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Placing Masculinities and Geography
LAWRENCE D. BERG & ROBYN LONGHURST
To cite this article: LAWRENCE D. BERG & ROBYN LONGHURST (2003) Placing Masculinities and
Geography, Gender, Place and Culture, 10:4, 351-360, DOI: 10.1080/0966369032000153322
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Gender, Place and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 351–360, December 2003
Placing Masculinities and Geography
LAWRENCE D. BERG, Okanagan University College, Vernon, BC, Canada
ROBYN LONGHURST, University of Waikato, Hamilton, Aotearoa/New Zealand
Introduction
There has been an increasing focus in feminist and pro-feminist inspired studies on
examining men, male subjectivities and masculinities in the decade since Gender, Place and
Culture began publication. Our aim in this article is to provide readers with a brief
overview of some of this recent research, and then to place these works within a critique
of the Anglocentric character of geographic knowledge production. The article proceeds
in the following manner. We begin with a brief definition of masculinity, in order to
stress its temporal and geographical contingency. We follow this discussion with a brief
review of some of the research on masculinities undertaken in the past two decades, with
a particular emphasis on studies of the social and cultural geographies of masculinity
completed in the decade since Gender, Place and Culture began publication. It is important
to note that our review is far from exhaustive, but rather, more indicative. Our purpose
here is to provide a context for our subsequent critique of a specific scaling of knowledge
that constitutes much of the context for the way that work on masculinities is understood
in Anglo-American geography.
Defining Masculinity
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term ‘masculinity’ refers to: ‘The state or
fact of being masculine; the assemblage of qualities regarded as characteristic of men;
maleness, manliness’. In defining masculinity in this way, without qualifying the social
character of what it means to be a man, male or ‘manly’, the editors of the OED
implicitly draw on taken-for-granted and common-sense understandings that draw on
binary divisions of sex/gender. In this sense, the OED defines masculinity as an object,
that is, as an assemblage of qualities, a natural character, a set of behaviours, or a norm.
These qualities or characteristics arise from the taken-for-granted attachment of mas-
culinity to essentialist understandings of male bodies (see Longhurst, 2001). If we are to
avoid the pitfalls of definitions of masculinity that rely on essentialist—and closely related
positivist or normative understandings (see Connell, 1995)—we need a more critical
definition of masculinity that accounts for the relational character of identity
(re)construction.
In order to think masculinity relationally, it must be connected to the system of gender
relations within which it arises. Although a focus on the relational and processual
Correspondence: Lawrence D. Berg, Department of Geography, Okanagan University College, 7000 College Way,
Vernon, BC, Canada V1B 2N5; e-mail: [email protected]
ISSN 0966-369X print/ISSN 1360-0524 online/03/040351-10 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd 351
DOI 10.1080/0966369032000153322
352 L. D. Berg & R. Longhurst
contexts of masculinity (re)construction makes it more difficult to define the concept, we
think that Bob Connell (1995, p. 71) provides a useful starting point for a working
definition of masculinity:
Masculinity … is simultaneously a place in gender relations, the practices
through which men and women engage that place in gender, and the effects
of these practices in bodily experience, personality and culture.
Although Connell understands the temporal contingency of masculinity, ironically (given
his use of spatial metaphors), he does not explicitly acknowledge its geographical
specificity. Yet, given the importance of contexts, relationships, and practices in both the
(re)construction of masculinity and the way that we come to understand the meanings of
the term, it should be very clear that masculinity is both temporally and geographically
contingent. Perhaps equally important is the implication that given the multitude of
possible gendered contexts, relationships and practices that come together in the
structuring of identity in different times and spaces, we should not speak of a singular
masculinity, but rather, of multiple masculinities. Moreover, any one masculinity, as a
product of practice, can be simultaneously positioned in differently structured relation-
ships. Accordingly, masculinity ‘is always liable to internal contradiction and historical
disruption’ (Connell, 1995, p. 73; also see Jackson, 1991; Dawson, 1994; Berg, 1999;
Bonnett, 1999). Masculinities, then, are highly contingent, unstable, contested spaces
within gender relations. It is this very contingent and unstable character that makes the
process and spaces of identity production so important in both the construction of
masculinities, and—we argue—in the construction of ways of understanding masculini-
ties.
We would like the reader to keep this double movement, the construction of identities
and the understanding of such constructions, in mind as they read the rest of this article.
We want to argue that while geographers have been cognisant of the first aspect, the
spatial construction of identity, more attention needs to be paid to the second aspect, the
spatial construction of (geographic) understanding. Our object of analysis in the rest of
this article, then, is both masculinities and geographers’ analyses of them. The next
section outlines a brief (and perhaps somewhat schematic) history of work on masculin-
ities and geography in Anglo-American geography.
Masculinities and Geographies
Beginnings
Present-day critical analyses of masculinities owe much to the early work of Bob Connell
(see Connell, 1985, 1987) and his work with Tim Carrigan and John Lee (see Carrigan
et al., 1987). Carrigan et al., for example, argued that ‘the starting point for any
understanding of masculinity that is not simply biologistic or subjective must be men’s
involvement in the social relations that constitute the gender order’ (Carrigan et al., 1987,
p. 89). Prior to that time, most sociological analyses of men and masculinities had focused
on ‘sex roles’, an approach that failed to recognise the unequal power relations between
men and women and between dominant and subordinate men (also see Donaldson,
1993). Carrigan and his colleagues argued instead that we must be cognisant of the
power relations that inhere in the ‘sex/gender system’. They borrowed this phrase from
Gayle Rubin (1975) to describe ‘a patterning of social relations connected with social
reproduction and gender division that is found in all societies, though in varying shapes’
(Carrigan et al., 1987, p. 89).
Placing Masculinities 353
The period between 1987 and 1990 was a productive time for the development of
critical analyses of masculinity (see, for example, Brod, 1987; Davidoff & Hall, 1987;
Hearn, 1987; Mangan & Walvin, 1987; Chapman & Rutherford, 1988; Brittan, 1989;
Seidler, 1989; Segal, 1990). While Anglo-American geography has a long history of
androcentrism and masculinism (Rose, 1993) and therefore geographers have long been
preoccupied with the activities of men, it took somewhat longer for a critique of
hegemonic masculinities to develop in the discipline. It was not until 1989, then, that we
began to see the beginnings of an outline for the study of masculinities (Jackson, 1989).
Two years later masculinity really started to become a primary object of analysis in
Anglo-American geography when Peter Jackson (1991) published his programmatic
paper on the necessity of studying the cultural politics of masculinity.
Jackson followed his programmatic paper with a substantive analysis of the relation-
ships between white desire, heterosexual masculinities and black male bodies in advertis-
ing in the UK (Jackson, 1994). Published in the premiere issue of Gender, Place and Culture,
Jackson’s work was the first substantive analysis of particular forms of hegemonic
masculinity to be published in the journal. Jackson and his colleagues have played an
important role in the development of Anglo-American geographic studies of gender in
general and masculinity more specifically. More recently Jackson, Nick Stevenson and
Kate Brooks have published an extensive analysis of masculinities and men’s magazines
(Jackson et al., 1999, 2001).
Masculinity, Masculinism and Geography
Feminist geographers have long been engaged in discussions of masculinities in a rather
indirect way, by focusing on the androcentric and masculinist character of much work
being done in the discipline. Early examples of these kinds of critiques can be found in
the work of Janice Monk and Susan Hanson (1982), who pointed out the failure of
American geographers to acknowledge the androcentric character of their supposedly
‘universal’ findings (also see Zelinsky et al., 1982). The Women and Geography Study
Group of the Institute of British Geographers carried out a similar critique of British
geography a few years later (WGSG, 1984).
By the early 1990s, however, analyses of geographic knowledge production began to
focus more specifically on masculinity and masculinism. Gillian Rose’s (1993) work,
Feminism and Geography, was perhaps the harbinger of this more explicit focus on
masculinism and masculinity in the discipline. Subsequent years saw a range of critiques
of the masculinism of the discipline, with the masculinity of particular aspects of
geography as the primary object of analysis (see Berg, 1994, 2001; Longhurst, 1994,
1995, 1997; Pile, 1994; Sparke 1996).
Late 1990s
In a recent review of work on masculinities and geography (Longhurst, 2000, p. 440), one
of us noted that ‘the late 1990s have seen something of a flurry of geographical research
on masculinity, male identity and men’. Following Peter Jackson’s lead earlier in the
decade, social and cultural geographers, particularly those utilising feminist perspectives,
in the late 1990s intensified their interest in masculinities (see Gregson & Crewe, 1998;
Johnston, 1998; Woodward, 1998; Campbell et al., 1999). In the late 1990s masculinity
also continued to be a focus for geographers interested in sexual–spatial relations,
354 L. D. Berg & R. Longhurst
especially gay sexual–spatial relations (see Brown, 1998; Knopp, 1998; and a special issue
on masculinities in Journal of Southern African Studies, 1998).
Perhaps the most interesting trend in the 1990s, however, was not the increasing
attention being paid to masculinities by social, cultural, sexuality and feminist geogra-
phers but by other geographers interested in a range of disciplinary areas. Masculinity
was extending its reach into urban geography (see Sommers, 1998), economic geography
(see Blomley, 1996), geographies of employment (see McDowell, 1997; Massey, 1998),
geographies of illness, impairment and disability (see Valentine, 1999), and post-colonial
geographies (see Phillips, 1997; Berg, 1998a, 1998b, 1999). No longer was geographical
work on masculinities being produced solely under the rubric of social, cultural, sexuality
and feminist geographies.
This is not to suggest, however, that in the late 1990s all geographers began turning
their attention to masculinities. Discussions of masculinities were still notably absent or
at least limited in a number of subdisciplinary areas, including physical geography,
geographic information systems, environmental studies, transport geography and popu-
lation geography.
Early 2000s
The 2000s saw the flurry of work that began in the 1990s continue with little sign of
abatement. The newer works on masculinities are too numerous to list in the space of
this article, so we shall try only to give an indication of the range of works that were
published in the last three years.
Masculinities became an important focus in rural studies in the 2000s, with articles
examining the gamut of rural life, including masculinities and mountain climbing in New
Zealand (Morin et al., 2001); changing rural masculinities in Ireland (Ni Laoire, 2002);
the contested relationships between rurality, masculinity and homosexuality in the UK
(Bell, 2000); changing masculinities in the forest industry in Norway (Brandth & Haugen,
2000); farming masculinities in rural Australia and New Zealand (Liepins, 2000; also see
Saugeres, 2002); and military masculinities in the UK countryside (Woodward, 1998,
2000). Jo Little and Ruth Panelli (2003) and Little (2002) provide useful overviews of the
burgeoning research on gender and rural studies (also see the special issue of Rural
Sociology, 2000).
Social and cultural geographers have been equally productive when it comes to
research on masculinities and geography. Stuart Aitken and James Craine (2002), for
example, examine the ‘emotional geographies’ of Matt Johnson’s music in order to
elucidate potential liberatory aspects of heterosexual masculine desire (cf. Hubbard,
2000). Anne Sofie Lagran (2003) outlines diverse forms of masculinities as constituted in
the intersection of Internet cafe spaces, computers and computer games in Oslo, Norway
(also see Holloway et al., 2000). Karen Lysaght (2002) analyses the performative character
of dominant and subordinate masculinities in the divided city of Belfast, focusing on the
way that spatial context affects the performance of gender identities. In the same special
theme issue of Irish Geography—‘Engendering the human geographies of Ireland’—Aoife
Curtin and Denis Linehan (2002) explore the construction of masculinities among Irish
teenagers. Kathleen Mee and Robyn Dowling (2000) examine changing representations
of working-class masculinities, (un)employment and filmic representation in suburban
Sydney, Australia. These are only a sample of the many social and cultural geographies
of masculinities produced in the past few years. What is interesting about these works is
Placing Masculinities 355
that they have analysed a broad range of phenomena across a wide array of spaces and
places.
As one would expect, Gender, Place and Culturehas played a significant role in publishing
works on masculinities. Since 2000, the journal has published articles that examine a
range of issues, including the uneasy masculine spaces constructed through the work of
the charitable ‘Big Brothers’ organisation in Canada (Hopkins, 2000); the (re)construction
of oppressive gender relations in Brisbane, Australia’s heavy metal music scene (Krenske
& Mckay, 2000); the relationship between the (masculinist) state, masculinity and policing
in the USA (Herbert, 2001); the historical origins of a localised gender division of labour
found in Burkina Faso (Freidberg, 2001); the construction of masculine identities in
Irvine California based on perceptions of women as fearful and endangered (Day, 2001);
the connections between sports, gender (especially masculinity), nation and class in
Finland during the period before the Second World War (Tervo, 2001); the relationship
between masculinity, (dis)ability and British colonial discourse in Africa, circa 1929
(Myers, 2002); and white, working-class men’s sense of themselves as masculine workers
in the context of debates emphasising a growing ‘crisis’ of masculinity in the UK
(McDowell, 2002; also see McDowell, 2000).
There is a sure sign that studies of masculinity are beginning to mature in geography:
the appearance of edited collections on such issues. Both Frances Cleaver (2003) and
Cecile Jackson (2001) have edited volumes that present a series of articles focusing
exclusively on masculinities and development. Lisa Lindsay and Stephan Miescher (2003)
have collected together a number of primarily historical accounts of the construction of
masculinities in various parts of Africa. Tamar Mayer’s recent collection (Mayer, 2000),
while not solely about masculinities, presents a number of useful papers that focus on the
relationship between masculinities and nationalism. Bettina van Hoven and Kathrin
Hoerschelmann (forthcoming) have an edited collection on Spaces of Masculinityforth-
coming that promises to provide some important papers on masculinity and geography.
They have lined up authors working in a wide variety of contexts, with papers that
examine the construction of masculinities in Australia, the Czech Republic, former East
and West Germany, England, Fiji, France, India, Scotland and the USA.
Place and the Hidden Identity Politics of Masculinity Studies
An interesting point to note about more recent geographical research on masculinities
published in English is that it was being produced in a wide range of places, and dealt
with an even wider range of geographical locations. This, we suggest, plays at least a
partial role in opening up a politically useful line of enquiry about the spatiality of
knowledge construction. There is a growing body of literature that examines the spatial
politics of geographic knowledge production (see Berg & Kearns, 1998; Minca, 2000;
Gutiérez & López-Nieva, 2001; Berg, 2002, 2003; Gregson et al ., 2003; Hones, 2003;
Raju, 2003; Ramirez, 2003; Simonsen, 2003). These works suggest that there exists in
the production of academic knowledge what we shall term an international division of
attributes (after Farmanfarmaian, 1992, p. 4). This international division of attributes
arises within a political economy and cultural politics of academic accumulation
strategies and it results in a hierarchical scaling of the significance of various kinds of
geographical writing (Berg, 2003). In this regard and following a number of previous
studies (e.g. Berg & Kearns, 1998; Minca, 2000; Binnie et al., 2001; Gutiérez &
López-Nieva, 2001; Berg, 2003; Gregson, , 2003; Simonsen, 2003; Vaiou, 2003), we
et al.
want to suggest that the international division of attributes leads to a scaling of knowledge
356 L. D. Berg & R. Longhurst
produced in metropolitan Anglo-America as universal (read: ‘theory’); while work
produced in the non-metropolitan ‘peripheries’ is scaled as local (read: ‘case study’).
This theoretical assertion is difficult to ‘prove’ empirically, as it is more a ‘structure of
feeling’ that most people who have worked outside the metropolitan centre of academic
knowledge production will be all too familiar with. Nonetheless, it is possible to try to
outline—in schematic form at least—an empirical example of this process in action.
Linda Peake and Alissa Trotz’s (1999) work on regulation of sexuality in Linden, a
Guyanese corporate bauxite-mining town, provides an excellent illustration of a nuanced
relational analysis of the process of constructing gendered identities. Starting from the
premise that ‘masculinities and femininities are not given but historically produced via
struggle and consent’ (Peake & Trotz, 1999, p. 127), Peake and Trotz examine in close
empirical detail the practices of the Demba Bauxite Mining Company in its attempts to
develop hegemonic control over constructions of working-class spaces of domesticity and
work. In so doing, they produce a theoretically rich analysis of the production of
masculine (and feminine) gender identities as made in the mutually constitutive relation-
ships between class, gender, sexuality, ‘race’ and place. Ironically, however, this work
appears to have received less attention in the feminist geography literature than it
deserves precisely because it focuses on the ‘local’ construction of gendered identities in
Guyana (read: parochial), rather than the ostensibly ‘metropolitan’ case of the UK or
USA (read: universal). In this sense and working within the taken-for-granted inter-
national division of attributes, Guyana is read as a local case study rather than as a
universally applicable theoretical example. It is scaled as local rather than global.
Gillian Rose argues that:
Geography is masculinist … [and] masculinist work claims to be exhaustive
and it therefore thinks that no-one else can add to its knowl-
edge. … Masculinism can be seen at work not only in the choice of topics
made by geographers, not only in their conceptual apparatus, not only in their
epistemological claim to exhaustive knowledge, but also in seminars, in confer-
ences, in common rooms, in job interviews. (1993, p. 4)
Guided by Rose’s insights, we suggest that the scaling of knowledge in studies of
masculinity is another by-product of the ‘ghosts of masculinism’ (Butz & Berg, 2002) that
structure the production and consumption of geographic knowledge. This helps explain
the continued scaling of knowledge that sees work produced in the Anglo-American
‘centre’ as universal while that produced in the ‘peripheries’ is seen as ‘particular’. We
are also aware that this centre–periphery language is itself highly problematic, and
subject to the structuring of hidden masculinisms.
Conclusion
For us the journey of ‘placing masculinities and geography’ over the past two decades,
and especially the last decade, has been both interesting and productive. Definitions of
masculinity that focused on the sex/gender system have been extended to stress the
temporal and geographical contingencies of masculinities. Masculinities, once an area of
interest only to Anglo-American social, cultural and feminist geographers, is now being
embraced by geographers working on an array of topics and locations, from a variety of
perspectives, and in a range of different places.
Writing this review—reflecting on the journey as we see it—has made us question
‘where to from here?’ It seems likely that the surge of geographical work on masculinities
Placing Masculinities 357
over the past few years will continue. There appears to be a momentum in this research
that we expect will continue for some time to come. Now that edited collections are
making their way on to library shelves it is probable that over the next few years we will
also see more authored books on masculinities, such as Glen Elder’s (2003), appearing.
A trend that we are already witnessing, and one that is likely to continue, is a focus not
on masculinities per se but on the mutually constitutive relationships between masculin-
ities and other axes of identity such as class, disability, sexuality and ‘race’. As we have
argued in the article, geographers are also beginning to pay attention not just to the
processes that help produce identity but to the places and spaces that help produce
identity. The literature that examines the spatial politics of geographic knowledge
production, and its links to masculinism, is likely to grow with the effect of opening up
discursive space for ‘others’ to articulate their geographies.
It is always difficult to envisage what twists and turns journeys will take—the journey
of ‘placing masculinities and geographies’ is no exception. One thing we do feel confident
about, however, is that whatever directions are pursued, Gender, Place and Culture will
remain a reliable and worthy vehicle for the journey. Since publishing Peter Jackson’s
(1994) article, ‘Black male’, in the premiere issue, Gender, Place and Culture has continued
to provide a forum for productive debate for geographical research on masculinities. We
look forward to this continuing over the next decade.
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