NIGERIAN DEFENCE ACADEMY

POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL KADUNA

FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE AND STRATEGIC STUDIES
MASTERS IN STRATEGY AND SECURITY ADMINISTRATION (MASSA)

PROJECT TOPIC:
ETHNO-RELIGIOUS CONFLICT AND NATIONAL SECURITY. A CASE STUDY OF
CHIKUN LOCAL GOVERNMENT OF KADUNA STATE (2010-2022)
BY
HENSON ONMONYA UDEH
NDAPGS/FASS/DSS052023/1156

SUPERVISOR
DR SAMUEL BABA AYEGBA

CHAPTER ONE
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
Ethno-religious conflicts have emerged as a key threat to national and global security in
recent decades. These conflicts arise between identity groups defined by ethnicity, religion,
language or other cultural markers (Fox, 1999). Viewing Ethno religious conflict from a
holistic angle, the 30-year conflict in Northern Ireland (1968-1998) between mainly
Protestant Unionists and predominantly Catholic Irish Republicans which resulted in over
3,500 deaths has been disadvantageous to social, political and economic activities (Ruane &
Todd, 1996). And also, the Bosnian genocide in the 1990s between Serbs, Croats and Bosnian
Muslims in the former Yugoslavia, the Sectarian conflict in Iraq (2006-2008) with violence
between Sunni and Shia Muslim groups killing over 50,000 civilians (Cockburn, 2016) and
also the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar which has led to mass violence and displacement of
Rohingya Muslims by extremist Buddhists (Mahmood et al., 2017). Thus, conflicts reports
have elevated concern that ethno-religious diversity may weaken prospects for economic,
political, and social development.
In traditional African society, ethno-religious crisis does not only remain one of the societal
integral characteristics, but is also becoming a rising factor. Ottawa (1999) construes that
ethnic tensions related to multiparty elections in Kenya resulted in the deaths of 1,500 people
between late 1991 and late 1993. Several other crises, which had effects on Africans, are
prominent in Sudan; a civil crisis stretching back few decades has pitted the Arab-Moslem
North against the non-Arab Christian and Animist South. Also, in Rwanda where Hutus
staged a slaughter of Tutsis resulting in an estimated 300,000 deaths in the first half of 1994
and an additional 20,000 in the refugee camps of neighboring countries, where a total of 1.7
million people had fled (Enahoro, 1998). Also, the Al-Shabab insurgency in Somalia and East
Africa which aims to turn the region into an Islamic State (Botha & Abdile, 2014).
In Nigeria, which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country with over 250 ethnic groups
and a population evenly divided between Muslims and Christians. This diversity has also led
to tensions and conflicts along religious and ethnic lines over the years. Inter-communal
violence and ethno-religious conflicts have become a major threat to Nigeria's national
security and stability. However, since Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999, there has been a
rapid increase in the frequency, intensity, and casualties of ethno-religious riots and conflicts
across the northern and central regions. The major fault lines have been between Hausa-
Fulani Muslims and minority ethnic groups who are predominantly Christians such as the
Berom, Tiv, Taroh, Jukun etc. Conflict issues range from disagreements over political power
sharing, land rights, farming rights, to religious differences. Some major incidents include the
Kaduna riots in 2000 and 2002 where Christians and Muslims clashed over the introduction
of Sharia law. There were also deadly clashes in Jos in 2001, 2008, and 2010 between
Muslim Fulani herders and predominantly Christian ethnic groups like the Berom over land
rights and political exclusion.
The Boko Haram insurgency began in 2009 aiming to form an Islamic State and has led to
over 30,000 deaths (Agbiboa, 2018). There has also been increased clashes between Muslim
cattle herders and Christian farmers in Nigeria's Middle Belt with disputes over grazing
routes and farming land. Kaduna state which the study seeks to examine is located in
Northern Nigeria, has been an epicentre of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. The
conflicts have been between the Hausa-Fulani Muslims who are the majority ethnic group
and the various minority ethnic groups in the state who are predominantly Christians
(Osaghea & Suberu, 2005).
The ethno-religious tensions and divides in Kaduna state is as a result of the religious
diversity and divisive colonial policies that favoured the Muslim North. The historical event
of 1987 Kafanchan religious crisis triggered a pattern of ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna
and other northern states (Rubongoya, 2007). In February 2000 and May 2001, Kaduna was
plagued by some of Nigeria’s worst ethno-religious riots which left thousands of dead when
Christians protested against the proposed Sharia law and Muslims revolted over the Prophet
Mohammed’s caricature in a newspaper (Okpanachi, 2012). Between 2002 and 2004,
sectarian conflicts erupted in Yelwa town between Christians and Muslims fighting over
market stalls and political offices positions (Rubongoya, 2007).
The Kaduna ethno-religious conflicts have escalated insecurity, hampered economic
activities, and strained inter-communal relations in the state (Suleiman & Karim, 2015). An
estimated total of 15,000 people has been killed in Kaduna state since 1980 with about 2,000
people displaced and property worth billions destroyed due to ethno-religious conflicts
(Onuoha, 2014). The conflicts have also heightened segregation between Muslim and
Christian communities, damaging business partnerships and destroying communities that
have lived peacefully together for decades (Okpanachi, 2012). It has also divided the
population further along religious lines making peacebuilding more difficult (Suleiman &
Karim, 2015).
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
Kaduna state has been plagued by violent ethno-religious conflicts between Muslims and
Christians living in the state for decades. The conflicts stem from deep divisions and tensions
between the two dominant religion Islam and Christianity, as well as the polarization between
the majority Hausa-Fulani ethnic group who are predominantly Muslims and the minority
ethnic tribes like Gbagyi, Jaba, and Kataf who are mainly Christians and traditional religion
adherents.
The ethno-religious tensions have escalated into recurring violent clashes, riots, and killings
in Kaduna metropolis, Zango-Kataf, Zaria, Southern Kaduna and Chikun local government.
For instance, post-election violence erupted across Northern Nigeria after the 2011 polls
including the deadly April crisis where over 800 people were killed in targeted killings and
reprisal attacks in Kaduna fueled by religious and ethnic sentiments.
The major problem is that these ethno-religious conflicts have escalated insecurity,
undermined inter-communal harmony, and threatened the stability, peace and national
security of not just Kaduna State but Nigeria generally. The high prevalence of ethno-
religious conflicts in Kaduna state continues to strain state resources for peacekeeping and
rehabilitation initiatives rather than development.
If the religious, ethnic and cultural divisions are not properly managed to build tolerance, the
gruesome violence threatens religious freedom, fundamental human rights, economic
advancement, and peaceful co-existence of diverse ethno-religious groups across all the areas
in Kaduna State. Hence, finding solutions to mitigate and possibly resolve the ethno-religious
tensions remains imperative for security, good governance and progress of Chikun Local
Government Area of Kaduna State and Nigeria of which this study tends to find out.

1.3 Research Questions

This study set out to answer the following questions:
• What is the relationship between ethno religious conflict and national
security?
• What are the contributing factors of ethno-religious conflict in Chikun
Local Government Area of Kaduna State?
• What are the consequences of ethno-religious conflict on National
Security?
• What are the strategies to addressing the challenges of ethno-religious
conflict in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State?
1.4 Aim and Objectives of the Study
The aim of this study is to investigate the impact of ethno-religious crises for Nigeria
National Security with a major focus on Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State.
Specifically, the study intends to:
• Analyse the relationship between ethno religious conflict and national
security.
• Evaluate the contribution factors of ethno-religious conflicts in Chikun
Local Government Area of Kaduna state.
• Examine the consequences of ethno-religious crisis on Nigeria's
national security.
• Suggest strategies to be adopted in addressing the challenges of ethno-
religious conflicts in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State.
1.5 Significance of the Study
This study, which focuses on Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State, is noteworthy
because it aims to shed insight on the phenomena of ethno-religious conflicts and national
security in Nigeria. Therefore, the study would lay out a roadmap for state and municipal
governments, legislators, and law enforcement officials on how to combat the ethno-religious
problem in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State and throughout Nigeria.
Furthermore, the study will support future research on the same or related themes by other
scholars and researchers.
The results of this study will spark additional national discussion on how to enhance the
strategies and techniques used to resolve ethno-religious crises throughout the nation and
even abroad.
Furthermore, Understanding the dynamics of ethno-religious conflicts in a specific region
like Chikun Local Government can provide insights into underlying causes, triggers, and
potential solutions. By studying these conflicts, policymakers, community leaders, and
stakeholders can develop strategies for conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and fostering
intergroup harmony.
Ethno-religious conflicts have direct implications for national security. Unresolved conflicts
can escalate, leading to violence, displacement of populations, and disruption of social and
economic activities. By studying the case of Chikun Local Government, researchers can
assess how ethno-religious tensions impact the overall security situation in Kaduna State and
potentially beyond, informing security policy and intervention strategies.
Ethno-religious conflicts often strain the social fabric of communities, leading to mistrust,
fear, and division among different groups. By studying conflict dynamics in Chikun Local
Government, researchers can explore ways to promote community cohesion, social
integration, and intergroup dialogue. This can help in fostering understanding, tolerance, and
peaceful coexistence among diverse populations.
Research on ethno-religious conflict in Chikun Local Government will provide valuable data
and insights for policymakers and government officials. Findings from the study can inform
the development of policies and programs aimed at preventing conflicts, addressing root
causes, and promoting sustainable peace. It can also help in evaluating the effectiveness of
existing policies and initiatives related to conflict management and national security.
The study of ethno-religious conflict in Chikun Local Government will contribute to the
academic literature on conflict studies, peace and security studies, and social sciences. It adds
to the body of knowledge on the complexities of ethno-religious dynamics, conflict resolution
mechanisms, and the impact of conflicts on communities and national security. Researchers
can build on this study to further explore related topics and contribute to scholarly debates in
the field.
In conclusion, the study of ethno-religious conflict and national security in Chikun Local
Government of Kaduna State is significant for its potential to inform conflict resolution
efforts, enhance national security strategies, promote community cohesion, guide policy
development, and contribute to academic scholarship in the field of peace and conflict
studies.
1.6 Research Assumptions
This study will be based on the following research assumptions:
• Ethno-religious intolerance and religious fundamentalism are the
factors responsible for ethno-religious conflicts in Chikun Local Government Area of
Kaduna State.
• Ethno-religious crises in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna
State have constituted a serious threat to Nigeria's National Security.
1.7 Scope of the Study
This study will examine the impact of ethno-religious crisis for National Security, with
Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State as a case study from 2010 to 2022. The
choice of the time frame is based on the fact that Chikun Local Government Area witnessed
large-scale ethno-religious crises between the periods. The limitation is the possibility there
could be other factors that contribute to Kaduna ethno-religious conflicts which are not
covered in this research. However, future research may consider different religious identities,
other than Christianity or Islam, that lead to conflicts in Kaduna or Nigeria. However, effort
would be made to ensure that these limitations do not affect the quality of the study.
1.8 Operational Definition of Key Terms
State
A state typically refers to a political entity with defined geographical boundaries, a permanent
population, a government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. It can be
identified through criteria such as having a recognized territory, a system of governance, the
ability to enforce laws and regulations within its borders, and diplomatic recognition by other
states.
Ethnicity
Ethnicity refers to a specific set of criteria or measures used to identify and classify
individuals or groups based on shared cultural, linguistic, religious, or ancestral
characteristics. This could include factors like language spoken, cultural practices, self-
identification, or ancestry traced through genetic markers.
Ethno religious conflict
Ethno-religious conflict involves identifying and categorizing conflicts that arise between
different ethnic and religious groups. This may include criteria such as instances where
violence, discrimination, or tension occurs between communities based on their respective
ethnic and religious identities.
Conflict
A conflict is a time of intense difficulty, trouble, or danger, often characterized by a critical
turning point where decisive action is required to resolve the situation. It typically involves
circumstances that pose a significant threat to individuals, organizations, or societies,
challenging their normal functioning and requiring immediate attention or response to
prevent further harm or damage.
Security
Security refers to the state of being protected from harm, danger, or threats to one's well-
being, assets, or interests. It encompasses measures taken to prevent, detect, and respond to
potential risks, ensuring the safety and stability of individuals, organizations, communities, or
nations.
National Security
National security refers to the protection and preservation of a nation's sovereignty, territorial
integrity, and the well-being of its citizens against internal and external threats. It
encompasses efforts to safeguard against a wide range of risks, including military aggression,
terrorism, espionage, cyber attacks, economic instability, natural disasters, and other hazards
that could undermine the stability, prosperity, or fundamental values of a country.

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Introduction
The main thrust of this chapter, is to establish a link between the structure of the study and its
theoretical framework. This was achieved via an in-depth review of relevant literature on the
subject matter. Thus, the concepts of ethnicity, religion, crisis, security and national security,
were thematically reviewed. Furthermore, the nexus between Ethno religious conflict and
national security was reviewed.
2.2 The Concept of Ethnicity
The concept of ethnicity has evolved over time. Early definitions focused on biological and
genetic roots, while modern interpretations emphasize the social and cultural construction of
ethnic identities (Phinney, 1996). There are debates about the boundaries and fluidity of
ethnic groups. Barth (1969) argues ethnic groups are social organizations that create
boundaries and distinctions between groups. As a universal human experience and notion,
ethnicity is the means by which individuals, not just those in Africa, aspire to the authority,
dignity, prosperity, health, abilities, morality, and enlightenment that are exclusive to their
own group. According to Duriji (2010), shared nationality, tribal affiliation, religious belief,
language, or cultural and traditional origin and background are characteristics that define
ethnicity. Even while this concept makes sense, it ignores the unfavourable aspects of
ethnicity that give rise to disputes and conflicts.
Nnoli (1998) asserts that ethnic groups are social formations that are identified by the
communal nature of their boundaries and that ethnicity is a social phenomenon connected to
interactions among members of various ethnic groups. This description typically says nothing
about the problems that ethnicity in a culture can cause. Nnoli (2007) has noted that ethnicity
is actually a complicated trend that is intimately related to social, political, economic,
religious, and other viewpoints and interactions in society. However, this claim clarifies how
ethnicity frequently seeks out religious liberty, economic independence, social liberation, and
political power, among other things.
Ethnicity according to Osaghae (1998) implies a situation of a country as the number and
character of ethnic groups, the crises among them, as well as their class, regional, racial,
religious or other correlates which serve to reinforce these conflicts. Backed up by the
opinion of US Census Bureau (2022) which asserted that an ethnic group or ethnicity is a
category of people who identify with each other based on similarities such as common
ancestry, language, history, society, culture or nation. This definition seems to be more
comprehensive and holistic in scope, this is because it took cognizance of the character and
crises that may exist among different ethnic groups. Also, the above definition brought to fore
that ethnicity unites people of similar attributes together through their system of beliefs in
certain commonality and differing issues. They are differences in language, religion, colour,
ancestry and culture to which social meaning surrounds and from which identity and group
formation is derived.
The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration (2014), which defines ethnicity
as a form of identity that is created, negotiated, and reinforced in interactions between
individuals and groups, and between groups and broader societal structures. This definition
highlights the dynamic nature of ethnicity and its dependence on social interactions and
structures. This definition of ethnicity from The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and
Immigration underscores that ethnicity is not a fixed or inherent trait but rather a product of
social processes and interactions. Overall, this definition examines the complexity and
fluidity of ethnicity, challenging simplistic notions of identity and highlighting its
embeddedness within social relations and structures.
2.3 The Concept of Religion
Religion is a vague and illusive idea. Because religion is emotionally charged, it is hard to
define precisely and objectively (Egwu 2011). It has been characterised in different ways,
with some defining it as a set of rules, regulations, and rituals that subjugate humans to
transcendent beings (Adeniyi 1993). Religion, according to Esposito, Fasching, & Lewis
(2014) is a system of beliefs and practices that are relative to superhuman beings and powers.
These beliefs and practices bring together people into a community that attempts to regulate
human moral values and meaning. Peter (1988), expressing a similar concern, described
religion as a system of symbols that work to create strong, enduring moods and motivations
in men by crafting ideas of a universal order of existence and dressing these ideas up in a way
that makes motivations and moods seem exceptionally realistic.
On the other hand, Albanese (2007) perceives religion as a system of beliefs and practices by
which a group of people struggles with the ultimate problems of human life. Therefore, this
definition is sceptical that it fails to encapsulate the entirety of religion. It lays emphasis on
the short comings of man. And to Abdul (2006) religion is a belief in a super human
controlling power that is entitled to obedience and worship. He further added that it is a
particular system of faith and worship that one is entitled to. This definition proposes that
religion is what a person worships and regards as the most powerful.
According to Akinola (2010), religion has historically been associated with the duty of
preaching moral precepts and regulations that are meant to guide communities and the lives
of their constituents. According to this concept, religion serves as a sort of constitution or set
of rules that direct the conduct of its followers. Religion is either a system of ideas and
practices that a group of people use to understand and respond to what they believe to be
supernatural and sacred, or it is an attempt by man to explain and comprehend matters
relating to the workings of the supernatural. One way to understand religion would be as the
way it interacts with society, influencing other institutions of society and social behaviour.
This does not, however, imply that some people should hide behind their faith in order to
cause chaos in society. In Nigeria, one of the best ways to determine the beneficial impact
that Islam and Christianity are having on morality and values in society as a whole is to look
at how closely these two religions are practiced and observed.
According to IDEA (2020), religious uneasiness can lead to never-ending crises that might
render democratic practice unfeasible. Modern states sometimes adopt secular philosophies
that dissociate the state from specific religious affiliations in order to prevent such risks. The
freedom to practise one's religion is guaranteed by secularism, which also prohibits the
government from favouring any one religion over another and forbids established religious
authorities from determining which sects, denominations, or brotherhoods within a given
religion are orthodox or belong to a particular group.
The state begins to lose legitimacy and authority when it is widely believed that it is pursuing
the particular interests of a single group. In order to provide security, citizens turn to various
forms of solidarity, such as religious, ethnic, regional, and so forth, when state capability
decreases and uncertainty grows. Thus, the outcome is ongoing political unrest, social unrest,
and change that hasn't been accompanied by advancement. Thus, miscommunication results
from the perception that each ethnic group and religious movement views the other as an
adversary that needs to be outclassed at all costs. This has made national integration in our
politics extremely difficult (Gofwen, 2004).
2.4 The Concept of Conflicts
Although there are many definitions of conflict among academics from many fields, this
study concentrates on the notion of conflict in relationships between individuals and with
society. Conflict is characterised as an opposition between people or groups resulting from a
difference in beliefs, values, perspectives, requirements, and interests. As different scholars
believe that conflict is a clash between two opposing groups (Ghani and Iyer, 2010; Varshney
2002); others believe it involves struggles for values, power, and resources (Fox, 2004;
Krause, 2011; Okpanachi, 2010).
Not only is conflict common among communities, it is an inevitable fact of human existence.
Conflict can either be Internal or external conflict, or state-to-state or interstate conflict,
which can occur within or outside of a nation. State-to-state conflict has decreased recently,
while internal conflict is increasing, according to Ghani and Iyer (2010). Because Nigeria is a
pluralistic nation, internal conflicts are frequent among its states. Internal state conflicts are
divided into two categories, according to Ghani and Iyer (2010): people-to-people conflicts,
which include social groups, tribes, religious riots, domestic violence, and other horrible
crimes, and conflicts against the state, such as rebellion, civil war, and separatist movements.
Conflict amongst people is often characterised by ethnic and religious differences (Varshney
2002). Conflict literature typically concentrates on conflicts that are directed against the state
because of their more severe implications for the stability of state (Ghani and Iyer 2010).
According to Nolasco & Jones (2019) conflict is a process in which one party perceives that
its interests are being opposed or negatively affected by another party who believes their own
interests are incompatible. This process involves cognition, emotion, perception,
communication, goals, values and failed expectations between individuals and groups at
multiple levels. This conceptualization of conflict encompasses psychological and social
processes spanning individual and group dynamics. Key elements include cognition, emotion,
communication, incompatible goals and unmet expectations. This integrates intrapersonal and
interpersonal dimensions across multiple levels of analysis.
Conflicts occur due to distrust, animosity, and polarization of ties between groups at times in
a competitive environment (Fox, 2004). There are a lot of sources of conflict which take
different shapes and forms as highlighted in several research journals (Fox, 2004; Krause,
2011; Okpanachi, 2010). As posited earlier in this study, conflicts are bound to occur in most
countries, both developed and developing countries alike. It is believed that the complexities
of conflict rely on the conflict management strategies that are accorded to deal with situations
when they arise. Osaghae (1994) asserts that in African nations where alternative
approacheslike status, organisations, and party identities have not permeated far enough to
challenge the legitimacy and dominance of ethnicity, conflicts are frequent and catastrophic.
In contrast, wealthy or industrialised nations, where alternative tactics and management
strategies are more developed, have seen far fewer disruptive or negative effects from wars.
Put another way, conflict is defined as an argument between individuals who belong to the
same or different racial, religious, or moral group (Fox, 2004).
2.5 National Security
The concept of national security encompasses the total sum of what a nation does in order to
safeguard itself as a sovereign entity. This could be in areas such as defense of territorial
integrity, promotion of socio-economic and political potentials, military strategy, diplomatic
interests and whatever a country might consider as its vital national interests. The definition
of national security is hardly precise and there is yet to be a consensus by scholars on its
definition. One focuses on strategic definition, while the other emphasizes socio-economic
factors. There are two essential views on the definition one which goes beyond military
preparedness to include political, economic and social development of a nation. Certain
definitions are taken into consideration for this study because they are thought to be
appropriate.
According to Suater and Carafano (2005), national security encompasses all the actions
necessary to safeguard a nation's interests both at home and abroad. Their perspective on
national security is likewise state-centric, emphasising state and territory protection over
human security. It is inappropriate for this study because it is restrictive.
A state or condition where most cherished values and beliefs, democratic way of life,
institutions of governance and unity, welfare and well-being as a nation and people are
permanently protected and continuously enhanced is how the Philippine National Security
Council (PNSC) defined national security. This definition makes it easier to understand that
maintaining morals and beliefs in addition to safeguarding institutions and people's welfare
are all included in national security. The characteristics of national security that this definition
emphasises are pertinent to the research. As a result, the definition is accepted since it is
thought appropriate for this investigation. Accordingly, national security is seen from the
internal and external perspectives. The internal perspective is concerned with the security of
the individual against hunger, absence of threat to life and property and ensuring that he/she
is gainfully employed National security is thus the extent to which a nation safeguards itself
from internal or external threats. Going by Nigeria's threat profile, Nigeria faces more
internal threats emanating from ethnic and religious crises than it does from external
Scholars, public opinion leaders, and the general public continue to adopt a wide range of
theoretical approaches to the concept of national security. According to Lippman, (1943) a
nation's ability to maintain its core values and avoid war and, if it is challenged, it should
maintain such core values by war is what constitutes national security. Lippman's definition
derives from the traditional academic perspective, which emphasizes military readiness as the
primary tool for maintaining territorial integrity and national sovereignty. As a result, it is not
given any more thought in this research. Conversely, Trager and Simonie (1963) assert that
national security is the area of government policy whose goal is to establish national and
international political environments that support the expansion of essential national values
against established and potential adversaries. This definition also takes a traditional approach
to national security, emphasising state and territory defence over human security. This
definition is too narrow; it lacks the characteristics needed for this investigation, making it
inappropriate. In his people-centered approach to human security, Kofi Annan argues that
national security is much more than just the lack of conflict. He goes on to say that in order to
achieve lasting peace, a more comprehensive approach is needed, one that addresses issues
like human rights, democracy, health, education, and the spread of lethal weapons.
Additionally, he claimed that a country cannot be secure while starvation persists and that
peace cannot be established without reducing poverty. According to Azazi (1962), national
security is preserving a country's existence and prosperity by safeguarding its borders,
resources, food supply, quality of life, and other areas from threats to the state's existence and
survival. Azazi provides a comprehensive definition of national security that includes several
essential elements.
According to Albert (1993), national security is preserving the safety of people and their
property, key infrastructure, and territorial integrity from external physical attack through the
implementation of government policy. It also involves promoting and enhancing the
availability of goods and services, safeguarding the state's vital economic, political, military,
social, and cultural interests, and lowering crime and insurrection rates that could endanger
the state's existence. According to this perspective, maintaining national interests through
managing information from all interactions and protecting political situations are all part of
government policy objectives related to national security. As a result, it is thorough and
relevant to the study at hand.
2.6 Relationship Between Ethno-Religious Conflicts and National Security
The relationship that exist between ethno religious conflict and national security is the fact
that ethno-religious conflicts pose significant threats to national and human security. Ethno-
religious conflict refers to a dispute, often violent, between religious or ethnic communities
triggered by contested issues of identity, beliefs, access to power and resources, or fears of
extinction (Ukeje & Anya, 2015).
Nigeria has been afflicted by deep ethno-religious divides and resultant violent conflicts
which pose intricate challenges for national security and stability. With a highly diverse
population of over 250 ethnic groups and split religiously between the predominantly Muslim
north and the largely Christian south, tensions have long simmered (Salawu & Oriola, 2018).
These cleavages have been exacerbated by intense competition for political influence,
pervasive corruption and unequal distribution of oil revenues. Nigeria has witnessed recurrent
ethno-religious riots, mob attacks and insurgencies. The frequent communal clashes in the
Middle Belt states between Muslim Fulani herders and Christian farmers over grazing rights
and farmlands have claimed thousands of lives. Sectarian tensions also boil over into major
cities like Kaduna and Jos in eruptions of bloodshed. However, the brutal 14-year Boko
Haram insurgency in the northeast has proven most dangerous, killing over 300,000,
displacing millions and posing an existential threat to Nigerian sovereignty. Though triggered
by religious divisions initially, the group has splintered over time into factions holding
varying extremist ideologies and grievances around poverty, corruption and violence (Okolo,
2018).
The impact of these overlapping ethno-religious conflicts on national security have proven
devastating. The death, displacement and trauma of civilians has severely eroded social
cohesion and the sense of shared citizenship essential for stability. The government is
struggling to establish security, governance and development in conflict epicenters, while
military responses have also faced rights abuse allegations (Onuoha, 2016). At the extreme,
experts warn the centrifugal forces of communal violence risk spiralling into disintegration of
the Nigerian state along dangerous sectional lines. Meanwhile, managing diversity through
fair power-sharing and inclusive governance is proving highly challenging. Political
exploitation of ethno-religious identities for electoral advantage remains widespread.
Corruption, vote-rigging and unhealthy competition for federal rents continue to undermine
faith in democratic processes. These governance issues must be addressed to pull the nation
back from the brink.
Nigeria’s complex mix of interlocking ethno-religious divisions and resultant violence
constitutes one of the most serious dangers to its national cohesion, stability and territorial
sovereignty (Agbiboa, 2016). Durable progress on security can only emerge alongside
determined action on political reforms, inclusion, transitional justice and equitable
development. All key stakeholders, communities and leaders have an abiding responsibility to
promote tolerance, dialogue and reconciliation as indispensable pillars of Nigerian unity
(Ukeje & Anya, 2015).
In conclusion, by feeding organized violence, eroding governance, crossing borders and
resisting mediation, ethno-religious tensions and conflicts severely undermine human and
national security. States facing such threats at home or in neighboring countries are often
overstretched, distracted and unable to focus resources on broader economic and social
development goals. Managing diversity, ensuring inclusion and equitable access to resources
and power are essential for preventing minorities’ grievances from spiralling out of control.
Ultimately, national and regional stability cannot be attained amidst cycles of ethno-religious
violence.
2.7Theoretical Framework
Theories aid in our comprehension of the phenomena that we examine theoretically or
empirically. Theory is critical in research because it connects the current investigation to the
relevant body of literature. This study, on the other hand, takes a multifaceted approach-based
on CONFLICT TRAP THEORY
2.7.1 Conflict Trap Theory
To efficiently and methodically examine the study's subject matter, the CONFLICT TRAP
THEORY will be adopted as the analytical framework. Paul Collier (2003), V.L. Elliott,
Havard Hegre (2003), Ankle Hoeffler (2003), Marta Reynal-Querol (2003), and Nicholas
Sambanis (2003) are the proponents of this hypothesis. According to them, the term "conflict
trap" refers to the tendency for a conflict to gain momentum on its own once it has begun. It
appears that peace grows elusive and difficult to regain. According to Collier et al. (2003),
even when peace is restored, it frequently does not last.
A theory is a combination of presumptions, facts, propositions, or principles that have been
methodically examined in relation to one another. In the social sciences, they are employed to
clarify social and political phenomena (Best, 2009:37).
Conflict trap proponents attributed the protracted nature of a typical conflict to several
interrelated causes. Multi-ethnic and multireligious civilizations continue to experience
conflict, perhaps because these cultures are easily exploited by warring parties and the
government to mobilise, manipulate, and rally ethnic feelings. Additionally, conflict typically
turns into a useful political tactic for the pursuit of interests and aims in plural societies, like
Nigeria and Kaduna State in particular, where the populace has serious concerns.
More so, even if the custodians of power and authority in the society are willing to concede to
the demands of the groups, they are usually neither trusted nor believed to have credible
means of committing the warring factions to agreement. The warring groups might be afraid
that once they hold the olive branch the custodians of power and authority would renege on
any agreement (Collier et. al 2003). The Conflict Trap Theory suggests that once a country is
caught in a cycle of conflict, it becomes increasingly difficult for it to escape due to
reinforcing dynamics.
Furthermore, because the warring parties have ready access to weapons for waging war,
maintaining conflict has been easier (Collier et al., 2003). However, a crucial aspect of the
protracted conflict pattern is the raising of a template following a conflict. Maintaining the
status quo becomes challenging. Conflict is assumed to foster animosity and to tip the scales
in favour of ongoing hostilities by powerful interests. Additionally, the criminal entrepreneurs
who benefit from the violence will stop at nothing to maintain the peace process, including
undermining it. Collier et al. (2003:12) quotes Paul.
2.7.2 Critique of the Theory
Conflict trap theory posits that societies experiencing prolonged conflict can become trapped
in a cycle of violence and instability, making it difficult to achieve lasting peace and
development. When applied to ethno-religious conflict in Nigeria, the theory suggests that
ongoing tensions between different ethnic and religious groups have contributed to a cycle of
violence and insecurity, with significant implications for national security.
One critique of conflict trap theory in the context of ethno-religious conflict in Chikun Local
Government Area of Kaduna state, Nigeria is its oversimplification of the root causes of
violence. While the theory highlights the perpetuation of conflict over time, it may overlook
the complex historical, political, economic, and social factors that contribute to ethno-
religious tensions in Nigeria. Factors such as colonial legacies, resource competition, political
marginalization, and socio-economic inequality play significant roles in fueling conflicts but
may not be adequately addressed within the framework of conflict trap theory.
Moreover, conflict trap theory may underestimate the agency and resilience of communities
affected by ethno-religious conflict. While conflict can indeed create a destructive cycle,
communities often demonstrate resilience and agency in pursuing peacebuilding initiatives,
reconciliation efforts, and community-level interventions to address the root causes of
violence. Focusing solely on the perpetuation of conflict overlooks the potential for positive
change and transformation within societies affected by ethno-religious tensions. Additionally,
conflict trap theory may overlook the role of external actors and regional dynamics in
perpetuating ethno-religious conflict in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna state,
Nigeria. Factors such as arms proliferation, transnational extremist ideologies, and
geopolitical interests can exacerbate local conflicts and undermine efforts to achieve
sustainable peace and security. Ignoring these external influences limits the effectiveness of
conflict trap theory in analysing ethno-religious conflict in Nigeria comprehensively.
In as much as conflict trap theory provides valuable insights into the dynamics of prolonged
conflict and its impact on national security, its application to ethno-religious conflict in
Nigeria requires careful consideration of the complex nature of violence and instability in the
country. Critiques of the theory highlight the need for a more nuanced understanding of the
root causes of conflict, the agency of affected communities, and the role of external actors in
perpetuating violence. Integrating these perspectives can enhance efforts to address ethno-
religious conflict and promote sustainable peace and security in Nigeria.
2.7.3 Relevance of the Theory to the Study
With a focus on Kaduna State, it can be applicable that the conflict trap theory is appropriate
and pertinent for examining the effects of ethno-religious conflict on Nigerian national
security. This is because the theory and ethno-religious conflict in the state work well
together. This is true because it provides in-depth understanding of the numerous elements
that contribute to conflict. The statement implies that the restoration of peace is a difficult
task that takes longer to accomplish due to various factors like ethnic diversity, the spread of
weapons, income inequality, the existence of a large group of criminals, and the actions of
criminal entrepreneurs.
The claims made by the conflict trap theory, which holds that once a crisis starts, it gains
momentum on its own. As a result, serenity appears to become elusive, difficult to achieve,
and challenging to preserve even once it is. Applying this to the Nigerian context, it can be
said that the country has had and continues to experience ongoing ethno-religious conflicts,
particularly in the north of the country. The crises do gain momentum, making it challenging
to call for a truce. Furthermore, when peace is restored in states like Kaduna and particularly
Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna, it is extremely difficult to maintain. The
numerous crises the State and local governments faced between 2010 and 2022 provide as
clear evidence of this.

CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research philosophy
This study adopted the interpretivism research philosophy. This approach recognizes that
reality is socially constructed and that different actors may perceive and interpret events
differently based on their cultural, historical, and social contexts. This philosophy emphasizes
understanding of social phenomena from the perspective of the individuals and groups
involved. In the context of ethno-religious conflict in Nigeria, interpretivism helps uncover
the subjective experiences, perceptions, and interpretations of different ethnic and religious
communities affected by violence. Through participant observation. Interpretivism allows
researchers to explore the underlying meanings and cultural dynamics driving conflict and
security issues.
3.2 Research Design
The study employed the survey design to obtain data from the field for an informed analysis.
This is because of need to be objective in analyzing the impact of ethno-religious crisis for
national security in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State. This method allows for
a large amount of qualitative data from a sizeable population in a highly economical way
which can be analyzed qualitatively.
3.3 Population of the Study
The population of this study was drawn from Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna
State where incidents of ethno-religious crisis occurred in Sabo, Kasuwan Magani etc. Hence
the research population of this study will consist of 200 respondents who will be randomly
selected from those who are readily available, those that live or are engaged in business
activities within the selected areas of study.
3.4 Sample Size and Sampling
The sampling frame and sample size adopted for this study is the systematic sampling
methods. This is the selection of members from a sampling frame which includes Muslims
and Christians that resides in Chikun Local Government Area. The rationale for this frame is
that they are all conversant of the subject matter of this paper. The respondents were
consulted at interval to seek their opinion based on their experience.
3.5 Sampling Technique
As earlier stated, this study adopted the systematic sampling technique which was derived
from the Probability sampling method which the researcher uses in obtaining data from his
target group.
3.6 Method of Data Analysis
Data gotten from respondents was analysed through quantitative and qualitative methods.
Quantitative data analysis is in descriptive form using simple statistical method such as table
while qualitative data analysis was done using the analyses of content of secondary materials.
3.7 Method of Data Collection
The data for this study was collected majorly from primary and secondary sources. This will
comprise of information from responses to questionnaire. Questionnaire was administered in
order to ascertain the opinion of respondents. The questionnaire is divided into two parts. The
first part which will focus on the personal information of the respondents while the second
part is targeted at the research questions. Data obtained from secondary sources includes text
books, journals, Government archives and other literatures that relates to ethno- religious
conflict and national security.
3.8 Ethical Issues
The current study is subject to certain ethical issues. Consent was informed from respondents
before engaging them in the study was first demand, on the basis that anonymity and
confidentiality is ensured. No respondent was forced to participate in the study and at
anytime or stage informants were free to withdraw before completion of the exercise.
The researcher also explained the advantages of the study to the participants. Therefore,
agreement from the participants is voluntary; without form of coercion or promises of
benefits. To ensure confidentiality, all the materials to be collected is restricted from any
access by any third party whosoever. Moreover, the hard copies of the filled questionnaires
are to be also destroyed immediately after storing the data in soft copy form in a personal
computer.
To ensure anonymity of the participants, the researcher ensured that the names of the
respondents are not written anywhere in the materials used during the study. To ensure
confidentiality, the soft copy of the data would then be stored electronically, fortified with a
password to avoid unauthorised access. All the external sources of information from which
secondary data is collected, is fully referenced using the APA referencing style.
3.9 Limitations of the Study
The research has limits because the researcher faced significant hurdles, findings from a
single case study is not broadly applicable to other regions or contexts, limiting the
generalizability of the research. Access to reliable and comprehensive data on ethnoreligious
conflicts and their impact on national security a case study Chikun LGA of Kaduna State is
limited, affecting the depth of the analysis.
Conducting a thorough study of ethnoreligious conflicts requires significant time and
resources, which may be constrained by the duration of the research project.
Limited funding and logistical challenges also restrict the ability to conduct fieldwork and
gather data from a diverse range of sources, potentially limiting the comprehensiveness of the
study.
The topic of ethnoreligious conflict is often politically sensitive, which affect the willingness
of participants to provide honest or complete information. Communication hindered by
language differences, especially being that the researcher is not fluent in the local languages
spoken in Chikun. Conducting fieldwork in areas affected by ethnoreligious conflicts may
pose security risks to the researcher and participants, potentially limiting access to certain
areas or groups. Understanding the historical context of ethnoreligious conflicts in Chikun is
crucial but may be challenging due to limited historical records or differing interpretations of
history. Ensuring the ethical conduct of research, especially when dealing with sensitive
topics and vulnerable populations, may present challenges that need to be carefully
addressed.

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CHAPTER FOUR
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY AREA
4.1. Introduction
This chapter look into the background area of the study. This include the
historical overview of the study area, the organisation of the study area, the
policy or law of the establishment of the organisation, the statical review of the
existing trends and implications for the study.
4.1. The Historical Overview of Chikun Local Government
Chikun Local Government Council was created in May, 1989 from Kachia
Local Government (Idu, 2018). The traditional administrator of the LGA is Sa
Gbagyi and one of the area’s landmarks is the Olam Poultry Plan (Idu, 2018).).
According to Wuam & Jatau (2015), Chikun Local Government Area derives
its name from a Gbagyi village named Chikun in the southeastern part of
Kujama. The area was originally populated by the Gbagyi people but is now
being subsumed by urbanization making it a cosmopolitan part of Kaduna.
Chikun Local Government Area according to the March 21, 2006 national
population census was put at 372,272. The population was projected to be
702,500 by March 21, 2024 by National Population Commission of Nigeria
(Sun Newspaper, 2020). The indigenous people are the Gbagyi people. They
also make up the major population in the area. The local government is house to
many different ethnic groups.
The Chikun Local Government Council is in charge of public administration in
Chikun local government area. The Council is led by a chairman who is the
executive head of the local government. The Chikun legislative council makes
laws governing Chikun Local Government Area. It consists of 12 Councillors
representing the 12 wards of the local government area. The wards are Chikun,
Gwagwada, Kakau, Kujama, Kunai, Narayi, Nasarawa, Rido, S/Garin Arewa
Tirkaniya, Sabon Tasha, and Ungwan Yelwa (Idu, 2018).
There are mosques, churches and temples in Chikun, so people there practice
the two major religions which are Islam and Christianity. Chikun contains
different tribes Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Gbagyi, Jaba, Ikilu, Kadara, most
especially all the tribes in Nigeria live in Chikun local government.
Chikun Local Government has a number of primary and post primary schools,
private and government owned, including federal higher institution e.g. CASSS
Unit of Kaduna Polytechnic, Bye Pass, Sabon Tasha, and numbers of computer
schools where the residents of the local government get it easy to further their
education.
There are also health centres owned by government and private in the local
government, e.g. one along Kachia Road, Sabon Tasha, the other one is along
railway Sabon Tasha.
Agriculture is the economic mainstay of the dwellers of Chikun Local
Government Area with a variety of crops grown in the area. Other important
economic industrys in Chikun LGA include pottery, shoe making and cloth
welding. The area also has a vibrant trade sector and is home to several markets
Chikun Local Government Area is divided into 12 subdivisions called Wards,
which include Chikun, Gwagwada, Kakau, Kujama, Kunai, Kuriga, Narayi,
Nassarawa, Rido, Sabon Gari Nassarawa, Sabon Tasha, and Yelwa.
Chikun LGA covers a total area of 4,645 square kilometres and has an average
annual temperature of 33 degrees centigrade. The area witnesses two major
seasons which are the dry season lasting from October-April while the rainy
season commences in May and climaxes in September.
4.2. The Organisation of The Study Area
Chikun is a Local Government Area (LGA) in Kaduna State, Nigeria. Kaduna
State is located in the northern part of Nigeria. Chikun LGA is one of the 23
LGAs in the state and is situated in the southern part of Kaduna State. Chikun
LGA is known for its diverse population, which consists of different ethnic
groups, including the Gbagyi, Hausa, Fulani, and others. The LGA is home to
several communities and settlements, both urban and rural. Kaduna State,
including Chikun LGA, has faced various challenges, including security
concerns and occasional intercommunal conflicts. However, efforts have been
made by the successive governments and relevant stakeholders to address these
issues and promote peace and development in the region.
Chikun is a Local Government Area in Kaduna State, Nigeria. Its headquarters
are in the town of Kujama and majorly inhabited by the Gbagyi people. It has an
area of 4,645 km2, and a population of 268,250 at the 2006 census. Esu Chikun,
Danjuma Shekwonugaza Barde of Gbagyi, is the traditional ruler of the area.
The jurisdiction of the royal Chief covers parts of Kaduna South Local
Government Area of Television village and Romi New Extension. Chikun
derives its name from a Gbagyi village named Chikun in the southeastern part
of Kujama. The area was originally populated by the Gbagyi people but is now
being subsumed by urbanisation making it a cosmopolitan part of Kaduna.
Chikun LGA had a population of 268,250 as at the 2006 national census 60% of
the population being female and 40% male (OSS-SAR 2019). These numbers
can be estimated to have at least tripled since 2006. Current data remain
estimations as no national census has taken place since 2006.
THE NEIGHBOURS
Chikun Local Government Areas (LGAs) in Kaduna State is neighboured to the
north of Chikun LGA. It shares boundaries with Chikun to the south and west.
2. Kajuru LGA: Kajuru LGA is situated to the northeast of Chikun LGA. It
shares a border with Chikun to the east. 3. Kaduna South LGA: Kaduna South
LGA is located to the south of Chikun LGA. It borders Chikun to the southwest.
4. Kaduna North LGA: Kaduna North LGA is adjacent to Chikun LGA towards
the southeast. It shares a boundary with Chikun. These are the immediate
neighboring LGAs of Chikun in Kaduna State. It's worth noting that Kaduna
State itself shares borders with several other states in Nigeria, including
Katsina, Zamfara, Kano, Niger, Plateau, and Nasarawa states.
THE MARKET
Chikun has several markets that serve as important economic and social hubs
for the community. These markets provide a platform for buying and selling a
wide range of goods, as well as fostering social interactions among residents.
Here are some notable markets in Chikun: 1. Sabon Tasha Market: Sabon Tasha
Market is one of the largest and busiest markets in Chikun. It is located in the
Sabon Tasha area, which is an urban part of Chikun. The market offers a variety
of products, including food items, clothing, household goods, electronics, and
more. It attracts both local residents and traders from neighboring areas. 2.
Gonin Gora Market: Gonin Gora Market is another significant market in
Chikun. It is located in the Gonin Gora area and serves as a trading center for
agricultural produce, livestock, and general merchandise. The market is
particularly known for its vibrant livestock section. 3. Kakuri Market: Kakuri
Market is situated in the Kakuri area of Chikun. It is a bustling market where
vendors sell a diverse range of products, including food items, clothing,
footwear, household items, and more. The market is well-known for its variety
and affordability. 4. Narayi Market: Narayi Market is located in the Narayi area
of Chikun. It is a thriving market that offers a wide array of goods, including
foodstuffs, clothing, accessories, and household items. The market attracts both
residents and traders from nearby communities. These are just a few examples
of the markets in Chikun. It's worth noting that markets play a crucial role in the
local economy, serving as vital trading centers and supporting the livelihoods of
many residents. They contribute to the vibrancy and commercial activity in
Chikun, providing opportunities for economic transactions and social
interactions within the community.
4.3. The Review of the Existing Trends
Chikun LGA was not exempted from the ethno-religious crises that wrecked the state.
All major regions crises that took place within Kaduna have also been witnessed or
took place in Chikun Local Government. These crises include the Sharia crises of
2000, Miss World in 2002, election crises of 2011 among others.
SHARIA CRISES IN 2000:
The Sharia crisis emanated in 2000 as a result of the debate and disagreements over
the introduction of the Sharia legal code in the state that year between Christians and
Muslims revealed the fault lines among ethnic and religious communities resident in
Kaduna and brought about the most destructive conflict witnessed in the metropolis up
to that period. The trigger for the 2000 Sharia crises went back to 14 December 1999
when the Kaduna State House of Assembly constituted an eleven-man committee with
respect to the introduction of the Sharia legal system in Kaduna. The house following
the setting up of the committee divided along religious lines. The Christian members
opposed the proposed bill, while the Muslim members supported it, highlighting that it
was “purely a Muslim affair and had nothing to do with the Christians” (Sadiq, 2016:
21). In the public hearings conducted by the committee in January 2000, the Christian
members of the house declined to be involved. The Kaduna state public also took
positions that were equally reflective of those taken by the honourable members of the
house, whereby the Christian public were against the bill and the Muslim public
supported its passage.
To drive home, their position on the issue the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN)
on 21 February 2000 staged a public protests calling for the bill to be suspended
(Dauwa, 2017). According to Sadiq (2016: 22-3), “The peaceful protest later turned
violent as Muslim youth clashed with the Christian protesters, and fighting between
the two spiraled out of control, with massive destruction on both sides.” And, while
previous conflicts had often had their origins outside Kaduna metropolis and only
escalated to the city, the 2000 Sharia crisis emanated from the heart of the city. This
was, however, in spite of the impetus for enshrining Sharia in the state’s legal code
taking its bearing from the introduction of the Sharia legal system by Zamfara state in
1999. For, following Zamfara, other states in the north also passed laws adopting the
Sharia legal code (Sada, 2007). In the process to introduce Sharia in Kaduna state, the
focal issue at its core was the extent to which Sharia should be incorporated into the
state’s laws in the context of Kaduna being a multi-ethnic and multi-religious polity.
This was what accounted for the outbreak in violence in Kaduna as opposed to the
peaceful introduction of Sharia in other northern states. While other northern states
beginning with Zamfara introduced the Sharia legal code without crisis, the attempt to
do same in Kaduna degenerated into violence. Against the background of the violence
is to be understood the difference between Zamfara and Kaduna states. While Zamfara
is largely homogenous in terms of religion and ethnicity, Kaduna, was more or less a
mini-Nigeria with a heterogeneous makeup. According to Maier (2000), the
heterogeneity of Kaduna in terms of the makeup of the population was a potent factor
that could not be ignored by close observers.
The impact of the Sharia conflicts was fundamentally harmful to the body polity and
composition of the city. According to Ubah (2011: 78) the “disputes resulted in the
gravest ethno-religious massacres in the history of the city.” A further description of
what the city underwent called the episode as “earth-quaking violence of 2000,”
whereby “a good part of Kaduna was razed to the ground. In their hundreds, residents
fled the city. The economy came to a standstill, and it looked as if Kaduna would
become a township of a lower order” (Ubah, 2011: 78). Ramifications of the crisis of
February 2000 also had repercussions beyond the city of Kaduna. From Kaduna the
crisis escalated eastwards to towns in the eastern states of Abia, Anambra and Imo and
affected the towns of Aba, Onitsha and Owerri where killings were reported with an
estimated 400 victims in Aba. The scale of these calamitous national disasters caused
the Catholic Bishop Conference of Nigeria to describe the situation as it unfolded as
that of a nation undergoing national suicide. The government of President Olusegun
Obasanjo, however, assured Nigerians and the world that what was happening was a
hiccup and a blemish on the nation that would soon go away (Maier, 2000).
The devastating Sharia riots in Kaduna probably occurred because the matter while
under discussion was taken to the streets by concerned stakeholders where tempers
became inflamed and skirmishes quickly escalated to cover the entire state. Before the
street protests and its attendant dangers nullified civil debate on the subject, the
Kaduna State House of Assembly had convened a committee to appraise the feasibility
of promulgating a Sharia bill as was done in the other states. This, by itself, was
enough testament to show that arguments from both sides of the issue would be
considered before the making of a conclusive decision.

The MISS World Crises

Within the space of two years following the Sharia crisis of 2000, came the 2002 Miss
World competition conflicts that racked the city and “led to destruction and
bloodshed” (Ubah, 2011: 78). The Miss World crisis occurred as a result of the
publication of an article that:
“provoked a storm of outrage from Muslims in different parts of the country. It was
reported that Muslims across Nigeria were alerted to the article... particularly through
text-messages on their mobile phones. However, Kaduna was the only place where the
protests took a violent form, even though neither the newspaper nor the writer had any
particular link to the state” (Sani, 2017: 336-7).
The protests took a violent dimension when on Wednesday, 20 November 2002
protesters attacked and burnt the regional office of in Kaduna in Malali. This action,
escalated the brewing violence and plunged the city into turmoil. Many people were
attacked with high casualties and many became Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
and sought refuge in camps across the city within military installations and police
barracks including at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) where both Christians
and Muslims took refuge. NDA became a giant IDPs camp whereby people were
housed in the mammy market, senior NCOs mess, offices and in the open air ground
and residential quarters (Sani, 2017).
2011 Post Election Crises
Nine years after the Sharia conflict, the city witnessed another crisis of fundamental
import. This was the post- election conflict of 18 April 2011. The conflict arose as a
result of the victory of President Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party
(PDP) over the candidate of the Congress for Progress Change (CPC) General
Muhammadu Buhari. The outbreak of violence erupted from the early hours of
Monday 18 April 2011 across Kaduna metropolis (Abdulsalam, 2014). Perpetrators of
the violence targeted places of worship and several killings and destructions were
witnessed in the metropolis. To lessen further ravages and destruction, the state
government imposed “the most severe restrictions in the history of the town when a
curfew from 5 am to 6 pm was imposed that lasted almost a month” (Ubah, 2011: 78).
Insurgency and Banditry
Banditry and kidnapping have had a profound socio-economic impact on
Chikun Local Government. The rampant insecurity and fear generated by these
criminal activities have disrupted the daily lives of individuals and
communities, leading to a breakdown of trust and social cohesion. The
prevalence of banditry and kidnapping has created an atmosphere of constant
vigilance and uncertainty, hampering the overall well-being of the local
population.
One of the primary consequences of banditry and kidnapping has been the loss
of lives and the physical harm inflicted upon individuals. Innocent civilians,
including men, women, and children, have been subjected to violence,
abductions, and even death. The human toll of these criminal activities cannot
be overstated, as it has left families shattered and communities traumatized,
with long-lasting psychological scars.
Furthermore, banditry and kidnapping have had a significant economic impact
on Chikun Local Government. The activities of armed bandits and kidnappers
have disrupted economic activities, particularly agriculture, trade, and
investment. Farmers have been forced to abandon their lands, leading to
reduced agricultural productivity and food insecurity. The fear of attacks and
abductions has deterred investors and businesses from operating in the region,
limiting economic growth and employment opportunities. The resulting
economic hardships have further perpetuated poverty and dependency among
the local population.
The education sector has also been severely affected by the insecurity caused by
banditry and kidnapping. Schools have been targeted, leading to the closure of
educational institutions and the disruption of learning for students. The fear of
attacks and abductions has deterred parents from sending their children to
school, hindering their educational development and future prospects. The long-
term consequences of limited access to quality education pose a significant
challenge to the human capital development and socio-economic progress of the
area.
In order to address the impact of banditry and kidnapping in Chikun Local
Government, a comprehensive approach is needed. Strengthening security
measures, enhancing intelligence gathering, and improving the capacity of law
enforcement agencies are crucial steps to combatting these criminal activities.
Additionally, investments in education, job creation, and economic
empowerment are essential for rebuilding the socio-economic fabric of the
affected communities, fostering resilience, and reducing vulnerability to
criminal elements.
Collaboration between the government, security agencies, civil society
organizations, and local communities is imperative in tackling banditry and
kidnapping. Efforts should focus on addressing the root causes of these crimes,
including poverty, unemployment, and marginalization. By addressing these
underlying factors, providing support to victims, and ensuring justice for
perpetrators, a path towards lasting peace and security can be established in
Chikun Local Government.
In conclusion, the impact of banditry and kidnapping in Chikun Local
Government, Kaduna State, from 1999 to 2020 has been profound. The loss of
lives, economic disruptions, and educational setbacks have left the local
population in a state of vulnerability and despair. However, through
collaborative efforts and a comprehensive approach that addresses the root
causes of these criminal activities, it is possible to restore peace, security, and
socio-economic well-being in the region. The people of Chikun Local
Government deserve a future free from the grip of banditry and kidnapping,
where they can rebuild their lives, fulfill their potential, and contribute to the
progress of their communities and the nation as a whole.
4.4 IMPACTS TO THE STUDY
The incidences of violent conflicts in Chikun Local Government in the last four
decades did unveil the fragility of peaceful co- existence among the residents of the
town on the basis of ethnic, religious and political differences. Over the second half of
its existence, it has often been shaped by the explosion of violence that rendered the it
social and economic fabric apart. On the basis of ethnic and religious identity and to a
lesser extent political affiliations the peace enjoy in the area has often been repeatedly
truncated by various episodes of violence with dangerous repercussions on the
wellbeing and welfare of inhabitants of the metropolis. These conflicts had left many
with shattered lives, loss of lives, loss of property and emotional turmoil in the wake
of the destructions often witnessed.
The fallout has been the coming into existence of a segregated city along Christians
and Muslims dichotomy where members of each faith moved “to areas where the
adherents of their religion were in the majority and where therefore they feel safer and
secured” (Ubah, 2011: 79). Kaduna became factionalised and segregated because
residents were afraid their security was no longer guaranteed when they took up
residence in any part of the city. The perceived insecurity prevented Christians and
Muslims from taking up residence in certain places due to fear of “physical,
psychological abuse, violence, persecution, or death” (Dutse & Olowoselu, 2020:
111). Consequently, adherents of either religion avoided parts of Kaduna where only
members of a particular faith were dominant. Cletus (2017: 190) in a study on the
Igbo in Kaduna metropolis notes that: “In all these crises, the Igbo community in
Kaduna was affected. This led to relative relocation and shift in demographic patterns.
Igbo in the northern part of the metropolis moved to the southern parts. This
movement had drastically changed both the settlement pattern and intergroup relation
in the metropolis.”
In Kaduna, when crisis breaks out the police are usually the first to be deployed and
when the regular detachment fails to curtail the crisis the anti-riot or mobile police is
deployed to be followed by the military when the police contingents are unable to halt
the rioting or violence. In such an instance the police and the military then form joint
action teams and patrols which sometimes operates for extended periods. The joint
action teams will also be constituted into formations as standby forces on alert to be
deployed round the suspected areas in case of additional flashpoints (Sani, 2017).
Within Kaduna, the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) provided a sanctuary for
displaced persons during the 2002 Miss World crisis that broke out in the city between
Christians and Muslims. According to Sani (2017: 335) when crisis breaks out in
Kaduna, the tendency is for people to move to where their faith is dominant for safety
or to seek out “nearby security agents premises with a view to securing their lives.”
The role of the military and other security agencies in quelling the crises has been
recognized as positive. There are, however, reservations to the general conduct of the
military and the police in their failure to timely arrest the different episodes of crises
from burgeoning and exploding to levels where before they are able to quell it the
destruction had become massive and disastrous to hundreds of thousands of residents.
Furthermore, Ubah (2011: 79) noted that: “Severally some soldiers were reportedly
seen joining in the mayhem not in preventing it. Were these men soldiers outside the
chain of command or were they criminals in military uniforms? Whichever the case,
in the interest of the military itself, people should not be given the cause to feel
betrayed.” With respect to the involvement of the military in internal security
operations such as the ones in Kaduna, Eugene (2015) analysed some of the
challenges the military face when drafted to quell security threats and situations that
the traditional