5 Trump Is Back
5 Trump Is Back
In the end, Donald J. Trump is not the historical aberration some thought he was, but instead a
transformational force reshaping the modern United States in his own image.
By Peter Baker / The New York Times / Nov. 6, 2024 (Abbreviated)
In her closing rally on the Ellipse last week, Kamala Harris scorned Donald J. Trump as an outlier who did not
represent America. “That is not who we are,” she declared.
In fact, it turns out, that may be exactly who we are. At least most of us.
The assumption that Mr. Trump represented an anomaly who would at last be consigned to the ash heap of
history was washed away on Tuesday night by a red current that swept through battleground states — and
swept away the understanding of America long nurtured by its ruling elite of both parties.
No longer can the political establishment write off Mr. Trump as a temporary break from the long march of
progress, a fluke who somehow sneaked into the White House in a quirky, one-off Electoral College win eight
years ago. With his comeback victory to reclaim the presidency, Mr. Trump has now established himself as a
transformational force reshaping the United States in his own image.
Populist disenchantment with the nation’s direction and resentment against elites proved to be deeper and
more profound than many in both parties had recognized. Mr. Trump’s testosterone-driven campaign
capitalized on resistance to electing the first woman president.
To Mr. Trump’s allies, the election vindicates his argument that Washington has grown out of touch, that
America is a country weary of overseas wars, excessive immigration and “woke” political correctness.
“The Trump presidency speaks to the depth of the marginalization felt by those who believe they have been in
the cultural wilderness for too long and their faith in the one person who has given voice to their frustration
and his ability to center them in American life,” said Melody C. Barnes, the executive director of the Karsh
Institute of Democracy at the University of Virginia and a former adviser to President Barack Obama.
Rather than be turned off by Mr. Trump’s flagrant, anger-based appeals along lines of race, gender, religion,
national origin and especially transgender identity, many Americans found them bracing. Rather than be
offended by his brazen lies and wild conspiracy theories, many found him authentic. Rather than dismiss him as
a felon found by various courts to be a fraudster, cheater, sexual abuser and defamer, many embraced his
assertion that he has been the victim of persecution.
The fact that Mr. Trump was able to bounce back from so many legal and political defeats over the past four
years, any one of which would have been enough to wreck the career of any other politician, was a testament
to his remarkable resilience and defiance. He is unbowed and, this time at least, undefeated.
It also owed in part to failures of President Biden and Ms. Harris, his vice president. Mr. Trump’s victory was a
repudiation of an administration that passed sweeping pandemic relief, social spending and climate change
programs but was hobbled by sky-high inflation and illegal immigration, both of which were brought under
control too late.
Once she took the torch from Mr. Biden, Ms. Harris initially emphasized a positive, joy-filled mission to the
future, consolidating excited Democrats behind her, but it was not enough to win over uncommitted voters.
At that point, she switched back to Mr. Biden’s approach of warning about the dangers of Mr. Trump and the
incipient fascism she said he represented. That was not enough either.
Ms. Harris did preach unity in her closing days, but her “we are all in this together” message of harmony fell
short against Mr. Trump’s “fight, fight, fight” message of belligerence. As much as anything, the election
reinforced how polarized the country has become, split down the middle. It is a tribal era, an us-versus-them
moment, when each side is so divorced from the other that they find it hard to even comprehend each other.
Mr. Trump’s political resurrection also highlighted an often underestimated aspect of the 248-year-old
American democratic experiment.
For all of its commitment to constitutionalism, the United States has seen moments before when the
public hungered for a strongman and exhibited a willingness to empower such a figure with outsized authority.
That has often come during times of war or national peril, but Mr. Trump frames the current struggle for
America as a war of sorts.
“Trump has been conditioning Americans throughout this campaign to see American democracy as a failed
experiment,” said Ruth Ben-Ghiat, a historian and author of “Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present.” By praising
dictators like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and President Xi Jinping of China, she said, “he has used his
campaign to prepare Americans for autocracy.”
The defining struggle going forward will be the war that Mr. Trump says he will now wage against a system that
he deems corrupt. If he follows his campaign promises, he will seek to consolidate more power in the
presidency, bring the “deep state” to heel and go after “treasonous” political opponents in both parties and the
media.
As he does that, he will have legitimacy and experience that he did not have the last time around. He learned
from his first term, not so much about policy, but about how to pull the levers of power. And this time, he will
have more latitude, a more aligned set of advisers and possibly both houses of Congress as well as a party that
even more than eight years ago answers solely to him.
The Trump era, it turns out, was not a four-year interregnum. Assuming he finishes his new term, it now looks
to be a 12-year era that puts him at the center of the political stage as long as Franklin D. Roosevelt or Ronald
Reagan were.
It is Mr. Trump’s America after all.