Papal Primacy in the Early Middle Ages
Brian Shields
HST 545 Medieval Europe
Dr. Elliott
November 17, 2023
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Between the years 500 and 1000, the Pope in Rome ascended from one of many spiritual
authorities to a powerful ruler who rivaled the influence of contemporary empires. At times, the
Pope was considered to rule over kings and emperors, and even had the power to depose them.
How did the Papacy maneuver into this position of power? This essay will answer said question
by outlining events of significance in the early Middle Ages. It will consider relations between
the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor and trace conceptions of the division between secular
and spiritual authority. By presenting the Papal-Frankish alliance, the schism of 1054, and the
investiture controversy through the lens of power relations between the Pope and Emperor, I
intend to demonstrate how a combination of political maneuvering and myth-making elevated
the Holy See to a position of contested supremacy over western Europe.
In order to better understand the ethos and mythos possessed by the Papal See at the
beginning of the Middle Ages, it is important to first contextualize the office in late antiquity.
Under the Roman Empire, the bishop of Rome was counted as one among five patriarchs, the
bishops of the most important cities in Christendom. The other four patriarchs were located in
Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Constantinople.1 These cities were influential in their own
right and also housed large Christian populations. What differentiated Rome from other centers
of Christianity was a combination of political opportunity and scriptural authority.
The slow division and collapse of the Roman state throughout the 3rd to 5th centuries
created an environment which allowed the bishop of Rome to attain a vast amount of power and
authority. As the center of the Roman world shifted east to Constantinople, the west was left with
a power vacuum. Rome still held a significant cultural importance in the empire, but it was no
longer the epicenter of power and wealth that it once was. The bishop of Rome was able to fill
1 Judith M. Bennett and Sandy Bardsley, Medieval Europe: A Short History (Oxford University
Press, 2021), 14.
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this vacuum to some degree, and began to assume authority that extended beyond its own
diocese. Pope Gregory I sent missionaries from Rome to establish new churches in Gaul and
Britannia. Priests and bishops of these newly established churches were still bound by internal
church hierarchy, which left them subservient to archbishops and to the Pope.2 Rome had the
additional advantage of being the only patriarchal see in the western empire, meaning its
authority on doctrine would be less contested.3 Bishops in Rome would cite scripture in their
claims to primacy, namely the gospel of Matthew. In this text, Jesus is recorded to have named
the apostle Peter as the rock on which His church will be built.4 Peter would go on to die in
Rome as a martyr. Roman bishops would make the claim that Peter was the first bishop of Rome,
and that Jesus had entrusted the leadership of His church to Peter and his successors. This
allowed bishops in Rome to claim primacy over other patriarchs.5
For much of the Roman church’s history, it ultimately resided under the authority of the
emperor in Constantinople. The bishop of Rome often addressed the emperor with reverence and
deference, while simultaneously addressing German kings simply as “sons”.6 Noble writes this
off as a simple expression of bureaucratic etiquette, but these terms of address still provide
insight into the political position of the church. Despite believing that the bishop of Rome ruled
over God's kingdom on Earth, necessity demanded that the bishop of Rome maintained amicable
relations with the emperor. Meanwhile, Germanic kings who were far nearer to Rome and could
2 Stephen M Feldman, “The Christian Middle Ages,” essay, in Please Don’t Wish Me a Merry
Christmas (New York, NY: NYU Press, n.d.), 28–49, 30.
3 Ibid, 14-18.
4 Mathew 16:17 (New International Version)
5 Thomas F. Noble, “Morbidity and Vitality in the History of the Early Medieval Papacy,” The
Catholic Historical Review 81, no. 4 (1995): 505–40, 510.
6 Ibid, 515 - 516.
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muster mighty armies were seemingly unbothered being addressed as subservient to Rome. This
indicates that the authority of Rome was at least partially accepted in the west, even if this
authority was purely ecclesiastical.
This dynamic would change when the Papal-Frankish alliance is established between the
bishop of Rome and the Carolingian family. This alliance served as a model for Medieval
kingship, as it emphasized both the establishment of a distinctly Christian kingdom, as well as
the overlap of secular and spiritual authority. The papacy had been trying to distance itself from
Constantinople in the 8th century due to the rise of Iconoclasm, a movement which demanded
the destruction of all holy objects and depictions of Christ. Iconoclasts deemed these objects and
images as idols which distracted people from God, but Rome felt these idols helped to focus
souls towards heaven.7 Italy was also being invaded by the Lombards at this time, causing the
bishops of Rome to worry for the city's safety. Rome found a new ally in the Carolingian Franks,
who had been slowly siphoning power from the Merovingians. In 751, Pepin III wrote to Pope
Zacharias to ask who should be King in Francia. The Merovingians had been the historic rulers,
but the Carolingians had transferred much of the King's power to their hereditary office of Mayor
of the Palace. Zacharias responded that he who holds the power of a king should be called king,
effectively permitting Pepin to overthrow his King.8 Zacharias’ successor, Pope Stephan II,
would cross the alps to anoint Pepin and his children.
By allying himself with the Pope, Pepin had effectively acquired a divine mandate to
rule. This simultaneously increased the authority of the Frankish Kingdom and the Pope in
Europe. The Carolingians were able to leverage their Papal authority to create a thoroughly
7 Bennett, Bardsley, Medieval Europe, 114.
8 Einhard, “The Life of Charlemagne,” in Readings in Medieval History, ed. Patrick J Geary, 5th
ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 232–46.
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christianized and therefore more united empire. The Pope was able to claim a certain secular
authority, having played kingmaker in the largest empire in the west. Pepin also defeated the
Lombards and granted a portion of their Italian holdings to Stephan, creating the Papal State as a
kingdom ruled directly by the Pope.9 Stephan’s role in extending the secular authority of the
Papacy is massive, and it is capstoned by a myth called the donation of Constantine. The
donation is a supposedly uncovered document from the reign of Constantine, the first Christian
emperor of Rome, who ruled from the city of Constantinople. Allegedly, Constantine offered the
Bishop of Rome the Imperial Crown, and the authority to rule the entire western empire. The
Bishop of Rome is said to have returned the crown, but accepted the authority.10 This story is
widely accepted as untrue, but at the time it was a major boon to the authority of the Papacy as it
provided a claim to primacy over all Christian kingdoms in the west..
Rosamond McKitterick has cautioned against presenting the rise of papal power as a
linear ascension, but rather as a series of gains and losses over a centuries long struggle for
power.11 This is indeed true and can be exemplified in the Papal-Frankish alliance. While the
Pope did gain secular authority, the office also gave up a measure of control to the Frankish
kings. Charlemagne himself would pass edicts concerning church corruption and proper
ecclesiastical practices. A gain in secular authority for the Papacy had resulted in a
counterbalancing rise in spiritual authority for the Emperor of Francia.
Another instance of the Pope gaining power in one area while losing it in another comes
in the form of the 1054 church schism. This is the event which led to the formation of the
9 Bennett, Bardsley, Medieval Europe, 114.
10 Ibid.
11 R McKitterick, “The Illusion of Royal Power in the Carolingian Annals,” The English
Historical Review 115, no. 460 (2000): 1–20.
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separate Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches. The crisis began with Pope Leo IX
amending cannon law to allow for a separate type of bread to be eaten during communion. This
upset the Eastern Patriarchs, who were less accepting of Papal primacy. From their point of view,
a singular bishop was forcing a change to a law which had been deliberated by the leading
spiritual thinkers of the time. The culmination of this event was the Pope excommunicating the
Greek clergy, and the Greek Patriarchs excommunicating the Roman clergy.12 With this event,
the Pope lost almost all real power in the east, but greatly solidified it in the west. There was now
no position in church hierarchy that could be argued as having authority comparable to the Pope.
While the 1054 schism solidified papal primacy, this did not mean that the Papacy held
firm control of the church. The practice of lay investiture within the Holy Roman Empire proved
especially problematic as it allowed for noble families to pay for control of church positions. The
result of this practice was a class of clergymen who also held land and titles, and were more
often loyal to their local lords than the Pope in Rome.13 Pope Gregory VII sought to solve this
problem and by doing so strengthen the position of the Papacy. At the beginning of his term as
Pope, Gregory listed his principles for his term. Included is the declaration that the Pope holds
supreme authority over all men, even emperors. It also states that the Pope can depose emperors,
is the only person who can appoint or dismiss bishops, and has final say on all matters of
doctrine and canon law.14 In 1075, Gregory wrote to Emperor Henry IV demanding an end to the
practice of lay investiture. Henry ignores the Papal decree, prompting another letter from
Gregory later in the year. In this letter, Gregory states that it is becoming of a Christian king to
12 Brett Whalen, “Rethinking the Schism of 1054: Authority, Heresy, and the Latin Rite,”
Traditio 62, no. 1 (2007): 1–24, 1-2.
13 Bennett, Bardsley, Medieval Europe, 218.
14 Feldman, “The Christian Middle Ages,” 33.
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obey his bishop, He invokes the name of Saint Peter, the first Pope, and equates disobeying him
to disobeying Peter himself.15 Henry’s response is to demand that Gregory step down as pope,
which Gregory rebuts with a formal excommunication of Henry.16 The implications of this
excommunication were massive, as Henry, successor to the office of Pepin and Charlemagne,
was supposed to be God’s chosen ruler in all secular and temporal matters. It severely
diminished his claim to the throne, dissolved alliances with families who would no longer risk
association with him, and loosened his otherwise tight hold on the German clergy.17
Henry eventually decided to take penance in an attempt to have his excommunication
lifted. He stood barefoot in the snow outside a castle that housed Pope Gregory. He stood like
this for three days before Gregory decided to lift his excommunication.18 It seems most likely
that Henry’s act of penance forced Gregory’s hand. Stripped of political context, any Christian
witnessing this would view it as divine, as only God’s involvement could force a King to humble
himself so. Gregory granted forgiveness to Henry, which he would retract a few years later at the
onset of a civil war in Henry’s empire. It is here where Gregory appears to lose the feud, as his
support for Henry’s defeated rival culminates in Gregory dying in exile. I would however argue
that when viewed as a struggle not between men but between ideas, Gregory actually emerged
victorious. Lay investiture had been eliminated in the empire, and as a result the Papacy’s control
over clergy and the church was greatly bolstered. Gregory’s authoritative principles were not
15 Gregory VII, “To King Henry IV, Admonishing Him to Show More Deference to the Holy
See and its Decrees,” in Readings in Medieval History, ed. Patrick J Geary, 5th ed. (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2016), 232–46.
16 Gregory VII, “Excommunication of Henry IV,” in Readings in Medieval History, ed. Patrick
J Geary, 5th ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 232–46.
17 Feldman, “The Christian Middle Ages,” 34.
18 Ibid.
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widely accepted, but the Papacy had shown that it could exert influence on even the most
powerful of secular rulers.19
Papal ascendancy was not a linear progression, nor does its story end with the death of
Gregory VII. This essay has shown the turbulent process by which the Pope established the
authority of the Holy See. Church doctrine for the rest of the middle ages will be built on the
foundation of Papal Primacy that has been established here. The mythos of St. Peter and
Constantine allowed the Papacy to theologically and legally base its claims to primacy. Further,
the political maneuvering of Popes Zacharias, Stephan, and Gregory created an entanglement of
religious and secular power that spiritual and temporal leaders could manipulate to their own
ends. The ebb and flow of power relations in the early middle ages is exceedingly difficult to
trace, but it should now be clear how the Popes of Rome were able to maneuver within this
environment to a position of high authority.
19 Ibid.
8
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Einhard. “The Life of Charlemagne.” Essay. In Readings in Medieval History, edited by Patrick J
Geary, 5th ed., 232–46. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016.
Gregory VII. “To King Henry IV, Admonishing Him to Show More Deference to the Holy See
and its Decrees.” Essay. In Readings in Medieval History, edited by Patrick J Geary, 5th
ed., 232–46. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016.
Gregory VII. “Excommunication of Henry IV.” Essay. In Readings in Medieval History, edited
by Patrick J Geary, 5th ed., 232–46. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016.
Secondary Sources
Bennett, Judith M., and Sandy Bardsley. Medieval Europe: A short history. Oxford University
Press, 2021.
Feldman, Stephen M. “The Christian Middle Ages.” Essay. In Please Don’t Wish Me a Merry
Christmas, 28–49. New York, NY: NYU Press, n.d.
McKitterick, R. “The Illusion of Royal Power in the Carolingian Annals.” The English
Historical Review 115, no. 460 (2000): 1–20.
Noble, Thomas F. “Morbidity and Vitality in the History of the Early Medieval Papacy.” The
Catholic Historical Review 81, no. 4 (1995): 505–40.
Whalen, Brett. “Rethinking the Schism of 1054: Authority, Heresy, and the Latin Rite.” Traditio
62, no. 1 (2007): 1–24.