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Imagining Europe - Excerpt

The document is a collection of essays edited by Henry T. Edmondson III and Peter C. Mentzel, focusing on the historical, current, and future perspectives of the European Union. It explores themes such as European identity, nationalism, immigration, and transatlantic relations, providing a comprehensive analysis of the complexities surrounding the EU. The essays aim to reflect on the values and challenges faced by Europe and its inhabitants, while also considering the broader cultural and historical context of European identity.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
32 views57 pages

Imagining Europe - Excerpt

The document is a collection of essays edited by Henry T. Edmondson III and Peter C. Mentzel, focusing on the historical, current, and future perspectives of the European Union. It explores themes such as European identity, nationalism, immigration, and transatlantic relations, providing a comprehensive analysis of the complexities surrounding the EU. The essays aim to reflect on the values and challenges faced by Europe and its inhabitants, while also considering the broader cultural and historical context of European identity.

Uploaded by

magdalena
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Imagining Europe

Imagining Europe

Essays on the Past, Present, and Future of


the European Union

Edited by
Henry T. Edmondson III
Peter C. Mentzel

LEXINGTON BOOKS
Lanham • Boulder • New York • London
Published by Lexington Books
An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.
4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706
www.rowman.com

6 Tinworth Street, London SE11 5AL, United Kingdom

Copyright © 2021 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any
electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems,
without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote
passages in a review.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

Library of Congress Control Number: 2020951036

ISBN 978-1-4985-6224-9 (cloth : alk. paper)


ISBN 978-1-4985-6225-6 (electronic)

TM
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences Permanence of Paper for Printed Library
Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.
Contents

Introduction vii
Peter C. Mentzel and Henry T. Edmondson III

1 A Brief History of the European Union 1


Peter C. Mentzel and Aaron Bellamy
2 Europe’s Commercial Order and the Crisis of Nationalism:
The “Jealousy of Trade,” Brexit, Lexit, and Rexit 19
Glyn Morgan
3 Discord or Collaboration?: The Rise of China and
Transatlantic Relations 39
Michael Baun and Dan Marek
4 Against Disassociation: Unity and Pluralism in José Ortega
y Gasset 55
Brendon Westler
5 Immigration and the Place of Islam in Europe’s
Imagination: Reading on Muslim Immigrants in European
Print Media between 1999–2009 67
Saime Özçürümez
6 Me, the People: Under the Sway of Populist Leaders 87
Karen Horn
7 Saved by Faction?: A Federalist Essay No. 10 Commentary
on the Dangers and Disadvantages of Post-Brexit
Intolerance 107
Henry T. Edmondson III and Claire Elaine Korzekwa
8 The Rise of the European Parliament and the Democratic
Promotion in the European Community (1979–1989) 125
Birte Wassenberg
9 The Quest for European Identity(ies) 149
Magdalena Modrzejewska

Bibliography 171
Index 191
About the Editors and Contributors 195

v
NINE
The Quest for European Identity(ies)
Magdalena Modrzejewska

The best illustration for the quest of European identity might come from
Samuel Beckett: “All of old. Nothing else ever. Ever tried. Ever failed. No
matter. Try again. Fail again. Fail better.” 1 Mainly, because the quest for
European identity seems to be like the search for the Holy Grail—a mysti-
cal, and noble pursuit, doomed, however, to fail, and pursued more often
by a true believer than by a cold calculating archeologist. Reflections
about what Europe has in common are undoubtedly much older than the
existence of the European Union itself. Therefore, the shift in discourse
observed in the last half century, limiting the quest for European identity
to EU integration, has made the feasibility of such a quest even less prob-
able. 2 Some researchers have adopted a functional perspective, analyzing
various functions European identity might play: a booster for self-esteem
or the driving force for cognitive or political developments that such
identity can influence. 3 In such social and psychological research,
“[b]ased on identity process theory, it was hypothesized that the greater
the perceived continuity, distinctiveness, and self-efficacy associated
with a European identity, the stronger would be the endorsement of such
an identity.” 4 But this approach does not expose the deeper anthropolog-
ical meaning of European identity and how it has been created.
Looking at European identity through the lenses of the European Un-
ion it is easy to lose perspective, since the quest of European identity has
at least one thousand years of history behind it, and if we include ancient
Greek and Roman heritage, it encompasses well over two thousand years
of European cultural experience. The intense quest for European identity
as a component of creating and enhancing the European Union, on the
other hand, has less than eighty years of history. It is essential to notice
149
150 Magdalena Modrzejewska

that the European identity(ies)’s quest, and European identity(ies) itself,


has deep roots grounded in many philosophical, cultural, and social tra-
ditions. Limiting the quest to political or economic processes of European
integration can produce nothing else than disappointing results. At the
same time the idea of defining European identity seems to be a project of
questionable feasibility. However, it does not mean that it should not be
pursued; quite the contrary, such a quest itself is a vital part of the reflec-
tion about the meaning of Europe and the European Union; and, it is
inextricably bound up with deliberations about the values cherished and
promoted in Europe and within the EU and responds to an important
question: What challenges do those values pose and what significance do
they bring to those who live on that continent, as well as to those who
desire, aspire, or dream to reach its destination?
In the pre-EU epoch as well as in recent decades, the discourse about
European identity has evolved dramatically, employing various metho-
dologies and cross-references to many disciplines. It enjoyed moments of
naïve optimism and then of deep disappointments when the existence of
European identity was questioned or even denied. This chapter attempts
to analyze the evolution of discourse to show its role in discovering,
constructing, and contesting a European identity. It seems that the quest
for a European identity has been an ongoing project, but the quest itself,
no matter how successful or unsuccessful, reveals the core/essential val-
ues that have been shared or rejected by the inhabitants of the European
continent. This constant quest is part of a much greater narrative, as
Jacques Le Goff wrote in the introduction to his The Birth of Europe about
all those “major questions posed to those engaged in the making of Eu-
rope both now and in the future: ‘Who are we? Where did we come
from? Where are we going?’” 5 Those questions carry profound philo-
sophical meaning about existence in general, even if they are posed in the
context of this particular continent. To answer such meta-questions, it is
helpful to set aside for a moment the notion of a European Union, its
institutions and integration processes, and thus avoid the overtaking of
the discourse on European identity by the European Union and its insti-
tutions.

PROBLEMS POSED BY GEOGRAPHY

Many authors observed that posing the question “where Europe ends?”
is not axiologically neutral and does not consist of mere geography. Any
attempt to draw Europe’s borders has deep, political or ideological mean-
ing. While Larry Wolff used the term political geography and cultural
cartography 6 without defining them, he gives a glimpse of what deeper
meaning lies in writing about Europe’s boundaries. While Europe has no
natural borders like Australia, any geographical borders that are widely
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 151

accepted by the popular mind are the result of historical decision. “Geo-
graphically, Europe is defined by the Ural Mountains and river to the
east, the river Aras to the southeast, and the straits of Gibraltar and the
Bosphorus to the south.” 7 Those delimitations, however, have been re-
sults of accepted conventions. Therefore, there have been many attempts
to draw them differently or provide various divisions or subdivisions
within Europe itself. 8
All the problems posed by the geography and the complex cultural
lines drawn at the peripheries of the European continent could be solved
by omission. While signing the Statute of the Council of Europe in Lon-
don in 1949, Robert Schuman dismissed in his statement the importance
of geographical boundaries, pointing out that the Council of Europe is
more of a cultural project. “There have been—and still are—learned dis-
putes as to the geographical bounds of Europe. But Europe cannot pos-
sibly wait for definition or the end of that controversy; she does, in fact,
define her own bounds by the will of her peoples. At grips with the needs
of her material and moral recovery, yearning for peace and security, Eu-
rope is being built on reality, on a foundation of cultural affinities and by
the placing in common her resources. . . . Today we are laying the foun-
dations of a spiritual and political co-operation from which there will
arise the European spirit, the promise of a broad and lasting supranation-
al union.” Schuman continued, “There is no better way of serving one’s
country than to secure, in peace and understanding, the friendly aid of
other countries, uniting for the common weal; the benefits derived will
endure by virtue of the very fact that they are common to all. Countries,
like individuals, are created to understand and help one another.” 9
The idea was to avoid conflicts in a world divided by the Iron Curtain,
but despite Schuman’s attempts to avoid sensitive subjects, Europe has
been constantly described and analyzed by many opposing sides, draw-
ing divisions between South and North, West and East, Orient and Occi-
dent, and core and frontier. 10 All of these divisions are easy to notice in
the current debates within the EU and are extremely vital in shaping the
relations between EU and non-EU actors, even if they are not explicitly
articulated.

THE ROLE OF “OTHERNESS” 11

The perspective of an existing Western “Core” leads to the assumption,


adopted by constructivists, that European identity was built in the pro-
cess of encounters and confrontations with the “Other” and “Otherness.”
Marc Crépon accurately observes that this encounter with “the other”
occurs on two levels, creating a “double network of relations”—the real
one and the imaginative one. He writes that “those that European nations
have maintained with other nations but also those that ‘Europeans’ have
152 Magdalena Modrzejewska

built with the things they have dreamed, imagined or made up as Oth-
er.” 12 Delanty also observes these imaginative elements present in the
discourse, “the corresponding counter-factualism of an ‘us’/’them’ pola-
rity. . . . [T]he most enduring form of western identity was the postulation
of a centre, anchored in a historical myth of origins, and this served to
reinforce the formation of adversarial world-views.” He concludes, “The
origins of Eurocentrism, then, lay not in the idea of Europe itself as a
cultural model, but in the structures of a discourse which served to rein-
force the power of the centre.” 13
At the time when the notion of European identity has been forged in
the encounter with otherness, we can undoubtedly identify two main
debates with the “other.” The first one is the juxtaposition between Eu-
rope and Orient, broadly defined by Islam, with all the changes started
by wars with the Arabs in the eighth and ninth centuries, through the
time of the Crusades, then military and political clashes with the Otto-
man Empire, and ending up with contemporary Turkey’s claims to EU
accession. The second discourse was defined by the confrontation with
the Russian Empire. It is worth noting that at the same time those two
countries often expressed the conviction that they were culturally and
geographically part of Europe as well. The unsolved question is to what
extent those two claims, at first primarily politically motivated, have been
internalized by the inhabitants of the Russian or Turkish empires (and
their successors), allowing them to perceive European heritage as part of
their own larger history. 14 The third discourse enhancing European iden-
tity was shaped by the contrasting Western European “core” with the
European “periphery,” labelled mainly as “Eastern Europe,” but without
stigmatizing this region with the notion of “otherness.” As Iver B. Neu-
mann notes, “[e]thnically and culturally peripheral minorities also serve
as internal others. Outstanding historical examples include Jews and
Freemasons” 15 but their presence has not played such a crucial role in
creating and shaping the European identity notion as external “Others.”

ORIENT/TURKEY CONTESTED?

The starting point of this discourse can be located around the seventh
century when the Rashidun Caliphs commenced enormous Arab expan-
sion, attacking the eastern Roman Empire and Sassanid Iran. The early
eighth century brought further expansion under the Umayyads, marked
by two major events. The first of these was the invasion of Iberia by the
forces of Tariq ibn Ziyad in 711, resulting in the defeat of the last Visigoth
King, Roderick, and the subsequent conquest of most of the Iberian pe-
ninsula, beginning a seven hundred year Muslim presence. The second
took place in 732 near Poitiers where a coalition army led by Charles
Martel defeated a Muslim army launched from Spain. After this battle
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 153

Charles Martel was described by the chronicler as europeenses which is the


very first example of using the term “European” in Latin. 16 While to
some extent the term europeenses was a milestone, Pim den Boer claimed
that “too much value cannot be attached to it in view of the fact that the
expression does not occur again until very much later.” 17 But these first
encounters with the Muslim, and the profound experience of otherness,
were a strong consolidating force for Christian knights in many Chris-
tianization campaigns led by Charlemagne. It brought the element of
Christianity as the essential component of defining Europeanness and
held this position till the eve of the Enlightenment. The role that Charle-
magne played in this Christianization and his alliance between the
Franks and the Papacy, culminating in his coronation as the Western
Roman Emperor, led Le Goff to raise the question whether Charlemagne
was the First European. 18 Although Le Goff did not provide a direct
answer, he believed that at least the Papacy’s action was driven by what
he called “‘European’ nature: [. . .] to restore the extreme Christian West
as an empire centered on the Franks.” 19 Paul Rich quoted Ronald Bart-
lett’s diagnosis that “‘Europeanisation’ of Europe [was] based on part of
the Carolingian Frankish empire.” 20 This provided Charlemagne the jus-
tification to call himself the head of Europe. So even if the idea of Euro-
pean identity at that time was only one-dimensional and associated with
being a Christian it was the first manifestation of building a common
European identity as the result of contacts with “Moors” and “Saracens.”
This “Europeanization” tendency to crystalize a common European iden-
tity was further enhanced by the First Crusade, and then ongoing at-
tempts to take and keep Jerusalem.
The next stage of encountering the Orient by the Occident was
marked by the increased presence of Turkish-speaking Muslims in Asia
Minor and the Balkans beginning in the twelfth century. Western Euro-
pean efforts to reverse this expansion culminated in the ill fated crusade
orchestrated by the Emperor Sigismund, which ended in the catastrophic
(for the crusaders) battle of Nicopolis (1396). The defeat of Christian
joined forces, the “flower of European chivalry,” followed shortly by the
equally ill-fated Crusade of Varna (1444) had devastating effects for
Western Christian morale. So, when Constantinople was itself besieged
by the Ottoman forces in 1453, there was no assistance forthcoming from
Western Christendom and no more crusades. 21 The fall of Constantinople
and the end of the Byzantine (really, the Roman) Empire had deep cultu-
ral consequences. Counterintuitively, perhaps, it stimulated the narra-
tives of the superiority of Christian, European civilization over Islam. As
Robert Schwoebel observed: “If the Turks were barbarians, it followed
that they must be inferior to civilised Europe on all accounts; and, in the
face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, even the military abilities
of the Turks were disparaged.” 22 As Neumann observed “Early Renais-
sance images of ‘the Turk’ served to underline the degree of medieval
154 Magdalena Modrzejewska

Christian hostility that survived even among those Europeans inspired


by the new ethic of Humanism. Therefore, during the Renaissance period
of European-Ottoman relations, one finds not only a struggle between
competing military powers but also a conflict of ideologies and of com-
peting social, economic, and political systems.” 23
This superiority of European, Christian culture was transformed into
a conviction of superiority of European Civilization, while the Enlighten-
ment challenged the religious foundations of this civilization. The Post-
Westphalian order that brought Europe into the modern era, was built on
what Neumann called “doctrinal secularism,” but “1648 was still per-
ceived as a religious affair. Europe as a whole was decidedly Christian in
character, and frequently was contrasted with the Islam of the Otto-
man.” 24
The 1683 victory of the league of Christian forces over the Ottoman
army confirmed European military and cultural superiority, although at
the same time the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) was the turning point invit-
ing the Turk to participate in European diplomacy. While the intensifica-
tion of relations between the Ottoman Empire and European states was
visible, Thomas Naff contends that the relationship with the emerging
European state system was still ambiguous and based on European ideas
about the “inferiority” of the Ottomans: “The logical conclusion ought to
be that the Ottoman Empire was, empirically, a European state. The para-
dox is that it was not. Even though a significant portion of the Empire
was based in Europe, it could not be said to have been of Europe.” 25 This
attitude has persisted and casts a shadow over the entire current EU-
Turkey relationship and the protracted negotiation of Turkey’s EU acces-
sion.

RUSSIA DEBATED?

Russia had been for a very long time perceived by the Europeans as terra
incognita. The earliest encounter with Kievan Russia in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries ended after the Mongols’ conquest, and Russia sank
into obscurity after being far off the track of European diplomatic inter-
ests. Then Russia was “rediscovered” in the early sixteenth century; the
first reports about Russia had been written by Jacob Piso, Albert Cam-
pensé and Johan Fabri, although none of them had actually ever been to
Muscovy. In the sixteenth century Russia was described as an inferior,
barbarian place, lacking developed state and administrative culture,
ruled by tyrants, and not compatible with Western, Christian civiliza-
tion. 26 Sigmund von Herberstein, a Habsburg diplomat, provided more
accurate reports, based on his personal experience, but even he described
Russia not as res publica but as the res privata, where the ruler is a tyrant
who appropriates the state’s wealth by all means, not bound by the rule
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 155

of law. 27 This picture of Russia as a country ruled by despots would be


repeated through the following centuries and has gained enormous pop-
ularity.
Such representation was challenged by Peter the Great’s accession to
the throne, and according to Neuman framed two new discourses. The
first one that “dominated European discourse on Russia until the Napole-
onic Wars,” held that Peter the Great “was seen as a bit of a barbarian,
but a barbarian who redeemed himself by showing what was constructed
as a willingness to shed his ways and learn from Europe. By the lights of
general political reasoning, this view was then transposed from the
king’s body to his body politic.” 28 The second discourse acknowledged
that “Russia, which quickly established itself as the dominant Baltic pow-
er and by extension as part of the European states system, could be a
valuable ally against ‘the Turk.’” 29
The Russian, depending on the current geopolitical situation in Eu-
rope and need to alter diplomatic alliances, has been perceived as either a
possible ally with the war against “the Turk” or as an eastern barbarian
on the outskirts of civilization. During the Crimean War against Russia
the western actors presented themselves as the representatives of their
own “Westerness,” while their enemy has been portrayed as the quintes-
sence of “Easterness,” or “Asian despotism.” 30 Viatcheslav Morozov and
Bahar Rumelili observed that the Crimean War was a turning point for
European identity; it was the first moment when Western powers—
France and Great Britain—used Russia’s “backwardness” to form an alli-
ance with a Muslim empire against a Christian one (Russia). It was a
manifestation of the secularization of European politics, but arguably
contributed to this process. 31 At the same time, it is worth noting that
Russia was well aware of such maneuvers, and tried to counter them by
presenting herself as a western power, and a possible supporter of fights
against the Ottoman Empire. The case of the Soviet Union revealed fur-
ther paradoxes: while the new “empire” seemed to be irreconcilable with
western capitalism, it was built on western ideas of modernization and
intense industrialization. Toward the end of the Soviet Union, the convic-
tion that Russia is an immanent part of Europe was stronger. In 1988
Mikhail Gorbachev wrote, “Some in the West are trying to ‘exclude’ the
Soviet Union from Europe. Now and then, as if inadvertently, they
equate ‘Europe’ with ‘Western Europe.’ Such ploys, however, cannot
change the geographic and historical realities. Russia’s trade, cultural and
political links with other European nations and states have deep roots in
history.” Gorbachev continued, “We are Europeans. Old Russia was unit-
ed with Europe by Christianity. . . . The history of Russia is an organic
part of the great European history.” 32
The question of whether Russia is part of Europe or not has far reach-
ing consequences, similar to the question about the Europeanness of Tur-
key, “the question of where Russia fits in is a central component of ongo-
156 Magdalena Modrzejewska

ing discourse on the European security order, and is frequently its focus.
It is the central part of most day-to-day deliberations over institutional
particulars, such as the way to handle the expansion of organizations like
the EU and NATO. It also permeates discussions of economic develop-
ments, not only discussions concerning the markets for such raw materi-
als as petroleum and aluminum but also the overall question of what is
most often referred to as the transition of former Communist econo-
mies.” 33

PERIPHERALITY AND MITTELEUROPA

The third encounter was more complicated, since it was not marked by
the notion of “radical otherness,” ascribed to barbarians, but rather “peri-
pherality.” Wolff notes that “The invention of ‘Eastern Europe’ was a
subtly self-promoting and sometimes overtly self-congratulatory event in
intellectual history, whereby Western Europe also identified itself and
affirmed its own precedence. The evolving idea of ‘civilization’ was es-
sential to this process, and provided the most important philosophical
term of reference for putting Eastern Europe in a position of emphatic
subordination.” Accordingly, Wolff argues, “The crucial binary opposi-
tion between civilization and barbarism assigned Eastern Europe to an
ambiguous space, in a condition of backwardness, on a relative scale of
development.” 34 This led him to the conclusion that “As Enlightenment
philosophers established ‘Western Europe’ as the seat of civilisation, they
also ‘invented’ an Eastern Europe as its complementary other half.” 35
While Delanty initially mostly perceived the term Mitteleuropa pejora-
tively, as a “slippery concept” generally considered “to apply not only to
a region but also to a cultural-political idea. The term suggests something
much more ideological than the idea of Europe.” 36 Delanty also notes the
attempts to revive the term Mitteleuropa after the collapse of communism
as an alternative to Eastern Europe, but he examines “the origin and
genesis of Mitteleuropa as a political programme and argues that the idea
cannot, in fact, be easily separated from anti-semitism, the reactionary
politics of pan-Germanism, and the specter of German expansionism
with which it had been closely associated in its formative phase. It was
the constellation of political forces comprising Mitteleuropa, moreover,
that finally engendered European fascism.” 37 Undoubtedly, the notion
has been heavily politicized, reflected even in the name, correlated with
the concept of Germany as the Mittellage (country holding central posi-
tion in Europe) and surrounded by Mitteleuropa (Central Europe), which
in the nineteenth century extended from the French North coast to the
Black Sea. However, the early 1800s usage of this term lacks such a strong
politization 38 and the political use is more visible after 1871 and the
founding of German Reich. 39 Then the concept was popularized by Frie-
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 157

drich Naumann’s Mitteleuropa in 1915 and implied a space of prospective


Pan-Germanic economic expansion. 40 The negative connotation of Mitte-
leuropa was strengthened during World War II when the notions of Osteu-
ropa or Ostraum were introduced as the part of the Nazi conquest of the
vast eastern part of Europe and cleared from “unwanted elements of
Slavs” for Nazi expansion. The negative perspective that Delanty
adopted in the 1990s, ignored the important role that the notion of Mitte-
leuropa, or Central Europe, played in the 1970s and 1980s among Polish,
Hungarian, and Czechoslovakian dissidents, who used it as a term to
describe a utopian, cultural space, of intellectual exchange, while they
perceived “East Europe” as a real entity, controlled by the communist
regime. 41 This discourse reappeared in a new context, rediscovering Cen-
tral Europe in the 1990s and 2000s as the “return” of post-communist
countries to Europe. 42

COMMON CULTURAL ENTITY, COMMON


CULTURAL EXPERIENCE?

While the quest for a common ground based on “us”/ “them” theories
was not satisfactory, there has been an alternative discourse about Euro-
pean identity. “In many versions the emphasis is on Europe as a distinc-
tive cultural entity united by shared values, culture and identity. Refer-
ences are made to Europe’s heritage of classical Graeco-Roman civiliza-
tion, Christianity, and the ideas of the Enlightenment, Science, Reason,
Progress, and Democracy as the core elements of this claimed European
legacy. When the differences within Europe are emphasized, it is often in
the form of unity in diversity.” 43 Therefore, there have been numerous
attempts to emphasize the different cultural sources that cocreated Euro-
pean identity. In Le Goff’s opinion, the majority of researchers start their
narratives in the Middle Ages, because for many of them “[t]hese were
years of lively thinking about Europe, when many economic, cultural,
and political projects were elaborated within a European framework.” 44
While there are obvious references to ancient Greek and Roman cultu-
ral traditions, more important as the uniting force has been Christianity.
Mainly because “[t]he idea of Europe when it did emerge was embedded
in Christendom having become virtually coterminous with the notion of
the Occident, which preceded the idea of Europe. It was this latter notion
of the Occident or West that provided continuity between Hellenism,
Christendom and the idea of Europe.” 45 Undoubtedly, we can observe
the interrelation of “othering” the “Saracens,” with the incorporation and
accommodation of the idea of Europa Christiana with the idea of Europe.
Being a Christian was analogous to being part of a big European Chris-
tian family. Frassetto noticed “it is through the crusades, through the
process of waging holy war against Muslims and defining them as the
158 Magdalena Modrzejewska

quintessential other than the European character itself took shape. Al-
though other factors were involved in this process, the identity and ideol-
ogy associated with the crusaders and crusade itself contributed to for-
mation of the European identity.” 46 While perception of “Saracens” and
“the Turk” as “Others” based on religion did not seem controversial, it is
quite interesting that from the beginning the Russians were excluded
from the family of Christians. One of the earliest statements about Russia
was a piece by Johannes Pyrtz, entitled Theses de qvæstione, utrum
Muschovitæ sint Christiani?, published in 1705 with commentaries of Jo-
hann Botvidi. Pyrtz on his question, whether Muscovites are Christians,
replied negatively: “That all Muscovites are no Christian at all.” 47 Such a
response was not only the result of the schism between Rome and Con-
stantinople, but also the fact Russia was under the rule of the Golden
Horde, and “were often confused and identified with representations of
Muslim political entities.” 48
Christianity also played a key role in discourses “othering” Turkey
and Russia, not only by providing mainly negative views of others, but
also sketching a role model and catalogue of desired virtues. The perfect
example might be La Chanson de Roland, set in the eighth century, but
created much later—at the time of the Crusades, and depicting a clash
between the Christian and Muslim worlds in the Battle of Roncevaux
Pass. 49 This classical chanson de geste, named by Delanty “the famous
xenophobic paean,” 50 provides one of the most powerful medieval role
models for the European Christian knight. Even centuries later, Erasmus
believed that there is a “culture of mutual trust which he imagined to
exist at the heart of the idea of Christendom.” 51 In his famous The Educa-
tion of a Christian Prince in 1516 he stressed “there is a most binding and
holy contract between all Christian princes, simply from the fact that they
are Christians.” 52 The “mutual trust between princes rendered irrelevant
the whole idea of written treaties.” 53
The Enlightenment brought secularization, and Denis Hay claimed
that “[i]n the course of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries
Christendom slowly entered the limbo of archaic words and Europe
emerged for its peoples as the unchallenged symbol of the largest human
loyalty.” 54 Christianity was still the language of treaties which continued
to maintain such phrases as “the common enemy,” “the Christian repub-
lic,” or “the provinces of Christendom.” The Treaty of Utrecht (1713)
made explicit reference to the “respublica Christiana.” 55 The concept of
European cooperation that enhanced the notion of common identity ex-
cluded non-Christians from the European order, like Leibniz’s “Christian
Pansophic” vision or Rousseau, who also excluded the Ottoman Empire
from his idea of Europe. 56
Christianity still remained one of the pillars of the collective idea of
Europe when Edmund Burke proposed his “Commonwealth of Europe”
integrated by elements shared by all European countries: monarchical
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 159

principle of government, the Christian religion, the heritage of Roman


law, and old Germanic customs and feudal institutions. Those elements
were so deeply rooted that he portrayed Europe as “virtually one great
state,” claiming that “no citizen of Europe could be altogether an exile in
any part of it.” 57 As Gerrit Gong notices, the secularizing evolution from
the “law of Christian nations” to the “law of civilized nations” in legal
thinking, was not entrenched until well into the nineteenth century.
However, the schemes for a peaceful federation of European states, still
“followed their medieval predecessors in excluding ‘the Turk.’ In fact, for
many of these theorists, the primary reason for uniting European states
was to provide greater security to Christians against the Ottoman per-
il.” 58
Pim den Boer explains the Christian foundation of the idea of Europe
in a way while referencing Christianity: “Children in the different coun-
tries read the same authors in the course of their classical education.
Alongside Christianity, Humanism became one of the factors linking the
elites of the various countries. A classical education was available to the
whole educated population of Europe even though this constituted a tiny
section of the total population.”
Accordingly, den Boer writes, “A feeling of solidarity was created
through the fact that scholars and intellectuals drank in knowledge at the
same classical spring. The concept of a ‘Respublica litteraria’ developed,
parallel to the older idea of a ‘Respublica Christiana,’ which continued to
exist and was by no means always in contradiction.” 59
What is more often overlooked, is the fact that the majority of the
European Founding Fathers were not only members of the “Respublica
litteraria” but mainly were people of deep faith. And while their project
of European integrity was not built on exclusion of the other, non-Chris-
tian groups, it was marked by the two elements of Catholic social teach-
ing—the ideas of solidarity and subsidiarity. Subsidiarity was particular-
ly asserted as a central principle of social theory by Pope Pius XI in his 15
May 1931 encyclical letter Quadragesimo Anno, but its origins can be
traced to the famous 1891 encyclical Rerum Novarum of Pope Leo XIII. 60
According to Pius XI, “The supreme authority of the State ought, there-
fore, to let subordinate groups handle matters and concerns of lesser
importance, which would otherwise dissipate its efforts greatly. Thereby
the State will more freely, powerfully, and effectively do all those things
that belong to it alone because it alone can do them: directing, watching,
urging, restraining, as occasion requires and necessity demands.” Pius
thus explains that observance of the principle of subsidiarity will lead to
a “happier” and “more prosperous” state. 61 Such understandings set not
only limits on the state’s function, but implied limitations on EU institu-
tions from its very beginning.
The problem posed by secular, postmodern society is the question
about possible shared values by EU citizens. The current notion of “unity
160 Magdalena Modrzejewska

in diversity” that appeared in the preamble to the (never-adopted) Euro-


pean Constitution is the best example of a rich, but diverse, and often
contradictory heritage. “In general discussion, the description of Europe
perhaps most in vogue is that of ‘unity in diversity’. Europe is presented
as the continent that never bowed to a single ruler, that never made
culture uniform, that never settled for final truths, that kept questioning,
debating, remaining self-critical thereby generating a unique dyna-
mism.” 62

THE QUEST FOR PACIFISM AS A UNIFYING FORCE

European integration has been undoubtedly rooted in the post WWII


experience, when after war atrocities intellectuals and politicians realized
that close cooperation among recent enemies is the only path to prevent
military solutions of such conflicts. But seeking European cooperation to
achieve peace has a longer tradition. The earliest propositions were based
on the notion of European Christiana, in which all Christian countries
shared similar values, with God as the source of legitimizing earthly
power, ultimate authority thereby residing within the pope or emperor/
prince by God’s will. Cooperation among Christian countries and their
unity would provide more efficient defense against the external invasion
of infidels—by Arabs, Turks, or Tatars. And although some scholars
present the late Medieval publicist Pierre Dubois (d. 1321) as the forerun-
ner of the idea of European integration, it is hard to accept that his project
was based on the achievement of peace, but rather on Christian domina-
tion and the recapture of the Holy Land. 63 Dante Alighieri who is some-
times mentioned in a similar context as that of Dubois, likewise lacked a
pacifist element. 64
The first publication linking the need for European cooperation with
the achievement of peace as the ultimate telos was William Penn’s An
Essay Towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe written in 1693. When
Penn’s proposition was republished in 1895 in The Advocate of Peace, the
editor treated it as a utopian curiosity, stating: “It seems improbable now
that the Plan of Penn will be followed, even in form, much less in detail,
in the establishment of international peace. The prime idea with him was
the creation of an international parliament, or congress, which should
exercise judicial functions as well as deliberative, and also act as a sort of
committee of safety.” 65 Ironically, the nineteenth-century editors were
unaware that Penn’s dream would be partially fulfilled in the mid-twen-
tieth century by the EU project.
The next project of European integration was sketched by Charles-
Irénée Caste, abbé de Saint-Pierre in his Projet pour rendre la paix
perpé tuelle en Europe from 1713 where he proposed a “perpetual alliance”
based on unanimity and compulsory participation in a “Grand Alliance.”
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 161

The project proposed as well an internal dispute mechanism through


mediation, then arbitration by the Congress of member states, whose
decision would be obligatory. 66 Abbé de Saint-Pierre was one of the first
who strongly emphasized the economic profits of such European cooper-
ation by avoiding the cost of wars, and since the uniformization of
weights, currency and measures would facilitate commerce. 67 The idea of
perpetual peace returned in the writing of Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his
Extrait du projet de paix perpé tuelle of 1761 and Immanuel Kant’s Zum
ewigen Frieden of 1795. Kant proposed a federation that was in fact a
peaceful league, or pacific federation (foedus pacificum). 68 But the purpose
of this body went beyond merely providing peace. Kant admits, “It is the
spirit of trade, which cannot coexist with war, which will, sooner or later,
take hold of every people. Since, among all of the powers subordinate to
state authority, the power of money is likely the most reliable, states find
themselves forced (admittedly not by motivations of morality) to pro-
mote a noble peace and, wherever in the world war threatens to break
out, to prevent it by means of negotiations, just as if they were therefore
members of a lasting alliance.” 69 So, those close ties proposed by various
thinkers were to maintain peace but at the same time to enhance the
welfare of the people; however, peace was the primary goal. The idea of
the connection between European cooperation and peace was popular-
ized in the nineteenth century, first by Henri Saint-Simon, who advocat-
ed “peace through a united states of Europe,” and then by Victor Hugo,
who promoted the phrase in 1849 at the Paris Peace Congress. 70 The post-
war trauma of WWI intensified the pursuit of regional cooperation to
achieve continental peace. One of the most prominent advocates of this
Pan-European movement was Count Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Ka-
lergi. He proposed integration similar to the Pan-American movement in
his Das Pan-Europä ische Manifest published in 1923. Coudenhove-Kaler-
gi’s publication was so influential it inspired Aristide Briand’s famous
address to the Assembly of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1929,
where he advocated the establishment of federal cooperation between the
countries of Europe. While membership would be open only to European
countries, he postulated the establishment of what we know currently as
the “common market.” 71 The main advocates of the Pan-European move-
ment went into exile after Hitler gained power, but after the war, the
momentum received a strong impetus in 1946 when in his speech at the
University of Zürich, Winston Churchill mentioned the concept of a Unit-
ed States of Europe. From that moment the movement established by
Coudenhove-Kalergi focused on bringing together European members of
parliaments, and in this way was instrumental in the founding of the
Council of Europe in Strasbourg in 1949.” 72
While the peace-oriented supporters of creating some sort of federal
United States of Europe and closer political cooperation assumed that
this new organism would increase economic prosperity, the economy
162 Magdalena Modrzejewska

itself never seemed to be the primary target of such a union. One of the
best insights into the purpose that laid behind the integration is the pas-
sage from Robert Schuman’s speech given in 1949 where he admitted:
The European spirit signifies being conscious of belonging to a cultural
family and to have a willingness to serve that community in the spirit
of total mutuality, without any hidden motives of hegemony or the
selfish exploitation of others. The 19th century saw feudal ideas being
opposed and, with the rise of a national spirit, nationalities asserting
themselves. Our century, that has witnessed the catastrophes resulting
in the unending clash of nationalities and nationalisms, must attempt
and succeed in reconciling nations in a supranational association. This
would safeguard the diversities and aspirations of each nation while
coordinating them in the same manner as the regions are coordinated
within the unity of the nation. 73
Economic cooperation became a mere tool to avoid the next world war
and to achieve reconciliation through solidarity and Christianity, based
on a notion that countries that have strong economic cooperation would
not go to war with each other.
However, this project has had a serious weakness. The desire for
cooperation to achieve peace is so universal, after all, that it cannot be a
distinctive feature for Europeans and European identity. It indicates the
existence of a European spirit that is aware of belonging to one cultural
family, but in postmodern society, the boundaries of this peaceful cultu-
ral family are vaguer than the attempts to draw borders for the European
continent. As Ariane Chebel d’Appollonia has observed: “Beyond the
political and economic problems created by the possible enlargement of
the European Union lies the necessity of creating strong European sym-
bols, strong enough to transcend self-regarding local identities. Since the
eighteenth century, political nationalism has used culture and cultural
symbols to legitimate institutions and governments.” D’Appollonia,
however, notes that the EU’s symbols, do not carry much meaning.
Apart from a flag, a hymn, and a few festivals that occur only intermit-
tently, the European Union offers little that can inspire collective en-
thusiasm. It takes longer to accept a symbol than a Brussels regulation,
if it is accepted at all. But it is the only way to ground a real European
identity and, perhaps, to limit the upsurge of aggressive nationalism.
The European Union must become a visual and compelling identity. It
needs myths as strong as those that sustain the individual nations of
which it is composed. 74

EUROPEAN CHALLENGES AND WEAKNESSES

What d’Appollonia observes, is the need for a myth of origin that would
ground European identity. There are several things that have prevented
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 163

the creation of such a myth. At first, while concentrated on the structural


and procedural nuances of the EU, the need for creating a myth of origin
was initially overlooked by the EU policymakers. Compared with the
history of the United States of America, Europe is still at the pre-confed-
eration stage, and the creation of a common collective European identity
has been taken for granted, as something that might or will happen, or
maybe is even happening now.
There are many key figures, presented as the founding fathers of Eu-
ropean integration and creation of the institutions of European union.
The official European Union webpage names the “pioneers of Union,”
and presents quite a long list of names: “Konrad Adenauer, Joseph Bech,
Johan Willem Beyen, Winston Churchill, Nicole Fontaine, Alcide De Gas-
peri, Walter Hallstein, Ursula Hirschmann, Marga Klompé, Anna Lindh,
Helmut Kohl, François Mitterand, Sicco Mansholt, Melina Mercouri, Jean
Monnet, Robert Schuman, Paul-Henri Spaak, Altiero Spinelli, Simone
Veil, Louise Weiss.” 75 Ironically, this panoply of founders has prevented
the formation and dissemination of a “myth of origin”: the story told, and
constantly retold, whose main purpose would be the integration of the
new European community. Such a myth has been splendidly established
and cultivated in America, where stories of the Revolution are legendary,
and the American Founding Fathers and the Pilgrims have found their
place in the national pantheon. 76
Another serious obstacle is a matter of unfavorable timing. The mo-
ment when the institutional EU framework was established, and the inte-
gration process started, a consensus existed among the founding fathers
of the EU about common values and the goals of integration. While the
European project in the 1950s and 1960s was unique, there was no seed-
bed for European exceptionalism. Yet, it was also the exact moment when
the narratives about European exceptionalism had been silenced. Europe,
as a consequence of postcolonialism and post-structuralism, has with-
drawn from its premodern narratives that used “othering” and stories
about its glorious past, now labeled as Eurocentric, undesirable perspec-
tives. This paradigmatic shift discouraged narrative germination and
growth and was thus a serious obstacle to creating a myth of the unique-
ness of European institutions.
A European myth of origin has lacked the celebration of notable, even
spectacular, milestones in the growth of the EU. The Rome Treaty and its
anniversary played such a role briefly, then, the newer treaties displaced
the Rome Treaty in common memory or distorted the vision of such
tremendous importance of the first treaty. At the same time, such a
crowded pantheon of “European Founding Fathers” diluted the impor-
tance of their intellectual participation in the EU creative process, as well
as their individual contributions. Can common memory cherish so many
names at once?
164 Magdalena Modrzejewska

As Margriet Krijtenburg notes, Schuman envisaged that European in-


tegration should be based on two principles, although this observation
about Schuman can be extrapolated to the other European founding
fathers, who were embedded so deeply in Catholic Social teaching. Krij-
tenburg explains that in Schuman’s philosophical framework “the fol-
lowing issues are fundamental to proper integration and citizenship”:
1. Acknowledgement of the common spiritual and cultural European
roots in which man, noted for his transcendence, occupies the
pivotal role. Man should be able to flourish and give heed to his
vocation.
2. Application of the subsidiarity and solidarity principles at region-
al, national, European, and universal level. The economy and poli-
tics need to serve primarily the person in his development and not
the other way round (which would turn the human person into an
instrument of the economy or politics).” 77
The EU in the twenty-first century faced many unprecedented problems:
the 2008 economic crisis in the case of Greece was a challenge for both
solidarity and subsidiarity, while countries demanded more and more
regulation to manage the crisis. Then the EU had to face the migration
crisis from 2015 to 2019, which shows no signs of resolution. Then the EU
has had to respond to the challenges posed by the British referendum and
ongoing Brexit negotiation. Last, but definitely not least, the EU has had
to deal with an unprecedented pandemic situation and look for the post-
pandemic order—the solutions rooted in solidarity and cooperation to
handle new unpredictable challenges. In this turbulent time the response
to the question that many Europeans asked—“who are we?”—is more
essential than ever. It has become a disturbing question, and it is obvious
that such a deep existential and philosophical query yields no simple
answer. But none of those reasons justifies avoidance of such a quest.
So far, the EU has seemingly been unable to decide whether a Euro-
pean identity should be excavated, based on past values and narratives,
or constructed as the response for the challenges of the future. The sec-
ond approach seems to be more popular, since one might assume that a
European identity was designed and decided at the Copenhagen Euro-
pean Commission summit in December 1973 by the Heads of State or
Government of the nine Member States. 78 What is interesting is that it
was designed to introduce the concept of European identity into common
foreign relations of the Community to respond to the oil crisis in the
1970s, but was mute about the common European cultural heritage, com-
mon values, and all of those non-tangible, but highly inspirational ele-
ments that construct collective identity. So, after a close reading, it is
actually quite shocking that this declaration about European identity
rarely refers to identity except in its last passage:
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 165

The European identity will evolve as a function of the dynamic con-


struction of a United Europe. In their external relations, the Nine pro-
pose progressively to undertake the definition of their identity in rela-
tion to other countries or groups of countries. They believe that in so
doing they will strengthen their own cohesion and contribute to the
framing of a genuinely European foreign policy. They are convinced
that building up this policy will help them tackle with confidence and
realism further stages in the construction of a United Europe thus mak-
ing easier the proposed transformation of the whole complex of their
relations into a European Union. 79
Can this be an inspiration to those who want to build a European
identity? Pagden in his book notes that “[a] true European Union, that is,
may need not only compelling cultural symbols and representative politi-
cal forms in order to persuade the Danes and the British that what they
are being asked to identify with is as much ‘their’ Europe as it is the
Europe of the French or the Germans; it also may need sufficient adapt-
ability to provide a common patria for Algerians and Malays, Muslims
and Hindus.” 80 This is one of the greatest challenges of the EU right now:
how to provide a compelling model of European identity based on inclu-
siveness, not losing those elements that contributed in the past to the
vision of a common Europe. In 1922 Paul Valery asked “But who, after
all, is European?” 81 After almost one hundred years, the answer is as
vague as it was, but it does not indicate that such a question is irrelevant.

NOTES

1. Samuel Becket, Worstword Ho (New York: Grove Press, 1983): 7.


2. Federico Chabod, “L’idea di Europa,” in La Rassegna d’Italia (1947): 3–17, 25–37;
Vittorio Dini, “Lucien Febvre and the Idea of Europe,” in Europe in Crisis: Intellectuals
and the European Idea, 1917–1957, ed. Mark Hewitson and Matthew D’Auria (Oxford:
Berghahn, 2012): 271–83; Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea, 2nd ed. (Edin-
burgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968); D. W. Brogan, The Idea of European Union
(Leeds: University of Leeds, 1949); James Joll, Europe: A Historian’s View (Leeds: Leeds
University Press, 1969); Denis de Rougemont, The Idea of Europe (New York: Macmil-
lan, 1966); Denis de Rougemont, The Meaning of Europe (Liverpool: Sidgwick & Jack-
son, 1965); Richard Hoggart, An Idea of Europe (London: Chatto & Windus, 1987);
George Steiner, The Idea of Europe (New York: Overlook Duckworth, 2015).
3. Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, Citizenship and Collective Identity in Europe (London:
Routledge, 2011): 45–71.
4. Geetha Garib. “Identifying Variables Predictive of Endorsing a European Iden-
tity.” Identity 12, no. 3 (2012): 274.
5. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe: 400–1500 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006): x.
6. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the
Enlightenment (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994): 144; Andrew Hiscock,
Mighty Europe 1400–1700 Writing an Early Modern Continent (Oxford: P. Lang, 2007): 15.
7. Michel Foucher, “L’Union europé enne au dé fi de ses frontiè res.” Trans. Charles
Goulden. Le Monde Diplomatique 752, no. 11 (2016): 20.
8. Michele Foucher, Boris Gré sillon, and Pascal Orcier. Europe, Europes (Paris: La
Documentation franç aise, 2010); Michel Foucher and Bronislaw Geremek, “Les fron-
166 Magdalena Modrzejewska

tiè res de l’Europe.” Politiques (1992): 121–142; Foucher, Michel. “L’Union Politique
Européenne: Un Territoire, Des Frontières, Des Horizons.” Esprit 11, no. 329 (2006):
86–114.
9. Statement by Robert Schuman (London, 5 May 1949) at the signing of the Statute
of the Council of Europe in London, Archives historiques du Conseil de l’Europe—
Historical Archives of the Council of Europe, Strasbourg. Conference for the establish-
ment of a Council of Europe, 0120. http://www.cvce.eu/obj/state-
ment_by_robert_schuman_london_5_may_1949-en-97217713-8cb6-4679-a6ce-
8bd77660bd17.html.
10. Diana Miškova and Balázs Trencsényi, European Regions and Boundaries: A Con-
ceptual History (New York: Berghahn, 2017).
11. Viatcheslav Morozov and Bahar Rumelili, “The External Constitution of Euro-
pean Identity: Russia and Turkey as Europe-Makers.” Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 1
(March 2012): 28–48.
12. Marc Crépon, Altérités de l’Europe (Paris: Galilée, 2006): 218. Crépon remarks
reveals influence of Edward Saïd’s that in term of Orient we do not recognize the real
entities but rather imagined entities. Edward Saïd, Orientalism (New York, Vintage
Books, 1978): 1–3, 2–22.
13. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality (London: Palgrave Mac-
millan, 1995): 16.
14. “The Urals have never been and will never be an international border. Peter the
Great’s geographer Vasily Tatishchev devised this limit to bring Muscovy out of Asia
and justify driving the Turks and Tatars back beyond the Volga. For Russians, Asia
begins east of Lake Baikal. The Urals are a cartographic convention: in adopting them
as a border, Russia, though a Eurasian configuration, was calling itself a European
power.” Michel Foucher, “L’Union europé enne au dé fi de ses frontiè res,” 20.
15. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other: “The East” in European Identity Formation
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999): 39.
16. Jü rgen Fischer, Oriens-Occidens-Europa Begriff und Gedanke “Europa” in der Spä ten
Antike und im frü hen Mittelalter. (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1957): 50–51.
17. Pim den Boer, “Europe to 1914: Making an Idea,” in The History of the iIdea of
Europe, eds. Kevin Wilson, Jan van der Dussen (London: Routledge, 2015): 12.
18. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe, 31.
19. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe, 32. Frankish culture though was by no
means homogeneous and there was in many respects only a superficial unity to the
Carolingian empire. Ross Balzaretti. “The Creation of Europe.” History Workshop Jour-
nal 33 (1992): 181–93.
20. Paul Rich. “European Identity and the Myth of Islam: A Reassessment.” Review
of International Studies 25, no. 3 (July 1999): 432; Ronald Bartlett, The Making of Europe:
Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books,
1994): 269.
21. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe: 186.
22. Robert Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk
(1453–1517) (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1967): 19.
23. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other: “The East” in European Identity Formation
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999): 44.
24. Iver B. Neumann and Jennifer M. Welsh. “The Other in European Self-Defini-
tion: An Addendum to the Literature on International Society.” Review of International
Studies 17, no. 4 (1991): 339. Neumann referred to Purnell as well, cf. Robert Purnell,
The Society of States (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson 1973): 14.
25. Thomas Naff, “The Ottoman Empire and the European States System,” in The
Expansion of International Society, eds. Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (Oxford: Claren-
don, 1985): 143.
26. Marshall Poe, A People Born to Slavery: Russia in Early Modern European Ethnogra-
phy, 1476–1748 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000): 11–16.
The Quest for European Identity(ies) 167

27. Marshall Poe, “A Distant World: Russian Relation with Europe before Peter the
Great,” in Russia Engages the World, 1453–1825, eds. Cynthia H. Whittaker, E. Kasinec,
and Robert H. Davis (Harvard University Press, 2003): 14.
28. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 74.
29. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 74.
30. Mark Bassin. “Russia between Europe and Asia: The Ideological Construction of
Geographical Space.” Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (1991): 1–17.
31. Viatcheslav Morozov, Bahar Rumelili, “The External Constitution of European
Identity,” 36. The Morozov and Rumelili remarks are just partially accurate, while the
status of Russia as a Christian country has been questioned for centuries.
32. Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World
(London: Fontana, 1988): 190.
33. Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other (1999): 65.
34. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the
Enlightenment (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994): 360.
35. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe (1994): 356ff.
36. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe (1995): 100.
37. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe (1995): 100.
38. Hans-Dietrich Schultz, Wolfgang Natter. “Imagining Mitteleuropa: Conceptual-
isations of ‘Its’ Space in and Outside German Geography.” European Review of History:
Revue européenne d’histoire 10, no. 2, (2003): 273–92.
39. Hans-Dietrich Schultz. “Fantasies of Mitte: Mittellage and Mitteleuropa in Ger-
man Geographical Discussion in the 19th and 20th Centuries.” Political Geography
Quarterly 8, no. 4 (1989): 315–39.
40. Friedrich Naumann, Mitteleuropa (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1915). This purpose of eco-
nomic expansion has been carried on by the Eildienst’s Europradio. Cf. Heidi Tworek,
News from Germany: The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945 (Har-
vard University Press, 2019).
41. Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe (1994): 15. The critical discussion about the
term Mitteleuropa cf. Peter Stirk, Mitteleuropa: History and Prospects. (Edinburgh: Edin-
burgh Univ. Press, 1994); John Boyer. “Some Reflections on the Problem of Austria,
Germany, and Mitteleuropa.” Central History 22, no. 3/4 (1989): 301–15; Peter Bugge.
“The Use of the Middle: Mitteleuropa vs. Srední Evropa.” European Review of History 6,
no. 1 (1999): 15–35; Peter Bugge, “Longing or Belonging? Czech Perceptions of Europe
in the Inter-War Years and Today,” in Expanding European Unity: Central and Eastern
Europe, ed. László Károly Marácz (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999): 111–29; Peter Joachim
Katzenstein, Mitteleuropa: Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI: Berghahn,
1998). The later work written in 2008 by Delanty and Ksenija Vidmar-Horvat adopted
a more balanced view on positive aspects of the Mitteleuropa notion. Cf. Ksenija Vid-
mar-Horvat and Gerard Delanty. “Mitteleuropa and the European Heritage.” European
Journal of Social Theory 11, no. 2 (2008): 203–18.
42. Timothy Garton Ash, The Uses of Adversity: Essays on the Fate of Central Europe
(New York: Random House, 1989): 179; Tony Judt. “The Rediscovery of Central Eu-
rope.” Daedalus 119, no. 1 (1990): 23–54; Jame DiBiasio. “Poland’s Return to Europe.”
SAIS Review, 15 (1995): 175–92; Zbigniew Mach. “Heritage, Dream, and Anxiety: The
European Identity of Poles,” in European Identity and Enlargement, eds. Z. Mach, and D.
Niedzwiedzki (Eds.) (Krakow: TAiWPN Universitas, 1997): 35–50; Karen Henderson,
Back to Europe: Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union. (London: UCL Press,
1999); Bert Wiskie, “Poland’s Long Desired Return to Europe,” in Expanding European
Unity: Central and Eastern Europe, ed. László Károly Marácz (Amsterdam: Rodopi,
1999): 131–49; Peter Bugge. Czech Perceptions of the Perspective of the EU Membership:
Havel vs. Klaus (European University Institute, Florence: 2000); Elizabeth Pond, The
Rebirth of Europe (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2002); Alan Smith, The
Return to Europe: The Reintegration of Eastern Europe into the European Economy (Hound-
mills, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003).
168 Magdalena Modrzejewska

43. Bo Stråth. “A European Identity.” European Journal of Social Theory 5, no. 4 (2002):
388.
44. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Europe: 400–1500 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006): 2.
But it was above all Marc Bloch who elaborated the theme of a Europe with its roots in
the Middle Ages. As early as the International Congress of Historical Sciences in Oslo
in 1928, he produced a paper entitled ‘‘Toward a Comparative History of the Societies
of Europe,’’ which was published in the Revue de Synthèse historique in December of
that year. (M. Bloch, Histoire et historiens [History and Historians], ed. E´tienne Bloch
[Paris: Armand Colin, 1995]: 126.)
45. Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality : 16.
46. Michael Frassetto, Christians and Muslims in the Middle Ages: From Muhammad to
Dante (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019): 184.
47. Andreas Johannes Prytz, Johann Botvidi, and Kaspar Heinrich Starck. Theses de
quaestione: utrum Muschovitae sint christiani? . . . propositae a Johanne Bothvidi, . . . respon-
dente M. Andr. Johann. Prytz, . . . Holmiae . . . anno 1620. Prodeunt denuo ex manuscripto,
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Index

Alighieri, Dante, 160 Committee of Permanent


Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), 88, Representatives (COREPER), 13
90 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP),
Amar, Akhil Reed, 108 127
American People’s Party, 91, 92 Conference of Yalta, 112
Amsterdam: Treaty of, 10 Constitutional Treaty, 11
Anderson, Benedict, viii Corbyn, Jeremy, 88
Aron, Raymond, 99 Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count Richard
Articles of Confederation, 107 Nikolaus, 161; Das Pan-Europäische
Auschwitz, 118 Manifest, 161
Council of Europe, 160
Battle of Dien Bien Phu of 1954, 5 Council of Ministers, 6
Beijing, 45 Council of the European Union. See
Bell, Daniel, 96 Council of Ministers
Bickerton, Chris, 21 Court of Justice, 6
Blinder, Leonard, 35 Craiutu, Aurelian, 91, 100, 101
Brandt, Willy, 126 Crépon, Marc, 151
Bretton Woods system, 8 Crespo, Enrique Barón, 143
Brexit crisis, 15, 19, 107 Crimean War, 155
Buchanan, James M., 100
Bundesbank, 9 Danish People’s Party, 90
Burke, Edmund, 100, 158 de Gaulle, Charles, 8; “Empty Chair
Crisis,” 8
Camus, Albert, 56, 63 d’Estaing, Valéry Giscard, 125, 127, 132
Carolingian Frankish empire, 153 Der Standard, 74
Carter, Jimmy, 127 De Volkskrant, 74
Caste, Charles-Irénée, 160; Projet pour Die Presse, 74
render la paix perpétuelle en Europe, Donnelly, Ignatius, 91
160
Charlemagne, 152 Edgerton, David, 21, 27, 28
Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Einaudi, Luigi, 2; “Why We Need a
European Union, vii European Economic Federation,” 2
Chávez, Hugo, 93 Europa Christiana, 157
China, 39 European Atomic Energy Community
Chirac, Jacques, 126 (Euratom), 5
Churchill, Winston, 3, 160 European Central Bank (ECB), 9
Cinque Stelle, 88 European Coal and Steel Community
Committee of European Economic (ECSC), vii, 4, 125
Cooperation (CEEC), 3 European Commission (EC), 6, 11
European Court of Justice (ECJ), 137

191
192 Index

European Defense Community, 7 Karlowitz: Treaty of, 154


European Economic Community Kennedy, John F., 7
(EEC), 5 Krakow, 118
European Monetary Union (EMU), 9
European Parliament (EP), 5, 14, La Chanson de Roland, 158; Battle of
125–136, 138, 140 Roncevaux Pass, 158
European Popular Party (EPP), 129, Le Goff, Jacques, 150; The Birth of
138, 143 Europe, 150
Erasmus, 158; The Education of a Leo XII, Pope, 159; Rerum Novarum, 159
Christian Prince, 158 Le Pen, Jean-Marie, 128
Erdoğan, Recep Tayyip, 93 Le Pen, Marine, 90
Lipset, Seymour Martin, 96
Facebook, 90 Lisbon: Treaty of, 10
Farage, Nigel, 19; UKIP, 88 Locke, John, 23
The Federalist, ix, 108; Essay 1, ix, x; Luxembourg Compromise, 8
Essay 9–10, 108, 110, 111; Essay
47–51, 108; Essay 85, ix OPEC, 8

Franco, Francisco, 56 Maastricht: Treaty of, 9, 139, 141


Macron, Emmanuel, 50; “En Marche,”
Gabriel, Sigmar, 49 88
GATT, 7 Madariaga, Salvador de, 63
Global Financial Crisis of 2008, 39 Madison, James, 107, 109, 110, 119
Gogh, Theo van, 68 Martel, Charles, 152; Poitiers, 152
The Guardian, 74 Merkel, Angela, 98
Mill, John Stuart, 60; On Liberty, 60
Haider, Jörg, 73; Freedom Party, 73 Mitteleuropa, 156
Hamilton, Alexander, ix, 107 Mittellage, 156
Hayek, Friedrich, 99, 101 Monnet, Jean, 120
High Representative of the Union of Montesquieu, Baron de, 109
the Common Foreign and Security
Policy (CFSP), 13 Napoleonic Wars, 155
Hobbes, Thomas, 23, 25 NATO, 7, 90, 155
Hofer, Norbert, 88; FPÖ, 88 Nice: Treaty of, 10
Hont, Istvan, 21 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 56
Hugo, Victor, 160 NRC Handelsblad, 74
Hume, David, ix, 21, 23
Omagh, North Ireland, 114
Instituto de Humanidades, 56 Orban, Victor, 88; Fidesz, 88
Iraq War of 2003, 40 Ortega y Gasset, José, 55; “Is There a
Iron Curtain, 151 European Cultural
Islam, 152 Consciousness?,” 57; Epílogo para
ingleses, 59; Prólogo para franceses, 59,
Jay, John, 107 64; The Revolt of the Masses, 55–56,
John Paul II, Pope, 142 57, 58, 59, 64
Johnson, Boris, 19 Ottoman Empire, 152, 154

Kant, Immanuel, 161; Zum ewigen Parliamentary Assembly, 6


Frieden, 161
Index 193

Penn, William, 160; An Essay Towards Shils, Edward, 96, 100


the Present and Future Peace of Europe Sieyès, (abbé) Emmanuel-Joseph, 23
(1693), 160 Single European Act in 1986, 144
Peter the Great, 155 Smith, Adam, 23, 100, 101
PiS, 89 Smithsonian Agreement, 8
Pius XI, Pope, 159; Quadragesimo Anno, Spinelli, Altiero, 3, 139
159 Strasbourg, 126
Popper, Karl, 101 Suez Canal, 5
Publius, 109 Swiss People’s Party (SVP), 90

Qualified Majority Voting (QMV), 10 Thatcher, Margaret, 28


three-pillar system, 10
Rashidun Caliphs, 152 Times, 74
Rawls, John, 100 Trump, Donald, 30, 42, 89, 90
Reagan, Ronald, 142
“Respublica Christiana,” 159 Umayyads, 152
“Respublica litteraria,” 159 UN Permanent Court of Arbitration,
Rome: Treaty of, 5, 125 48; South China Sea dispute, 48
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 92; Extrait du Utrecht: Treaty of, 158
projet de paix perpétuelle, 160;
“volonté générale,” 92 Valery, Paul, 165
Russia, 154 Veil, Simone, 125, 126, 127, 129, 143;
Shoah, 127
“Saracens,” 157
Salvini, Matteo, 88; Lega, 88 Wallace, George, 93
Sassanid Iran, 152 Washington, George, 100
Schmidt, Helmut, 125 Westergaard, Kurt, 68
Schuman, Robert, 4, 151, 161; The Wilders, Geert, 75, 88; Fitna, 73, 75
Schuman Declaration, 4
Shambaugh, David, 40
About the Editors and Contributors

Henry T. Edmondson III is Carl Vinson Chair of Political Science and


Public Administration in the Department of Government at Georgia Col-
lege, where he has been an award-winning professor for the last thirty-
one years. Between 2000–2012, he directed a program on the EU for the
University System of Georgia based in Strasbourg, France. He has given
numerous lectures on the European Union and other topics in the US,
Europe, Latin America, and Asia, and has been a Visiting Professor at la
Universidad Francisco Marroquín, Guatemala; and Beijing Normal Uni-
versity, China. His scholarship has appeared in several leading journals
where he has written on a variety of topics, including politics and litera-
ture, politics and governance, and leadership. His latest book is an
American Government text, The Course of Human Events: American
Government for the 21st Century (2020).

Peter C. Mentzel received his PhD in History from the University of


Washington in 1994. He was a member of the Department of History at
Utah State University for thirteen years before joining Liberty Fund as a
Senior Fellow in 2008. His research focuses on nationalism and modern-
ization in Southeastern Europe and the Middle East. He is the author of
Transportation Technology and Imperialism in the Ottoman Empire (2006) and
has published chapters in a number of edited collections, including most
recently, “Nations, Nationality, and Civil Society in the Work of Edward
Shils,” in Stephen Turner and Christopher Adair-Toteff, eds., The Calling
of Social Thought: Rediscovering the Work of Edward Shils (2019). His other
works have appeared in many peer-reviewed journals including The
American Historical Review, Slavic Review, Nations and Nationalism, Turcica,
and East European Quarterly. He was on the board of editors of the Nation-
alities Papers from 1999 to 2002. He is currently working on a history of
the Principality of Samos.

***

Michael Baun is Marguerite Langdale Pizer Professor of International


Relations at Valdosta State University. He has published widely on the
EU and European politics, including numerous book chapters and arti-
cles in refereed journals such as Political Science Quarterly, Journal of Com-
mon Market Studies, Journal of European Integration, Regional and Federal

195
196 About the Editors and Contributors

Studies, Publius, German Politics and Society, German Studies Review, and
Europe-Asia Studies. He is coauthor with Dan Marek of The Czech Republic
and the European Union (2010) and Cohesion Policy in the European Union
(2014).

Aaron Bellamy graduated with honors from Georgia College with a


course of study in history and political science. He is currently a research
analyst at CJIS Group in Tallahassee, Florida, an advisory group for state
and local government. He is currently preparing for graduate work, stud-
ying the European Union.

Karen Horn, born in 1966, teaches the history of economic thought and
journalism at the University of Erfurt, Germany. She also serves as editor-
in-chief for Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik, a scholarly journal pub-
lished by the German Economic Association. She is a cofounder of
NOUS, an international academic network for constitutional economics
and social philosophy. Her academic interests are located at the intersec-
tion of philosophy, economics, political science, and history. In her teach-
ing and research, she focuses on the work of Adam Smith, Friedrich
Hayek, James M. Buchanan, and the German “ordoliberals.” She holds a
doctorate in economics from the University of Lausanne, Switzerland.
Earlier in her career, Karen Horn was an economic policy editor at Frank-
furter Allgemeine Zeitung and then head of the Berlin office of IW Köln,
a large private economic research institute. She was awarded the Ludwig
Erhard Prize for economic journalism in 2010. She regularly writes essays
and columns for various German, French, and English language media,
as well as appearing on TV and radio. She has authored several books,
including Roads to Wisdom—Conversations with Ten Nobel Laureates (2009)
and Hayek für jedermann (2013). Karen Horn now lives in Zurich, Switzer-
land.

Claire Elaine Korzekwa recently graduated summa cum laude from


Georgia College with a course of study in political science, English litera-
ture, Spanish, and French. She is preparing for a joint graduate degree in
law and public administration.

Dan Marek is associate professor of European politics in the Department


of Politics and European Studies at Palacký University, the Czech Repub-
lic. He is the author of several books and numerous academic journal
articles, including publications in the Journal of Common Market Studies,
Regional and Federal Studies, Europe-Asia Studies, and Publius. He is coedi-
tor with Michael Baun of EU Cohesion Policy after Enlargement (2008) and
The New Member States and the European Union: Foreign Policy and Euro-
peanization (2013).
About the Editors and Contributors 197

Magdalena Modrzejewska is assistant professor in the Institute of


American Studies and Polish Diaspora at the Jagiellonian University. Her
research focuses on intellectual history and political philosophy in a glo-
bal context, human rights in the nineteenth and twentieth century, and
nineteenth-century radical social and intellectual movements. She is par-
ticularly interested in investigating the shared cultural, social, and politi-
cal patterns of American, European, and Latin-American political philos-
ophy. She was visiting scholar at Boston University, Department of Phi-
losophy (2006), and University of Toronto, Department of Philosophy
(2010), and a visiting professor at the University of Rochester (2010 and
2015). In 2005, she received a scholarship from Sasakawa Young Leaders
Fellowship Fund and she was Senior Fulbright Fellow at the University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 2011–2012. She is the author of numerous books
and book chapters, among them Libertarian Concepts of Individual and State
in Contemporary American Political Thought (2010, published in Polish), as
well as Latin American Thought. Problems and Perspectives: Three Case Stud-
ies (2015, coauthored with Karol Derwich) and Josiah Warren—The First
American Anarchist. The Remarkable American (2016).

Glyn Morgan teaches political theory and European politics at Syracuse


University, where he serves as director of the Moynihan Center of Euro-
pean Studies. He is the author of The Idea of a European Superstate (2007).
He is currently writing a book titled The Measles Mess: The Ethics and
Politics of Vaccines which is due out in 2021.

Saime Özçürümez, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department of


Political Science and Public Administration and director of the Human
Mobility Processes and Interactions Research Lab at Bilkent University,
Turkey. She conducts research and publishes work on migration govern-
ance in the European Union, Turkey, and Canada; health and diversity;
gender and forced migration; irregular immigration; and social cohesion.
She is the coeditor of Of States Rights and Social Closure: Governing Migra-
tion and Citizenship (2007) and Social Trauma and Forced Migration: Interdis-
ciplinary Perspectives from Psychoanalysis, Psychology, Sociology and Politics
(2018). Her research has appeared in journals such as International Migra-
tion, Journal of Gender Studies, Identities, Journal of Common Market Studies,
Turkish Studies, and Comparative European Politics. She is the lead research-
er and partner in international and national collaborative research con-
sortia addressing questions surrounding challenges to EU foreign poli-
cies (EU-LISTCO), sexual and gender-based violence in forced migration
contexts (SEREDA), constructing an interactive social cohesion model in
Turkey's forced migration experience (InsCol), and inclusion of refugee
schoolgirls in the education ecosystem in Turkey.
198 About the Editors and Contributors

Birte Wassenberg is a professor of contemporary history at Sciences Po at


the University of Strasbourg and a member of the Research Unit Dyna-
miques européennes. She holds a Jean Monnet Chair, is deputy director
of the Franco-German Jean-Monnet Center of Excellence, and is director
of the Master in Border Studies, International Relations. From 1993 to
2006, she was responsible for cross-border cooperation at the Région Al-
sace. Her research fields are border regions, Euroskepticism, and the his-
tory of European organizations, especially the Council of Europe. She is
also a former student from the College of Europe, promotion Charles IV,
(1992–1993). Her recent publications include Territorial Cooperation in Eu-
rope: A Historical Perspective (2015, with Bernard Reitel), “Secondary
Foreign Policy—Local International Relations: Can Cross-Border Cooper-
ation Function as a Tool to Peace-Building and Reconciliation in Border
Regions” in Special Issue Regional and Federal Studies (vol. 27, issue 3, 2017,
with Martin Klatt), and Castle-Talks on Cross-Border Cooperation. Fear of
Integration? The Pertinence of the Border (2018).

Brendon Westler holds a PhD in political science from Indiana Univer-


sity and is a visiting assistant professor of philosophy at St. Olaf College.
He conducts research in the history of political thought with a focus on
liberalism in Spain and Latin America. His essays have appeared in the
Journal of the History of Ideas, Review of Politics, and Perspectives on Politics.
Currently, he is making final edits to his book manuscript which explores
the liberal political thought of José Ortega y Gasset.

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