Wildlife Trafficking: A Deconstruction of The Crime, Victims and Offenders 2nd Edition Tanya Wyatt
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CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES
Wildlife Trafficking
A Deconstruction of the Crime,
Victims and Offenders
Tanya Wyatt
Second Edition
Critical Criminological Perspectives
Series Editors
Reece Walters, Faculty of Law, Deakin University,
Burwood, VIC, Australia
Deborah H. Drake, Department of Social Policy &
Criminology, The Open University, Milton Keynes, UK
The Palgrave Critical Criminological Perspectives book series aims to
showcase the importance of critical criminological thinking when exam-
ining problems of crime, social harm and criminal and social justice.
Critical perspectives have been instrumental in creating new research
agendas and areas of criminological interest. By challenging state defined
concepts of crime and rejecting positive analyses of criminality, critical
criminological approaches continually push the boundaries and scope
of criminology, creating new areas of focus and developing new ways
of thinking about, and responding to, issues of social concern at local,
national and global levels. Recent years have witnessed a flourishing
of critical criminological narratives and this series seeks to capture the
original and innovative ways that these discourses are engaging with
contemporary issues of crime and justice. For further information on
the series and to submit a proposal for consideration, please get in touch
with the Editor: Josephine Taylor, [email protected].
Wildlife Trafficking
A Deconstruction of the Crime,
Victims and Offenders
Second Edition
Tanya Wyatt
Department of Social Sciences
Northumbria University
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, UK
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland
AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
v
vi Preface
reports, written dozens of articles and book chapters, and been awarded
a leadership fellowship to research CITES (where I attended a Confer-
ence of the Parties and wrote a book about CITES implementation and
compliance) all whilst being accompanied by my dog, Gobi, who we
brought home not long after returning to England from Australia in
2013.
I have supported curbing, ending wildlife trafficking because I believe
that non-humans can be victims of crime (in addition to all the other
ways the crime is significant). I have never doubted that non-humans
feel emotions, including pain, but also joy. Spending each day with
my furry, lively, willful dog-friend has reinforced to me how true this
is and certainly not just dogs, but the diversity of non-humans. But
more than deserving to be recognised as victims, non-humans need to
be recognised as members of multispecies societies. Being a member
of a society means having your interests included in the deliberations
about the functioning of communities. For me, representing the inter-
ests of non-humans in our political processes is how we must go about
repairing our relationship to nature and the environment; to stop the
next pandemic; to stop the downward spiral of the biodiversity crisis
and climate change. As we work towards this goal of representing the
non-human, the range of stakeholders in the criminal justice, conserva-
tion, governmental, academic, and private sectors must continue to try
to collaborate to better understand wildlife trafficking and to improve
prevention, detection, disruption, prosecution, and so forth of this green
crime.
This second book is the ongoing compilation of the years of research I
have conducted, the thousands of articles and media reports that I have
read and the thousands of conversations that I have had with police,
governmental and intergovernmental officials, NGO staff, and academics
since 2005. The intention for the first edition was and for this second
edition remains to provide a wide overview of wildlife trafficking and
its significance, complexity, and diversity; to continue to move forward
the conceptualisation and understanding of victims and offenders; to
Preface vii
I have talked to and learned from hundreds of people about wildlife traf-
ficking, and I am grateful to each and every one of them for their time
and insight. I continue to gain understanding from each of these inter-
actions and am thankful that so many diverse people from the range
of occupations and positions are working to reduce the illegal trade in
wildlife. Let’s all keep up the fight.
And thank you to my dearest Ed for your unwavering encouragement
and support and for nurturing Gobi to be an amazing companion. He,
and you, inspire me to keep trying to make the world a little bit better.
ix
Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Contemporary Patterns 27
3 Significance 57
4 Construction of Harm and Victimhood 91
5 Construction of Blame and Offending 125
6 The Fight Against Wildlife Trafficking 159
7 Transnational Collaborations 199
8 Reflecting on Wildlife Trafficking 231
References 255
Index 285
xi
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Acronyms
xiii
xiv Acronyms
xv
1
Introduction
Since the first edition of this book in 2013, the landscape for wildlife
trafficking has noticeably changed. The illegal wildlife trade has become
a topic of global discussion and the focus of high-level political events as
well as numerous international law enforcement operations and funded
programmes to disrupt and reduce this black market. Despite these
laudable efforts, however, the wildlife, who are the target of wildlife traf-
ficking, continue to slide towards extinction, some—like the pangolin—
more quickly than ever. In this second edition, I once again provide
a global overview of the state of knowledge of wildlife trafficking, the
victims, and the offenders as well as of the efforts to prevent and detect
this crime. This time I include the most updated initiative and actors
working to combat wildlife trafficking.
I believe this is a timely and important update for two reasons.
First, as mentioned, even though substantial efforts are ongoing to
decrease the trafficking of wildlife, it continues to threaten the survival
of many species, which then affects ecosystems and people. In this
sense, it remains critical to successfully and effectively tackle the illegal
wildlife trade. Second, wildlife trade and trafficking have come under
even greater scrutiny because of the coronavirus pandemic that is
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1
Switzerland AG 2022
T. Wyatt, Wildlife Trafficking, Critical Criminological Perspectives,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83753-2_1
2 T. Wyatt
Definitions
The illegal wildlife trade is a multi-stage crime and smuggling operation,
which encompasses numerous activities that will each be defined here.
Wildlife is taken to comprise all non-human animals and plants that are
not companion or domesticated animals. This means that domestic ‘pets’
are not wildlife, nor are livestock, but that zoo animals and others that
are being farmed, yet are not truly domesticated, are also wildlife. This
would include bears and tigers, for instance, which are now the focus
4 T. Wyatt
of farming initiatives. Wildlife does include all plants and trees as well
as propagated individuals. Recently, a colleague and I have formulated
this more comprehensive and succinct definition of wildlife: “all non-
human animals, plants, and fungi which form part of a country’s natural
environment or which are visitors in a wild or captured state” (Nurse and
Wyatt 2020: 5). We note as do others (Beirne 2018; Sollund 2019) that
referring to other species as ‘non-human animals’ is unsatisfactory in that
it defines other beings in relation to humans, but we have not come up
with a sufficient replacement.
In the illegal wildlife trade, wildlife is first poached, collected, or
harvested. Poaching is usually conceptualised as the act of killing the
non-human animal to use it in one of the various ways that will be
detailed below. However, Kurland et al. (2018) also use poaching to refer
to the targeted cutting of ‘burls’—growths on trees used to make furni-
ture and other products; thus, poaching can refer to plants as well. In
the case of non-human animals, the killing is accomplished in a variety
of ways, depending upon the species. Others refer to wildlife killing as
murder, thus bringing the act in line with crimes against humans (Beirne
2018; Sollund 2019). Poaching of game meat, such as deer, sometimes
involves the use of dogs to flush out the prey so that they can then be
shot. Other non-human animals are also killed by guns. For instance,
elephant and rhinoceros poaching often involves weapons, though in
some instances rather than rifles or shotguns, tranquiliser guns are used
to only subdue the individual, and then the tusk or horn is taken whilst
they are still alive. Poaching can also involve snares and traps that either
kill the non-human animal or hold them until they can be killed. This is
the case when poaching furbearing mammals and ungulates for tradi-
tional medicines. Pits are also used to capture and then transport or
kill terrestrial non-human animals. Poison bait is another way of killing
wildlife, who are enticed by the meat in which the poison is placed; this
has been seen in the Greater Limpopo Transfrontier Conservation Area
where vultures are poisoned and then used in traditional Africa medicine
(Gore et al. 2020). Fish and marine mammals are obviously caught with
nets and hooks. There are undoubtedly other means by which wildlife is
poached in addition to those listed here.
1 Introduction 5
However, not all non-human animals (or plants and fungi) are killed
within the illegal wildlife trade. Collecting or kidnapping (Sollund 2019)
occurs when wildlife is taken alive, again to be used in various ways.
Often the live wildlife is captured with nets or traps and then transported
or smuggled further along the smuggling chain. For some species, the
young or eggs are targeted for ease of capture and smuggling. For some
non-human animals, like the pangolin, being kidnapped is unfortunately
quite simple as they roll into a protective ball to escape predators. If that
predator is a human, they can easily place the pangolin in a sack or ship-
ping container to be transported to a market or restaurant. Plants, too,
are taken alive and then smuggled to their final destination. Harvesting
refers to the routine killing of non-human animals or plants in order to
supply both the legal and illegal markets. Harvesting is often the term
used when trappers hunt furbearers. It is also the language used when
cutting timber—trees are harvested, both legally and illegally, to be used
for building houses and furniture, for fuel, and so forth.
The language defined here is the terminology typically seen in texts
and heard in the media. As I have alluded to above, the words chosen
desensitise the listener or reader from the harm that is taking place. Non-
human animals are ‘killed’ or ‘harvested’ rather than ‘murdered’—a word
reserved only for human victims. Non-human animals are also ‘collected’
or ‘captured’, but, again, as Sollund (2011, 2019) proposes, this is akin
to kidnapping and can certainly be referred to as such. The vocabulary
employed immediately sets non-human animals and plants apart from
people and makes them the ‘other’, thus detaching them from humans.
To avoid this distancing, insensitive or ‘othering’ terms will not be used if
possible. This is also the reason for using the term ‘non-human animal’,
though as I said it is not completely satisfactory. After all, humans are
animals too and adopting this term is intended to remove the separation
that humans have created between themselves and other species.
This defines only the first point of the smuggling operation. Once
taken, either alive or dead, the wildlife is then transported further
towards the market and final buyer. This may be direct to a market,
or for wildlife who is used to make products, to a processing place,
which will be discussed shortly. In either case, the transportation may
6 T. Wyatt
or within their luggage; shipped by post; and sent in diplomatic post that
is not subject to Custom’s inspections. Wildlife is not always smuggled
on its own; the connections to other crimes, such as drug trafficking, are
becoming more widely known (see Van Uhm et al. 2021; Felbab-Brown
2017 among others).
The above list of smuggling tactics is undoubtedly not a complete list
of strategies; as the illegal wildlife trade operates in the ‘underworld’,
there are certainly techniques for smuggling that have yet to be uncov-
ered. It can be seen, though, that how the smuggling takes place is largely
determined by whether the wildlife is alive or dead. Live wildlife is much
more difficult to smuggle and perhaps more conducive to the use of
fraudulent paperwork.
As mentioned, for some of the products that are obtained from
wildlife, a processing stage takes place. Processing is the alteration of
the wildlife into a sellable product. This might involve grinding down
rhinoceros horn to make medicine or carving ivory into a dagger or deco-
rative item. Furs and skins must be dried or tanned and sewn into fabrics,
clothing, accessories, etc. Timber must be cut and sawn into boards.
Again, this is very species dependent and it is also regionally dependent.
For example, elephant tusks are taken in Africa, but will be carved in
the Middle or Far East. Fur is poached in Russia and also dried and
made into clothing there, so the processing place varies with the species
who is being trafficked and therefore may occur before or after smug-
gling. Again, the language typically used here is very telling. Wildlife is
‘processed’ into ‘products’ removing their individuality and sentience and
placing them as material objects on the capitalist market.
More of the intricacies of this process will be teased out as examples
are explored throughout this book, but needless to say it is a complicated
process with many factors at play. After being smuggled to the desti-
nation, the wildlife or wildlife product is then sold to the final buyer,
who may have in fact made a specific order for a particular species, or
the wildlife will be put up for sale at a market. This may be a phys-
ical location or a website online. The International Fund for Animal
Welfare (IFAW) in the UK has been studying the role of the Internet in
the illegal wildlife trade since 2005. In their first one-week online inten-
sive survey of websites, they found over 9000 wild non-human animals
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The God-
Plllnk
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Illustrator: Bruno
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BY JEROME BIXBY
The last few moments of the God's descent were quite rapid.
Simultaneously, the darting red flames seemed to lessen in intensity
and length. Then, at the second of impact, they brightened again to
previous power—but too late. The impact was hard.
Grg and Yrl gasped as one of the God's double-tentacles buckled,
crumpled, with a glinting of shiny-hard material. The flames
stopped.
The God, unable to remain erect with its injury, slowly toppled. Its
body thudded silently, stirring pumice dust. It was motionless.
Grg and Yrl stared at each other.
Was the God fatally injured? Dying? Dead? (For a broken tentacle
meant that fluids would seep out, and soon the dry-death would
occur.)
The God stirred.
It braced two sets of tentacles against the ground, as if trying to
push itself erect. The effort was not successful. Again it was
motionless. The two double-tentacles remained outstretched,
however—and they pointed at the shadows where Grg and Yrl
waited and watched.
Grg and Yrl sighed in relief.
The God had assumed conversation-position.
It must have healed its broken tentacle—truly a God! Soon it would
be as good as new; for otherwise, agony would forbid conversation.
It was ready to address them. Now.
This was the greatest moment of Grg's and Yrl's lives.
They waited for the God to speak.
It was silent.
A long time passed. The God remained motionless, though in
conversation-position, and silent. A very long time passed.
Then a tiny hole appeared in the God's side. It grew larger—larger—
and then it stopped growing larger.
Something appeared at the hole. It paused, then dropped to the
surface of Phobos, where it began to crawl about.
It bore considerable resemblance to a plllnk, except for its shiny-
wrinkled grey skin (plllnks were purple.) And this thing was huge—
Huge. It was one-fifth the size of the God's body.
Caught by horror, and fearing the worst, Grg and Yrl waited for the
God to speak.
(Damn, John Cotter was thinking. That was a neat bit of sloppiness,
that landing.... Carruthers will chew me out and in again! Pause:
Holy cats, I hope the radio isn't busted, or I'll have a helluva wait
before they follow up and find me!...)
Two days later, a second God was detected. It silently circled Phobos
from the Universal Eye.
It did not land. It silently circled Phobos, and then returned to the
Eye.
Within the day, it was back, in the company of eleven other Gods.
They landed. Joyfully, mortals went forth to meet them.
It was quite a battle while it lasted.
Joy quickly ended, as the Gods died one by one, each of them
showing the holes eaten in their sides by the insatiable plllnks.
Likewise, eventually, died all the plllnks, which presumably had killed
the Gods. They fought with strange white flares and crackling blue
flashes, which only tickled the hides of the faithful. Then they were
shredded.
Religious beliefs on Phobos underwent certain basic changes. Such
as: the Gods, or at least their Messengers, were known not to be
immortal.
Nor were the special variety of plllnk which afflicted them....
On Earth, twenty years afterward, word is anxiously awaited of the
4th Mars Expedition.
END
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