specialissue
specialissue
Submission Deadline
February 28, 2025
Motivation
Platforms are digital infrastructures that connect users in a flexible way, thereby
intermediating between (at least) two user sides who can be individual and/or collective
actors. Google, Amazon, Apple, and Microsoft are popular examples of platform
organizations – organizations that operate one or more platforms. More and more
management scholars consider platform organizations as a distinct and novel form of
organizing (Gawer, 2014, 2022; Kretschmer, Leiponen, Schilling, & Vasudeva, 2022;
McIntyre, Srinivasan, Afuah, Gawer, & Kretschmer, 2021). They specified the distinctiveness
of platform organizations in especially two ways.
One way pertains to the variety of features that constitute differentplatform types. Transaction
platforms (also referred to as marketplaces), for instance, enable users to exchange or
temporally access resources (e.g., Airbnb, eBay) and to contract services on the spot (e.g.,
Uber, TaskRabbit) (Cusumano, Gawer, & Yoffie, 2019; Kornberger, Pflueger, & Mouritsen,
2017). Innovation platforms, especially operating systems like Apple’s iOS, provide a
modular infrastructure for collaborative innovation and are the fundament of large-scale
ecosystems (Cutolo & Kenney, 2020; Fink, Shao, Lichtenstein, & Haefliger, 2020; Jacobides,
Cennamo, & Gawer, 2018). With the change in connectivity brought about by the advent of
mobile and social media technologies (e.g., social buttons, social plugins), another breed of
platforms emerged. These data platforms focus on the structuring of social behaviour into
standardized user interactions (i.e., liking, scrolling, swapping, rating) to produce data and
foster connectivity (Alaimo & Kallinikos, 2017; Koutroumpis, Leiponen, & Thomas,
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2020).Initially confined to the work of social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, Twitter,
TripAdvisor), the affordances of connectivity and behavioural visibility brought about by data
platforms now cut across sectors (Kolb, Dery, Huysman, & Metiu, 2020; Leonardi & Treem,
2020) and organizational boundaries (Thorén, Ågerfalk, & Rolandsson, 2017; Vaast, 2023).
Large platform organizations such as Amazon, Apple, and Microsoft tend to operate multiple
platforms, which has fuelled their growth and turned them into global players that exert strong
control over digital information and communication(Zuboff, 2022).
The second way pertains to the distinct modalities in which platform organizations govern
users. Scholars identified the relevance of algorithms and interfaces in re-organizing
membership and collective action rules (Chen, Tong, Tang, & Han, 2022; Gawer, 2021;
Reischauer & Mair, 2018), showcasing that users are governed by standardizing interactions,
controlling behaviour, and promoting evaluative practices (de Vaujany, Fomin, Haefliger, &
Lyytinen, 2018; Kellogg, Valentine, & Christin, 2020; Kornberger et al., 2017). Some
platform organizations were even found to nurture organized immaturity – the erosion of the
individual’s capacity for the public use of reason – to avoid user resistance and have a strong
governance regime (Harracá, Castelló, & Gawer, 2023).
This body of research has yielded rich explanations on what makes platform organizations a
distinct and novel form of organizing and how they govern users. What is far less understood
is the role of platform organizations in societal change. Recent studies in three domains
within management theory have yielded initial insights on this relationship.
One group of scholars examined the link between institutional change and platform
organizations (Boon, Spruit, & Frenken, 2019; Frenken, Vaskelainen, Fünfschilling, &
Piscicelli, 2020; Gawer & Phillips, 2013; Gegenhuber, Logue, Hinings, & Barrett, 2022; Mair
& Reischauer, 2017; Uzunca, Rigtering, & Ozcan, 2018), providing first ideas of how
platform organizations create, redefine, and weaken cognitive, normative, and regulative
structures and practices that stabilize social behaviour (Scott, 2001). For instance, Alaimo
(2022) showed how a platform organization specializing in automatized real-time exchange of
information transformed the links between a fields’ institutions and practices. Other studies
found out that platform organizations communicatively drive change by championing
alternative discourses and frames, such as public interest and entrepreneurship (Gurses,
Yakis-Douglas, & Ozcan, 2022), which increasingly leads to a “digital colonization” of
industries such as health care or education in which platform-based ways of organizing were
absent before (Ozalp, Ozcan, Dinckol, Zachariadis, & Gawer, 2022). In this regard, platform
organizations act as skilful cultural entrepreneurs that often enjoy high status amongst users
and stakeholders (Sasaki, Ravasi, & Micelotta, 2019).
A second line of research has studied the relationship between change of knowledge
paradigms and platform organizations. Organizational and information systems scholars alike
have a longstanding interest in examining the organizing and disorganizing power of
information technologies, and how they reframe knowledge, mediate affects, and carry
specific rationalities (Hasselbladh & Kallinikos, 2000; Orlikowski, 2000). Some of these
discourses have taken new currency in the world of platform organizations (Alaimo &
Kallinikos, 2022; Beyes, Chun, Clarke, Flyverbom, & Holt, 2022; Kornberger et al., 2017).
These studies point out that data infrastructures and various digital artifacts make visible the
world in new ways, leading to the emergence of novel practices within and across
organizational boundaries as well as increase the potential of disorganization (Alaimo, 2022;
Power, 2022; Ratner & Plotnikof, 2021; Saifer & Dacin, 2021). As they construct what can be
seen and known, platform organizations promote novel paradigms of knowing that, in turn,
set the conditions for new forms of organizing (Alaimo & Kallinikos, 2021). For example,
Gümüsay, Raynard, Albu, Etter, and Roulet (2022) found that particular technological
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features of social media platforms are interpreted and used in different ways in favour of
particular perspectives, positions, and discourses, while silencing or subordinating others.
A third group of scholars has explored the responses to platform organizationsfrom
established organizations and forms of organizing, such as firms, public administrations, local
and online communities, social movements, standard setting organizations, and interest
groups. One of these responses is to operate an own digital platform with the objective to not
lose ground against challenging platform organizations and to collaborate with others in new
ways (Khanagha, Ansari, Paroutis, & Oviedo, 2022; Logue & Grimes, 2022). Others studies
indicate that established organizations and forms of organizing may respond by taking a
stance against the challengers. For example, interest groups were found to institutionalize new
ways of giving users a say in how work over platforms (Gegenhuber, Schüßler, Reischauer,
&Thäter, 2022). Likewise, local communities may organize protests to reduce platform
offerings in their neighbourhood (e.g., local and virtual protests to reduce Airbnb offerings in
tourist areas) (Cameron & Rahman, 2021; Ricart, Snihur, Carrasco-Farré, & Berrone, 2020).
Scholars also started to examine how organizational members react after platform
organizations enter their space. For instance, Fraser and Ansari (2021) found that the rise of
platforms can cause ambiguous interpretations amongst members, which increases the
chances of internal conflicts.
Despite these advances, our knowledge of the role of platform organizations in societal
changeremains fragmented. Specifically, we know too little about (1) the processes, practices,
and rhetoric through which platform organizations shape and promote new knowledge
paradigms, social orders, power regimes, and culture; (2) how, when, and with what effects
platform organizations alter established organizations and forms of organizing; (3) the
responses of established organizations and forms of organizing to platform organizations, and
(4) the dynamics these responses set in motion.
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that practitioners can undertake more accurate assessments of the impact of platform
organizations and how to organize and push platform organizations that drive positive social
change.
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o Under which conditions do established organizations respond with what market
responses (e.g., new offerings, geographical expansion) and/or nonmarket responses?
o How applicable are established insights on responses of collective actors, such as the
exit-voice-loyalty framework (Hirschman, 1970), responses to uncertainty (Miller
&Shamsie, 1999), or responses to institutional complexity (Greenwood, Raynard,
Kodeih, Micelotta, & Lounsbury, 2011; Vermeulen, Zietsma, Greenwood, & Langley,
2016)?
o How and when do responses alter formal structures, processes, practices, and
identities of the responding established organizations and forms of organizing?
o What is the role of digital technologies and social structures in enabling responses?
o What dilemmas and paradoxes do responses to platform organizations cause for whom
and how are they navigated?
o How and when do organizations coordinate, cooperate, and collaborate (Castañer&
Oliveira, 2020) when responding, and how are these arrangements governed and
routinized?
o How are platform organizations reacting to responses directed at them, and with what
effects?
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o What nonmarket strategies do platform organizations pursue and why?
o How do platform organizations interfere with existing notions of markets?
o How do market mechanisms transform due to platforms and platform competition?
o How do platform organizations interfere with entrenched power dynamics and
governance configurations?
o How do they coordinate and govern the interaction between actors in the private
sector, public sector, and civil society, and with what effects?
o How are third parties and/or politics nudged to take actions in support of or against
platform organizations?
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