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The Crosscultural Language and Academic Development
Handbook A Complete K 12 Reference Guide 4th Edition
Lynne T. Diaz-Rico Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Lynne T. Diaz-Rico, Kathryn Z. Weed
ISBN(s): 9780137154098, 0137154097
Edition: 4
File Details: PDF, 4.25 MB
Year: 2009
Language: english
 The Crosscultural,
Language, and
Academic Development
Handbook
A Complete K–12 Reference Guide
F O U R T H E D I T I O N

Lynne T. Díaz-Rico
California State University, San Bernardino

Kathryn Z.Weed
Late of California State University, San Bernardino

Allyn & Bacon

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Díaz-Rico, Lynne T.
The crosscultural, language, and academic development handbook : a complete K–12
reference guide / Lynne T. Díaz-Rico, Kathryn Z. Weed.—4th ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-13-715409-8 (pbk.)
ISBN-10: 0-13-715409-7 (pbk.)
1. English language—Study and teaching (Higher)—Foreign speakers—Handbooks,
manuals, etc. 2. Multicultural education—United States—Handbooks, manuals, etc.
3. Language and education—United States—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 4. Education,
Bilingual—United States—Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Weed, Kathryn Z. II. Title.
PE1128.A2D45 2010
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Allyn & Bacon

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Dedication

I dedicate this edition to Kathryn Weed.

Her devotion to excellence,
her generosity of spirit,
and her daily cordiality
set a standard for what it means to
be a true colleague.

—LTD-R
About the Author
Lynne T. Díaz-Rico is a professor of education at California State
University, San Bernardino (CSUSB). Dr. Díaz-Rico obtained her doctoral
degree in English as a second language at InterAmerican University in
Puerto Rico and has taught students at all levels from kindergarten to high
school. At CSUSB, Dr. Díaz-Rico is coordinator of the Masters in
Education, Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages Option
program. She is actively involved in teacher education and gives
presentations at numerous professional conferences on such subjects as
intercultural education, critical language analysis, and organization of
schools and classrooms for educational equity. Her current research interest
is the use of language in complex, particularly crosscultural, contexts.
Contents
Introduction xiv
Acknowledgments xviii

Part One
Learning: Learning about the Learner, Language Structure, and
Second-Language Acquisition 1

CHAPTER 1 Learning about the Language Learner 2

English Learners: Demographic Trends 3
Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 5
The Learner’s Background 5
Psychological Factors: Social–Emotional 11
Psychological Factors: Cognitive 15
Sociocultural Factors That Influence Instruction 18
Family Acculturation and the Use of First and Second Languages 19
Family Values and School Values 21
Institutional Support for the Primary Language and Those Who Speak It 22
Sociocultural Support for L1 in the Classroom Environment 26
LEARNING MORE 27
Further Reading 27
Web Search 27
Exploration 27
Experiment 28

CHAPTER 2 Learning about Language Structure 29

Language Universals 30
Language Is Dynamic 30
Language Is Complex 31
All Languages Have Structure 31
Phonology: The Sound Patterns of Language 32
Phonemes 32
Pitch 33
Stress 33
The Sound System as Written Language 34

v
vi Contents

Morphology: The Words of Language 35

Morphemes 35
Word-Formation Processes 36
Syntax: The Sentence Patterns of Language 37
Semantics: The Meanings of Language 38
Pragmatics: The Influence of Context 41
Language Functions 41
Appropriate Language 42
Conversational Rules 42
Nonverbal Communication 43
Body Language 44
Gestures 44
Facial Expressions 45
Eye Contact 45
Communicative Distance 46
Conceptions of Time 46
LEARNING MORE 47
Thinking It Over 47
Web Search 47
Exploration 47
Try It in the Classroom 48

CHAPTER 3 Learning about Second-Language Acquisition 49

Historical Theories of Language Teaching and Learning 50
Grammar-Translation Methodology 50
Structural Linguistics 51
Behaviorism 51
Current Theories of Language Development 53
Transformational Grammar 53
Krashen’s Monitor Model 53
Cummins’s Theories of Bilingualism and Cognition 55
Communicative Competence 58
The Social Context for Language Learning 60
Discourse Theory 61
Meaning-Centered versus “Bottom-Up” Approaches to Language Acquisition 62
Semiotics 62
Contributions of Research about the Brain 63
LEARNING MORE 64
Further Reading 64
Web Search 65
Exploration 66
Experiment 66
 Contents vii

Part Two
Instruction: Oracy and Literacy for English-Language
Development, Content-Area Instruction, and Bilingual
Education 67

CHAPTER 4 Oracy and Literacy for English-Language Development 68

English-Language Development Standards 69
Integrating Language Skills 70
Listening 71
Listening to Repeat 72
Listening to Understand 73
Listening for Communication 74
Speaking 75
Situations for Spoken Discourse 76
Improving Oral Proficiency 76
Vocabulary Development 78
Reading 79
Transferring Literacy from First to Second Languages 81
Students without Literacy in First or Second Languages 81
Balanced Literacy Instruction for English Learners 83
Approaches to Teaching Reading 86
Strategies for English Learners’ Literacy Instruction 91
Writing 95
Texts and Contexts 96
The Writing Process 96
The Six Traits Approach 98
Writing Strategies 98
Writing Poetry 99
Error Correction and Grammar in Oracy and Literacy Instruction 99
Treatment of Errors 100
Treatment of Grammar 100
Oracy, Literacy, and Technology 101
Computer-Assisted Language Learning/Computer-Mediated
Communication 101
Technological Literacy 105
LEARNING MORE 106
Further Reading 106
Web Search 107
Exploration 107
Collaboration 107
viii Contents

CHAPTER 5 Content-Area Instruction 108

Principles of Specially Designed Academic Instruction in English (SDAIE) 109
A Model for SDAIE 110
Teacher Attitude 112
Content 113
Connections 116
Comprehensibility 118
Interaction 121
Content-Area Application 124
Cognitive Academic Language Learning Approach (CALLA) 124
Explanatory Models for Academic Disciplines 125
Social Studies 125
Literature 129
Mathematics 131
Science 135
The Visual and Performing Arts 139
Physical Education 140
Instructional Needs beyond the Classroom 141
LEARNING MORE 141
Further Reading 141
Web Search 142
Exploration 142
Discussion 142

CHAPTER 6 Theories and Methods of Bilingual Education 143

Foundations of Bilingual Education 144
Historical Development of Bilingual Education 146
Legal Evolution 148
Educational Issues Involving Bilingual Education 153
Parent and Community Participation 158
Organizational Models: What Works for Whom? 161
Submersion 161
The Teaching of English-Language Development (ELD) 162
Transitional or Early-Exit Bilingual Education 163
Maintenance or Developmental Bilingual Education 164
Immersion Bilingual Education 165
Newcomer Centers 167
Research Studies on Program Effectiveness 169
Instructional Strategies 170
Language Management 170
Primary-Language Use 172
 Contents ix

Code Switching 172

Classroom Organization 172
LEARNING MORE 175
Further Reading 175
Web Search 176
Exploration 176
Looking at Classrooms 176

Part Three
Assessment 177

CHAPTER 7 Language and Content-Area Assessment 178

Educational Standards and Standardized Assessment 179
Advantages of Standards-Based Instruction for English Learners 180
Achievement Testing and No Child Left Behind 181
Disadvantages of Standards-Based Instruction for English Learners 183
Linking Assessment to Progress for English Learners 184
The English-Language Development (ELD) Framework 185
Linking Placement Tests to Language Development 185
Linking Standards-Based Classroom Instruction to Assessment 187
Purposes of Assessment 188
Formative versus Summative Assessment 188
Proficiency, Diagnostic, and Placement Tests 191
Achievement Tests 191
Competency Tests 192
Methods of Assessment 193
Linking Assessment to the Integrated Curriculum 193
Authentic Assessment 194
Performance-Based Assessment 194
Standardized Tests 197
Teacher Observation and Evaluation 199
Cautions about Testing 202
Best Practices in Testing 202
Identification, Assessment, and Placement of English Learners in the Schools 203
Identification Procedures for English Learners 203
Assessment for Placement 203
Redesignation/Exit Procedures 204
Limitations of Assessment 205
Problematic Test Content 206
Interpretation of Test Results 207
x Contents

Technical Concepts 208

Validity 208
Reliability 208
Practicality 209
LEARNING MORE 209
Further Reading 209
Web Search 210
Exploration 210
Experiment 210

Part Four
Culture: Cultural Diversity in the United States, the
Intercultural Educator, and Culturally Responsive Schooling 211

CHAPTER 8 Cultural Diversity 212

Historical Perspectives 213
Contributions 214
Exploitation 221
The Impact of a Changing Population 222
Poverty among Minority Groups 223
The Education of Minorities 225
Second-Language-Speaking Minority Populations 226
Immigration and Migration 226
Causes of Immigration 227
Migration 229
Immigration Laws and Policies 230
LEARNING MORE 233
Further Reading 233
Web Search 233
Exploration 233
Collaboration 233

CHAPTER 9 The Intercultural Educator 234

Understanding Cultural Diversity 235
The Nature of Culture 236
Key Concepts about Culture 238
Investigating Ourselves as Cultural Beings 244
Learning about Students’ Cultures 245
Ethnographic Techniques 246
How Cultural Adaptation Affects Learning 248
Achieving Equity in Schooling 253
Detecting Unfair Privilege 253
Fighting for Fairness and Equal Opportunity 254
 Contents xi

Combating Prejudice in Ourselves and Others 255

Reducing Interethnic Conflict 259
LEARNING MORE 262
Further Reading 262
Web Search 262
Exploration 263
Collaboration 263

CHAPTER 10 Culturally Responsive Schooling 264

Respecting Students’ Diversity 265
Acknowledging Students’ Differences 266
Educating Students about Diversity 277
Promoting Mutual Respect among Students 282
Adapting to Students’ Culturally Supported Facilitating or Limiting
Attitudes and Abilities 282
Cooperation versus Competition 283
The Use of Language 283
Participation Styles 287
Teacher–Student Interactions 288
Classroom Organization 289
Curriculum 291
Sustaining High Expectations for All Students 293
Assessing Students’ Ability and Achievement Validly 293
Challenging Students to Strive for Excellence as Defined by Their Potential 293
Motivating Students to Become Active Participants in Their Learning 294
Encouraging Students to Think Critically 294
Helping Students Become Socially and Politically Conscious 295
Marshaling Family and Community Support for Schooling 295
LEARNING MORE 298
Further Reading 298
Web Search 299
Exploration 299
Collaboration 299

Part Five
Policy: Language Policy and Special Populations of
English Learners 301

CHAPTER 11 The Role of Educators in Language Policy 302

A Critical Approach to Language Policy 303
Tollefson: Power and Inequality in Language Education 304
Foucault: The Power of Discursive Practices 305
xii Contents

Fairclough: Critical Language Analysis 305

Bourdieu: Language as Social Capital 307
Cummins: Language Policies as Emancipatory 308
Language Policy: The Classroom 309
Educational Equity in Everyday Practices 309
The Social Environment of the Classroom 310
The Policies Embodied in Teachers’ Plans 311
Policy at the School Level 311
Collaboration with Colleagues 311
School-Site Leadership 312
The Academic Ambiance of the School 313
Involving Parents/Families 313
Policy in Local School Districts 314
Professional Growth and Service 314
The School Board 314
Community Support for English Learners 315
The Public Forum 315
Community Organizations 315
State Commissions and Professional Organizations 316
The Voice of the Expert 316
Professional Leadership Roles 316
Legislation and Public Opinion 317
Influencing Federal Policies 317
Federal Funds for Innovation 317
Federal Legislation 318
The National Spirit 318
LEARNING MORE 319
Further Reading 319
Web Search 320
Exploration 320
Collaboration 320

CHAPTER 12 Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Learners

and Special Education 321
Scenarios and Issues 323
Who Are CLD Learners with Special Needs? 323
Issues Underlying the Scenarios 324
Principles for the Education of CLD–Special Education Students 325
The Disproportionate Representation of Culturally and Linguistically
Diverse Children in Special Education 326
Overrepresentation in Disability Programs 326
Underrepresentation in Gifted Programs 327
 Contents xiii

Identification, Referral, and Early Intervention 328

The Referral Process: The Roles of the Classroom Teacher and the ELD Specialist 328
Academic and Learning Problems That CLD Learners May Experience 329
Similarities between Ethnic Language Variations and Learning
Disability Symptoms 331
Early Intervention 332
Roles of Classroom Teachers and ELD Teachers during the
Process of Determining Eligibility for Additional Services 333
Testing for Special Education 333
The Descriptive Assessment Process 334
Family Support for Evaluation 335
Collaboration among ESL–ELD Resource Teachers and Special Educators 335
Definition and Principles of Collaboration 336
Collaboration among Professionals 336
Working with an Interpreter 336
Relationship of Continued ELD with Other Services 336
Teaching Strategies for the CLD Special Learner 337
Adapting Listening Tasks 338
Adapting Reading Tasks 339
Adapting Writing Tasks 339
Adapting Homework Tasks 340
Assessing Student Performance in the Mainstream Classroom 341
Methods of Assessing the Success of Included Students 341
Assessing Students’ Work 341
Using the Results of Assessment 342
Universal Design for Special Populations of English Learners 342
Universal Instructional Design 343
Teaching Blind English Learners 344
Teaching English Learners with Hearing Impairments 344
LEARNING MORE 346
Further Reading 346
Web Search 346
Exploration 346
Experiment 346

References 349
Author Index 373
Subject Index 379
Introduction
The presence of many linguistic and ethnic minority students in the United States has
challenged educators to rethink basic assumptions about schooling. School models
and methods based on the notions that students share the same cultural background
and speak the same language are no longer sufficient to meet the needs of today’s stu-
dents. The urgent need to provide a high-quality education for students in the United
States whose native language is not English calls for increased expertise on the part
of classroom teachers, administrators, and community leaders.
In the past, schools were designed for native speakers of English. Today’s students
come from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds. But the cultural patterns of
schools and classrooms may not ensure that all students have equal opportunity to
succeed. Culture is a part of the educational process that has been invisible but that
can no longer remain so. By understanding the influence of culture, educators can
avoid inadvertently advantaging those students who share the dominant culture while
neglecting those students whose cultures differ from the mainstream. Culture includes
more than the habits and beliefs of students and teachers; the school itself is a cul-
ture in which the physical environment, daily routines, and interactions advantage
some and alienate others. Educators now need a foundation of cultural awareness
and second-language acquisition theory in order to adapt schools to the needs of mul-
ticultural and multilingual students.

Crosscultural, Language, and Academic Development:

A Model for Teacher Preparation
Much has been written, both general and specific information, about the effect of cul-
ture on schooling, second-language acquisition, and ways to help English learners
achieve access to the core curriculum. To synthesize this wealth of information, a means
of organizing this knowledge is needed. The figure on page xv represents the central
elements of this book and their relationship to one another.
In the figure, learning occupies the central area (Part One). Understanding the
learner, the language to be learned, and the process of learning a second language helps
teachers to meet the needs of individual learners.
Instruction is the second major area that organizes knowledge about teaching
English learners (Part Two). Instruction for English learners falls into three categories:
oracy and literacy for English-language development, content-area instruction (also
known as “sheltered” instruction or specially designed academic instruction in
English—SDAIE), and theories and methods for bilingual education.
Assessment practices are influenced by instruction and policymaking, and, in turn,
assessment affects learning. Assessment of students is the way to determine if curric-
ular content is appropriate and teaching methods are successful. Through assessment,
one can ascertain what learning has taken place. The placement of students as a

xiv
 Introduction xv

Part Four:
Culture
• Cultural Diversity in the United States
• The Intercultural Educator
• Culturally Responsive Schooling

Part One:
Part Two: Learning Part Five:
Instruction • Learning about Policy
• Oracy and Literacy the Learner • Language Policy
for English-Language • Learning about • Special Populations
Development Language of English Learners
• Content-Area Structure
Instruction • Learning about
• Bilingual Education Second-Language
Acquisition

Part Three:
Assessment

Theoretical Model for Crosscultural, Language, and Academic Development

function of assessment affects the organization and management of schooling; thus

assessment involves not only issues of pedagogy and learning but also policy.
Assessment is covered in Part Three.
Culture permeates the activities of learning, instruction, and policymaking. Fun-
damental insights into cultural diversity in the United States, the role of the intercul-
tural educator, and the means for creating culturally appropriate pedagogy are
provided in Part Four.
The fifth area, policy, denotes the organization and management of schooling,
elements that affect the operation of schools. Because the policies affecting schooling
can be better understood with a background on the influence and importance of cul-
ture, policy for English learners is discussed in Part Five.
Chapter 12 discusses policies and practices in the relationship between English-
language development (ELD) and special education. This chapter addresses effec-
tive curriculum, teaching methods, assessment, organization, and management of
instruction.
Teachers can be resources within their schools and districts on matters pertain-
ing to English-language and academic development for their multicultural and mul-
tilinguistic students. A framework that organizes crosscultural, language, and
xvi Introduction

academic development in terms of learning, pedagogy, and policy contributes to teach-

ers’ abilities to describe, communicate, and teach others about this field.
In addition to changes in the model (see figure on page xv) and expanded and
updated information, this fourth edition adds new classroom-related vignettes
(Example of Concept) and instructional modifications (Adapted Instruction) to help
the classroom teacher work successfully with culturally and linguistically diverse stu-
dents. The concepts and information provided in this text not only encompass those
necessary for examinations such as California’s CLAD, but also for newer exams such
as California Teacher of English Learners (CTEL).
Care has been taken to use acceptable terminology to denote school students
whose primary language is not English, as well as terms to denote various racial and
ethnic groups. The terms Hispanic and Hispanic American denote those whose an-
cestors originated in Spain or Spanish America, and who now represent twenty-six
separate nationalities and a variety of racial groups (Bruder, Anderson, Schultz, &
Caldera, 1991). Research has shown that the ethnic labels for Hispanics are complex.
In open-ended interviews, Latino adolescents were asked for their ethnic label pref-
erences. In many cases, they did not commit to a specific label, instead indicating that
they ascribed to more fluid, flexible labels. On average, students selected “Latino,”
“Mexican American,” “Hispanic,” and “Mexican,” when asked to choose only one
label. When selecting “American,” “Chicano,” “Salvadoran,” or “Guatemalan,” stu-
dents always added a second term (Zarate, Bhimji, & Reese, 2005). European Amer-
ican is used in preference to White or Anglo to denote those whose ancestral
background is European. African American is similarly used to refer to those whose
ancestors came from Africa. Other ethnic group labels follow a similar logic. In some
cases, data are cited that classify groups according to other labels; in these cases, the
labels used in the citation are preserved.
Like the changes in terminology for racial and ethnic groups, terminology for stu-
dents learning English as an additional language has undergone change. Over the years,
these students have been called language minority, limited-English proficient (LEP),
non-English proficient (NEP), English-as-a-second-language (ESL) learner, English-
language learner (ELL), and learners of English as a new language. In this book, both
the terms English learner and culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) student are
used. The term English-language development (ELD) is used to denote classrooms
and programs that promote English learners’ language and academic learning.
Burgeoning information in the areas of culture and linguistic/academic develop-
ment has made The Crosscultural, Language, and Academic Development Handbook
a difficult yet useful synthesis. The result, I believe, is a readable text that brings into
focus the challenges and possibilities in educating new Americans. Principles and prac-
tices that promote crosscultural understanding are relevant for all.
 Introduction xvii

New With This Edition!

Help your students get better grades and become better teachers.

MyEducationLab (www.myeducationlab.com)
is a research-based learning tool that brings
teaching to life. Through authentic in-class
video footage, interactive simulations, rich case
studies, examples of authentic teacher and stu-
dent work, and more, MyEducationLab prepares students for teaching careers by
showing what quality instruction looks like.
MyEducationLab is easy to use! At the end of every chapter in the textbook, you
will find the MyEducationLab logo adjacent to activities and exercises that correlate
material you’ve just read in the chapter to your viewing of multimedia assets on the
MyEducationLab site. These assets include:
■ Video. The authentic classroom videos in MyEducationLab show how real teach-
ers handle actual classroom situations.
■ Case Studies. A diverse set of robust cases illustrates the realities of teaching and
offers valuable perspectives on common issues and challenges in education.
■ Simulations. Created by the IRIS Center at Vanderbilt University, these interac-
tive simulations give you hands-on practice at adapting instruction for a full spec-
trum of learners.
■ Lesson Plans. Specially selected, topically relevant excerpts from texts expand
and enrich your perspectives on key issues and topics.
■ Classroom Artifacts. Authentic PreK–12 student and teacher classroom artifacts
are tied to course topics and offer you practice in working with the actual types
of materials you will encounter daily as teachers.
■ Lesson and Portfolio Builders. With this effective and easy-to-use tool, you can
create, update, and share standards-based lesson plans and portfolios.
Acknowledgments
A book like this could not have been written without the help and support of nu-
merous individuals. The teachers and students with whom I have worked have given
me insights and examples. My colleagues have shared their experiences and expert-
ise. In addition to those who gave so much support to previous editions, I would also
like to thank those who have made this fourth edition a reality. It goes without saying
I owe homage to the California Commission on Teacher Credentialing for their work
in designing California’s CLAD credential and its revision, the CTEL authorization.
I want to thank the teacher education and TESOL master’s students at CSUSB as
well as my colleagues in TESOL and in the Department of Language, Literacy, and
Culture at CSUSB who have enriched my understanding of the teaching–learning
process as it relates to second-language learners, and who have participated with me
in research and curriculum development.
I am grateful also to those who provided helpful reviews of the manuscript for
this edition: Emilio Garza, California State University, Bakersfield; Walton King, Clear-
water Christian College; and Sam Perkins, Barry University.
To all those who have provided linguistic and cultural support not only to English
learners but also to those who have struggled to adapt to a new culture, I salute you.
To the researchers and authors who provided valuable insights into this process, my
deepest thanks for your pioneering efforts. Finally, I thank series editor Aurora
Martínez Ramos and the rest of the Allyn & Bacon staff for their efforts in producing
this book.

xviii
 part one
Learning Part One represents learning the foundations of
instruction: knowledge about the learner, about
the structure of language, and about the process of
Learning about the acquiring a second language. Chapter 1 introduces
the learner, with a focus on the psychological
Learner, Language factors in language learning that make individual
language learners unique, as well as the sociocultu-
Structure, and ral factors that situate the learner in the context
of cultural patterns that may influence groups of
Second-Language learners to react in similar ways to classroom
instruction. Chapter 2 introduces language
Acquisition structure and functions. Chapter 3 offers insights
from classic and contemporary research in
language acquisition and development, particularly in the context of the classroom.The figure
below highlights Part One of the theoretical model presented in the introduction.

Theoretical Model for CLAD Learning: Learning about the Learner, Language Structure,
and Second-Language Acquisition
chapter

1 Learning about the

Language Learner

English learners
comprise a growing
proportion of school
children in the
United States.

In sixth grade, I had one of the first in a lucky to be a flower with roots in the ground? Sister
line of English teachers who began to nurture in Maria filled the board with snowy print . . . until
me a love of language, a love that had been there English . . . became a charged, fluid mass that
since my childhood of listening closely to words. carried me in its great fluent waves, rolling and
Sister Maria Generosa did not make our class moving onward, to deposit me on the shores of
interminably diagram sentences from a workbook my new homeland, I was no longer a foreigner
or learn [a] catechism of grammar rules. Instead with no ground to stand on. I had landed in the
she asked us to write little stories imagining we English language.
were snowflakes, birds, pianos, a stone in the
pavement, a star in the sky.What would it feel like Julia Alvarez (2007, p. 34)

2
 English Learners: Demographic Trends 3

B ecause of her English-language development teachers, Julia Alvarez is a writer. She

can communicate her memories, her joys, her terrors—those ideas and feelings
that make her human. Learning a second language connects people across cultures,
making it possible for immigrants to achieve their dreams and aspirations. This cross-
cultural process enriches everyone.
Teachers in the United States are increasingly expected to educate students whose
native languages are not English and whose cultural backgrounds vary considerably from
that of the American mainstream culture. Although the teaching profession includes ed-
ucators from minority cultures in the United States as well as from other countries, the
core of the profession remains the white, middle-class, usually monolingual teacher who
can benefit from teacher education that includes specialized methods and strategies for
the effective education of culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) students.
Moreover, research has documented the effectiveness of long-term primary-
language education. However, numerous classrooms contain students speaking vari-
ous home languages. Thus English-language development (ELD) classrooms that require
modified instruction in English become increasingly important. Teachers with a strong
interest in language acquisition and a sense of compassion for the difficulties faced by
CLD students are often the most successful in promoting their academic success.
Schools, as institutions within a society, perform an important role in socializing
students and helping them gain the knowledge, skills, roles, and identities they need
for success. Students who enter school must develop a high level of English proficiency,
and teachers are challenged to develop students’ English skills during the K–12 pe-
riod of schooling. The first part of this chapter presents current demographic trends.
The chapter then introduces the English learner and offers ways for teachers to in-
form themselves about these learners’ needs.

English Learners: Demographic Trends

The profession of teaching has changed dramatically in the early twenty-first century;
many more classrooms contain English learners, students whose home language is
not English and who are not classified as “fluent English proficient” based on test
scores and other criteria. By 2025, one in every four students will initially be classi-
fied as an English learner. A quick overview of the demographics of English learners
in the United States can help teachers to visualize the numbers of these learners and
their distribution in the schools.
Throughout the United States, 47 million people (18 percent of the population) speak
a language other than English at home (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003c). Although the largest
percentage of non–English speakers (37 percent) lives in the West, English learners and
their families are increasingly living in places such as the Midwest (9 percent) and the
South (15 percent) that have not previously needed to hire ELD teachers. The previous
concentration of English learners in the West and Southwest has shifted; during
1997–2007, sixteen states had a 200 percent increase in English learners (Rahilly &
Weinmann, 2007).
California had the largest population percentage of non-English-language
speakers; 43 percent speak a language other than English at home. Following
4 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

California are New Mexico, Texas, New York, Hawaii, Arizona, and New Jersey
(see Table 1.1). Other states—Florida (3.5 million), Illinois (2.2 million), and Mass-
achusetts (1.1 million)—also have large populations of non-English-language speak-
ers. The majority of English learners in the United States are Spanish speaking
(28.1 million); Asian and Pacific Islanders constitute the second-largest demographic
group of English learners.
The National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition and Language In-
struction Educational Programs (NCELA) put the number of children of school age
with a home language other than English at 9,779,766—one of every six children of
school age—and 31 percent of all American-Indian/Alaska Native, Asian/Pacific
Islander, and Hispanic students enrolled in public schools (National Center for
Education Statistics, 2005). Of these language-minority students, in 2005–2006,
5,074,572 do not yet have sufficient proficiency in English to be able to succeed ac-
ademically in traditional all-English-medium classrooms (NCELA, 2007). Los Angeles
Unified School District leads all other school districts in the nation both in the num-
ber (326,040) of English learners (in 2006–2007), number of languages (56), and per-
cent of total enrollment (40 percent), followed by New York City; Dade County,
Florida; Chicago; Houston; Dallas; San Diego; and Long Beach. In 2008, California,
with a school enrollment of approximately 1.6 million English learners, led the states
in need for English-learner services at the K–12 level. In California, 85 percent of
English learners are Spanish-speaking, and 83 percent of these Spanish-speaking learn-
ers are from Mexico. The majority of them live in Southern California, the San
Francisco Bay area, and the Central Valley. Los Angeles Unified School District has
32 percent of all English learners (EdSource, 2008).
The national distribution of English learners by grade levels is as follows: Grades
PreK–3, 44 percent; grades 4–8, 35 percent; grades 9–12, 19 percent; and alternative
schools, 2 percent (Rahilly & Weinmann, 2007). Of children who speak a language
other than English at home, 81 percent are U.S.-born or naturalized U.S. citizens
(Lapkoff & Li, 2007).

Table 1.1
States with the Highest Percent of Population Speaking a Language Other Than English

Population of Non-English-Language Percent of the State’s

State Speakers (in millions) Population

California 12.4 39.5

New Mexico 0.5 36.5
Texas 6.0 31.2
New York 5.0 28.0
Hawaii 0.3 26.6
Arizona 1.2 25.9
New Jersey 2.0 25.5

Source: www.census.gov/population/www/cen2000/phc-t20.html/tab04.pdf
 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 5

These population demographics indicate that all states need to provide services
for English learners, with the need greatest in California, New Mexico, New York,
and Texas, serving Hispanics or Asian/Pacific Islanders. The linguistic and cultural
variety of English learners suggests that more and more teachers serve as intercultural
and interlinguistic educators—those who can reach out to learners from a variety of
backgrounds and offer effective learning experiences.

Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction

Learners do not learn language in a vacuum. They learn it by interacting with oth-
ers. Psychological and sociocultural factors play important roles in a learner’s acquiring
and using a second language. Teachers who are aware of these individual (psycho-
logical) and group (sociocultural) factors are able to adapt instruction to meet the
individual needs of the learners so that each student can achieve academic success.
Figure 1.1 offers an outline that can help teachers organize the factors they know about
a given learner.
Psychological factors are traits specific to individuals that enable them to acquire
a second language (L2). Learners use the assets of their personalities to absorb the
ambiance of the culture, to process the language they hear, and to create meaningful
responses. Psychological factors can be divided into three categories: background fac-
tors, social–emotional factors, and cognitive factors. Teachers can help students be
aware of those psychological factors that further their language learning and can work
with students to ensure that these factors promote rather than impede their learning.

The Learner’s Background

Naming Practices and Forms of Address. A learner’s name represents the learner’s
individuality as well as a family connection. People feel validated if their names are
treated with respect. Teachers who make the effort to pronounce students’ names
accurately communicate a sense of caring. Students may be asked to speak their names
into a tape recorder so the teacher can practice privately. Expecting students to say
their names again and again so the teacher can rehearse may be embarrassing for both
parties.
Naming practices differ across cultures. The custom in the United States is to have
a first (or given), middle, and last (or family) name. On lists, the first and last names
are often reversed in order to alphabetize the names. In other parts of the world, nam-
ing practices differ. In Vietnam, for example, names also consist of three parts, in the
following order: family name, middle name, and given name. The names are always
given in this order and cannot be reversed because doing so would denote a different
person—Nguyên Van Hai is different from Hai Van Nguyên. In Taiwan the family
name also goes first, followed by given names. Puerto Ricans, as well as other
Hispanics, generally use three names: a given name, followed by the father’s surname
and then the mother’s surname. If one last name must be used, it is generally the fa-
ther’s surname. Thus, Esther Reyes Mimosa can be listed as Esther Reyes. If the first
name is composed of two given names (Hector Luis), both are used. This person may
6 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

Figure 1.1 English-Learner Profile

Psychological Factors
The Learner’s Background
Learner’s name _______________________________________________________Age ____________ Gender (M / F)
Grade ____________ L1 proficiency _______________________________________________________________
Type of bilingualism _____________________________________________________________________________
Previous L2 experience _____________________________________
______________________________________
Assessed L2 level: Reading ____________ Writing ____________ Listening _____________ Speaking _____________
Prior academic success ___________________________________________________________________________
Likes/dislikes __________________________________________________________________________________
Social–Emotional Factors
Self-esteem ___________________________________________________________________________________
Motivation ____________________________________________________________________________________
Anxiety level ___________________________________________________________________________________
Attitudes toward L1/L2 __________________________________________________________________________
Attitudes toward the teacher and the class ____________________________________________________________

Cognitive Factors
Stage of L2 acquisition ___________________________________________________________________________
Cognitive style/Learning style ______________________________________________________________________
Learning strategies ______________________________________________________________________________

Sociocultural Factors
Family acculturation and use of L1 and L2_____________________________________________________________
Family values __________________________________________________________________________________
Institutional support for L1 ________________________________________________________________________
Sociocultural support for L1 in the classroom environment ________________________________________________

have a brother who is Hector José; for either to be called simply Hector would rep-
resent a loss of identity.
In many cultures, adults are referred to by their function rather than their name.
In Hmong, xib fwb means “teacher,” and Hmong children may use the English term
teacher in the classroom rather than a title plus surname, as in “Mrs. Jasko.” Middle-
class European-American teachers may consider this to be rude rather than realizing
this is a cultural difference.
Osgood (2002) suggests ways to enlist native-English-speaking students to make
friends with newcomers: Challenge them to teach a new student their names and to
learn the new student’s first and last names, using recess, lunchtime, or free time to
accomplish this task.
 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 7

Adapted Instruction: Students’ Names

■ Understand the use and order of names and pronounce
them correctly.
■ Don’t change a student’s name, apply a nickname, or use an
“English” version of a student’s name (even at the student’s
request) without first checking with a member of the
student’s family.

Age. Second-language acquisition (SLA) is a complex process that occurs over a long
period of time. Although many people believe that children acquire a second language
more rapidly than adults, recent research counters this notion. While it is true that
the kind of instruction varies greatly according to the age of the learner, there is lit-
tle evidence to indicate that biology closes the door to learning a second language at
certain ages (see Singleton & Ryan [2004] and Han [2004] for further discussion of
age-related issues in SLA, as well as the Point/Counterpoint box on page 8).

First-Language Proficiency. Research has shown that proficiency in the first language
(L1) helps students to achieve in school. In order to learn a student’s strengths in the
first language, a teacher, primary-language-speaking aide, or parent who is fluent in
the language of the student may observe a student working or playing in the primary
language and take notes on the child’s language behavior, or schools may rely on for-
mal testing. Knowledge about the student’s linguistic and academic abilities may as-
sist the teacher in second-language academic content instruction.
Acceptance of the first language and use of the first language to support instruction
promotes a low-anxiety environment for students. A lower anxiety level in turn pro-
motes increased learning.

Adapted Instruction: First-Language Proficiency

■ Monitor students’ fluency in their primary languages and
share concerns with parents if students appear to be
dysfluent in their home languages.
■ In cooperative groups, allow use of the first language so that
students can discuss concepts.

Types of Bilingualism. Cummins (1979) analyzed the language characteristics of the

children he studied and suggested that the level of bilingualism attained is an impor-
tant factor in educational development. Limited bilingualism, or subtractive bilin-
gualism, can occur when children’s first language is gradually replaced by a more
dominant and prestigious language. In this case, children may develop relatively low
8 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

Point/Counterpoint:
What Is the Best Age for Second-Language Acquisition?
For adults, learning a second language can be a frustrat- lescents and adults outperform children in controlled
ing and difficult experience. In contrast, it seems so easy language-learning studies (e.g.,Snow & Hoefnagel-Hoehle,
for children. Is there a best age for learning a second 1978). Adults have access to more memory strategies;
language? are, as a rule, more socially comfortable; and have
greater experience with language in general. The self-
POINT: Children Learn Second Languages Easily. discipline,strategy use,prior knowledge,and metalinguistic
Those who argue that a child can learn a second language ability of the older learner create a distinct advantage for
more rapidly than an adult generally ascribe this ability the adult over the child in language acquisition.
to the critical period hypothesis—that the brain has a Marinova-Todd, Marshall, and Snow (2000) analyzed
language-acquisition processor that functions best before misconceptions about age and second-language learning
puberty (Lenneberg, 1967)—despite the fact that the and reached the following conclusions:“[O]lder learners
critical period hypothesis has not been proved. have the potential to learn second languages to a very
Evidence from child second-language studies indi- high level and introducing foreign languages to very young
cates that the language children speak is relatively sim- learners cannot be justified on grounds of biological readi-
ple compared to that of adults; it has shorter construc- ness to learn languages” (p. 10). “Age does influence
tions with fewer vocabulary words and thus appears more language learning, but primarily because it is associated
fluent. Moreover, adults are often unaware that a child’s with social, psychological, educational, and other factors
silence indicates lack of understanding or shyness,and they that can affect L2 proficiency, not because of any critical
underestimate the limitations of a child’s second-language period that limits the possibility of language learning by
acquisition skills. One area that seems to be a clear ad- adults” (p. 28).
vantage for children is phonology:The earlier a person
begins to learn a second language, the closer the accent
will become to that of a native speaker (Oyama, 1976). Implications for Teaching
Teachers need to be aware that learning a second
COUNTERPOINT: Adults Learn Languages language is difficult for children as well as for adults. Help-
More Skillfully Than Children. Research comparing ing children to feel socially comfortable reduces their anx-
adults to children has consistently demonstrated that ado- iety and assists acquisition.

levels of academic proficiency in both languages. The most positive cognitive effects
are experienced in proficient bilingualism, when students attain high levels of profi-
ciency in both languages. This is also called additive bilingualism.

Adapted Instruction: Promoting Additive Bilingualism

■ Seek out or prepare handouts that encourage families to
preserve the home language.
■ Make sure classroom or community libraries feature books
in the home language and encourage students to check out
books in both languages.
■ Welcome classroom visitors and volunteers who speak the
home language, and ask them to speak to the class about the
importance of proficiency in two languages.
 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 9

Previous L2 Experience. English learners in the same grade may have had vastly dif-
ferent prior exposure to English, ranging from previous all-primary-language in-
struction to submersion in English—including students with no prior schooling at all.
Moreover, no two students have been exposed to exactly the same input of English
outside of class. Therefore, students’ prior exposure to English and attainment of pro-
ficiency are often highly varied.
Students who have been overcorrected when first learning English may have “shut
down” and be unwilling to speak. It may take time for a more positive approach to L2
instruction to produce results, combined with a positive attitude toward L1 maintenance.
Assessed L2 Level. An important part of the knowledge about the learner that a teacher
amasses as a foundation for instruction is the student’s assessed level of proficiency
in listening, speaking, reading, and writing in English. This can be obtained during
the process of assessment for placement. In California, the California English Lan-
guage Development Test (CELDT) (online at www.cde.ca.gov/ta/tg/el) is the desig-
nated placement instrument; other states have other ways to assess proficiency. (See
each state’s Department of Education Website.) No matter the source of information,
the student’s L2 level is the beginning point of instruction in English.

Adapted Instruction: Assessing L2 Proficiency Levels

■ Be aware that a student’s listening/speaking proficiency may
surpass that of reading and writing, or vice versa.
■ Assess each language skill independently.
■ Use a measure such as the Student Oral Language Observation
Matrix (SOLOM) to assess students’ oral proficiency.
■ Use The English–Español Reading Inventory for the Classroom
(Flynt & Cooter, 1999) to provide a quick assessment of
reading levels in two languages.

Second-language learners are individuals who vary greatly in their acquisition of

a second language. However, there appear to be some generally accepted stages of
development through which learners progress. These stages include preproduction,
early production, speech emergence, and intermediate fluency. In preproduction—also
called the silent period—the learner is absorbing the sounds and rhythms of the new
language, becoming attuned to the flow of the speech stream, and beginning to iso-
late specific words. In this stage, the learner relies on contextual clues for understanding
key words and generally communicates nonverbally.
Once a learner feels more confident, words and phrases are attempted—the early
production stage. Responses can consist of single words (“yes,” “no,” “OK,” “you,”
“come”) or two- or three-word combinations (“where book,” “no go,” “don’t go,”
“teacher help”). Students can sometimes recite simple poems and sing songs at this
point. In the third stage, speech emergence, learners respond more freely. Utterances
become longer and more complex, but as utterances begin to resemble sentences,
10 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

syntax errors are more noticeable than in the earlier stage (“Where you going?” “The
boy running.”). Once in intermediate fluency, students begin to initiate and sustain
conversations and are often able to recognize and correct their own errors.
Regardless of the way one labels the stages of second-language acquisition, it is
now recognized that, in natural situations, learners progress through predictable stages,
and learners advance through them at their own pace. Undue pressure to move through
the stages rapidly only frustrates and retards language learning.

Adapted Instruction: Matching Instruction

to Students’ L2 Levels

Ideally, classroom activities match the students’ second-language

acquisition levels.

Beginning Level (preproduction stage)

■ Provide concrete activities featuring input that is augmented
by pictures, real objects, carefully modified teacher speech,
and frequent repetition of new vocabulary.

Early Intermediate and Intermediate Levels (early production

and speech emergence)
■ Ask questions that evoke responses of single words and brief phrases.
■ Provide opportunities for students to use their primary language as they acquire the
second language.

Early Advanced Level

■ Engage students in opportunities to speak with greater complexity, read several pages of text
even though they may have limited comprehension, and write paragraphs.
■ Offer a curriculum that supports and explicitly teaches learning strategies (see Chapter 5).

Prior Academic Success. A valid predictor of school success is prior academic suc-
cess. By reading a student’s cumulative academic record, a teacher may get a sense
of the student’s strengths and weaknesses. This can be augmented by observations
of the student during academic activities and interviews of family members and for-
mer teachers. It is important for the current teacher to assemble as complete a record
of students’ prior schooling as possible to best inform instructional decisions.

Likes/Dislikes. Inquiring about students’ favorite academic subjects, television shows,

and extracurricular activities is one way of bridging adult–child, teacher–student, or
intercultural gaps. Getting-to-know-you activities can be based on the following ques-
tions: Who/what is your favorite [native-language/culture] singer? Actor? Video game?
Outdoor game? Storybook? Grocery store? Holiday? What do you like about it?
Students can write about favorite subjects, and teachers can then use these culturally
familiar ideas in math story problems and other content.
 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 11

Psychological Factors: Social–Emotional

The affective domain, the emotional side of human behavior, is the means through
which individuals become aware of their environment, respond to it with feeling, and
act as though their feelings make a difference. This emotional dimension helps
determine how language acquisition and communication take place. The affective
factors discussed here are self-esteem, motivation, anxiety, and learner attitudes.

Self-Esteem. A large part of one’s feelings revolve around how one feels about one-
self, one’s self-esteem. High self-esteem may cause language success or result from
language success. Many teachers, however, intuitively recognize that self-esteem is-
sues play important roles in their classrooms, and they encourage students to feel
proud of their successes and abilities. Self-esteem enhancement, such as efforts to
empower students with positive images of self, family, and culture, may facilitate lan-
guage learning. Teachers also strive to ensure that learners feel good about specific
aspects of their language learning (e.g., speaking, writing) or about their success with
a particular task.
Self-esteem is particularly at risk when learning a second language, because so
much identity and pride are associated with language competence. Schools that
honor the primary languages and cultures of students and help students to develop
additive bilingualism foster strong identities; schools in which students face
disrespect and discrimination hinder students’ social and emotional development
(Cummins, 2001).
Children who do poorly in school face daily degradation to their sense of self-
esteem as they often receive low grades, and experience disapproval from their teach-
ers and even social ostracism from peers (McKay, 2000). A healthy sense of success
is necessary not only to master academics, but also to feel valuable to society.

Example of Concept: Building Self-Esteem

Anita Alvarez was a Spanish-speaking first-grade student at the beginning stages of English-
language acquisition. She was shy and retiring, and Mrs. Figueroa noticed that she seldom took
advantage of opportunities to chat with her peers. Anita seemed to have good sensorimotor
abilities and to be particularly adept at building three-dimensional models following printed
diagrams.When Mrs. Figueroa observed that Mary, another student in the class, had a lot of
difficulty in constructing objects,she teamed Anita with Mary;and,with Anita’s help,Mary com-
pleted her project successfully. Noting this success, Mrs. Figueroa publicly praised her to the
class and referred students to her for help.Mrs.Figueroa was pleased to see that,subsequently,
Anita talked more with other students and seemed to acquire English at a faster rate.

Many classroom activities can be used to enhance students’ self-esteem. In the

Name Game, students introduce themselves by first name, adding a word that de-
scribes how they are feeling that day—using a word that begins with the same letter
12 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

as their first name (the teacher may provide English learners with an alphabetized list
of adjectives). Each subsequent person repeats what the others have said in sequence.
Another activity, Name Interviews, lets students work in pairs to use a teacher-
provided questionnaire. This includes questions such as, “What do you like about
your name? Who named you? Were you named for someone? Are there members of
your family who have the same name?” and more (Siccone, 1995).

Adapted Instruction: Fostering Self-Esteem

in Classroom Groups

Weber (2005) suggests ways that classroom teachers can

“create a tone that encourages thought” (p. 16).These ideas can
also foster students’ self-esteem. Students will
■ feel free to express their minds, in respect, and without any
attack in response
■ contribute freely to ideas and feel valued in small teams and
in class
■ show positive attitudes to others’ different ideas, even when
they disagree

The ability to take risks, to “gamble,” may facilitate second-language acquisi-

tion. Educators believe that those who are willing to guess at meaning when it is not
clear and to be relatively unconcerned about making errors will progress in language
skills more rapidly than their more inhibited peers. As Brown (2000) pointed out, how-
ever, students who make random guesses and blurt out meaningless phrases have not
been as successful. It appears that moderate risk takers stand the best chance at lan-
guage development.

Motivation. “The impulse, emotion, or desire that causes one to act in a certain way”
is one way to define motivation. Gardner and Lambert (1972) postulated two types
of motivation in learning a second language: instrumental, the need to acquire a lan-
guage for a specific purpose such as reading technical material or getting a job, and
integrative, the desire to become a member of the culture of the second-language group.
Most situations involve a mixture of both types.
Generally, in classrooms, teachers may believe that motivation is a trait or a state.
As a trait, motivation is seen as being relatively consistent and persistent and is at-
tributed to various groups: parents, communities, or cultures. Students are motivated
to learn English by such incentives as the desire to please—or not to shame—their
families or by the drive to bring honor to their communities. As a state, motivation
is viewed as a more temporary condition that can be influenced by the use of highly
 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 13

interesting materials or activities, or by contingencies of reward or punishment (Tharp,

1989b).

Adapted Instruction: Motivating Students

■ Give pep talks to remind students that anything worth doing
may seem difficult at first.
■ Provide students with a list of encouraging phrases to repeat
to themselves as self-talk.

Anxiety Level. Anxiety when learning a second language can be seen as similar to gen-
eral feelings of tension that students experience in the classroom. Almost everyone feels
some anxiety when learning a new language—that is, they have feelings of self-
consciousness, a desire to be perfect when speaking, and a fear of making mistakes.
Using a foreign language can threaten a person’s sense of self if speakers fear they
cannot represent themselves fully in a new language or understand others readily.
Anxiety can be debilitating. As one student recalled,
During these several months after my arrival in the U.S.A., every day I came back
exhausted so I had to take a rest for a while, stretching myself on the bed. For all the
time, I strained every nerve in order to understand what the people were saying and make
myself understood in my broken English. I sometimes have to pretend to understand by
smiling, even though I feel alienated, uneasy, and tense. (Barna, 2007, p. 71)
Because anxiety can cause learners to feel defensive and can block effective learn-
ing, language educators strive to make the classroom a place of warmth and friend-
liness, where risk-taking is rewarded and encouraged and where peer work,
small-group work, games, and simulations are featured. Highly anxious learners must
divide their attentional resources into both learning and worrying about learning. This
reduces the ability to concentrate and be successful at learning tasks. Accepting English
learners’ use of both languages during instruction may help reduce their anxiety about
speaking English (Pappamihiel, 2002).

Example of Concept: Reducing Anxiety

In a series of lessons, Mr. Green has students write a letter to an imaginary “Dear Abby,” relat-
ing a particular difficulty they have in language learning and asking for advice.Working in groups,
the students read and discuss the letters, offer advice, and return the letters to their origina-
tors for follow-up discussion.
14 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

Adapted Instruction: Ways to Deal with

Excessive Student Anxiety

■ Monitor activities to ensure that students are receiving no

undue pressure.
■ Avoid having anxious students perform in front of large groups.
■ When using a novel format or starting a new type of task,
provide students with examples or models of how the task
is done.
■ Occasionally make available take-home tests to lower unnecessary
time pressures for performance.
■ Teach test-taking skills explicitly and provide study guides to help students who may need
extra academic preparation.
■ To increase energy levels in class, give students a brief chance to be physically active by
introducing stimuli that whet their curiosity or surprise them.
Source: Adapted from Woolfolk (2007).

Attitudes of the Learner. Attitudes play a critical role in learning English. Attitudes
toward self, toward language (one’s own and English), toward English-speaking people
(particularly peers), and toward the teacher and the classroom environment affect
students (Richard-Amato, 2003). One’s attitude toward the self involves cognition
about one’s ability in general, ability to learn language, and self-esteem and its related
emotions. These cognitions and feelings are seldom explicit and may be slow to change.
Attitudes toward language and those who speak it are largely a result of experi-
ence and the influence of people in the immediate environment, such as peers and
parents. Negative reactions are often the result of negative stereotypes or the experi-
ence of discrimination or racism. Peñalosa (1980) pointed out that if English learners
are made to feel inferior because of accent or language status, they may have a defen-
sive reaction against English and English speakers. Students may also experience
ambivalent feelings about their primary language. In some families, parents use English
at the expense of the primary language in the hope of influencing children to learn
English more rapidly. This can cause problems within the family and create a back-
lash against English or English speakers.
Students’ attitudes toward the primary language vary; some students may have
a defensive reaction or ambivalent feelings toward their own primary language as a
result of internalized shame if they have been made to feel inferior. Peers may incite
attitudes against the L1 or may try to tease or bully those who speak the same pri-
mary language with a different dialect.
Attitudes toward the teacher and the classroom environment play an important
role in school success in general and English acquisition in particular. One way to
create a sense of belonging is to assign a new student to a home group that remains
unchanged for a long time. If such groups are an ongoing aspect of classroom social
organization, with rules of caring, respect, and concern already in place, then the home
group provides an ideal social group to receive newcomers and help them develop in-
terdependence, support, and identity (Peregoy & Boyle, 2008).
 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 15

Teachers can do much to model positive attitudes toward the students’ primary
language (see Chapter 8). A teacher–family conference may be advisable if a student
continues to show poor attitudes toward the first or second language or the school.
(Chapter 10 offers a range of strategies for involving the family in schooling.)

Psychological Factors: Cognitive

The cognitive perspective helps educators understand language learners as people who
are active processors of information. Language is used in school in expanded ways: to
create meaning from print, to encode ideas into print, to analyze and compare infor-
mation, and to respond to classroom discussion. All of these activities involve cogni-
tive factors. Students learn in many different ways using a variety of strategies and styles.
This section addresses students’ cognitive styles, learning styles, and learning strategies.
Cognitive Style. A cognitive style refers to “consistent and rather enduring tendencies
or preferences within an individual” (Brown, 1987, p. 79). Tharp (1989b) suggested two
cognitive styles that have relevance for classrooms: visual/verbal and holistic/analytic.
Schools expect and reward verbal more than visual, and analytic more than holistic styles.
For students who learn by observing and doing rather than through verbal instructions,
schools may be mystifying until they catch on to a different cognitive style. Similarly, stu-
dents with more holistic thought processes learn by seeing the “big picture.”

Learning Styles. Many researchers have documented differences in the manner in which
learners approach the learning task. These preferences serve as models for instructors
in their efforts to anticipate the different needs and perspectives of students. Once learn-
ing styles have been identified, instructors can use the information to plan and to mod-
ify certain aspects of courses and assignments. Hruska-Riechmann and Grasha (1982)
offer six learning styles: competitive versus cooperative, dependent versus independ-
ent, and participant versus avoidant. For Sonbuchner (1991), learning styles refer to
information-processing styles and work environment preferences. Table 1.2 lists learn-
ing style variables that have been divided into four categories—cognitive, affective, in-
centive, and physiological—according to Keefe (1987).
Table 1.3 provides a list of learning style Websites that feature learning style in-
formation, diagnostic checklists, and ideas for adapted instruction. The teacher who
builds variety into instruction and helps learners to understand their own styles can
enhance students’ achievement.

Adapted Instruction: Teaching to Diverse

Learning Styles

Although in the typical classroom it is not possible to tailor

instruction precisely to meet individuals’ needs, some
modifications can be made that take learning styles into account.
■ Students who are dependent may benefit from encouragement
to become more independent learners; the teacher may offer a
choice between two learning activities, for example, or reduce
the number of times a student has to ask the teacher for help.
16 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

■ Students who are highly competitive may be provided activities and assignments that
encourage collaboration and interdependent learning.
■ Students who show little tolerance for frustration can be given a range of tasks on the same
skill or concept that slowly increases in complexity, with the student gradually gaining skill and
confidence.

Learning Strategies. Aside from general language-acquisition processes that all

learners use, there are individual strategies that learners adopt to help them in the ac-
quisition process. Second-language-acquisition research divides individual learner
strategies into two types: communication and learning. Learning strategies include
the techniques a person uses to think and to act in order to complete a task. Exten-
sive work in identifying learning strategies has been done by O’Malley and Chamot
(O’Malley, Chamot, Stewner-Manzanares, Kupper, & Russo, 1985a, 1985b), who
have incorporated specific instruction in learning strategies in their Cognitive Academic
Language Learning Approach (CALLA; see Chapter 5). Communication strategies

Table 1.2
Variables That Constitute Learning Style Differences

Cognitive Affective Incentive Physiological

• Field independent/field • Need for • Locus of control • Gender-related

dependent structure (internal: seeing differences (typically,
• Scanning (broad • Curiosity oneself as responsible males are more
attention) v. focusing for own behavior; or visual–spatial and
• Persistence
(narrow) external: attributing aggressive, females
• Level of circumstances to luck, more verbal and
• Conceptual/analytical anxiety
v. perceptual/concrete chance, or other tuned to fine-motor
• Frustration people) control)
• Task constricted (easily tolerance
distracted) v. task flexible • Risk taking v. caution • Personal nutrition
(capable of controlled • Competition v. (healthy v. poor
concentration) cooperation eating habits)
• Reflective v. impulsive • Level of achievement • Health
• Leveling (tendency to motivation (high or • Time-of-day
lump new experiences low) preferences
with previous ones) v. • Reaction to external (morning, afternoon,
sharpening (ability to reinforcement (does evening, night)
distinguish small or does not need • Sleeping and waking
differences) rewards and habits
• High cognitive punishment) • Need for mobility
complexity • Social motivation • Need for and
(multidimensional arising from family, response to varying
discrimination, school, and ethnic levels of light, sound,
accepting of diversity background (high or and temperature
and conflict) v. low low)
cognitive complexity • Personal interests
(tendency to reduce (hobbies, academic
conflicting information preferences)
to a minimum)

Source: Based on Keefe (1987).

 Psychological Factors That Influence Instruction 17

Table 1.3
Websites That Feature Learning Style Information, Diagnostic Inventories,
and Ideas for Adapted Instruction

Website Source Content

www.chaminade.org/inspire/ Adapted from Colin Rose’s Users can take an inventory to

learnstl.htm 1987 book Accelerated determine if they are a visual,
Learning auditory, or kinesthetic and
tactile learner.
www.engr.ncsu.edu/ North Carolina State Users can take a learning styles
learningstyles/ilsweb.html University questionnaire with 44 items to
self-assess.
http://volcano.und.nodak.edu/ Living Laboratory Explains how to use McCarthy’s
vwdocs/msh/llc/is/4mat.html Curriculum 4-MAT system.
www.usd.edu/trio/tut/ts/ University of San Diego Learn about learning styles
style.html (auditory, visual, and
kinesthetic); identify your own
learning style.

are employed for transmitting an idea when the learner cannot produce precise lin-
guistic forms, whereas learning strategies relate to the individual’s processing, stor-
age, and retrieval of language concepts (Brown, 2000).
Communication strategies include avoiding sounds, structures, or topics that are
beyond current proficiency; memorizing stock phrases to rely on when all else fails;
asking a conversant for help or pausing to consult a dictionary; and falling back on
the primary language for help in communication. The last strategy, often called code
switching, has been studied extensively because it permeates a learner’s progression in
a second language. Code switching—the alternating use of two languages on the word,
phrase, clause, or sentence level—has been found to serve a variety of purposes, not
just as a strategy to help when expressions in the second language are lacking.
Baker (2001) lists ten purposes for code switching: (1) to emphasize a point,
(2) because a word is unknown in one of the languages, (3) for ease and efficiency of
expression, (4) as a repetition to clarify, (5) to express group identity and status and/or
to be accepted by a group, (6) to quote someone, (7) to interject in a conversation,
(8) to exclude someone, (9) to cross social or ethnic boundaries, and (10) to ease
tension in a conversation. Code switching thus serves a variety of intentions beyond
the mere linguistic. It has important power and social ramifications.
According to Buell (2004), “Code-switching is a key marker of social identities,
relations, and context. When a speaker uses or changes a code, she is signaling who
she is, how she relates to listeners or readers, how she understands the context and
what communication tools are available to her” (pp. 99, 100). Code switching can
be seen not only in spoken conversations but also in mass media, literature, in sci-
ence textbooks, and so on. Students’ writing and other discourse practices are apt to
be complex, multilayered, and sometimes contradictory. Understanding students in
the full splendor of their code-switching and use of dialect, peer-influenced, or idio-
syncratic language is part of the joy of teaching.
18 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

Example of Concept: Code Switching

Jennifer Seitz, a third-grade teacher, uses Alicia’s primary language, Spanish, as a way to help
Alicia learn English. A recent Spanish-speaking immigrant to the United States, Alicia has acquired
whole phrases or words in English from a fellow student and intersperses these when speaking
Spanish to gain access to her peer group. On the playground, she has been heard to repeat in
Spanish something just said in English, perhaps to clarify what was said or to identify with two
groups. She often uses English when learning concepts in the classroom, but uses Spanish when
she is discussing the concept with another student or when the conversation involves a personal
matter. The content of the instruction and the interpersonal link between speakers seem to be
the main factors in her language choice.

Although language purists look down on language mixing, a more fruitful approach
is letting children learn in whatever manner they feel most comfortable, so that anxi-
ety about language will not interfere with concept acquisition. In fact, a teacher who
learns words and expressions in the students’ home language is able to use the stu-
dents’ language to express solidarity and share personal feelings when appropriate.

Adapted Instruction: Accommodating

Students’ Psychological Needs

To adjust for individual psychological factors, teachers can

provide verbal reassurances to timid students, alternative
learning activities to address multiple intelligences, explicit
opportunities to help students express their strong abilities,
and additional mediation for students who need to achieve
despite a possible weak ability in a specific area.

Sociocultural Factors That Influence Instruction

Language learning occurs within social and cultural contexts. A part of the sense of mas-
tery and enjoyment in a language is acting appropriately and understanding cultural
norms. Learners adapt patterns of behavior in a new language and culture based on ex-
periences from their own culture. Home culture patterns of behavior can be both help-
ful and limiting in learning the second-language community’s patterns of interaction.
Thus, sociocultural factors—how people interact with one another and how they carry
out their daily business—play a large role in second-language acquisition.
If, as many believe, prolonged exposure to English is sufficient for mastery, then
why do so many students fail to achieve the proficiency in English necessary for ac-
ademic success? Some clues to this perplexity can be found beyond the language it-
self, in the sociocultural context. Do the students feel that their language and culture
are accepted and validated by the school? A well-meaning teacher, with the most
 Sociocultural Factors That Influence Instruction 19

up-to-date pedagogy, may still fail to foster achievement if students are socially and
culturally uncomfortable with, resistant to, or alienated from schooling.
As students learn a second language, their success is dependent on sociocultural
factors. These factors are explored here with a view toward helping teachers facili-
tate student learning by bridging the culture and language gaps.

Family Acculturation and the Use

of First and Second Languages
Acculturation is the process of adapting to a new culture. English learners in the United
States, by the mere fact of living in this country and participating in schools, learn a
second culture as well as a second language. How the acculturation proceeds depends
on factors beyond language itself and beyond the individual learner’s motivation, ca-
pabilities, and style—it usually is a familywide phenomenon.
In studying students’ differential school performance, Ogbu (1978) draws a dis-
tinction between various types of immigrant groups. Castelike minorities are those
minority groups that were originally incorporated into society against their will and
have been systematically exploited and depreciated over generations through slavery
or colonization. Castelike minorities traditionally work at the lowest paying and most
undesirable jobs, and they suffer from a job ceiling they cannot rise above regardless
of talent, motivation, or achievement. Thus, academic success is not always seen as
helpful or even desirable for members of these groups.
On the other hand, immigrant minorities who are relatively free of a history of
depreciation, such as immigrants to the United States from El Salvador, Guatemala,
and Nicaragua, believe that the United States is a land of opportunity. These immi-
grants do not view education as irrelevant or exploitative but rather as an important
investment. Therefore, the internalized attitudes about the value of school success for
family members may influence the individual student.
Schumann (1978) developed the acculturation model that asserted, “the degree to
which a learner acculturates to the target language group will control the degree
to which he acquires the second language” (p. 34). He listed the following social vari-
ables that he concludes are important factors in acculturation:
• The primary-language and English-language groups view each other as socially
equal, of equal status.
• The primary-language and the English-language groups both desire that the L1
group assimilate.
• Both the primary-language and English-language groups expect the primary-
language group to share social facilities with the English-language group.
• The primary-language group is small and not very cohesive.
• The primary-language group’s culture is congruent with that of the English-
language group.
• Both groups have positive attitudes toward each other.
• The primary-language group expects to stay in the area for an extended period.
Schumann’s model demonstrates that the factors influencing a student’s L1 and
L2 use are complicated by sociocultural variables stemming from society at large. For
20 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

example, one can infer from the model that a family living in a predominantly primary-
language community will exert fewer pressures on the children to speak English.

Adapted Instruction: Learning about the Family

■ If possible, visit the student’s home to observe the family’s
degree of acculturation.
■ Note the family’s media consumption:
What television shows does the family watch, in which
language?
Do family members read books, magazines, or
newspapers, and in which languages?

A family’s use of L1 and L2 is also influenced by the relative status of the primary
language in the eyes of the dominant culture. In modern U.S. culture, the social value
and prestige of speaking a second language varies with socioeconomic position; it also
varies as to the second language that is spoken.
Many middle-class parents believe that learning a second language benefits their
children personally and socially and will later benefit them professionally. In fact, it is
characteristic of the elite group in the United States who are involved in scholarly work,
diplomacy, foreign trade, or travel to desire to be fully competent in two languages
(Porter, 1990). However, the languages that parents wish their children to study are of-
ten not those spoken by recently arrived immigrants (Dicker, 1992). This suggests that
a certain bias exists in being bilingual—that being competent in a “foreign language”
is valuable, whereas knowing an immigrant language is a burden to be overcome.
There are many ways in which a second-class status is communicated to speak-
ers of other languages, and because language attitudes usually operate at an incon-
spicuous level, school personnel and teachers are not always aware of the attitudes
they hold. For example, the interlanguage of English learners—the language they use
as they learn English—may be considered a dialect of English. Students learning En-
glish express themselves in many different dialects, depending on the language they
hear in their homes and communities. These forms of English vary in the pronunci-
ation of words, the selection of vocabulary that is used, and the way that words are
arranged in sentences.
Some teachers only accept Standard English, the English found in textbooks. They
may view nonstandard forms as less logical, less precise, or less elegant; sometimes
they may even stigmatized these forms as corrupt or debased. Worse, they may view
those who speak nonstandard English as less intelligent or less gifted linguistically.
Research has shown that incorporating nonstandard language use in the classroom
is often a helpful bridge to the learning of Standard English. When students feel that
they are accepted and are confident of their language skills, they are more likely to
want to acquire a second language (Siegel, 1999).
If teachers devalue the accent, syntax, or other speech characteristics of students as
they learn English, English learners receive the message that their dialect is not accepted.
 Sociocultural Factors That Influence Instruction 21

If teachers use dialect to evaluate students’ potential or use proficiency in Standard

English to predict school achievement, it is possible that the teacher’s own attitude to-
ward the students’ dialects—either positive or negative—has more to do with students’
cognitive and academic achievement than does the dialect.

Adapted Instruction: Recognizing Biases

■ Recognize areas in which there may be differences in
language use and in which those differences might create
friction because the minority group’s use may be deemed
“inferior” by the majority.
■ Be honest about your own biases, recognizing that you
communicate these biases whether or not you are aware of
them.
■ Model correct usage without overt correction, and the student in time will self-correct—if the
student chooses Standard English as the appropriate sociolinguistic choice for that context.

Family Values and School Values

As student populations in U.S. schools become increasingly diversified both lin-
guistically and culturally, teachers and students have come to recognize the important
role that attitudes and values play in school success. At times, the values of the school
may differ from those of the home. Not only the individual’s attitudes as described
above, but also the family’s values and attitudes toward schooling, influence a child’s
school success.

Example of Concept: Family Values

Amol is a third-grade student whose parents were born in India. As the only son in a male-
dominant culture,he has internalized a strong sense of commitment to becoming a heart surgeon.
His approach to classwork is painstaking. Often he is the last to finish an assignment during class.
The teacher’s main frustration with Amol is that he cannot quickly complete his work. How-
ever, when talking with Amol’s family, the teacher notes that his parents seem pleased with his
perfectionism and not at all concerned with his speed at tasks. In this respect, home and school
values differ.

In this example, the teacher epitomizes a mainstream U.S. value: speed and effi-
ciency in learning. Teachers may describe students of other cultures as being lack-
adaisical and uncaring about learning, when in fact they may be operating within a
different time frame and value system.
Other values held by teachers and embodied in classroom procedures have to do
with task orientation. The typical U.S. classroom is a place of work in which students
22 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

are expected to conform to a schedule, keep busy, maintain order, avoid wasting time,
conform to authority, and achieve academically in order to attain personal worth.
Working alone is also valued in school, and children may spend a great deal of time
in activities that do not allow them to interact verbally with other people or to move
physically around the room.
Children need to find within the structure and content of their schooling those
behaviors and perspectives that permit them to switch between home and school
cultural behaviors and values without inner conflict or crises of identity (Pérez &
Torres-Guzmán, 2002). Teachers need to feel comfortable with the values and be-
haviors of their students’ cultures in order to develop a flexible cultural repertoire
within the context of teaching.
The danger of excluding the students’ culture(s) from the classroom is that cul-
tural identity, if not included, may become oppositional. Ogbu and Matute-Bianchi
(1986) described how oppositional identity in a distinctly Mexican-American frame
of reference influenced the performance of Mexican-American children. They attrib-
uted achievement difficulties on the part of some Mexican-American children to a dis-
trust of academic effort. When schools were segregated and offered inferior education
to this community, a general mistrust of schools caused a difficulty in accepting, in-
ternalizing, and following school rules of behavior for achievement. This element of
resistance or opposition is not always overt but often takes the form of mental with-
drawal, high absenteeism, or reluctance to do classwork.
Schools with high concentrations of English learners often deprive children of the
use of their cultural knowledge and experience, even when staff are well meaning. It
is easy to give lip service to the validation of the students’ cultures and values. How-
ever, teachers should not use examples drawn from one culture and not another, use
literature that displays pictures and photographs of one culture only, and set up class-
room procedures that make some students feel less comfortable than others. This is
unfair and damaging. The implementation of a rich and flexible cultural repertoire
is the strategy that can allow cultures to mix constructively and promote achievement.

Adapted Instruction: Accommodating

Students’ Cultures

Dalle and Young (2003) suggest that teachers check with families
to see if family cultures have any “taboos” that would make
students uncomfortable performing certain activities; discuss with
family members the support available for homework, and arrange
for after-class supervision if needed; and explain key concepts
using ideas that are familiar from the students’ perspective.

Institutional Support for the Primary Language

and Those Who Speak It
Educators may view a student’s ability to speak a home language other than English
as an advantage or as a liability toward school success. Those who blame bilingual
 Sociocultural Factors That Influence Instruction 23

students for failing in school often operate from the mistaken beliefs that students
and/or their parents are uninterested in education; that students who are raised as
native speakers of another language are handicapped in learning because they have
not acquired sufficient English; or that cultural differences between the ways children
learn at home or among their peers and the ways they are expected to learn at school
interfere with school learning.
In fact, schools often operate in ways that advantage certain children and disad-
vantage others, causing distinct outcomes that align with social and political forces
in the larger cultural context. Institutional support for the primary language and stu-
dents who speak it is a prime factor in school success for these students.
Some social theorists see the culture of the school as maintaining the poor in a per-
manent underclass and as legitimizing inequality (Giroux, 1983). In other words, school-
ing is used to reaffirm class boundaries. This creates an educational class system in which
minority students—or any students who are not successful in the classroom—emerge
from their schooling to occupy the same social status as their parents.

Example of Concept: The Way Schools Use Language

to Perpetuate Social Class Inequality

Consider this account from Erickson of a fourth-grade class that was electing student council
representatives.
Mrs.Lark called for nominations.Mary,a monolingual English-speaking European-American student,
nominated herself. Mrs. Lark accepted Mary’s self-nomination and wrote her name on the board.
Rogelio, a Spanish-speaking Mexican-American child with limited English proficiency, nominated
Pedro. Mrs. Lark reminded the class that the representative must be “outspoken.” Rogelio again
said “Pedro.” Mrs. Lark announced to the class again that the representative must be “a good
outspoken citizen.” Pedro turned red and stared at the floor. Mrs. Lark embarrassed Rogelio into
withdrawing the nomination. No other Mexican-American child was nominated, and Mary won
the election. Pedro and Rogelio were unusually quiet for the rest of the school day.
Source: Adapted from Erickson (1977, p. 59).

Incidents like the one in Mrs. Lark’s classroom are generally unintentional on the
teacher’s part. A beginning step in helping all students feel fully integrated into the
class and the learning environment is for teachers to become sensitive to their own
cultural and linguistic predispositions.
Nieto and Bode (2008) identified numerous structures within schools that affect
English learners: tracking, testing, the curriculum, pedagogy, the school’s physical
structure and disciplinary policies, the limited roles of both students and teachers, and
limited parent and community involvement.

Tracking. The practice of placing students in groups of matched abilities, despite its
superficial advantages, in reality often labels and groups children for years and al-
lows them little or no opportunity to change groups. Secondary school personnel who
24 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

place English learners in low tracks or in nonacademic ELD classes preclude those
students from any opportunity for higher-track, precollege work. In contrast, a sup-
portive school environment offers equal education opportunity to all students, re-
gardless of their language background.

Testing. Students who respond poorly on standardized tests are often given “basic skills”
in a remedial curriculum that is essentially the same as the one in which they were not
experiencing success. A supportive school is one that offers testing adaptations for En-
glish learners as permitted by law; for example, academic testing in the primary lan-
guage, extended time for test taking, and fully trained testing administrators.

Curriculum Design. Only a small fraction of knowledge is codified into textbooks and
teachers’ guides, and this is rarely the knowledge that English learners bring from their
communities (see Loewen, 1995). In addition, the curriculum may be systematically
watered down for the “benefit” of children in language-minority communities through
the mistaken idea that such students cannot absorb the core curriculum. A support-
ive environment is one that maintains high standards while offering a curriculum that
is challenging and meaningful.

Pedagogy. The way students are taught is often tedious and uninteresting, particu-
larly for students who have been given a basic skills curriculum in a lower-track class-
room. The pressure to “cover” a curriculum may exclude learning in depth and
frustrate teachers and students alike. Pedagogy that is supportive fully involves
students—teachers make every effort to present understandable instruction that
engages students at high levels of cognitive stimulation.

Example of Concept: A School Culture That Disconnects, Bores,

and Controls—for Teachers and Students Alike

Order predominated at the traditional high school that Wells (1996) studied. Control trumped
creativity.Teachers were not encouraged to voice their educational philosophies or innovate.
Instruction was driven by textbooks,with few opportunities for students to write.Reading became
an exercise in searching for answers to chapter questions or worksheet blanks. Little inquiry,
exploration, or reflection was asked of students. Pope (2002) came to a similar conclusion. Stu-
dents, for the most part, experienced little genuine engagement.They did schoolwork because
they had to—there was little evidence of curiosity or interest. If this is the case for the average
middle-class high school, conditions can only be worse in inner-city schools, where the majority
of immigrant students are educated.

The Physical Structure of the School. Architecture also affects the educational envi-
ronment. Many inner-city schools are built like fortresses to forestall vandalism and theft.
Rich suburban school districts, by contrast, may provide more space, more supplies,
and campuslike schools for their educationally advantaged students. Supportive school-
ing is observable—facilities are humane, well cared for, and materially advantaged.
 Sociocultural Factors That Influence Instruction 25

Disciplinary Policies. Certain students may be punished more often than others, par-
ticularly those who wear high-profile clothing, have high physical activity levels, or
tend to hold an attitude of resistance toward schooling. Rather than defining students’
predilections as deviant or disruptive, teachers can channel these interactions into co-
operative groups that allow children to express themselves and learn at the same time,
thus supporting rich cultural and linguistic expression.

The School Culture. The most powerful regularities about school are not found in the
formalities such as course offerings and schedules. They are found in the school culture—
such unspoken elements as the respect shown by students for academic endeavor, the
openness that the teachers show when the principal drops in to observe instruction,
and the welcome parents feel when they take an active role in the school. In its 1996
report What Matters Most: Teaching and America’s Future, the National Commission
on Teaching and America’s Future argued that without a formal overhaul of school
culture in America, students cannot learn well. This is a warning that applies especially
to the aspects of school culture that promote success for English learners.
The Limited Role of Students. Students may be excluded from taking an active part in
their own schooling, and alienation and passive frustration may result. However, in ad-
dition to language barriers, cultural differences may preclude some students from par-
ticipating in ways that the mainstream culture rewards. The accompanying Example of
Concept illustrates the ways in which the limited role of students is disempowering.

Example of Concept: The Limited Role of Students

Natisha has not said a word to any of her teachers since the beginning of school. It’s not that
she was a “bad” student; she turned in assignments and made Bs. She certainly didn’t cause her
teachers trouble.Therefore Mr. Williams, her high school counselor, was somewhat surprised
to hear she was dropping out of school.
Natisha described her school experiences as coming to school, listening to teachers, and
going home. School was boring and not connected to her real life. Nothing she was learning in
school could help her get a job. She knew from more than ten years of listening to teachers and
reading textbooks that her chances of becoming a news anchorwoman or even a teacher were
about the same as winning the lottery.
School had helped silence Natisha. Classes provided no meaningful experience for her.The
content may have been important to the teachers, but she could find no relationship to her own
world.
Source: Adapted from Gollnick & Chinn (2006, p. 355).

The Limited Role of Teachers. Teachers of CLD students may be excluded from de-
cision making just as students are disenfranchised. This may lead teachers to have
negative feelings toward their students. A supportive environment for CLD students
is supportive of their teachers as well.
26 Chapter 1 Learning about the Language Learner

Limited Family and Community Involvement. Inner-city schools with large populations
of English learners may exclude families from participation. Parents may find it dif-
ficult to attend meetings, may be only symbolically involved in the governance of the
school, or may feel a sense of mismatch with the culture of the school just as their
children do. In circumstances like these, school personnel, in consultation with com-
munity and parent representatives, can begin to ameliorate such perceptions by talk-
ing with one another and developing means of communication and interaction
appropriate for both parent and school communities.

Example of Concept: Building Home–School Partnerships

When students began skipping classes in high school, several teachers and staff became con-
cerned. The district’s ELD and bilingual staff and several school principals met individually with
students and parents to search for the reasons the school system wasn’t working. Community
meetings were held with parents, teachers, school principals, central office administrators, and
the school superintendent to strengthen the home–school partnership, and included informal
potluck suppers and teacher- and parent-facilitated roundtable discussions. Numerous sugges-
tions and positive actions came from these meetings—including the powerful links that were
made between the district and the families (Zacarian, 2004a, pp. 11–13).

A supportive classroom environment for CLD students is less effective if the

environment or practices of the school are discriminatory. Chapter 11 offers ways in
which teachers can exercise influence within the school and society at large to sup-
port the right of CLD students to receive an effective education.

Sociocultural Support for L1 in the Classroom Environment

Various sociocultural factors influence the support that is offered for the primary lan-
guage and its speakers in the classroom. Teaching and learning in mainstream class-
rooms are often organized with social structures that deny the ways in which students
are most likely to learn. Tharp (1989b) describes the typical North-American class-
room. Students are seated in ranks and files, and a teacher-leader instructs the whole
group. Many students are not productive and on-task in this environment. They may
benefit more from the opportunity to interact with peers as they learn, speaking their
primary language if necessary to exchange information.
Cooperative learning has positive results in the education of CLD students (Kagan,
1986). Positive race relations among students and socialization toward pro-social
values and behaviors are potential outcomes of a cooperative-learning environment.
Cooperative learning may restore a sense of comfort in the school setting to children
of a variety of cultures. Students may gain psychological support from one another
as they acquire English, and this support can help the students work as a group with
the teacher to achieve a workable sociocultural compromise between the use of L1
and L2 in the classroom.
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institution glanced at the contents, then replied:
"Tell him 'no.'"
When the retreating footsteps of the servant sounded on the
hardwood floor of the hall, the banker turned to his son.
"It's all right. The message says the men will leave tonight and
arrive about seven in the morning.
"Now leave me. I have some other matters to attend to. Don't stay
out late to-night for you'll need a clear head and all your wits about
you in the morning.
"The unmasking of the scoundrels and the revenge for the insults to
our family rest practically on you."
Clouds were gathering about the heads of the bandits of which they
were unwitting.
 Chapter VI.

THE BATTLE OF WITS.

Declining the invitations to tarry a while of the men who had loaned
them their ponies, the outlaws were returning to their tents when
they heard the whistle of an engine.
"I'll bet that's the evening train," declared Frank. "Let's go down to
the station. Cole and Texas ought to be showing up soon and if they
should, it might mix things up badly if they started to ask questions
in order to find us."
"Good idea," assented his brother and accordingly the trio turned
their footsteps toward the station.
The train had brought its usual influx of people come to try the
medicinal waters of the Springs and they were thronging into the
town, some in carriages, others on foot, as the desperadoes turned
into the street that led to the depot.
Walking slowly, they scanned the faces of the new arrivals.
At last the rush was over and the forms of only a few belated
stragglers were visible.
"Guess the boys didn't come," observed Clell.
"It doesn't seem—hello, there they are," murmured Jesse hurriedly
as he espied the broad shoulders and familiar, swinging gait of his
pals.
The recognition had been mutual and quickening their steps, Cole
and Texas Jack were soon grasping the hands of their leader.
Without returning their greetings the famous outlaw whispered:
"Cole, your name for the present will be Ted Bemis; Jack, yours will
be Ned Haskell." And he told them the aliases with which he had
endowed Frank and Clell and himself, adding, "we're miners from
Colorado on the way to New York to raise the wind to buy more
mines."
These important instructions delivered, the bandit-chieftain, with
Cole at his side, led the way back to their tent, avoiding the square.
During the walk, the new arrivals were briefly made aware of the
incidents of the day, especially of the exclamation as Jesse's beard
was started from its place that caused them so much anxiety.
"At a rough guess, I should say it was young what's-his-name,"
vouchsafed Cole.
"Young Rozier, you mean," interposed Clell. "That's my idea, too."
"Time will tell," said the bandit-chieftain, irritably, for the annoying
lack of positive assurance was getting on his nerves. "But there's
one thing sure and that is the sooner we drop the subject the better.
Some one may overhear us."
So dark was it as they reached the camp-ground that they easily
gained their tent by skirting the park without being seen.
Cole and Texas had taken their supper on the train so there was no
need of rekindling a fire and the reunited bandits stretched out on
blankets like the spokes of a wheel, their heads forming the hub that
they might be near enough together to converse in low tones.
When the shooting up of Chouteau and their uneventful journey
from there to the Springs had been narrated, the men fell to
discussing their next move.
That the health resort was none too safe a place for them, all were
agreed but that was the only point on which they did agree.
Frank was for striking to the north, into regions unknown to them
and where, in consequence, there would be less chance of their
being recognized.
To the others, save the world-famous desperado, the suggestion
seemed a good one. But Jesse pointed out that their escapes from
capture, narrow as many of them had been, were due to the fact
that their knowledge of the country in which they had operated was
so intimate that they had been able to give their pursuers the slip,
an advantage they would forfeit should they strike into a section
with whose highways and byways they were unfamiliar.
"Well, what do you propose instead?" demanded his brother,
realizing from long association with him, that his opposition to the
suggestion was largely because he had already made his plans.
"I'm not ready to say, just yet. It depends upon what to-morrow
brings forth," returned Jesse. "There's a rich bank in Ste. Genevieve.
This man, Rozier, and his dandified son stick in my crop and I intend
to be quits with him before I do anything else."
"I should think you were already," grinned Frank. "You've saved his
daughter, called him down for offering you money and refused the
girl's request to let her sweetheart off from the tar and feathering.
"I don't know what more you want.
"If you take my advice, you'll let well enough alone and duck out of
here while we have the chance. I've got a hunch that if we stay here
we're going to get into trouble!"
With a superstitious respect for his brother's intuitions, the great
outlaw puffed at his pipe in silence for several minutes.
"I have no right to insist on your remaining here when it's only a
private grudge to be settled," said he at last. "If you boys want to go
into Nebraska, Iowa or even farther north, you may. But mind you,
you are only going to look over the ground, get acquainted with the
lay of the land and find out some likely places to raid. There's to be
no work done till I join you.
"If you can find Bill Chadwell, take him along. He knows every hog
path in that country."
With their customary desire to be with their idol day and night when
possible, Clell and Cole announced their determination to remain
with him.
"I'd like to stay and I'd like to go," observed the man from the Lone
Star State. "I've never been so far up north and I've always wanted
to."
"Then go, by all means," assented the bandit-chieftain. "I don't want
Frank to go alone, in case of accident. But the two of you ought to
be able to take care of yourselves."
The matter thus settled, it was decided that the sooner the scouts
started the better. And accordingly they saddled two of the horses,
leaving the roan which had caused so much trouble, and made
ready their clothes.
"Won't it make the people here ask questions if two men come and
two go at night?" inquired Cole.
"Oh, I'll take care of that," returned his leader. "You boys keep your
wits about you. We'll meet at the cave at Sni Mills in five weeks.
Mind the time.
"Good bye and good luck."
And watching his pals until they disappeared in the woods, Jesse
pegged down the flap of the tent, buttoned it and prepared for
turning in.
At the saloons and in the gambling dens, the bandits were the chief
topic of conversation. The wildest fabrications of imagination found
ready believers. Some of those more under the influence of liquor
than others asserted they had known the rich miners when they
were grub-staking and prospecting in the mountains.
Every time the doors of the entrance swung open, an expectant
hush fell on the inmates as they turned toward them to see if the
arrivals should be the men about whom they were talking, only to be
disappointed. Wondrous tales of their drinking and gambling abilities
were told by their self-styled acquaintances and confidently these
promised their fellows that before the night was out they would see
goings on that would open their eyes. But as midnight came without
any signs of the subjects of the stories, those who had swallowed
the yarns began to grow skeptical and many a fight was the result of
their freely expressed doubts.
Those who thronged to the dancing pavilion in the hope that they
might see the heroes of the rescue at close range, perhaps even
manage to secure them as partners, were likewise disappointed at
the failure of the outlaws to show themselves. Many a maiden who
had made her toilet with elaborate care that it might attract the
attention of the rumor-created millionaires vented her vexation on
her favourite swain, causing the latter to leave in a huff. And
because of these lover's tiffs, the young people forsook the canvas
at an unusually early hour.
But the disappointment of the evening was forgotten in the
excitement of the morning!
Early risers had discovered that of the thoroughbreds two were
missing.
Jumping to the conclusion that their disappearance was the work of
some of Consollas' friends, these men had rushed to Jesse's tent,
yelling for him to come out only to have their, as they supposed,
startling information driven from their minds by the astonishment at
seeing the strange face of Cole and the absence of Frank.
"What's the row?" asked the great outlaw, gazing from one to
another of the bewildered faces before him, though he was well
aware that the missing thoroughbreds were the cause.
"Y—your horses, t—two of them are g—gone," stammered someone.
"I know it," returned Jesse in a quiet tone.
For a moment, he was tempted to offer no explanation, then
deeming it unwise to leave the mystery unsolved, added:
"I was obliged to send out two messengers in the night."
The provokingly matter of fact way in which he made his statement
perplexed the hearers all the more.
Only one of his companions of the day before, known to them as
Sam Sloan, did they miss, yet he had said that he had despatched
two men, and in his place was a new face.
As they tried to reconcile these facts, it suddenly dawned on them
that events had transpired during the night of which they were in
ignorance. Startled by the thought, with one accord they hurried
away without making excuses, eager to circulate the latest news
about the interesting strangers.
His face breaking into a smile as he watched their unceremonious
departure, the bandit-chieftain chuckled.
"There'll be lots of folks in this burg that won't wait to eat their usual
breakfasts in their haste to get to this tent to see for themselves.
Cole, I've a good mind to tie you inside and charge admission for a
look at you." Then dropping his banter, he continued: "Before they
come, and while we have the chance, we'll look to our shooting-
irons. There's no telling how far a calf can jump by looking at him,
and the situation may get beyond our control at any moment."
Thus recalled to the smoldering volcano of suspicious curiosity on
which they were standing, Clell and Cole inspected their guns
carefully, put new cartridges in the chambers and a plentiful supply
in their pockets.
Scarcely had they completed the task when the first of the
inquisitive crowd arrived, their number increasing each minute.
As people watch a sleeping animal in a menagerie, hoping that it
may rouse itself and do something, so the throng watched the
closed flap of the supposed miners' tent after having hurriedly
verified the fact that only the roan mare was left where the three
horses had been at twilight.
One family at the resort there was, however, who were ignorant of
the change in the personnel of occupiers of the tent—the Roziers.
Agog over the coming of the detectives and the events the day
would disclose, the banker and his son had got up at an hour
unheard of for them and driven to the station in two carriages that
they might get the sleuths from the depot to their house in the least
possible time and with the least possible publicity.
Surprise at their appearance was forgotten by the regular hack and
'bus drivers in their eagerness to secure fares from the arrivals by
the train and when they did remember them the Rozier turnouts
were nowhere to be seen.
With little difficulty, the president of the savings institution had
picked out the detectives. Quickly assuring himself that he was right,
he bundled them into the carriages and drove them rapidly to his
home.
Declining to broach the reason for their summons till the men had
breakfasted, the banker took them to his den as soon as the meal
was finished.
Employing the same precautions against eavesdroppers that he had
when talking with his son, Mr. Rozier motioned them to chairs,
offered them cigars and, taking his place at his desk, laid the case
before them.
"Allow me to compliment you, sir, on your lucid exposition of the
facts," remarked the man in charge of the detectives, patronizingly,
as the banker concluded. "If I had been directing the case myself I
couldn't have done it better.
"May I suggest that young Mr. Rozier be sent on his mission at once?
The sooner he makes a report on the case, the sooner shall we be
able to get to work."
Acquiescing readily, the bank president ordered his son to start, with
the injunction to keep his head about him.
Astonished at the crowd surrounding his destination so early, young
Rozier quickly learned its cause.
Perplexed by the information, he nevertheless elbowed his way to
the still closed tent flap.
After vainly trying to attract the attention of the inmates by
scratching on the canvas, he called:
"I say, Mr. Howard, let a fellow in, won't you? I'm Rozier, Forman A.
Rozier, Jr."
Although the outlaws had heard the first tampering with the tent,
they made no move till the request was uttered.
"The fun's begun," breathed Jesse to his chums as he got up from
his camp stool and unbuttoned the flap.
Inwardly glad that it was the boy instead of his father against whom
he was to match his brains, for that the visit would develop into a
battle of wits he had no doubt, the world-famous bandit threw open
the canvas, exclaiming blandly:
"This is an unexpected pleasure! Come in, won't you? Because your
fellow townsmen persist in treating us as though we were animals
on exhibition we are obliged to keep the flap down."
Jumping to the conclusion that his task was already as good as done
because of the cordiality of the greeting when he had anticipated a
brusqueness that would tax his diplomacy to overcome, the boy
entered while his host once more closed and buttoned the canvass.
Yet could he have seen the wink that Jesse sent to his pals from
behind his back, the youth would have lost his confidence.
His work which had taken but a few seconds, ended, the great
outlaw turned to his guest.
"This is Mr. Prentiss, Mr. Rozier and this is Mr. Bemis," he said
introducing Clell and Cole. "Take a camp stool, won't you? I can't
offer you a chair."
Now that he was in the presence of the men he hoped to unmask
and brand as villains, the banker's son was at a loss how to proceed
and sat in embarrassed silence after acknowledging the
introductions.
Determined to leave the opening of the conversation to their caller,
Jesse held his peace, enjoying the lad's increasing discomfiture.
Taking their cues from their leader, Clell and Cole said nothing.
The pause was awkward and each moment made it more so—for
young Rozier.
Try as he would, however, the lad could think of no way to make an
opening for his questions. Obviously it would not do to ask about the
mines abruptly.
Finally, getting desperate, he took out his cigar case, stammering:
"Have a—have a cigar?"
"No thank you," responded Jesse. "My partner, Mr. Bemis, brought
on a supply of a special kind we have made for us from Mexican
tobacco and I prefer those." But despite his words, the bandit-
chieftain made no move to get any.
Nettled by the refusal, for he realized that it meant that the men
before him would accept nothing, not even a smoke, from his hands,
the banker's son summoned all his courage and asked:
"Mr. Bemis wasn't here yesterday when you made your wonderful
rescue of my sister, was he?"
"No, he was not," returned the great outlaw.
"I heard that some friends of yours had come—and gone—" he
emphasized, "in the night. You should have got here before, Mr.
Bemis. I never saw such remarkable nerve in my life."
Ere Cole could reply, however, Jesse interposed:
"By the way, your recalling the incident makes me think. Were you
anywhere near me when we were punishing Consollas?"
Unable to understand at what his questioner was driving when he
knew that the latter must remember the quarrel over his sister's
note, young Rozier replied, significantly:
"I was at your elbow."
"Oh, were you? There were so many strange faces I failed to recall
yours."
"He's trying to wriggle out of refusing Sally's request by pretending
he didn't recognize me," thought the boy to himself and vowing not
to let him, he was racking his brains for some way to block him
when Jesse continued:
"I'm glad. You may be able to help me.
"While the little wretch was struggling to prevent my putting him in
the kettle, I lost a watch charm, a gold nugget, that I wouldn't part
with for ten—no, nor for twenty—thousand dollars.
"Did you see any one near me who might have picked it up,
unnoticed in the excitement?"
The question was asked quietly, with no unusual emphasis. But it
was loaded!
By it the great bandit sought to learn whether or not the banker's
son was the person who had uttered the exclamation as his beard
was pulled from his face.
Its answer would tell if the call of young Rozier was an act of
friendliness or of hostility.
The unsuspecting lad, however, accepted it at its face value,
responding:
"There was no one near you but Mr. Sloan and myself. If I had seen
it, I should have called your attention to it. Probably it was trampled
in the dirt."
As he heard the admission, Jesse's eyes grew steely.
There was no longer any doubt in his mind that his caller had
discovered his disguise. Yet it was necessary to learn the plans and
purpose of the banker before acting.
The battle of wits was on!
Instinctively the occupants of the tent realized that the apparently
harmless question and answer had changed their relations.
Not clever enough to understand that his guns had been spiked, the
banker's son, considering it an unhoped-for opportunity, prattled on:
"I suppose it was associated with some of your early diggings."
Unwilling to commit himself, the bandit-chieftain made no comment,
an omission, the youth decided, that showed his reluctance to speak
about his mines and the more eagerly he determined to make him.
"I hear you have some very valuable mines," he continued,
apparently ignoring "Howard's" silence.
"Who told you?" demanded Jesse.
"Oh, it's common talk. They say you're on your way to New York to
raise funds to buy others. If you don't mind my saying so, I think
you, or your—friends, ought to be more close mouthed. Still, for my
part I'm glad you weren't. I've some money to invest and I want to
talk about going in with you."
The ice broken, young Rozier no longer found difficulty in playing his
part and rattled on glibly.
"I asked father about it and he said he would consider it if he could
be convinced that they were good mines. You know there are so
many swindling schemes," he added maliciously.
Had he been older or more accustomed to reading men, he would
have understood from the expression in the bandit-chieftain's eyes
that he had overshot his mark. But in the blind confidence of his
youth, he rushed out the questions uppermost in his mind.
"Of course, Mr. Howard, father doesn't mean that your mines aren't
all right. What he wants to know is where they are.
"Have you any map of them or, rather, as of course you have one to
show in New York, will you let me take it and show it to father?
"He has some capitalists consulting with him at the house now and
he might be able to interest them so that it would not be necessary
for you to go to New York for the money."
The purpose to unmask him through the mines he, himself, had said
he owned was as clear to the great desperado as though he had
been in the banker's study the previous evening when the plan was
unfolded.
Remembering the old adage "forewarned is forearmed," Jesse
determined to balk the attempt to catch him in the lie, yet not so
bluntly as to let the bank president know that he had discovered his
purpose.
"I am deeply obliged for your father's interest," he dissembled, "but
I do not need any outside assistance. Mr. Bemis brought a
gentleman here last night who has arranged for the money and Mr.
Sloan went away with him to pass the papers.
"And now, if you'll excuse us, we have some business to discuss. Mr.
Prentiss is returning to the mines in a day or so."
Bewildered by the dashing of his hopes, young Rozier allowed
himself to be bowed from the tent.
As he stood on the other side of the canvass, Jesse's mocking laugh
reached him.
With a start, the banker's son realized that he had done all talking,
had shown his hand and learned nothing in return.
Flushing with rage, he scowled blackly at the tent, hissing:
"Wait! Just wait!" and hurried to rejoin his father and the detectives.
 Chapter VII.

JESSE BESTS THE DETECTIVES AT THEIR OWN GAME.

Reading failure in the dejected expression on his son's countenance

as he entered the study, Mr. Rozier waved his hand toward a chair.
"There's no use telling us you haven't succeeded, your face shows it
all too plainly," he said as the boy sat down. "All we want to know is
how it happened. Begin at the beginning and don't omit anything."
"Not even the slightest detail," added one of the detectives. "What
might seem trivial to you may be of the utmost importance to us."
Desirous of getting through the ordeal as soon as possible, young
Rozier related all that had occurred from the moment he had
reached the crowd about the tent till he had been given his
dismissal, even to the words he hurled at the canvas when he heard
the gloating laugh.
With many wise nods of their heads and frequent ejaculations, the
man-hunters listened to the narrative.
"You're quite right, my boy, only wait," exclaimed their leader as the
story was concluded. "They were too smart for you, but they may
not get off so easily when we tackle them." Then turning to the bank
president he went on:
"You did well, Mr. Rozier, in sending for us. The way this Howard
evaded all your son's questions proves that he is a slick article, one
that isn't easily to be trapped. However, I think we will succeed in
landing him and his two confederates."
Disgusted at the conceit of the man, the bank president waited a
few moments to see if the sleuth would suggest any line of action
and finding that he did not, snapped:
"That remains to be seen. I've found, in my experience in the world,
that it's best to act first and talk afterward.
"What do you propose to do?"
Disconcerted by the putting into words of the very question that was
puzzling him, the detective replied:
"Why, go 'round to see them."
"And talk about the mines again, eh?" interrupted Mr. Rozier. "Stuff
and nonsense! You might just as well say we're detectives and we're
trying to find some grounds for arresting you."
"Well, what do you suggest?" asked the man, nettled at the speech
and manner of the banker.
With the burden of the responsibility for the success or failure of
their purpose thus shifted to his shoulders, Mr. Rozier thrummed on
his desk, scowling.
"I should say the thing for you to do was to mingle with the crowd
that's watching them, if there is any now, so that if they come out
you can shadow them, that's the word you detectives use, isn't it? If
they try to get away, stop them."
"How? We've no right to interfere with a man's movements unless
we can make some specific charge against him. If we did, he'd have
an action at law against us. They're not vagrants because they have
money and if we should arrest them as suspicious characters what
could we prove?"
"Could you get at them, or Howard at any rate, for wearing false
whiskers?" inquired young Rozier.
"There's no law against that, of which I'm aware," qualified the man-
hunter, "but you've given me an idea.
"We might hire some tough to pick a row with them and snatch off
the beard."
"After the experience with young Consollas I fancy no one could get
near enough to them," observed the banker.
"True," admitted the detective, reluctantly. Then his face brightened:
"You don't suppose your daughter could cozzen Howard into talking
about his mines, do you?"
His face livid with rage, the president of the savings institution
brought his fist down on his desk with a bang, thundering:
"No sir, I don't! And what's more, Miss Rozier is not to be brought
into our conversation again, just understand that. The quicker you
do the better. If you can't devise any plan of getting around these
men by yourselves or with my son's or my assistance just say so and
I'll pay your bill and you can go back to Kansas City."
Alarmed at the fervor of the outburst, the man-hunter set himself
about making reparation for his unlucky suggestion and finally
succeeded in pacifying the enraged banker.
But when this had been accomplished, they were no nearer the
solution of their problem than before.
One by one, various plans were proposed, discussed and rejected.
"There's one thing we can do," remarked a sleuth who had taken no
previous part in the debate.
Expectantly the others looked at him.
"Out with it, man!" commanded the banker. "If you've got an idea,
for goodness' sake let's hear it."
"What I was going to say was that we could wait till night and when
they are asleep go through their clothes and luggage."
"But they may leave the Springs before dark or just after," objected
Forman, Jr.
The new line of thought roused by the proposition, however, bore
fruit.
"I have it!" exclaimed the banker, all of a tremble. "We'll drug 'em!
I'll send 'round a couple of bottles of doctored wine. If they're
miners, they drink—it's a safe bet they do, anyway. They'll take the
stuff and then when they're under, you men can go into the tent and
ransack it to your hearts' content."
"But they won't accept anything coming from us," protested his
namesake. "If they wouldn't take a cigar from me, they won't a
bottle of wine from you."
The objection was easily overridden, however, by the suggestion
that the gift could be sent anonymously, with a note simply saying
that it was from a friend.
This point decided, there only remained the procuring of the drug
with which to doctor the wine.
In utter ignorance of what to use, the banker inquired of the
detectives.
The question caused an argument among them as to the most
efficacious kind of dope, the decision finally falling upon chloral as
the one that would act upon the victim the quickest and the most
powerfully.
Realizing that it would be no easy matter to obtain the drug, Mr.
Rozier announced his willingness to get it and went to the
apothecary shop. Yet before he secured it, he was obliged to use all
the influence of his wealth and position. But at last, upon his solemn
assurance that it was to be used for no improper purpose, the
pharmacist gave some of the poison to him and he hurried back to
his home.
Ordering two bottles of some rare old Madeira to be brought from
his wine cellar, the banker and the man-hunters set about putting in
the drug as soon as they were placed upon the desk by the servant.
Yet the task was no easy one. Should the recipients of the gift
discover that the corks had been tampered with, they would, of
course, become suspicious of them instantly.
With much care and many expletives, the elder Rozier finally
succeeded in pushing to one side, unbroken, the age-rusted wires
that held the corks intact and gradually worked the stoppers out.
This done, the requisite number of drops were put in each bottle,
the corks were driven back in and the wires readjusted in their
proper places.
The dust and cobwebs, so dear to the eye of the connoisseur of old
vintages, had been sadly brushed off and torn in the operation,
however.
After vainly trying to attach substitutes, the difficulty was finally
solved by wiping them all off entirely.
When the bottles had been wrapped in heavy paper, one of the man-
hunters addressed the package to "Mr. Thomas Howard, with the
best wishes of an admirer."
Satisfied with their work, it was decided that the banker's son should
accompany one of the detectives to the tent of their intended
victims, while the others followed at a distance that would not
attract attention, and that when they reached their destination,
young Rozier should conceal himself, allowing the sleuth to deliver
the package alone. In the event of the absence of the miners, the
package was to be put inside the tent and the detective was to find
some place from which he could watch their return.
Confident of their ultimate success, the conspirators set out.
Had they had any inkling that the men they planned to trap were the
terrible outlaws who had played so fast and loose with them in
Kansas City, when they escaped from their clutches with the
daughter of Banker Ormsby, their assurance would doubtless have
been less great.
But in blissful ignorance of the fact, they descended upon the tent.
In the time consumed by these preparations the outlaws,
themselves, had not been idle.
As soon as their caller had taken his departure, they put their heads
together to decide upon their best move.
All doubt as to who had seen the incident of the beard-snatching
removed by young Rozier's own words, and his purpose in calling
evident in his questions regarding the mines, even Jesse was
compelled to admit that nothing was to be gained, while everything
might be lost, by a longer sojourn at the Springs.
When the method of their going was broached, the great outlaw
declared that it must be on horseback, for to depart by train and
leave the roan would be tacit admission that they had been driven to
flight.
And accordingly they went out to purchase two horses and the
necessary saddles and bridles.
As they emerged from their tent, they were agreeably surprised to
find that the crowd had dispersed.
Picking their way among the outlying avenues of canvas, the bandits
were able to reach the square almost unnoticed but immediately
upon their arrival in the business part of the town they became the
center of all eyes.
Smiling at the freely expressed comments upon their appearance,
Jesse led the way into a harness shop and made his wants known.
Visions of exorbitant prices for his best saddles in his mind, the
proprietor declared he could take them to the best animals in the
Springs and, glancing proudly upon his friends and neighbours as he
emerged from his store at the side of "Mr. Howard," he conducted
the outlaws to where the horses were.
Apprised of the strangers' purpose, the owner brought out two
splendid creatures from his stable and quickly the bargain was
struck, though to the detriment of the bandits' bank rolls.
With instructions that the animals be fitted with saddles and bridles
and delivered at their tent, they thanked the harness maker, paid
him liberally and set out upon their return, arriving in their corner of
the grove just in time to see young Rozier point out their camp to
the detective and disappear.
"What do you suppose that means?" asked Cole.
But the actions of the man-hunter were his answer.
Approaching the tent, he shook the flap and, receiving no response,
raised one corner, thrusting the package of doped wine underneath.
Their suspicions excited, especially as the intruder taking advantage
of their absence to peer at everything he could see of their
belongings, Jesse yelled:
"Hi there! Get out of that tent! What are you up to, anyhow?"
Springing back at the unexpected challenge the man-hunter turned
to see who had hailed him.
"Dillaby, the Pinkerton superintendent in Kansas City, as I live,"
breathed the bandit-chieftain to his pals. "This is getting hot. Come
on till we see what he's up to. If he tries to get away draw your
guns." Then, raising his voice he cried:
"What are you doing, down on your hands and knees, spying into
my camp?"
The shouts of the world-famous desperado quickly drew a crowd to
the spot.
Turning to them, he complained bitterly:
"It seems strange that three gentlemen can't come to Monegaw
Springs and live in quiet, without you all haunting them day and
night and gawping at them. Why, we can't even leave our tent
without some one trying to enter it.
"This man, here," and he pointed to the detective, "was just crawling
in when we happened to come along and saw him."
"That's not so," protested Dillaby, realizing that his position was
becoming uncomfortable.
"Then what were you doing? Are you in the habit of going 'round
sticking your head into every camp you see?"
"I was merely delivering a package."
"That's a likely story."
"You can see for yourself by looking in. As I found no one at home, I
stooped to place it under the canvas and—"
"Staid to see what you could see," interrupted Jesse. "Ted," looking
at Cole, "find out if there is any bundle inside."
Eagerly the crowd awaited his reply.
"Yes, there is one," he called.
"Now will you believe me?" demanded the man-hunter, anxious to
escape from his inquisitors.
"Not yet. That may be just a blind to be used in case we were at
home or you were caught sneaking in, as you were.
"It's my opinion you are a thief!"
Crimsoning at the charge, Dillaby looked about him helplessly. No
suspicion was there in his mind as to the true identity of the man
before him. That he was the Mr. Howard he had no doubt from the
clever manner in which the outlaw had twisted appearances against
him and so serious was his predicament that he feared it would be
necessary to call upon Mr. Rozier to extricate him—an event that
would lay bare the whole plot.
Enjoying the man's misery, the world famous desperado determined
to make him disclose his purpose.
"Do you know what's in the package?" he asked.
"I do."
"What?"
"Wine."
"There's some writing on the wrapper," interrupted Cole. "It says 'for
Mr. Thomas Howard, with best wishes from an admirer.'"
"Ah! how romantic," grinned Jesse. "Can it be, sir, that you are the
one who sent me the wine?"
The detective had gone too far to falter now and he replied:
"Yes."
"I don't seem to remember your face," purred the bandit-chieftain,
"when did I ever see you before?"
"We have never met, but I saw your magnificent work yesterday
afternoon and wished to show you my appreciation."
"Rubbish!" snapped Jesse. "I don't believe you were ever in
Monegaw Springs in your life before this morning." Then turning
again to the astounded onlookers, he asked: "Do any of you know
this man? Have you ever seen him before?"
But nobody had and they said so in no uncertain terms.
"You hear what these gentlemen and ladies say," observed the
bandit-chieftain. "None of them have ever laid eyes on you till just
now.
"You're a slick talker, but you can't fool me. I owe it to the other
sojourners at the Springs to see that you're taken care of so you
can't try to work the gag on them.
"Will some of you gentlemen kindly send for the constable? I wish to
have this man locked up as a thief. If he can establish his innocence,
the judge will give him the opportunity."
The look of malignant hatred that Dillaby bestowed upon his
tormentor as he heard the request made Jesse grin and he watched
him with keen enjoyment as several of the men rushed off to
summon a guardian of the law.
Standing On the edge of the crowd, young Rozier had been an
indignant witness of all that had transpired.
Realizing that the tracing of the wine to his father would spell defeat
for their second plan, he had held his tongue. But when he heard his
foe's call for a constable and saw people start to get one, he could
contain himself no longer.
Pushing his way to the side of the man-hunter, he exclaimed:
"I can vouch for this man, Mr. Howard. This is an outrage to treat
him so."
"Is this one of your father's guests, the capitalists?" asked the great
outlaw, innocently.
"Yes."
"Then why didn't you interfere before the matter had gone so far?"
"Because I only just got here."
"Where have you been since you pointed my tent out to your
friend?"
This question was uttered in a voice inaudible to any save the
banker's son and the man-hunter. But it told them that their
connection had been known from the first and that the by-play had
been indulged in merely for the purpose of compelling them to
acknowledge it publicly.
Ere either could recover from the shock of the discovery, Jessie was
saying to the crowd:
"Mr. Rosier says that a cruel mistake has been made and that the
man I thought was a thief is in reality a special friend of his father—
a capitalist, who is his house guest."
And then to their amazement, instead of apologizing to the stranger,
he continued:
"I beg your pardon for having sent any of you after the constable.
But there is so little difference between some men of wealth and
thieves that my mistake is not unnatural."
With this parting shot, whose meaning there was no mistaking, the
world-famous desperado turned his back on the banker's son and
the detective who posed as a capitalist, motioned to Clell and Cole to
enter the tent and followed, taking the wine from the latter, while
the crowd gasped at the public affront and the startling innuendo.
For the second time Jesse had outwitted the banker. But he was
playing a desperate game. And danger, of which he never dreamed,
looming dark and terrible, was closing in on him even in the moment
of his triumph!
 Chapter VIII.

AN UNEXPECTED COMPLICATION.

Protected by the heavy canvas from the impertinent stares of the

patrons of the medicinal waters, the three outlaws looked at one
another and then at the package presented to them in silence.
"Jess, you sure are a corker," exclaimed Clell in undisguised
admiration. "Whatever put it into your head to charge Dillaby with
being a thief?"
Smiling at the tribute to his cleverness, the great outlaw replied:
"I wanted to find out whether he was acting in conjunction with the
Roziers or whether he had traced us here in some way and merely
chanced to hit upon the banker's son when he sought to learn where
our camp was."
"Well, you found out all right, all right," commented Cole.
"I certainly did," chuckled his leader.
"I'd give a good deal to hear what Dillaby says when he reports to
the old man. They'll go almost nutty in trying to decide if we are on
to the fact that his friends the capitalists are really detectives."
"And while they're puzzling over it, why wouldn't it be the wisest
move for us to vamoose?" inquired Clell.
"Did you ever know me to run away under fire?" retorted his leader,
answering one question with another.
"That's all right, but there's such a thing as going too far. 'Three
times and out,' you know. You may have got the best of them twice,
but will you come off so well the third time?"
"You forget that we have one great advantage; we know exactly
who they are while they are all up in the air as to our identities.
"I'm going to fight old Rozier to the last ditch!"
But within three short hours Jesse was destined bitterly to repent his
decision and to regret that he had not followed his chum's advice.
No premonition did they have of the storm that was about to break
around their heads, however, and, flushed with their success in the
two encounters they had had with their enemies, the bandits
prepared for a master stroke.
Springing to his feet as an idea flashed into his mind, the great
outlaw seized the package and opened it.
Picking up one of the bottles, he turned it round and round in his
hand, gazing intently at the cork.
"Ha! Look here," he exclaimed, all of a sudden.
As his pals examined the bottle, he went on, excitedly:
"I've got old Rozier where I want him! This cork has been drawn out
and put back! You can see beside the wires, there, where it's been
cut."
"You mean the stuff's been doped?" asked Clell and Cole, almost in
the same breath as they inspected the spot their leader indicated on
the stopper and realized its significance.
"You're on. A—ah! I thought so. Taste of it and then tell me what
you think."
During the brief interval following the discovery that the bottle had
been tampered with, the bandit-chieftain had hurriedly pulled off the
wires, yanked out the cork and raised the snout to his lips.
"It's sure got a peculiar flavour," declared the eldest of the Younger
brothers as he passed the bottle to his companion. "Tastes bitter."
As soon as the wine had touched Clell's tongue, he confirmed their
suspicions.
"I was knocked out once with 'peter' drops and I'd know the taste of
the poison any time. You can stake your bottom dollar that there's a
liberal dose of chloral in that bottle."
"That's all I want to know," chuckled Jesse. "Old money bags, you've
got yourself into a mess that'll make you open your purse-strings
before you see the end of it.
"Cole, go up to the square and get a lawyer. I'm going to have
Rozier arrested if there's anything in the law against trying to drug a
person."
Too amazed at the purpose of their chief to speak, the outlaws
glanced at one another and then at him, their lips puckered as
though they would whistle.
"It's nothing to get so stirred up about," continued the famous
desperado, noting the effect his words produced. "If it is a crime, I'll
swear out the warrant. We'll turn these bottles over to the police
through the lawyer and while the Springs are convulsed with the
arrest of the banker, we'll slip out unnoticed. There's evidence
enough in these bottles to convict him without our presence and,
from the crowd who heard Dillaby say he sent the stuff, witnesses
can be found who will establish the connection between the 'fly
mug,' the wine and both young and old Rozier."
Elated at the prospect, the eldest of the Younger brothers picked up
his hat and hurried from the tent to summon a member of the legal
profession.
But he never reached his destination!
As he wound in and out among the side streets, the whistle of the
noonday train rang loud and shrill. Slowing up that he might not run
into the crowd of arrivals, he so timed his gait that he reached the
intersecting road just as the last of them seemed to have passed.
At the corner of the two streets, on the side on which he was
walking, a hedge obstructed his view, however. Yet as he had seen
no one cross the road, he deemed it safe for him to increase his
pace.
Scarce three feet away from the sidewalk up which he intended to
turn was he, when suddenly a black-garbed young woman,
struggling along with a heavy satchel, appeared from behind the
hedge.
Hearing the sound of footsteps so close to her, she turned her head
toward them to see who was coming.
As Cole beheld the rosy-cheeked face he with difficulty suppressed
an exclamation.
He knew the girl!
Recovering quickly from his surprise he bowed, saying at the same
time:
"Let me carry your bag for you?" And he extended his hand to take
it.
But no sooner did she hear the voice, than the young woman shot a
quick glance across the street, then hastened her steps without
heeding the offer.
Unable to fathom such treatment, the outlaw looked in the same
direction the black gowned girl had.
Scrutinizing him with undisguised interest were two men. Yet though
they watched him closely, they never paused and continued up the
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