguishable from those of command. The rebellious ardor of the
mob was damped by an imposing military display in which the
youthful Khalif participated. The good-will of the poor was at the
same time secured by the remission of certain oppressive taxes
levied during the reign of Al-Hakem, and which had been the source
of great annoyance and distress. The danger of an uprising having
been for the moment removed, Ibn-abi-Amir bent all his energies to
the destruction of the power of the eunuchs. His secret agents
exercised vigilant and incessant espionage over their movements.
His gold seduced their retainers. Those who had suffered from the
avarice and injustice of the subordinates of the Master of the
Wardrobe and the Grand Falconer were privately encouraged to
institute proceedings against their oppressors. Some of the latter
were imprisoned, others were executed, others again sought safety
in flight. Of the chiefs, Djaudar was forced to resign his
employments, and Fayic was banished to Majorca, where he died,
not long afterwards, in poverty. The discomfiture of these bold
conspirators allayed the popular excitement, which was principally
due to their machinations, and enabled the government to turn its
attention to another quarter, where the success of the Christians was
causing great and increasing alarm.
The political agitation which followed the death of Al-Hakem and
the settlement of the regency was well known to the courts of Leon
and Navarre. The occasion was considered an auspicious one for the
abrogation of treaties; for the repudiation of the hateful obligations
of tribute; for the seizure of territory acquired by Moslem valor; for
the recovery of military prestige lost since the time of the great Abd-
al-Rahman. The active partisans of the North accordingly swarmed
over the unprotected provinces, whose inhabitants had slackened
their vigilance and neglected their arms during the long and pacific
reign of Al-Hakem. Little resistance was encountered, owing to the
incompetency of the officers charged with the defence of the
frontier. The habitual indolence of Moshafi was soon found to be
unable to cope with these enterprising marauders, who eluded his
squadrons and spread terror and ruin among the rich plantations
and hamlets of Andalusia. At length, emboldened by success, they
passed the Sierra Morena, and the ominous spectacle of the banners
of the infidel was once more visible from the towers of the capital.
This defiance was more than the pride of the Sultana could endure.
She sent for Ibn-abi-Amir, and implored him to chastise the insolence
of the Christians. A council was accordingly held, and an expedition
resolved upon. The vizier, with his usual address, managed to be
assigned to the supreme command, and, to avoid as far as possible
the contingency of a reverse, the wary general, with the closest
discrimination, selected for this service the most trustworthy officers
and the most experienced veterans of the army.
At this time Ibn-abi-Amir had just entered his thirty-ninth year. Of
the theory of the art of war he knew but little, of the practical
application of its principles absolutely nothing. His entire life had
been passed in avocations whose duties were rather a hinderance
than an aid to service in the field. But the powers of his mind, equal
to any emergency, enabled him to surmount with ease the
apparently insuperable obstacles that now confronted him. If he was
deficient in military knowledge and experience, he was, on the other
hand, endowed with qualities too often ignored or despised by the
martinet. In prudence, in coolness, in judgment, in courage, he was
not surpassed by the most accomplished leader that ever directed
the movements of an army. The hitherto successful realization of his
projects, which he had foreseen and carefully planned, inspired him
with a just, but not an arrogant, confidence in the capabilities of his
genius. He possessed the secret of ingratiating himself with the
soldiers, whose devotion to his person subsequently carried the day
on many a hard-fought and doubtful field. All, of whatever rank,
shared most liberally the fruits of his bounty. The officers were daily
entertained at his table. Individual prowess was generously
rewarded. The most trifling infraction of discipline was punished with
inflexible severity. Such was the policy that guided the conduct of
the new general from the very beginning of his martial career. Under
the circumstances, it is not at all surprising that his arms for a
quarter of a century should have been absolutely invincible.
The first expedition of Ibn-abi-Amir was not remarkable for the
results which it accomplished in a military point of view. But its
moral effects upon both Moslem and Christian were far more
important than would seem to proceed from a mere foray into the
country of the enemy. It revived the declining prestige of the
khalifate. It raised the flagging ardor of the soldiery, enervated by
the vices and the indolence of an uneventful and protracted peace.
It aroused well-grounded hopes of future conquest and glory under
a new and enterprising commander. It convinced the implacable
enemies of Islam that the warlike spirit which had so long defeated
their projects and obstructed their ambition was not yet extinct. The
flying squadrons of Leonese ceased to plunder the villages of
Andalusia. The shepherd and the husbandman were henceforth
permitted to pursue their vocations in security. The standards of the
infidel, emblazoned with the detested symbol of the cross, no longer
disturbed the devotions or insulted the majesty of the Moslem
capital.
The power of Ibn-abi-Amir being established upon a solid
foundation, he began to mature plans he had long meditated for the
acquisition and exercise of the supreme authority. The talents he
had exhibited, the success he had achieved, had made him the most
distinguished and commanding figure in the kingdom. He now
determined to disembarrass himself, in turn, of such great officials of
state as might be able to thwart him in the execution of his
ambitious projects, and he decided to begin with Moshafi, the only
one whose eminent position could suggest the possibility of rivalry.
In the execution of this project, antipathy of race, ever conspicuous
in the Moorish contests for supremacy, lent its aid to jealousy of
power. Moshafi was of Berber extraction, and consequently
obnoxious to the Arab faction to which Ibn-abi-Amir belonged. The
vizier owed the consideration in which he was held by Al-Hakem
solely to his literary attainments, which were a greater
recommendation to the favor of that monarch than either talents for
statesmanship or renown in arms. His pride was excessive; his
character lacked decision; his penuriousness was proverbial; his
peculations conspicuous in a court where moral and political integrity
were the exception. He was already a mere puppet in the hands of
his colleague, whose genius had obtained over his feeble and
irresolute mind a complete ascendency. While maintaining the
closest relations with Moshafi, his perfidious enemy availed himself
of every means to effect his ruin. He constantly excited against him
the prejudices of the Sultana Aurora. He obtained the promotion of
Ghalib, the most distinguished officer of the army, and between
whom and Moshafi there existed a bitter feud, to the highest rank in
the military service. He even enlisted the aid of the unsuspicious
vizier for this purpose by representing the necessity of a
reconciliation with that leader, whose popularity with the soldiery,
seconded by his ambition, might at any time accomplish the
overthrow of the administration. Then, this adept in the arts of
intrigue contracted an intimate alliance with Ghalib, whose principal
object was the destruction of the obnoxious vizier. The two
associates worked for a time in harmony for the promotion of their
common interests. Each lauded to the skies the talents and the
virtues of the other. In return for the high commands with which he
had been invested, Ghalib exaggerated the achievements of his
companion. His fulsome praise of the latter secured for him the
prefecture of Cordova, an appointment which involved the dismissal
of the son of Moshafi, who enjoyed the emoluments without
discharging the duties of that responsible office. The venality of this
youth, from whom money could at any time obtain immunity from
punishment for even the most notorious criminal, had completely
disorganized the police system of the city. Footpads infested the
streets. Theft and murder were of nightly occurrence, and the
citizens were compelled to rely upon their own vigilance and courage
for that protection to which they were entitled by law. The
mercenary character of the prefect, and the general demoralization
of the municipal government, had, in addition to the refuse of a
great capital, attracted from far and near bands of desperate
characters, eager to profit by the spoils of successful and
unmolested robbery.
But a change was now at hand. The new prefect brought to the
administration of the affairs of his office the same inflexible justice,
the same severity, the same resolution, which had elsewhere
distinguished his conduct in a public capacity. The police system was
remodelled. Its members, terrified by some salutary examples,
which the exigencies of the service required, no longer fraternized
with criminals. The foreign outlaws fled precipitately from the city.
The streets could once more be traversed in security, the suburbs
ceased to be the scene of tumult and disorder. The advantages of
rank and fortune gave no immunity to offenders under the stern
jurisdiction of Ibn-abi-Amir. Even the ties of blood were ignored by
this impartial magistrate, for his own son, having been convicted of
some violation of the law, received such a terrible scourging that he
died under the hands of the executioner.
In the meantime, the friends of Moshafi had called his attention to
the dangers that threatened him, and which his perceptions had not
been acute enough to detect. The crisis was imminent, and the vizier
saw no other means to counteract the insidious designs of his rival
except by courting the favor of his ancient enemy Ghalib. He
determined at once upon a bold stroke of policy, and, with every
manifestation of honor and deference, requested the hand of the
daughter of Ghalib for one of his sons. The pride of the veteran,
despite his deep-seated feelings of enmity, was flattered by the
compliment. The family of Moshafi, while not noble, was one of the
most distinguished in Andalusia. His wealth, acquired by years of
peculation, was known to be immense, and his authority nominally
directed the affairs of the khalifate. Impressed with the advantages
of such a matrimonial alliance, Ghalib readily assented to the
proposition of the vizier. Delighted beyond measure with his success,
Moshafi lost no time in arranging the preliminaries; the marriage-
contract was signed, and a day appointed for the final ceremony. But
these arrangements could not be concluded without the knowledge
of the spies of Ibn-abi-Amir, some of whom were members of the
household of the vizier. The latter soon discovered that he was no
match for his wily adversary. His plots were met by counter-plots.
The influence of the Sultana, supported by the entire following of
Ibn-abi-Amir, whose friends included some of the highest
functionaries of the khalifate, was exerted to shake the resolution of
Ghalib. The motives of Moshafi were impugned. It was artfully
insinuated that this sudden demonstration of friendship was only a
convenient mask for some deep-laid act of perfidy. The implacable
hatred so long entertained by the vizier against the veteran
commander gave considerable color of probability to this suggestion.
And finally, Ibn-abi-Amir himself made a formal demand for the hand
of the beautiful Asma, protesting that the son of the plebeian
Moshafi was unworthy of a damsel whose rank and beauty might
well entitle her to be the bride of the most powerful subject of the
Moslem empire. The constancy of Ghalib was not proof against these
plausible representations. Without warning, he repudiated his
engagements with Moshafi. His daughter became the wife of Ibn-
abi-Amir; their nuptials were celebrated with a pomp exceeding
anything of the kind ever held in the capital; and the bridegroom
himself was appointed to the office of hajib, the most exalted dignity
in the gift of the crown.
From this time the fall of Moshafi was rapid. The worthless friends
of his prosperity, one by one, abandoned him. He was imprisoned
along with the male members of his family, and their property was
seized pending an investigation for malfeasance in office. There was
no difficulty in establishing the truth of this accusation. The offences
of the culprits had been flagrant and notorious. The sentence of
confiscation imposed upon them swept into the public coffers a great
treasure, most of which had been acquired by fraud and extortion.
Such of the relatives of the vizier as had rendered themselves
especially offensive to their persecutor were strangled. Others
managed to eke out a wretched subsistence by the most menial
occupations, and even by beggary. The venerable Moshafi, after
suffering for years every humiliation that could be imposed by the
ingenuity of hatred and the insolence of power, perished in some
unknown way by violence, and his body was carried to the grave
with but little more ceremony than usually attended the interment of
a pauper.
While these events were transpiring, a formidable conspiracy for
the assassination of the Khalif and the promotion of one of his
cousins, Abd-al-Rahman-Ibn-Obeydallah, to the royal dignity, was
maturing in the capital. The great majority of the literary men,—the
former companions and instructors of Ibn-abi-Amir,—with officials
who had viewed his elevation with unconcealed envy and hatred,
stimulated by mediocrity and conscious incompetence, were the
promoters of the enterprise. The dangerous position of leader was
assumed by the eunuch Djaudar, who was anxious to avenge his
disgrace, to retrieve his fortunes, and to restore the failing credit of
his caste. There was scarcely a kadi, a jurist, a poet of the court, or
a professor of the University who was not cognizant of the plot. The
faquis and the theologians, who considered the orthodoxy of Ibn-
abi-Amir as more than doubtful, were concerned in it to a man. The
prefect, Ziyad-Ibn-Aflah, who had succeeded Ibn-abi-Amir in the
control of the municipal affairs of Cordova, promised his co-
operation, and agreed to place the armed force under his command
at the disposal of the conspirators. It was decided that Djaudar
should put the Khalif to death. The day for action arrived; the palace
was designedly abandoned by the police; and Djaudar obtained
without suspicion an audience with Hischem. But, either through
awkwardness or irresolution, the blow aimed at the heart of the
Khalif fell short; the assassin was overpowered; and the prefect,
having been summoned to the palace and seeing that all was lost,
endeavored to remove suspicion from himself by the arrest and
zealous prosecution of his accomplices. The leading conspirators
were crucified, and punishments of greater or less severity were
inflicted upon the others. The double traitor, Ziyad-Ibn-Aflah, with
brazen effrontery, assisted at the trial and voted for the
condemnation of his former associates.
Aware that his liberal views on the subject of religion, and the
philosophical studies with which he frequently occupied his leisure,
had created against him a feeling which was largely responsible for
the recent conspiracy, and which might eventually be productive of
more serious disorders, Ibn-abi-Amir determined to make some
concessions to the prejudices of the theologians. The broad
toleration of the two former reigns, when skepticism was fashionable
and the cultivation of philosophy general and popular, had been
followed by a reaction. The influence of the Malikites had been re-
established, and it was easy for these fanatics to excite popular
odium against any one suspected of entertaining heretical opinions.
When the obnoxious individual filled a post of eminence in the state,
a hint from a faqui might be equivalent to a sentence of death. The
native shrewdness of Ibn-abi-Amir suggested a means of
counteracting this danger. Having carefully selected the theologians
of the capital most notorious for their intolerance, he invited them to
the palace and solemnly informed them that the presence of the
philosophical and scientific works in the library of Al-Hakem was a
great burden upon his conscience, and requested their assistance in
purging the collection of books treating of subjects whose study was
not sanctioned by the Koran. Conducted into the immense library
whose shelves were covered with the literary treasures of Europe
and Asia, the bigoted enemies of learning entered upon their task
with alacrity. The collection was examined in detail, and the works
known or suspected to be tainted with heterodox sentiments were
consigned to the flames. The distinguished penitent improved the
occasion to offer an edifying exhibition of zeal by personally assisting
in the destruction of the proscribed volumes.
History has failed to acquaint us with the magnitude of this loss.
It must have been important, however, even if due allowance be
made for the ignorance of the muftis and faquis, who had but slight
knowledge of any save theological literature, and whose industry
must have been sorely taxed by the laborious scrutiny of six hundred
thousand volumes. Henceforth no one ventured to question the
orthodoxy of the minister. He patronized with marked partiality all
members of the religious profession; flattered their pride by his
attention to their prosy discourses; won their affection by his
liberality; elicited their praise by his denunciation of infidels. He
demonstrated that the skill of his youth had not departed from him
by the production of a beautiful copy of the Koran, written entirely
by his own hand, which he never suffered to leave his person, and
constantly perused in public with such apparent unction that all who
beheld him were greatly impressed with this remarkable display of
devotion.
Moshafi having been disposed of, it was now the turn of Ghalib.
The powerful interest of Ibn-abi-Amir with the Sultana and the
nobles which had raised him to the rank of hajib placed him on a
political equality with his father-in-law. The latter was constantly at
variance with his associate, whom he considered as his inferior, but
whose ascendency in the conduct of the administration he was
nevertheless forced to acknowledge. The annoyance Ibn-abi-Amir
suffered from these disputes, and the fact that Ghalib was now the
sole obstacle interposed between his ambition and the practical
sovereignty of the empire, led him to begin without delay the
scheme which he had devised for the overthrow of his colleague.
The first, and indeed the indispensable, requisite of success was the
control of the army. The power of the audacious minister, which was
dreaded by every civil functionary of the khalifate, virtually ended at
the outposts of the nearest garrison. The soldiery knew him only as
a kadi; and while he had behaved with credit in more than one
engagement, and had established a name for generosity, his military
reputation and popularity had so far proved to be neither brilliant
nor enduring. The attachment of the soldiers centred in Ghalib. They
had shared together the hardships and the glory of many arduous
campaigns. Their interests had long been identical, and any
demonstration involving the honor or the safety of the general would
have been resisted by the entire military force of the monarchy. The
army consisted mainly of Arabs, the Berbers enlisted by Abd-al-
Rahman III. having been gradually disbanded and natives of the
Peninsula substituted for them under Al-Hakem. The partiality of
their commander had indulged them in frequent and serious
infractions of discipline. Their equipment was not uniform, and was
often defective. The awkwardness of the horsemen was the jest of
foreigners. In many respects the organization of the various corps
did not differ from that of a disorderly and inefficient militia.
The experience acquired by Ibn-abi-Amir during his sojourn in
Africa had convinced him of the excellence of the Mauritanian
cavalry, whose reputation indeed dated from the First Punic War. The
Spanish posts in that country had been abandoned, with the
exception of Ceuta, and the protectorate formerly exercised by the
khalif removed. In consequence of this measure, and there being no
central power to restrain the Berbers, the entire region became at
once a prey to anarchy. At the time the minister was planning a
thorough reorganization of the army, intelligence was conveyed to
him by the governor of Ceuta that a considerable detachment of
Berbers, who had been worsted in a recent battle and were
absolutely impoverished, had appealed to him for protection, which
he had temporarily afforded them. The pleasure of the government
was requested respecting the final disposition of these refugees. The
order was immediately sent to propose to them enlistment in the
army of the khalifate. The offer was accepted without hesitation,
and the inhabitants of Algeziras beheld with consternation and
disgust the disembarkation of a horde of ferocious warriors clothed
in rags and mounted on horses whose skeleton forms seemed hardly
capable of sustaining even the weight of their emaciated riders. But
the sagacious hajib, who recognized in these uncouth barbarians the
formidable instruments of a soaring ambition, entertained his new
protégés with royal hospitality. The finest arms and horses were
furnished them. Their boundless rapacity was gratified by every
concession that insolence could demand or prodigality afford. The
famished bandit, who had lately roamed the desert without shelter,
now revelled in the luxuries of a palace. The servile dependent who
a few months before had trembled at the voice of some vagabond
sheik was now the master of a hundred slaves. The news of this
astonishing good fortune was speedily transmitted to Africa.
Thousands of volunteers applied for admission to the service of so
generous a patron. The object of Ibn-abi-Amir was accomplished,
and with secret exultation he saw placed at his absolute disposal a
powerful body of troops, whose allegiance was due to himself alone,
who knew and cared nothing for patriotic sentiment, and who were
practically isolated from the existing military system. His efforts,
however, were not confined to the enlistment of Berber mercenaries.
From the opposite quarter of the compass, from a region and a
nation where one would least suspect a disposition to serve under
the banners of Islam, his army received important accessions. It
does not appear that before the reign of Hischem any systematic
attempt was made to attract to the service of the khalifate the
Christians of the North, whose hostility to their neighbors was
hereditary and instinctive, dictated as well by motives of patriotism
as by the prejudices and the distorted maxims of their religion. The
civil wars of fifty years; the uncertain allegiance claimed by a
succession of known usurpers and legal sovereigns of suspicious
title; the arrogance of the priesthood, which claimed ascendency
over the crown, had destroyed the unity and absorbed the limited
pecuniary resources of the kingdoms of Northern Spain. The
population had increased, while the means of subsistence had been
constantly diminishing. The insecurity of property discouraged
agriculture in a land where untiring industry was at all times
indispensable to procure the most common necessaries of life. The
country was overrun by armed men, who did not hesitate, when
occasion demanded, to rudely strip the unfortunate peasant of the
hard-earned fruits of his labor. The lofty stature and extraordinary
strength of these mountaineers, their unequalled powers of
endurance, their bravery and their steadiness in battle, rendered
them most desirable recruits. The emissaries of Ibn-abi-Amir
experienced no difficulty in convincing them of the benefits they
would receive by a change of masters. A considerable detachment
repaired to Cordova and entered the army of the Khalif. The minister
treated them with even greater indulgence than he had shown to
the Africans. They received double pay. They were lodged in palatial
quarters. They were magnificently armed and mounted, and
provided with every attainable comfort and luxury. The partiality of
the hajib for these favorite mercenaries sometimes even caused him
to depart from the equity which had heretofore characterized his
judicial conduct. In the controversies he was called upon, from time
to time, to settle between his Moslem subjects and his Christian
guards, his decisions were almost invariably rendered in favor of the
latter. The effects of this politic course soon became apparent. The
Castilians and Navarrese, like the Berbers, volunteered in larger
numbers than could be accommodated. Only picked men were
accepted by the recruiting officers; and a corps was formed which,
for physical strength, perfection of armament, and excellence of
discipline, had not its counterpart in Europe.
While Ibn-abi-Amir was thus, day by day, tightening his grasp
upon the civil and military departments of the government, he was,
at the same time, gradually undermining the support and weakening
the power of his rival. The custom of tribal organization, inherited
from the pre-Islamic era, still prevailed in the army. Members of the
same tribe, commanded by chiefs of their own kindred, were
mustered into the service together. In numerous instances, by
intermarriage with individuals of other races, the chain of
relationship had been broken. Clannish prejudice had, however,
survived the record of genealogies, for many were found enrolled
among the various tribes who evidently had not the remotest claim
to such association. The policy of Ibn-abi-Amir was directed to the
final abrogation of these ancient distinctions. The Arabs were
distributed among the strongest divisions of the Berber and Christian
mercenaries. By this means their identity was lost amidst a crowd of
foreigners ignorant alike of their customs, their traditions, and, not
infrequently, of their language. The favorite troops of Ghalib were,
by this means, quietly and expeditiously scattered beyond the hope
of reorganization. The discipline of the army was sedulously
improved. Officers were appointed to command whose first
qualification was devotion to the personal interests of the hajib, and
whose second was based upon their experience in war and their
reputation for courage. Military regulations were enforced with such
severity that even the accidental exposure of a sword during parade
was punished with death.
Having to his entire satisfaction obtained control of the army, Ibn-
abi-Amir now proposed to himself the audacious project of placing
and retaining the youthful Khalif in a condition of perpetual tutelage.
His mother, over whom the minister still retained his ascendency,
strange to relate, willingly lent her aid to the accomplishment of this
nefarious design. The talents of the young prince, at that time about
fifteen years old, are stated by contemporaneous writers to have
been far above mediocrity. Under favorable circumstances, it is
possible that he might have become a ruler not inferior to the most
distinguished of his line. But, unhappily, every effort was exerted to
dwarf his intellect and impair his physical powers. He was kept in
strict seclusion in the palace of Medina-al-Zahrâ. His teachers were
removed, and his education systematically neglected. It was
constantly inculcated upon him that his chief duties as a monarch
were the diligent perusal of the Koran and the distribution of alms.
His body was emaciated, and his intellectual faculties weakened, by
the frequent and protracted fasts which his religious advisers
enjoined. These regulations, sufficiently injurious to both the body
and the mind of youth, were not to be compared in their destructive
effects with the sensual excesses encouraged by the temptations of
the harem. In its retired and mysterious apartments everything was
favorable to the precocious development of the passions. Crowds of
beautiful slaves constantly surrounded him, and performed for his
amusement the licentious dances of the East. The rarest perfumes
diffused their intoxicating odors through the dimly-lighted
apartments. Here, safe from the frowning glances of faqui and
santon, could be quaffed, to the point of repletion and insensibility,
the delicious wines of Spain. The attendants received peremptory
instructions to lose no opportunity of corrupting and brutalizing their
helpless charge. In consequence, the unfortunate Hischem was
degraded by the habitual practice of the most revolting vices. His
prematurely failing powers were at first stimulated by aphrodisiacs.
His virility was afterwards permanently impaired by drugs
administered for that purpose by eunuchs in the pay of the minister.
With the advance of the prince in years, the conditions and
diversions of childhood remained unchanged. The same toys amused
his idle moments. The same devotional exercises were daily enforced
by his spiritual guides. His world was bounded by the walls of the
palace, within which no one unauthorized by the hajib could enter.
Alert and observant spies reported his most trivial speeches, his
most puerile actions. It was gravely suggested to him that the
burden of public affairs was too weighty for his shoulders; that the
favor of God—the object of every true Mussulman—was most easily
secured by devotional exercises; and that the administration of the
government should be confided to others who could assume the
responsibilities, without compromising the future hopes, of the
Commander of the Faithful. The Khalif’s voluntary acceptance of
these propositions—and especially of the last one—was proclaimed
far and wide by the omnipresent agents of the hajib. But the latter,
despite his apparent assurance, knew only too well the desperate
game he was playing. He was familiar with the uncertainty of
popular favor and the prodigious energy suddenly developed by
revolutions. His secret enemies, many of them able and determined
men, swarmed alike in the literary professions and among the
populace of the capital. The isolation of the Khalif was complete, but
the treachery of a sentinel or the venality of a slave might, at any
time, mature a conspiracy or effect the liberation of the royal
prisoner. In either of these contingencies, the life of the minister
would not be worth a moment’s purchase were he found within the
walls of Medina-al-Zahrâ. Impressed with this fact, he secured a
large estate east of Cordova, and erected there a residence which
united the twofold advantage of castle and palace, and to which he
gave the name of Zahira. The place was of great strength, and could
accommodate a numerous garrison. When it was completed, Ibn-
abi-Amir removed there all the public records, and in its halls were
henceforth framed the edicts which, issued in the Khalif’s name,
gave law to the people of the Peninsula. Buildings were erected for
the convenience of the great officials of the government, and Zahira
soon acquired the inhabitants and assumed the appearance of a city.
The employees of the court, the personal adherents of the minister,
and the herd of parasites who infested the purlieus of every palace,
together with a multitude of tradesmen and artificers, took up their
residence in the neighborhood; and an idea may be formed of the
extent of Zahira when it is remembered that, although the residence
of Ibn-abi-Amir was twelve miles from Cordova, the gardens of its
environs reached to the banks of the Guadalquivir immediately
opposite the capital, of which it, in fact, formed one of the most
attractive suburbs.
Of this villa a story is told by the Arab historians which illustrates
at once the wealth, the profusion, and the love of ostentation so
prominent in the character of the Oriental. With a view of impressing
the envoys of the King of Navarre with his power and opulence, the
hajib ordered a great lake in the gardens of Zahira to be planted
with water-lilies. Into each of the flowers, during the night, he
caused to be placed a gold or silver coin, large numbers of which he
had ordered struck especially for that purpose. The weight of the
precious metals required was two hundred pounds. At the audience,
which took place at sunrise, in addition to the grand civil and military
display usual on such occasions, a body of eunuchs, a thousand in
number and equally divided, stood on each side of the throne. All
were dressed in white silk. The robes of five hundred were
embroidered with gold, those of the others with silver. Sashes of
gold or silver tissue encircled their waists, and each carried a gold or
silver tray. As the first rays of the sun lighted up the splendors of the
scene, the eunuchs moved forward with military precision, gathered
the lilies, and emptied their precious contents at the feet of their
master in a great heap of glittering coin. The effect of this exhibition
upon the simple mountaineers of Navarre may be imagined. The
reputation of the hajib’s resources, already great, was magnified a
hundred-fold. Mystified by the apparent prodigy, the ambassadors
reported to their king that even the earth and the water surrendered
their hidden treasures at the command of the omnipotent
Mohammedan ruler.
While the astute and politic Ibn-abi-Amir was perfecting his
arrangements to secure absolute control of the empire, he treated
Ghalib with far more than ordinary consideration. He exhibited
towards him, on all occasions, the most distinguished courtesy. He
deferred to his opinion on questions of minor importance. He humbly
solicited his advice when satisfied that its acceptance would not
interfere with the accomplishment of his plans. But the shrewd old
soldier was not to be imposed upon by those flattering evidences of
esteem and attachment. Intensely loyal to the House of Ommeyah,
he had seen with disgust and apprehension the restraint of the
Khalif and the usurpation of his prerogatives. He had viewed with
scarcely less dismay the inordinate ambition of his colleague and the
predominance to which he had attained.
While he did not at first perceive the ultimate effect of the
reorganization of the military service, the disbanding and transfer to
distant and widely separated provinces of those divisions most
attached to his person, as well as the incorporation of his favorites
into the corps of foreign mercenaries, finally opened his eyes to the
consequences of the policy of his son-in-law. But it was then too
late. The mischief had already been accomplished. The indignation
of the general at first found vent in ineffectual reproaches. At length,
during an expedition into the enemy’s country, while the two
ministers were reconnoitering from the summit of a tower, after a
violent quarrel Ghalib drew his sword and attacked his associate.
The latter, taken by surprise, saw no other way to avoid instant
death but by precipitating himself from the battlements. His flowing
robes caught on a projection and saved his life. The incensed rivals
separated with threats of mutual defiance; war was at once declared
between them; and the diminished forces of Ghalib were
strengthened by a considerable number of horsemen furnished by
the King of Leon. The operations of the campaign were at first
indecisive, but Ghalib, having exposed himself recklessly in an
engagement, was killed; his followers were seized with a panic, and
the victory remained with his fortunate adversary.
Ibn-abi-Amir was now the sole master of the Khalifate of the
West. By sheer force of character, by dauntless resolution, by tireless
energy, he had realized his most cherished aspirations. Without
friends or the important aid of family connections, he had obtained
and had already long exercised a preponderating influence in the
state. His adroitness and liberality had organized a numerous faction
and a formidable army, both of which served his personal interests
with unswerving loyalty. The nominal sovereign of the country was
virtually his servant. The entire machinery of government, with its
treasures, the appointments of its officers, the distribution of its
rewards, the infliction of its punishments, the supervision of its civil
policy, the conduct of its campaigns, was in his hands. Such was the
exalted position attained by the former unknown and impecunious
student of the University, who had managed to obtain an uncertain
livelihood by writing petitions for applicants for royal favor, many of
whom were now his official subordinates. Through the changes of
many eventful years, amidst the perils, the trials, the excitements,
the triumphs, that attended his ascent to greatness, he had never
forgotten the scene in the garden, where, encouraged by the hilarity
of his companions, he had expressed what they considered
chimerical ideas of future power and distinction. Soon after the
death of Ghalib had left him free to indulge his arbitrary inclinations,
he caused his four collegiate acquaintances, who had participated in
the festivities of that now memorable occasion, to be brought before
him. Three received from the hands of the minister himself the
commissions conferring those employments which they had in
merriment solicited; the fourth, after having been sternly
reprimanded for the unprovoked insult he had inflicted in return for a
proffered honor, was deprived of all his possessions, and led forth by
slaves to perform the public and degrading penance which he
himself had voluntarily prescribed.
 The restraints imposed upon Hischem were now increased in
severity. Formerly he had, at rare intervals, been permitted to show
himself to his subjects, but the jealousy of Ibn-abi-Amir could no
longer tolerate this indulgence, and the Khalif was henceforth
condemned to absolute seclusion in the palace of Medina-al-Zahrâ.
Even when he performed his devotions in public he was heavily
veiled, and remained in the royal gallery until the last of the
worshippers had left the mosque. He was not even permitted to
enter the walls of his own capital, embellished with the wealth, and
rendered illustrious by the renown, of a dynasty of great sovereigns
who had been his kinsmen, whose name and titles he had inherited,
but whose power he was destined never to enjoy. His name was
mentioned in the khotba, or prayer, offered on Fridays in the
mosques; it appeared on the coins side by side with that of the
hajib, and was embroidered on the skirt of his robes; but these were
the only surviving evidences of the existence and the authority of
the last of the Ommeyades.
In the new and radical policy which Ibn-abi-Amir had inaugurated
with respect to the army, he was far from being actuated by purely
selfish motives. He understood thoroughly the inconstant and
restless nature of the population which he ruled. Experience had
repeatedly shown the perilous conditions arising from a protracted
peace. The Koran enjoined perpetual war against the infidel. Such a
crusade was popular with all classes,—with the theologians, whose
religious animosities it gratified; with the merchants, whose trade it
increased and whose coffers it replenished; with the nobility, to
whom it opened an avenue to military distinction; with the soldiery,
who were attracted by the prospect of unlimited plunder. Every year,
from the date of his association with Ghalib in the administration,
Ibn-abi-Amir had proclaimed the Djihad, and had himself taken part
in two expeditions against the Christians. To this policy, whose
expediency was indisputable, he publicly declared his intention to
adhere. The people heard the announcement with exultation. The
faquis applauded the piety of the hajib with a fervor which they
scarcely vouchsafed to the deeds of the saints who filled the Moslem
calendar. The constant employment of a large number of troops in
hostile operations was a substantial guaranty against revolution.
With this potent safeguard, the dangers of sedition were no longer
to be apprehended. The passions and the energy of the nation were
to be expended in a war beyond the borders of the monarchy. But
still another consideration influenced the mind of the great
statesman. He was zealously solicitous for the honor, profoundly
ambitious for the glory, of his country. He desired to extend her
frontiers; to recover the territory that had been conquered from or
basely yielded by her sovereigns, as well as to chastise her
blaspheming enemies.
Of the greater number of the fifty-two campaigns directed by Ibn-
abi-Amir, the chroniclers of the time have left us no record. Many of
them, doubtless, were mere marauding expeditions; but all were
uniformly and signally successful. Not the slightest reverse dimmed
the lustre of a single triumph. With each year the limits of the
Christian kingdoms became more and more contracted, until they
barely reached the southern slopes of the mountains. Beyond,
stretching away to the Moslem border, was a scene of desolation,
where once waving crops and verdant pastures met the eye. The
presence of an occasional pile of blackened ruins was the only
indication that the country had ever been inhabited. So complete
was this devastation that the plains of Leon and Castile have not yet
recovered from its effects. The forests then cut down have never
been replanted. The curse of sterility, and the freezing winds that
sweep over this cheerless region, seem to discourage the hope that
it will ever regain its former productiveness. The incessant march of
the Moorish armies for a quarter of a century obliterated every sign
of animal and vegetable life.
The ire of Ibn-abi-Amir was aroused by the reflection that the
King of Leon, despite the admonitions he had received, had dared to
assist his rival Moshafi, and, bent on revenge, he made preparations
for the most important expedition which had under his command
ever invaded the Christian territory. The strong city of Zamora,
defended by seven mighty walls and seven moats, was taken by
storm. Four thousand of the enemy were butchered, and as many
more led into captivity. A thousand settlements, surrounded by
evidences of the thrift of an industrious peasantry, were given to the
flames. A considerable number of monasteries and convents were
destroyed, and their inmates delivered to the Berbers to be insulted
and tortured with every device of ruthless barbarity. Realizing their
common danger, the Kings of Leon and Navarre formed a defensive
alliance with the Count of Castile, and ventured to resist the
progress of the Moslems. The hostile armies met at Rueda, not far
from Simancas. A great battle took place; the Christians were
completely routed, and victors and vanquished entered Simancas
together. No quarter was shown by the infuriated Saracens. Every
Christian who fell into their power was put to the sword. Winter was
at hand, but Ibn-abi-Amir, who understood the necessity of following
up a victory, without heeding cold or tempest, moved on Leon. The
city, reduced to extremity, was about to yield, when the intolerable
hardships of the season, which was one of unusual severity,
compelled a retreat.
After the capture of Simancas, the enthusiastic soldiery conferred
upon their commander the appelation of Al-Mansur, The Victorious.
This name, by which the hajib was afterwards universally
designated, was, in imitation of the custom of the khalifs, accepted
by him as a title of honor. With its adoption he arrogated to himself
many other tokens of distinction hitherto considered the exclusive
privileges of royalty. His titles were woven in golden letters on the
hem of his garments. His name was associated with that of Hischem
in the khotba. Of all who approached him the most servile obeisance
was exacted. New and oppressive regulations were added to the
already complicated ceremonial of the court. The marks and
requirements of homage extended to every member of the hajib’s
family, even to infants in the cradle. None of the monarchs who
inherited the sceptre of Moorish Spain had ever enforced rules of
this kind with equal severity, or had environed their persons with
such a net-work of formal and frivolous etiquette. While the neglect
of these ceremonies was followed by exemplary punishment, the