Imagining Europe - Excerpt
Imagining Europe - Excerpt
Imagining Europe
Edited by
Henry T. Edmondson III
Peter C. Mentzel
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Contents
Introduction vii
Peter C. Mentzel and Henry T. Edmondson III
Bibliography 171
Index 191
About the Editors and Contributors 195
v
NINE
The Quest for European Identity(ies)
Magdalena Modrzejewska
The best illustration for the quest of European identity might come from
Samuel Beckett: “All of old. Nothing else ever. Ever tried. Ever failed. No
matter. Try again. Fail again. Fail better.” 1 Mainly, because the quest for
European identity seems to be like the search for the Holy Grail—a mysti-
cal, and noble pursuit, doomed, however, to fail, and pursued more often
by a true believer than by a cold calculating archeologist. Reflections
about what Europe has in common are undoubtedly much older than the
existence of the European Union itself. Therefore, the shift in discourse
observed in the last half century, limiting the quest for European identity
to EU integration, has made the feasibility of such a quest even less prob-
able. 2 Some researchers have adopted a functional perspective, analyzing
various functions European identity might play: a booster for self-esteem
or the driving force for cognitive or political developments that such
identity can influence. 3 In such social and psychological research,
“[b]ased on identity process theory, it was hypothesized that the greater
the perceived continuity, distinctiveness, and self-efficacy associated
with a European identity, the stronger would be the endorsement of such
an identity.” 4 But this approach does not expose the deeper anthropolog-
ical meaning of European identity and how it has been created.
Looking at European identity through the lenses of the European Un-
ion it is easy to lose perspective, since the quest of European identity has
at least one thousand years of history behind it, and if we include ancient
Greek and Roman heritage, it encompasses well over two thousand years
of European cultural experience. The intense quest for European identity
as a component of creating and enhancing the European Union, on the
other hand, has less than eighty years of history. It is essential to notice
149
150 Magdalena Modrzejewska
Many authors observed that posing the question “where Europe ends?”
is not axiologically neutral and does not consist of mere geography. Any
attempt to draw Europe’s borders has deep, political or ideological mean-
ing. While Larry Wolff used the term political geography and cultural
cartography 6 without defining them, he gives a glimpse of what deeper
meaning lies in writing about Europe’s boundaries. While Europe has no
natural borders like Australia, any geographical borders that are widely
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 151
accepted by the popular mind are the result of historical decision. “Geo-
graphically, Europe is defined by the Ural Mountains and river to the
east, the river Aras to the southeast, and the straits of Gibraltar and the
Bosphorus to the south.” 7 Those delimitations, however, have been re-
sults of accepted conventions. Therefore, there have been many attempts
to draw them differently or provide various divisions or subdivisions
within Europe itself. 8
All the problems posed by the geography and the complex cultural
lines drawn at the peripheries of the European continent could be solved
by omission. While signing the Statute of the Council of Europe in Lon-
don in 1949, Robert Schuman dismissed in his statement the importance
of geographical boundaries, pointing out that the Council of Europe is
more of a cultural project. “There have been—and still are—learned dis-
putes as to the geographical bounds of Europe. But Europe cannot pos-
sibly wait for definition or the end of that controversy; she does, in fact,
define her own bounds by the will of her peoples. At grips with the needs
of her material and moral recovery, yearning for peace and security, Eu-
rope is being built on reality, on a foundation of cultural affinities and by
the placing in common her resources. . . . Today we are laying the foun-
dations of a spiritual and political co-operation from which there will
arise the European spirit, the promise of a broad and lasting supranation-
al union.” Schuman continued, “There is no better way of serving one’s
country than to secure, in peace and understanding, the friendly aid of
other countries, uniting for the common weal; the benefits derived will
endure by virtue of the very fact that they are common to all. Countries,
like individuals, are created to understand and help one another.” 9
The idea was to avoid conflicts in a world divided by the Iron Curtain,
but despite Schuman’s attempts to avoid sensitive subjects, Europe has
been constantly described and analyzed by many opposing sides, draw-
ing divisions between South and North, West and East, Orient and Occi-
dent, and core and frontier. 10 All of these divisions are easy to notice in
the current debates within the EU and are extremely vital in shaping the
relations between EU and non-EU actors, even if they are not explicitly
articulated.
built with the things they have dreamed, imagined or made up as Oth-
er.” 12 Delanty also observes these imaginative elements present in the
discourse, “the corresponding counter-factualism of an ‘us’/’them’ pola-
rity. . . . [T]he most enduring form of western identity was the postulation
of a centre, anchored in a historical myth of origins, and this served to
reinforce the formation of adversarial world-views.” He concludes, “The
origins of Eurocentrism, then, lay not in the idea of Europe itself as a
cultural model, but in the structures of a discourse which served to rein-
force the power of the centre.” 13
At the time when the notion of European identity has been forged in
the encounter with otherness, we can undoubtedly identify two main
debates with the “other.” The first one is the juxtaposition between Eu-
rope and Orient, broadly defined by Islam, with all the changes started
by wars with the Arabs in the eighth and ninth centuries, through the
time of the Crusades, then military and political clashes with the Otto-
man Empire, and ending up with contemporary Turkey’s claims to EU
accession. The second discourse was defined by the confrontation with
the Russian Empire. It is worth noting that at the same time those two
countries often expressed the conviction that they were culturally and
geographically part of Europe as well. The unsolved question is to what
extent those two claims, at first primarily politically motivated, have been
internalized by the inhabitants of the Russian or Turkish empires (and
their successors), allowing them to perceive European heritage as part of
their own larger history. 14 The third discourse enhancing European iden-
tity was shaped by the contrasting Western European “core” with the
European “periphery,” labelled mainly as “Eastern Europe,” but without
stigmatizing this region with the notion of “otherness.” As Iver B. Neu-
mann notes, “[e]thnically and culturally peripheral minorities also serve
as internal others. Outstanding historical examples include Jews and
Freemasons” 15 but their presence has not played such a crucial role in
creating and shaping the European identity notion as external “Others.”
ORIENT/TURKEY CONTESTED?
The starting point of this discourse can be located around the seventh
century when the Rashidun Caliphs commenced enormous Arab expan-
sion, attacking the eastern Roman Empire and Sassanid Iran. The early
eighth century brought further expansion under the Umayyads, marked
by two major events. The first of these was the invasion of Iberia by the
forces of Tariq ibn Ziyad in 711, resulting in the defeat of the last Visigoth
King, Roderick, and the subsequent conquest of most of the Iberian pe-
ninsula, beginning a seven hundred year Muslim presence. The second
took place in 732 near Poitiers where a coalition army led by Charles
Martel defeated a Muslim army launched from Spain. After this battle
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 153
RUSSIA DEBATED?
Russia had been for a very long time perceived by the Europeans as terra
incognita. The earliest encounter with Kievan Russia in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries ended after the Mongols’ conquest, and Russia sank
into obscurity after being far off the track of European diplomatic inter-
ests. Then Russia was “rediscovered” in the early sixteenth century; the
first reports about Russia had been written by Jacob Piso, Albert Cam-
pensé and Johan Fabri, although none of them had actually ever been to
Muscovy. In the sixteenth century Russia was described as an inferior,
barbarian place, lacking developed state and administrative culture,
ruled by tyrants, and not compatible with Western, Christian civiliza-
tion. 26 Sigmund von Herberstein, a Habsburg diplomat, provided more
accurate reports, based on his personal experience, but even he described
Russia not as res publica but as the res privata, where the ruler is a tyrant
who appropriates the state’s wealth by all means, not bound by the rule
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 155
ing discourse on the European security order, and is frequently its focus.
It is the central part of most day-to-day deliberations over institutional
particulars, such as the way to handle the expansion of organizations like
the EU and NATO. It also permeates discussions of economic develop-
ments, not only discussions concerning the markets for such raw materi-
als as petroleum and aluminum but also the overall question of what is
most often referred to as the transition of former Communist econo-
mies.” 33
The third encounter was more complicated, since it was not marked by
the notion of “radical otherness,” ascribed to barbarians, but rather “peri-
pherality.” Wolff notes that “The invention of ‘Eastern Europe’ was a
subtly self-promoting and sometimes overtly self-congratulatory event in
intellectual history, whereby Western Europe also identified itself and
affirmed its own precedence. The evolving idea of ‘civilization’ was es-
sential to this process, and provided the most important philosophical
term of reference for putting Eastern Europe in a position of emphatic
subordination.” Accordingly, Wolff argues, “The crucial binary opposi-
tion between civilization and barbarism assigned Eastern Europe to an
ambiguous space, in a condition of backwardness, on a relative scale of
development.” 34 This led him to the conclusion that “As Enlightenment
philosophers established ‘Western Europe’ as the seat of civilisation, they
also ‘invented’ an Eastern Europe as its complementary other half.” 35
While Delanty initially mostly perceived the term Mitteleuropa pejora-
tively, as a “slippery concept” generally considered “to apply not only to
a region but also to a cultural-political idea. The term suggests something
much more ideological than the idea of Europe.” 36 Delanty also notes the
attempts to revive the term Mitteleuropa after the collapse of communism
as an alternative to Eastern Europe, but he examines “the origin and
genesis of Mitteleuropa as a political programme and argues that the idea
cannot, in fact, be easily separated from anti-semitism, the reactionary
politics of pan-Germanism, and the specter of German expansionism
with which it had been closely associated in its formative phase. It was
the constellation of political forces comprising Mitteleuropa, moreover,
that finally engendered European fascism.” 37 Undoubtedly, the notion
has been heavily politicized, reflected even in the name, correlated with
the concept of Germany as the Mittellage (country holding central posi-
tion in Europe) and surrounded by Mitteleuropa (Central Europe), which
in the nineteenth century extended from the French North coast to the
Black Sea. However, the early 1800s usage of this term lacks such a strong
politization 38 and the political use is more visible after 1871 and the
founding of German Reich. 39 Then the concept was popularized by Frie-
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 157
While the quest for a common ground based on “us”/ “them” theories
was not satisfactory, there has been an alternative discourse about Euro-
pean identity. “In many versions the emphasis is on Europe as a distinc-
tive cultural entity united by shared values, culture and identity. Refer-
ences are made to Europe’s heritage of classical Graeco-Roman civiliza-
tion, Christianity, and the ideas of the Enlightenment, Science, Reason,
Progress, and Democracy as the core elements of this claimed European
legacy. When the differences within Europe are emphasized, it is often in
the form of unity in diversity.” 43 Therefore, there have been numerous
attempts to emphasize the different cultural sources that cocreated Euro-
pean identity. In Le Goff’s opinion, the majority of researchers start their
narratives in the Middle Ages, because for many of them “[t]hese were
years of lively thinking about Europe, when many economic, cultural,
and political projects were elaborated within a European framework.” 44
While there are obvious references to ancient Greek and Roman cultu-
ral traditions, more important as the uniting force has been Christianity.
Mainly because “[t]he idea of Europe when it did emerge was embedded
in Christendom having become virtually coterminous with the notion of
the Occident, which preceded the idea of Europe. It was this latter notion
of the Occident or West that provided continuity between Hellenism,
Christendom and the idea of Europe.” 45 Undoubtedly, we can observe
the interrelation of “othering” the “Saracens,” with the incorporation and
accommodation of the idea of Europa Christiana with the idea of Europe.
Being a Christian was analogous to being part of a big European Chris-
tian family. Frassetto noticed “it is through the crusades, through the
process of waging holy war against Muslims and defining them as the
158 Magdalena Modrzejewska
quintessential other than the European character itself took shape. Al-
though other factors were involved in this process, the identity and ideol-
ogy associated with the crusaders and crusade itself contributed to for-
mation of the European identity.” 46 While perception of “Saracens” and
“the Turk” as “Others” based on religion did not seem controversial, it is
quite interesting that from the beginning the Russians were excluded
from the family of Christians. One of the earliest statements about Russia
was a piece by Johannes Pyrtz, entitled Theses de qvæstione, utrum
Muschovitæ sint Christiani?, published in 1705 with commentaries of Jo-
hann Botvidi. Pyrtz on his question, whether Muscovites are Christians,
replied negatively: “That all Muscovites are no Christian at all.” 47 Such a
response was not only the result of the schism between Rome and Con-
stantinople, but also the fact Russia was under the rule of the Golden
Horde, and “were often confused and identified with representations of
Muslim political entities.” 48
Christianity also played a key role in discourses “othering” Turkey
and Russia, not only by providing mainly negative views of others, but
also sketching a role model and catalogue of desired virtues. The perfect
example might be La Chanson de Roland, set in the eighth century, but
created much later—at the time of the Crusades, and depicting a clash
between the Christian and Muslim worlds in the Battle of Roncevaux
Pass. 49 This classical chanson de geste, named by Delanty “the famous
xenophobic paean,” 50 provides one of the most powerful medieval role
models for the European Christian knight. Even centuries later, Erasmus
believed that there is a “culture of mutual trust which he imagined to
exist at the heart of the idea of Christendom.” 51 In his famous The Educa-
tion of a Christian Prince in 1516 he stressed “there is a most binding and
holy contract between all Christian princes, simply from the fact that they
are Christians.” 52 The “mutual trust between princes rendered irrelevant
the whole idea of written treaties.” 53
The Enlightenment brought secularization, and Denis Hay claimed
that “[i]n the course of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries
Christendom slowly entered the limbo of archaic words and Europe
emerged for its peoples as the unchallenged symbol of the largest human
loyalty.” 54 Christianity was still the language of treaties which continued
to maintain such phrases as “the common enemy,” “the Christian repub-
lic,” or “the provinces of Christendom.” The Treaty of Utrecht (1713)
made explicit reference to the “respublica Christiana.” 55 The concept of
European cooperation that enhanced the notion of common identity ex-
cluded non-Christians from the European order, like Leibniz’s “Christian
Pansophic” vision or Rousseau, who also excluded the Ottoman Empire
from his idea of Europe. 56
Christianity still remained one of the pillars of the collective idea of
Europe when Edmund Burke proposed his “Commonwealth of Europe”
integrated by elements shared by all European countries: monarchical
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 159
itself never seemed to be the primary target of such a union. One of the
best insights into the purpose that laid behind the integration is the pas-
sage from Robert Schuman’s speech given in 1949 where he admitted:
The European spirit signifies being conscious of belonging to a cultural
family and to have a willingness to serve that community in the spirit
of total mutuality, without any hidden motives of hegemony or the
selfish exploitation of others. The 19th century saw feudal ideas being
opposed and, with the rise of a national spirit, nationalities asserting
themselves. Our century, that has witnessed the catastrophes resulting
in the unending clash of nationalities and nationalisms, must attempt
and succeed in reconciling nations in a supranational association. This
would safeguard the diversities and aspirations of each nation while
coordinating them in the same manner as the regions are coordinated
within the unity of the nation. 73
Economic cooperation became a mere tool to avoid the next world war
and to achieve reconciliation through solidarity and Christianity, based
on a notion that countries that have strong economic cooperation would
not go to war with each other.
However, this project has had a serious weakness. The desire for
cooperation to achieve peace is so universal, after all, that it cannot be a
distinctive feature for Europeans and European identity. It indicates the
existence of a European spirit that is aware of belonging to one cultural
family, but in postmodern society, the boundaries of this peaceful cultu-
ral family are vaguer than the attempts to draw borders for the European
continent. As Ariane Chebel d’Appollonia has observed: “Beyond the
political and economic problems created by the possible enlargement of
the European Union lies the necessity of creating strong European sym-
bols, strong enough to transcend self-regarding local identities. Since the
eighteenth century, political nationalism has used culture and cultural
symbols to legitimate institutions and governments.” D’Appollonia,
however, notes that the EU’s symbols, do not carry much meaning.
Apart from a flag, a hymn, and a few festivals that occur only intermit-
tently, the European Union offers little that can inspire collective en-
thusiasm. It takes longer to accept a symbol than a Brussels regulation,
if it is accepted at all. But it is the only way to ground a real European
identity and, perhaps, to limit the upsurge of aggressive nationalism.
The European Union must become a visual and compelling identity. It
needs myths as strong as those that sustain the individual nations of
which it is composed. 74
What d’Appollonia observes, is the need for a myth of origin that would
ground European identity. There are several things that have prevented
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 163
NOTES
tiè res de l’Europe.” Politiques (1992): 121–142; Foucher, Michel. “L’Union Politique
Européenne: Un Territoire, Des Frontières, Des Horizons.” Esprit 11, no. 329 (2006):
86–114.
9. Statement by Robert Schuman (London, 5 May 1949) at the signing of the Statute
of the Council of Europe in London, Archives historiques du Conseil de l’Europe—
Historical Archives of the Council of Europe, Strasbourg. Conference for the establish-
ment of a Council of Europe, 0120. http://www.cvce.eu/obj/state-
ment_by_robert_schuman_london_5_may_1949-en-97217713-8cb6-4679-a6ce-
8bd77660bd17.html.
10. Diana Miškova and Balázs Trencsényi, European Regions and Boundaries: A Con-
ceptual History (New York: Berghahn, 2017).
11. Viatcheslav Morozov and Bahar Rumelili, “The External Constitution of Euro-
pean Identity: Russia and Turkey as Europe-Makers.” Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 1
(March 2012): 28–48.
12. Marc Crépon, Altérités de l’Europe (Paris: Galilée, 2006): 218. Crépon remarks
reveals influence of Edward Saïd’s that in term of Orient we do not recognize the real
entities but rather imagined entities. Edward Saïd, Orientalism (New York, Vintage
Books, 1978): 1–3, 2–22.
13. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality (London: Palgrave Mac-
millan, 1995): 16.
14. “The Urals have never been and will never be an international border. Peter the
Great’s geographer Vasily Tatishchev devised this limit to bring Muscovy out of Asia
and justify driving the Turks and Tatars back beyond the Volga. For Russians, Asia
begins east of Lake Baikal. The Urals are a cartographic convention: in adopting them
as a border, Russia, though a Eurasian configuration, was calling itself a European
power.” Michel Foucher, “L’Union europé enne au dé fi de ses frontiè res,” 20.
15. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other: “The East” in European Identity Formation
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999): 39.
16. Jü rgen Fischer, Oriens-Occidens-Europa Begriff und Gedanke “Europa” in der Spä ten
Antike und im frü hen Mittelalter. (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1957): 50–51.
17. Pim den Boer, “Europe to 1914: Making an Idea,” in The History of the iIdea of
Europe, eds. Kevin Wilson, Jan van der Dussen (London: Routledge, 2015): 12.
18. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe, 31.
19. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe, 32. Frankish culture though was by no
means homogeneous and there was in many respects only a superficial unity to the
Carolingian empire. Ross Balzaretti. “The Creation of Europe.” History Workshop Jour-
nal 33 (1992): 181–93.
20. Paul Rich. “European Identity and the Myth of Islam: A Reassessment.” Review
of International Studies 25, no. 3 (July 1999): 432; Ronald Bartlett, The Making of Europe:
Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books,
1994): 269.
21. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe: 186.
22. Robert Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk
(1453–1517) (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1967): 19.
23. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other: “The East” in European Identity Formation
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999): 44.
24. Iver B. Neumann and Jennifer M. Welsh. “The Other in European Self-Defini-
tion: An Addendum to the Literature on International Society.” Review of International
Studies 17, no. 4 (1991): 339. Neumann referred to Purnell as well, cf. Robert Purnell,
The Society of States (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson 1973): 14.
25. Thomas Naff, “The Ottoman Empire and the European States System,” in The
Expansion of International Society, eds. Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (Oxford: Claren-
don, 1985): 143.
26. Marshall Poe, A People Born to Slavery: Russia in Early Modern European Ethnogra-
phy, 1476–1748 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000): 11–16.
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 167
27. Marshall Poe, “A Distant World: Russian Relation with Europe before Peter the
Great,” in Russia Engages the World, 1453–1825, eds. Cynthia H. Whittaker, E. Kasinec,
and Robert H. Davis (Harvard University Press, 2003): 14.
28. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 74.
29. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 74.
30. Mark Bassin. “Russia between Europe and Asia: The Ideological Construction of
Geographical Space.” Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (1991): 1–17.
31. Viatcheslav Morozov, Bahar Rumelili, “The External Constitution of European
Identity,” 36. The Morozov and Rumelili remarks are just partially accurate, while the
status of Russia as a Christian country has been questioned for centuries.
32. Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World
(London: Fontana, 1988): 190.
33. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 65.
34. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the
Enlightenment (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994): 360.
35. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe (1994): 356ff.
36. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe (1995): 100.
37. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe (1995): 100.
38. Hans-Dietrich Schultz, Wolfgang Natter. “Imagining Mitteleuropa: Conceptual-
isations of ‘Its’ Space in and Outside German Geography.” European Review of History:
Revue européenne d’histoire 10, no. 2, (2003): 273–92.
39. Hans-Dietrich Schultz. “Fantasies of Mitte: Mittellage and Mitteleuropa in Ger-
man Geographical Discussion in the 19th and 20th Centuries.” Political Geography
Quarterly 8, no. 4 (1989): 315–39.
40. Friedrich Naumann, Mitteleuropa (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1915). This purpose of eco-
nomic expansion has been carried on by the Eildienst’s Europradio. Cf. Heidi Tworek,
News from Germany: The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945 (Har-
vard University Press, 2019).
41. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe (1994): 15. The critical discussion about the
term Mitteleuropa cf. Peter Stirk, Mitteleuropa: History and Prospects. (Edinburgh: Edin-
burgh Univ. Press, 1994); John Boyer. “Some Reflections on the Problem of Austria,
Germany, and Mitteleuropa.” Central History 22, no. 3/4 (1989): 301–15; Peter Bugge.
“The Use of the Middle: Mitteleuropa vs. Srední Evropa.” European Review of History 6,
no. 1 (1999): 15–35; Peter Bugge, “Longing or Belonging? Czech Perceptions of Europe
in the Inter-War Years and Today,” in Expanding European Unity: Central and Eastern
Europe, ed. László Károly Marácz (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999): 111–29; Peter Joachim
Katzenstein, Mitteleuropa: Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI: Berghahn,
1998). The later work written in 2008 by Delanty and Ksenija Vidmar-Horvat adopted
a more balanced view on positive aspects of the Mitteleuropa notion. Cf. Ksenija Vid-
mar-Horvat and Gerard Delanty. “Mitteleuropa and the European Heritage.” European
Journal of Social Theory 11, no. 2 (2008): 203–18.
42. Timothy Garton Ash, The Uses of Adversity: Essays on the Fate of Central Europe
(New York: Random House, 1989): 179; Tony Judt. “The Rediscovery of Central Eu-
rope.” Daedalus 119, no. 1 (1990): 23–54; Jame DiBiasio. “Poland’s Return to Europe.”
SAIS Review, 15 (1995): 175–92; Zbigniew Mach. “Heritage, Dream, and Anxiety: The
European Identity of Poles,” in European Identity and Enlargement, eds. Z. Mach, and D.
Niedzwiedzki (Eds.) (Krakow: TAiWPN Universitas, 1997): 35–50; Karen Henderson,
Back to Europe: Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union. (London: UCL Press,
1999); Bert Wiskie, “Poland’s Long Desired Return to Europe,” in Expanding European
Unity: Central and Eastern Europe, ed. László Károly Marácz (Amsterdam: Rodopi,
1999): 131–49; Peter Bugge. Czech Perceptions of the Perspective of the EU Membership:
Havel vs. Klaus (European University Institute, Florence: 2000); Elizabeth Pond, The
Rebirth of Europe (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2002); Alan Smith, The
Return to Europe: The Reintegration of Eastern Europe into the European Economy (Hound-
mills, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003).
168 Magdalena Modrzejewska
43. Bo Stråth. “A European Identity.” European Journal of Social Theory 5, no. 4 (2002):
388.
44. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe: 400–1500 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006): 2.
But it was above all Marc Bloch who elaborated the theme of a Europe with its roots in
the Middle Ages. As early as the International Congress of Historical Sciences in Oslo
in 1928, he produced a paper entitled ‘‘Toward a Comparative History of the Societies
of Europe,’’ which was published in the Revue de Synthèse historique in December of
that year. (M. Bloch, Histoire et historiens [History and Historians], ed. E´tienne Bloch
[Paris: Armand Colin, 1995]: 126.)
45. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality : 16.
46. Michael Frassetto, Christians and Muslims in the Middle Ages: From Muhammad to
Dante (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019): 184.
47. Andreas Johannes Prytz, Johann Botvidi, and Kaspar Heinrich Starck. Theses de
quaestione: utrum Muschovitae sint christiani? . . . propositae a Johanne Bothvidi, . . . respon-
dente M. Andr. Johann. Prytz, . . . Holmiae . . . anno 1620. Prodeunt denuo ex manuscripto,
curante Caspar. Henr. Starck. (Lipsiae: Typ. Brandenburgerianis, 1705); Larisa Mokro-
borodowa, “Mосковскове православиe в Западной богословской традиции (West-
ern Theological Research on Muscovite Orthodoxy),” in 450 Jahre Sigismund von
Herbersteins Rerum Moscoviticarum Commentarii 1549–1999 (Schriften zur Geistes-
geschichte des östlichen Europa, Band 24), eds. Frank Kämpfer and Reinhard
Frötschner (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2002): 238.
48. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 68.
49. Michael Frassetto, Christians and Muslims in the Middle Ages: From Muhammad to
Dante (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019): 200–201.
50. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality: 24.
51. Paul Rich. “European Identity and the Myth of Islam: A Reassessment.” Review
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Index
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192 Index
***
195
196 About the Editors and Contributors
Studies, Publius, German Politics and Society, German Studies Review, and
Europe-Asia Studies. He is coauthor with Dan Marek of The Czech Republic
and the European Union (2010) and Cohesion Policy in the European Union
(2014).
Karen Horn, born in 1966, teaches the history of economic thought and
journalism at the University of Erfurt, Germany. She also serves as editor-
in-chief for Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik, a scholarly journal pub-
lished by the German Economic Association. She is a cofounder of
NOUS, an international academic network for constitutional economics
and social philosophy. Her academic interests are located at the intersec-
tion of philosophy, economics, political science, and history. In her teach-
ing and research, she focuses on the work of Adam Smith, Friedrich
Hayek, James M. Buchanan, and the German “ordoliberals.” She holds a
doctorate in economics from the University of Lausanne, Switzerland.
Earlier in her career, Karen Horn was an economic policy editor at Frank-
furter Allgemeine Zeitung and then head of the Berlin office of IW Köln,
a large private economic research institute. She was awarded the Ludwig
Erhard Prize for economic journalism in 2010. She regularly writes essays
and columns for various German, French, and English language media,
as well as appearing on TV and radio. She has authored several books,
including Roads to Wisdom—Conversations with Ten Nobel Laureates (2009)
and Hayek für jedermann (2013). Karen Horn now lives in Zurich, Switzer-
land.