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The Project Gutenberg eBook of German Spies
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Title: German Spies in England: An Exposure

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GERMAN SPIES

IN ENGLAND: AN EXPOSURE ***
GERMAN SPIES IN ENGLAND

GERMAN SPIES
IN ENGLAND

AN EXPOSURE
BY

WILLIAM LE QUEUX
AUTHOR OF
"LYING LIPS," "FATAL THIRTEEN,"
"THE FOUR FACES," ETC.

TORONTO

THOMAS LANGTON

1915

Printed in Great Britain

 CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
To the Reader 7
I. How the Truth was Hidden 11
II. The Kaiser's Secret Revealed 22
III. How the Public were Bamboozled 36
IV. Under the Kaiser's Thumb 57
V. How Spies Work 66
VI. Some Methods of Secret Agents 78
VII. Master-Spies and Their Cunning 93
VIII. The Spy and the Law 116
IX. A Remarkable Spy 138
X. Some Recent Cases 152
27,000 Aliens at Large in Great
XI. 171
Britain
XII. How to End the Spy Peril 196

TO THE READER
From the outbreak of war until to-day I have hesitated to write this
book. But I now feel impelled to do so by a sense of duty.
The truth must be told. The peril must be faced.
Few men, I venture to think, have been more closely associated
with, or know more of the astounding inner machinery of German
espionage in this country, and in France, than myself.
Though the personnel of the Confidential Department established at
Whitehall to deal with these gentry have, during the past six years,
come and gone, I have, I believe, been the one voluntary assistant
who has remained to watch and note, both here and in Belgium—
where the German headquarters were established—the birth and
rapid growth of this ever-spreading canker-worm in the nation's
heart.
I am no alarmist. This is no work of fiction, but of solid and serious
fact. I write here of what I know; and, further, I write with the true
spirit of loyalty. Though sorely tempted, at this crisis, to publish
certain documents, and make statements which would, I know, add
greatly to the weight of this book, I refrain, because such
statements might reveal certain things to the enemy, including the
identity of those keen and capable officials who have performed so
nobly their work of contra-espionage.
Yet to-day, with the fiercest war in history in progress, with our
bitterest enemy threatening us with invasion, and while we are
compelled to defend our very existence as a nation, yet Spies are
nobody's business!
It is because the British public have so long been officially deluded,
reassured and lulled to sleep, that I feel it my duty to now speak out
boldly, and write the truth after a silence of six years.
Much contained within these covers will probably come as a
complete revelation to many readers who have hitherto, and
perhaps not unjustly, regarded spies as the mere picturesque
creation of writers of fiction. At the outset, however, I wish to give
them an assurance that, if certain reports of mine—which now
repose in the archives of the Confidential Department—were
published, they would create a very considerable sensation, and
entirely prove the truth of what I have ventured to write within these
covers.
I desire, further, to assure the reader that, since 1905, when I first
endeavoured to perform what I considered to be my duty as an
Englishman, I have only acted from the purest patriotic motives,
while, from a pecuniary point of view, I have lost much by my
endeavour.
The knowledge that in the past, as now, I did what I conceived to be
but my duty to my country, was, in itself, an all-sufficient reward;
and if, after perusal of this book, the reader will only pause for a
moment and reflect upon the very serious truths it contains, then I
shall have accomplished all I have attempted.
We have, since the war, had a rude awakening from the lethargy
induced by false official assurances concerning the enemy in our
midst.
It is for the nation to now give its answer, and to demand immediate
and complete satisfaction from those who were directly responsible
for the present national peril, which, if unchecked, must inevitably
result in grave disaster.
WILLIAM LE QUEUX.
Hawson Court,
Buckfastleigh, Devon.
February, 1915.

GERMAN SPIES IN ENGLAND

CHAPTER I
HOW THE TRUTH WAS HIDDEN
The actual truth regarding Germany's secret and elaborate
preparations for a raid upon our shores has not yet been told. It will,
however, I venture to think, cause considerable surprise.
A few curious facts have, it is true, leaked out from time to time
through the columns of the newspapers, but the authorities—and
more especially the Home Office, under Mr. McKenna—have been
most careful to hide the true state of affairs from the public, and
even to lull them into a false sense of security, for obvious reasons.
The serious truth is that German espionage and treasonable
propaganda have, during past years, been allowed by a slothful
military administration to take root so deeply, that the authorities to-
day find themselves powerless to eradicate its pernicious growth.
Unfortunately for myself—for by facing the British public and daring
to tell them the truth, I suffered considerable pecuniary loss—I was
in 1905 the first person to venture to suggest to the authorities, by
writing my forecast "The Invasion of England," the most amazing
truth, that Germany was secretly harbouring serious hostile
intentions towards Great Britain.
The reader, I trust, will forgive me for referring to my own personal
experiences, for I do so merely in order to show that to the
grievous, apathetic attitude of the Government of the time the
present scandalous state of affairs is entirely due.
I had lived in Germany for a considerable period. I had travelled up
and down the country; I had lived their "home life"; I had lounged in
their officers' clubs; and I had indulged in the night-life of Berlin;
and, further, I had kept my eyes and ears open. By this, I had
gained certain knowledge. Therefore I resolved to write the truth,
which seemed to me so startling.
My daring, alas! cost me dearly. On the day prior to the publication
of the book in question, Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, then
Premier, rose in the House of Commons and—though he had never
had an opportunity of seeing my work—deliberately condemned it,
declaring that it "should never have been written" because it was
calculated to create alarm. Who, among the readers of this book,
would condemn anything he had not even seen? Now the last thing
the Government desired was that public attention should be drawn
to the necessity of preparing against German aggression.
Once the real fear of the German peril had taken root in our islands,
there would instantly have been an irresistible demand that no
money should be spared to equip and prepare our fighting forces for
a very possible war—and then good-bye to the four-hundred-a-year
payments to Members, and those vast sums which were required to
bribe the electors with Social Reform.
In the columns of the Times I demanded by what right the Prime
Minister had criticised a book which he had never even seen, and in
justice to the late Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman I must here record
that he apologised to me, privately, for committing what he termed a
"political error."
Political error! If there had been no further "political errors" in this
dear old country of ours, we should have no war to-day.
The Government was bent upon suppressing the truth of my earnest
appeal; hence I was held up to derision, and, in addition, denounced
on all hands as a "scaremonger."
Now, at the outset, I wish to say that I am no party politician. My
worst enemy could never call me that. I have never voted for a
candidate in my life, for my motto has ever been "Britain for the
British." My appeal to the nation was made in all honesty of purpose,
and in the true sense of the patriotism of one who probably has the
ear of a wide public. The late Lord Roberts realised this. Our national
hero, who, like myself, was uttering words of solemn warning, knew
what pressure the Government were endeavouring to place upon
me, and how they meant to crush me; therefore on November 29th,
1905, he wrote the following:—

"Speaking in the House of Lords on the 10th July, 1905, I said:

—'It is to the people of the country I appeal to take up the
question of the Army in a sensible practical manner. For the
sake of all they hold dear, let them bring home to themselves
what would be the condition of Great Britain if it were to lose its
wealth, its power, its position.' The catastrophe that may
happen if we still remain in our present state of unpreparedness
is vividly and forcibly illustrated in Mr. Le Queux's new book,
which I recommend to the perusal of every one who has the
welfare of the British Empire at heart."
But alas! if the public disregarded the earnest warnings of "Bobs," it
was scarcely surprising that it should disregard mine—especially
after the Prime Minister had condemned me. My earnest appeal to
the nation met only with jeers and derision, I was caricatured at the
music halls, and somebody wrote a popular song which asked, "Are
we Downhearted?"
Neither the British public, nor the authorities, desired the truth, and,
ostrich-like, buried their heads in the sand. Germany would never
dare to go to war, we were told, many wiseacres adding, "Not in our
time."
The violent storm of indignation sweeping upon my unfortunate
head, I confess, staggered me. The book, which had cost me
eighteen months of hard work, and a journey of ten thousand miles
in a motor-car, was declared to be the exaggerated writing of a
Jingo, a sensationalist, and one who desired to stir up strife between
nations. I was both puzzled and pained.
Shortly afterwards, I met Mr. (now Lord) Haldane—then War Minister
—at dinner at a country house in Perthshire, when, in his breezy
way, he assured me over the dinner-table that he knew Germany
and German intentions better than myself, and that there would
never be war. And he waxed humorous at my expense, and scorned
Lord Roberts's warnings.
The Kaiser's cleverness in ingratiating himself with certain English
Statesmen, officers, and writers is really amazing, yet it was—
though at that time unsuspected—part of the great German plot
formed against us.
As an instance how the Emperor was cleverly misleading the British
Cabinet, Lord Haldane, speaking on June 29th, 1912, at a public
dinner, at which Baron Marschall von Bieberstein, the German
Ambassador, was present, said:—

"I speak of one whom we admire in this country and regard as

one of ourselves.
 "He (the Kaiser) knows our language and our institutions as we
do, and he speaks as we do.
"The German Emperor is something more than an Emperor—he
is a man, and a great man. He is gifted by the gods with the
highest gift that they can give—I use a German word to express
it—Geist (spirit). He has got Geist in the highest degree. He has
been a true leader of his people—a leader in spirit as well as in
deed. He has guided them through nearly a quarter of a
century, and preserved unbroken peace. I know no record of
which a monarch has better cause to be proud. In every
direction his activities have been remarkable.
"He has given his country that splendid fleet that we who know
about fleets admire; he has preserved the tradition of the
greatest army the world has ever seen; but it is in the arts of
peace that he has been equally great. He has been the leader of
his people in education, and in the solution of great social
questions.
"That is a great record, and it makes one feel a sense of
rejoicing that the man who is associated with these things
should be half an Englishman. I have the feeling very strongly
that in the last few years Germany and England have become
much more like each other than they used to be. It is because
we have got so much like each other that a certain element of
rivalry comes in.
"We two nations have a great common task in the world—to
make the world better. It is because the German Emperor, I
know, shares that conviction profoundly that it gives me the
greatest pleasure to give you the toast of his name."

The Government, having sought to point the finger of ridicule at my

first warning, must have been somewhat surprised at the
phenomenal success which the book in question attained, for not
only were over a million copies sold in different editions in English,
but it was translated into no fewer than twenty-six languages—
including Japanese—and, further, was adopted as a text-book in the
German Army—though I may add that the details I gave of various
vulnerable points around our coasts were so disguised as to be of
little use to the enemy.
I had had a disheartening experience. Yet worse was to come.
A couple of years later, while making certain inquiries in Germany
with a view to continuing my campaign, and my endeavour to
disclose the real truth to the British public, I discovered, to my
surprise, the existence of a wide-spread system of German
espionage in England.
Just about that time Colonel Mark Lockwood, the Member for
Epping, asked a question in the House of Commons regarding the
reported presence of spies in Essex. For his pains he was, of course,
like myself, promptly snubbed.
A week later, I ventured to declare, at a meeting in Perth, that in our
midst we were harbouring a new, most dangerous, and well-
organised enemy—a horde of German spies.
German spies in England! Who ever heard such wild rubbish! This
completed the bitterness of public opinion against me. The Press
unanimously declared that I had spoken wilful untruths; my
statements were refuted in leading articles, and in consequence of
my endeavour to indicate a grave national peril, a certain section of
the Press even went so far as to boycott my writings altogether!
Indeed, more than one first-class London newspaper which had
regularly published my novels—I could name them, but I will not—
refused to print any more of my work!
I was, at the same time, inundated with letters from persons who
openly abused me and called me a liar, and more than one
anonymous communication, which I have still kept, written in red ink
and probably from spies themselves, for the caligraphy is distinctly
foreign, threatened me with death.
Such was my reward for daring to awaken the country to a sense of
danger. It caused me some amusement, I must confess, yet it also
taught me a severe lesson—the same bitter lesson which the British
public, alas! taught Lord Roberts, who was so strenuously
endeavouring to indicate the danger of our unpreparedness. It told
me one plain truth, a truth spoken in the words of the noble General
himself, who, with a sigh, one day said to me, "Nothing, I fear, will
arouse the public to a sense of danger until they one day awaken
and find war declared."
On the day following my speech, the German Press, which published
reports of it, called me "the German-hater," by which epithet I am
still known in the Fatherland. The editor of a certain London daily
newspaper told me to my face: "There are no spies in England";
adding, "You are a fool to alarm the public by such a statement.
Nobody believes you."
I, however, held my own views, and felt that it was my duty to act in
one of two ways. Either I should place the confidential information
and documents which I had gathered, mostly from German sources,
in the hands of the Press, and thus vindicate myself; or give them
over to the Government, and allow them to deal with them in a
befitting and confidential manner. The latter attitude I deemed to be
the correct one, as an Englishman—even though I have a foreign
name. At the War Office the officials at first sniffed, and then, having
carefully examined the documents, saw at once that I had
discovered a great and serious truth.
For this reason I have never sought, until now, to vindicate myself in
the public eye; yet I have the satisfaction of knowing that from that
moment, until this hour of writing, a certain nameless department,
known only by a code-number,—I will refer to it as the Confidential
Department,—has been unremitting in its efforts to track down
German secret agents and their deadly work.
Through six years I have been intimate with its workings. I know its
splendid staff, its untiring and painstaking efforts, its thoroughness,
its patriotism, and the astuteness of its head director, who is one of
the finest Englishmen of my acquaintance.
There are men who, like myself, have since done work for it both at
home and abroad, and at a considerable expenditure—patriotic men
who have never asked for a single penny to cover even their
expenses—men who have presented reports which have cost them
long journeys abroad, many a watchful night, much personal danger,
and considerable outlay. Yet all the time the Home Office ridiculed
the idea of spies, and thus misled the public.
The archives of the secret department in question, which
commenced its activity after the presentation of my array of facts,
would be an amazing revelation to the public, but, alas! would, if
published, bring ignominy, disaster, and undying shame to certain
persons among us towards whom the Kaiser, the Master-Spy, has, in
the past decade, been unduly gracious.
I could name British spies. I could write things here, shameful facts,
which would, like my first allegations, be scouted with disbelief,
although I could prove them in these pages. But, as a Briton, I will
not reveal facts which repose in those secret files, records of
traitorous shame, of high-placed men in England who have lived for
years in the enjoyment of generous allowances from a mysterious
source. To write here the truth I feel sorely tempted, in spite of the
law of libel.
But enough! We are Englishmen. Let us wipe off the past, in the
hope that such traitorous acts will never be repeated, and that at
last our eyes are open to the grave dangers that beset us.
To-day we have awakened, and the plain truth of all for which I have
contended is surely obvious to the world.

CHAPTER II
THE KAISER'S SECRET REVEALED
Before proceeding further with this exposure of the clever and
dastardly German plot against England, the reader will probably be
interested in a confidential report which, in the course of my
investigations, travelling hither and thither on the Continent, I was
able to secure, and to hand over to the British Government for their
consideration.
It was placed, in confidence, before certain members of the Cabinet,
and is still in the archives of the Confidential Department.
The report in question, I obtained—more fully than I can here
reproduce it—from an intimate personal friend, who happened to be
a high functionary in Germany, and closely associated with the
Kaiser. Germany has spies in England; we, too, have our friends in
Germany.
Shortly after the Zeppelin airship had been tested and proved
successful, a secret Council was held at Potsdam, in June, 1908, at
which the Emperor presided, Prince Henry of Prussia—a clever man
whom I know personally—the representatives of the leading Federal
States, and the chiefs of the army and navy—including my informant
—being present.
I regret that I am not at liberty to give the name of my informant,
for various reasons. One is that, though a German of high position,
he holds pro-British views, and has, in consequence, more than once
furnished me with secret information from Berlin which has been of
the greatest use to our Intelligence Department. Suffice it to say
that his identity is well known at Whitehall, and that, although his
report was at first regarded with suspicion, the searching
investigation at once made resulted in its authenticity being fully
established.
That the Kaiser had decided to make war, the British Government
first knew by the report in question—notwithstanding all the
diplomatic juggling, and the publication of Blue Books and White
Books. The French Yellow Book published in the first week of
December, 1914, indeed, came as confirmation—if any confirmation
were necessary—from the lips of King Albert of Belgium himself.
Now at this secret Council the Kaiser appeared, dressed in naval
uniform, pale, determined, and somewhat nervous and unstrung.
For more than two hours he spoke of the danger confronting the
German Empire from within and without, illustrating his speech by
many maps and diagrams, as well as some well-executed models of
air-craft, designed for the war now proceeding.
At first, the Emperor's voice was almost inaudible, and he looked
haggard and worn.

[1]"Gentlemen," the Emperor, in a low, hoarse voice,

commenced, "in calling this Council this evening, I have
followed the Divine command. Almighty God has always been a
great and true ally of the House of Hohenzollern, and it is to
Him that I—just as my august ancestors did—look for inspiration
and guidance in the hour of need. After long hours of fervent
prayer light has, at last, come to me. You, my trusted
councillors and my friends, before whom I have no secrets, can
testify that it has been, ever since I ascended the throne, my
most ardent desire to maintain the peace of the world and to
cultivate, on a basis of mutual respect and esteem, friendship
and goodwill with all the nations on the globe. I am aware that
the course followed by me did not always meet with your
approval, and that on many an occasion you would have been
glad to see me use the mailed fist, rather than the silken glove
chosen by me in my dealings with certain foreign nations. It was
a source of profound grief to me to see my best intentions
misunderstood, but bulletproof against public censure and
criticism, and responsible only to the Lord above us for my acts,
I calmly continued to do what I considered to be my holy duty
to the Fatherland. True to the great traditions of Prussia, and
the House of Hohenzollern, I believed in the necessity of
maintaining a great army and an adequate navy as the best
guarantee of peace. In our zeal for the preservation of peace we
were compelled to keep pace with the ever-increasing
armaments of our neighbours, until the limit seems now to have
been reached.
"We find ourselves now face to face with the most serious crisis
in the history of our new German Empire. Owing to the heavy
taxation, and the enormous increase in the cost of living, the
discontent of the masses is assuming alarming proportions, and
even infecting the middle and upper classes, which have, up to
the present time, been the strongest pillar of the monarchy. But
worst of all, there are unmistakable signs that the discontent is
spreading even among the troops, and that a secret well-
organised anti-military movement is afoot, calculated to destroy
all discipline, and to incite both my soldiers and sailors to open
disobedience and rebellion. As, according to the reports of my
Secret Service, a similar movement is making itself felt in nearly
all the states of Europe; all indications point to the fact, which
admits, indeed, no longer of any doubt, that we have to deal
with an international revolutionary organisation whose voiced
object is the overthrowing of throne and altar, and the
establishment of a Republican government.
"The gravity of the situation can, in no way, be underrated. In
the last session of the Reichstag it was openly admitted that
never before had there been among the German population so
many friends of a republican form of government as at the
present time, and the idea is rather gaining ground, not only
among the masses, but also the classes, though I have given
the strictest orders to my Government for its suppression. The
fact, however, remains, and I cannot afford to ignore it.
"'Breakers ahead!' is the call of the helmsman at the Imperial
ship of state, and I am ready to heed it. How to find an
honourable and satisfactory solution of the problem is a
question to which I have devoted the closest attention during
these last months. The outlook is, I admit, dark, but we need
not despair, for God, our great ally, has given into our hands the
means of saving our Empire from the dangers which are
threatening its happiness and welfare. You know what I mean.
It is that wonderful invention which His Excellency Count
Zeppelin was enabled, through the grace of the Lord, to make
for the safeguarding and glory of our beloved Fatherland. In this
invention God has placed the means at my disposal to lead
Germany triumphantly out of her present difficulties and to
make, once and for all, good the words of our poet,
'Deutschland, Deutschland über alles!' Yes, gentlemen, Germany
over everything in the world, the first power on earth, both in
peace and war; that is the place which I have been ordered by
God to conquer for her, and which I will conquer for her, with
the help of the Almighty.
"This is my irrevocable decision. At present we are, thanks to
our airships, invincible, and can carry at will war into the
enemy's own country. It goes without saying that if we want to
maintain our superiority and to use it to the best advantage, we
cannot postpone the necessary action much longer. In a few
years our good friend, the enemy, may have a fleet of airships
equal—if not superior—to our own, and where should I be then?
Great Britain has thrown down the gauntlet by declaring that
she will build to each German, two English Dreadnoughts, and I
will take up the challenge. Now is our time. The attack has
always been the best defence, and he who strikes the first blow
generally comes triumphant out of the fray. To find an outlet for
the discontent of the nation; to nip the growing republican
sentiment in the bud; to fill our treasury; to reduce the burden
of taxation; to gain new colonies and markets for our industries
across the seas; to accomplish all this and still more, we simply
have to invade England.
"You do not look at all surprised, gentlemen, and I see from the
joy on your faces that my words have found an echo in your
hearts. At last this idea, which is so popular with the greater
part of my people, and to the propagation of which I am so
much indebted to the untiring efforts of my professors,
teachers, and other loyal patriots, is to become a fact—a fact
certainly not anticipated by the English panic-mongers when
first creating the scare of a German invasion. Our plans have
been most carefully laid and prepared by our General Staff.
"Another von Moltke will, true to his great name, demonstrate
to the world at large that we have not been resting on our
laurels of 1870 and 1871, and that, as the first condition of
peace, we have been preparing all the time for war. The glorious
deeds of our victorious armies will, I fear me not, be again
repeated if not surpassed on the battlefields of Great Britain and
France, assuring in their ultimate consequences to Germany the
place due to her at the head of nations. I need not go into
details at the present moment. Suffice it to say that
preparations have been made to convey, at a word, a German
army of invasion of a strength able to cope with any and all
troops that Great Britain can muster against us. For the safe
transport of the army of invasion we shall, to a considerable
degree, rely on the fleets of fast steamers belonging to the
Hamburg-Amerika Line and the North-German Lloyd, two
patriotic companies, whose officials, employees, and agents
have—throughout the world—proven their zeal and devotion to
the cause of the Empire, and whose tact and discretion have
already helped my government in many an embarrassing
position. Herr Ballin, Director-General of the Hamburg-Amerika
Line, whom I received but a few days since on board my yacht
'Hohenzollern' at Swinemünde, is truly a great man and verily
deserves something better than to be nicknamed 'the Napoleon
of German Shipping'—as his enthusiastic compatriots call him.
His activity, his energy, and his brains accomplish the most
difficult things, and when the day of invasion arrives, he will
reveal his plans.
"Of course it is too early yet to fix the exact date when the blow
shall be struck. But I will say this, that we shall strike as soon as
I have a sufficiently large fleet of Zeppelins at my disposal. I
have given orders for the hurried construction of more airships
of the improved Zeppelin type, and when these are ready we
shall destroy England's North Sea, Channel, and Atlantic fleets,
after which nothing on earth can prevent the landing of our
army on British soil, and its triumphant march to London. Do
you remember, my Generals, what our never-to-be-forgotten
Field-Marshal Gebhard Lebrecht von Blücher exclaimed, when
looking from the dome of St. Paul's Cathedral upon the vast
metropolis at his feet. It was short, and to the point. 'What a
splendid city to sack!'
"You will desire to know how the outbreak of hostilities will be
brought about. I can assure you on this point. Certainly we shall
not have to go far to find a just cause for war. My army of spies
scattered over Great Britain and France, as it is over North and
South America, as well as all the other parts of the world, where
German interests may come to a clash with a foreign power, will
take good care of that. I have issued already some time since
secret orders that will, at the proper moment, accomplish what
we desire. There is even now, as you are all aware, a state of
private war existing between our country on the one side, and
Great Britain and France on the other, which will assume an
official character as soon as I give the word. It will become the
starting point of a new era in the history of the world, known to
all generations as the Pan-German era. I once pledged my word
that every German outside of the Fatherland, in whatever part
of the globe he might live, had a just claim to my Imperial
protection. At this solemn hour I repeat this pledge before you,
with the addition, however, that I shall not rest and be satisfied
until all the countries and territories that once were German, or
where greater numbers of my former subjects now live, have
become a part of the great Mother-country, acknowledging me
as their supreme lord in war and peace.
"Even now I rule supreme in the United States, where almost
one half of the population is either of German birth, or of
German descent, and where three million German voters do my
bidding at the Presidential elections. No American administration
could remain in power against the will of the German voters,
who through that admirable organisation, the German-American
National League of the United States of America, control the
destinies of the vast Republic beyond the sea. If man ever was
worthy of a high decoration at my hands it was Herr Dr.
Hexamer, the president of the League, who may justly be
termed to be, by my grace, the acting ruler of all the Germans
in the United States.
"Who said that Germany did ever acknowledge the Monroe
doctrine? The answer to this question was given by the roar of
German guns at the bombardment of the Venezuelan fort, San
Carlos, by our ships. The day is not far distant when my
Germans in the Southern States of Brazil will cut the bonds now
tying them to the Republic, and renew their allegiance to their
former master. In the Argentine, as well as in the other South
American republics, a German-Bund movement is spreading, as
is the case in South Africa, where, thanks to the neighbourhood
of our colonies, events are shaping themselves in accordance
with the ultimate aims of my Imperial policy. Through my ally,
the Emperor-King of Austria-Hungary, I have secured a strong
foothold for Germany in the Near East, and, mark my word!—
when the Turkish 'pilaf'-pie will be partitioned, Asia Minor, Syria
and Palestine—in short, the overland route to India—will
become our property, and the German flag will wave over the
holy shrines of Jerusalem.
"But to obtain this we must first crush England and France. The
war will be short, sharp and decisive. After the destruction of
the English fleets through our Zeppelins, we shall meet with no
serious resistance on the British Isles, and can, therefore, march
with nearly our whole strength into France. Shall we respect the
neutrality of Holland? Under the glorious Emperor, Charles V.,
both Holland and Belgium formed part of the German Empire,
and this they are this time to become again. We shall have two
or three battles in France, when the French Government,
recognising the impossibility of prevailing with their
disorganised, mutinous regiments against my German 'beasts,'
will accede to my terms of peace. After that, the map of Europe
will look somewhat different from what it does now. While our
operations are going on in England and France, Russia will be
held in check by Austria-Hungary.
"The Empire of the Tsar is still suffering from the effects of its
unfortunate war with Japan, and is, therefore, not likely to burn
its fingers again, the more so as it is conscious of the fact that
any warlike measures against Germany would at once lead to a
new outbreak of the revolutionary movement—the end of which
no man could possibly foresee. Thus, you will agree with me,
we have no real cause to fear Russia. After the war, it will be
time to set things right in America, and to teach my friends over
there that I have not forgotten the object-lesson which Admiral
Dewey saw fit to give me some years since, when we had the
little altercation with Castro.
"If God will help us, as I am convinced He will, I trust that at
the end of the coming year the Imperial treasury will be filled to
overflowing with the gold of the British and French war
indemnities, that the discontent of our people will have ceased,
that, thanks to our new colonies in all parts of the world,
industry and trade will be flourishing as they never were before,
and that the republican movement among my subjects, so
abhorrent to my mind, will have vanished.
"Then—but not before—the moment will have come to talk of
disarmament and arbitration. With Great Britain and France in
the dust, with Russia and the United States at my mercy, I shall
set a new course to the destinies of the world—a course that
will ensure to Germany for all time to come the leading part
among the nations of the globe. That accomplished, I shall unite
all the people of the white race in a powerful alliance for the
purpose of coping, under German guidance, with the yellow
peril which is becoming more formidable with every year. Then
—as now—it must be 'Germans to the front!'"
The notes before me describe, in vivid language, the effect which
this speech of the Emperor had upon his devoted hearers.
The old white-headed General von K—— even knelt before his
Majesty to kiss the hand which was gracefully extended to him.
"It is truly the voice of God that has spoken out of your Majesty," he
cried in deep emotion. "God has chosen your Imperial Majesty as His
worthy instrument to destroy this nightmare of British supremacy at
sea, from which Germany has suffered all these many years—and
God's will be done!"
The blasphemy of it all! In the subsequent Council, which lasted
nearly five hours through the night, the Kaiser arrived with his
advisers at a perfect understanding regarding the best ways and
means to be adopted for a successful carrying out of his Majesty's
secret campaign for war.
And Prince Henry of Prussia soon afterwards organised a British
motor-tour in Germany and throughout England. And he became the
idol of the Royal Automobile Club!

FOOTNOTES:
[1] The German Government, by some means, learnt that I was
in possession of a report of this secret speech of the Kaiser's, and
a curious incident resulted. It was my intention, in September,
1908, to write a book pointing out that Germany meant war. With
that object I gave to my friend Mr. Eveleigh Nash, the publisher,
of Fawside House, Covent Garden, the opening chapters of the
manuscript, together with the speech in question. He locked
them, in my presence, in a drawer in his writing-table in his
private room. Two days later, when Mr. Nash opened that drawer
he found they had been stolen! German Secret Agents
undoubtedly committed the theft—which was reported in certain
newspapers at the time—for I have since learnt that my
manuscript is now in the archives of the Secret Service in Berlin!
This, in itself, is sufficient proof as showing how eager the Kaiser
was to suppress his declaration of war. It was fortunate that I had
kept a copy of the Emperor's speech.
 CHAPTER III
HOW THE PUBLIC WERE BAMBOOZLED
Though the foregoing has been known to the British Cabinet for over
six years, and through it, no doubt, to the various Chancelleries of
Europe, not a word was allowed to leak out to the world until
December 2nd, 1914—after we had been at war four months.
The determination of the War Lord of Germany—whose preparations
against Great Britain had been so slyly and so cunningly made—was
at last revealed by the publication of the French Yellow Book, which
disclosed that in a dispatch dated November 22nd, 1913, M. Jules
Cambon, the French Ambassador in Berlin, reported a conversation
between the Emperor and the King of the Belgians in the presence
of General von Moltke, the chief of the General Staff. King Albert had
till then believed, as most people in Great Britain had believed, that
the Emperor was a friend of peace.
But at this interview King Albert, according to an excellent summary
of the dispatches published in the Star, found the Emperor
completely changed. He revealed himself as the champion of the war
party which he had hitherto held in check. King Albert learned that
the Emperor had "come to think that war with France was inevitable,
and that things must come to that sooner or later." General von
Moltke spoke to King Albert "exactly as his Sovereign." He, too,
declared that "war was necessary and inevitable." He said to King
Albert: "This time we must settle the business once and for all, and
your Majesty can have no idea of the irresistible enthusiasm which
on that day will sweep over the whole German people."
King Albert vainly protested that it was a travesty of the intentions of
the French Government to interpret them in this fashion. He found
the Emperor "over-wrought and irritable."
M. Cambon suggested that the change in the Emperor's attitude was
due to jealousy of the popularity of the Crown Prince, "who flatters
the passions of the Pan-Germans." He also suggested that the
motive of the conversation was to induce King Albert to oppose no
resistance in the event of war. The French Ambassador warned his
Government that the Emperor was familiarising himself with an order
of ideas once repugnant to him. In other words, as long ago as 1913
the Kaiser was no longer working for the peace of Europe, but was
already in the hands of the Prussian gang of militarists, who were
working for war.
The French Yellow Book proves up to the hilt the guilt of Germany, in
shattering the last hopes of peace at the end of July, 1914. Russia
had proposed a formula for a direct agreement with Austria, but on
July 30th Herr von Jagow, without consulting Austria, declared that
this proposal was not acceptable. When Germany discovered that
Austria was wavering and becoming more conciliatory, she threw off
the mask, and suddenly hurled her ultimatum at Russia. M. Cambon
reminded Herr von Jagow of his declaration that Germany would not
mobilise if Russia only mobilised on the Galician frontier. What was
the German Minister's reply? It was a subterfuge. He said: "It was
not a definite undertaking." The German Government, in its White
Paper, suppressed its despatches during the crucial period to Vienna.
It did not publish them because, we now know, it did not dare to
reveal the truth.
Germany, as I have shown, had for a long time planned the attack
on France through Belgium. So long ago, indeed, as May 6th, 1913,
von Moltke said: "We must begin war without waiting, in order to
brutally crush all resistance." The evidence of the Yellow Book
proves that the Emperor and his entourage had irrevocably resolved
to frustrate all efforts of the Allies to preserve the peace of Europe.
It confirms the Kaiser's secret intentions revealed in the previous
chapter, and it establishes—fully and finally—the guilt of the Kaiser
and of the German Government.
Those British newspapers which were most active and resolute in
keeping the country unprepared for the war that has come upon us,
and which, if they had had their way, would have left us to-day
almost naked to our enemies, are now suddenly rubbing their eyes,
and discovering that Germany had premeditated war for quite a long
time. And this is up-to-date journalism! The public, alas! reposed
confidence in such journals. Happily, they do not now. What the
country will never forget, if it consents to forgive, is the perversity
with which they so long refused to look facts in the face.
It is surely a damning coincidence that when the Kaiser and von
Moltke were telling King Albert that war was inevitable, was the very
time chosen by the National Liberal Federation to demand the
reduction of our Navy Estimates, and to threaten the Government
with a dangerous division in the party unless the demand were
complied with!
Reduction in armaments, forsooth!
The Government knew the facts, and did indeed resist the demand;
but for weeks there was a crisis in the Cabinet, and even in January,
1914, as the Globe pointed out, a Minister took the occasion to
declare that a unique opportunity had arrived for revising the scale
of our expenditure on Armaments!
While Mr. McKenna was, as late as last November, endeavouring in
an outrageous manner to gag the Globe, and to prevent that
newspaper from telling the public the truth of the spy-peril, Lord
Haldane—the scales from whose eyes regarding his friend the Kaiser
appear now to have fallen—made a speech on November 25th,
1914, in the House of Lords in which he, at last, admitted the
existence of spies. The following are extracts from this speech:—

"With the extraordinary intelligence system which Germany

organised in this country long before the war, no doubt they
had certain advantages which they ought not to have even of
this kind.... If he were to harbour a suspicion it would be that
the most formidable people were not aliens, but probably
 people of British nationality who had been suborned.... He
wishes he were sure that when really valuable and dangerous
pieces of information were given they were not given by people
of our own nationality, but some of the information which had
been given, could only have been given by people who had
access to it because they were British. His belief was that we
had had very little of this kind of thing, but that we had some,
and that it was formidable he could not doubt. In seeking these
sources of communication with the enemy it was desirable to go
about the search in a scientific way, and to cast suspicion where
it was most likely to be founded."

Such a contribution to the spy question was really very

characteristic. It, however, came ill from one whose legal confrère
was, at that moment, being referred to in the House of Commons as
having a German chauffeur who had been naturalised after the war
broke out, and had gone for a holiday into Switzerland! Switzerland
is a country not in the Antarctic Ocean, but right on the border of
the land of the Huns in Europe, and the Lord Chief Justice, according
to Mr. Asquith at the Guildhall, is in close association with Cabinet
Ministers in these days of crises.
Perhaps, as a correspondent pointed out, it never struck our Lord
Chancellor that the Lord Chief Justice's "now-British" chauffeur might
—though I hope not—have gone through Switzerland into Germany,
and might, if so disposed, quite innocently have related there
information to which he had access, not only because he was British,
but because he was in the service of a highly-placed person. Or,
perhaps, he did realise it, and his reference to information given by
persons of British nationality was a veiled protest against the action
of some of his colleagues—against that other who also has a "now-
British" chauffeur, or to a third, whose German governess, married
to a German officer, left her position early in November, but has left
her German maid behind her. Perhaps he did not know these things,
or he would also have known that other people may have access to
information, not because they are British, but because they are in
the employ of British Cabinet Ministers.
Hitherto, the security of our beloved Empire had been disregarded
by party politicians, and their attendant sycophants, in their frantic
efforts to "get-on" socially, and to pile up dividends. What did "The
City" care in the past for the nation's peril, so long as money was
being made?
In the many chats I had with the late Lord Roberts we deplored the
apathy with which Great Britain regarded what was a serious and
most perilous situation.
But, after all, were the British public really to blame? They are
discerning and intelligent, and above all, patriotic. Had they been
told the hideous truth, they would have risen in their masses, and
men would have willingly come forward to serve and defend their
country from the dastardly intentions of our hypocritical "friends"
across the North Sea, and their crafty Emperor of the volte-face.
It is not the fault of the British public themselves. The blame rests as
an indelible blot upon certain members of the British Government,
who now stand in the pillory exposed, naked and ashamed. The
apologetic speeches of certain members of the Cabinet, and the
subdued and altered tone of certain influential organs of the Press,
are, to the thinker, all-sufficient proof.
In the insidious form of fiction—not daring to write fact after my
bitter experiences and the seal of silence set upon my lips—I
endeavoured, in my novel "Spies of the Kaiser" and other books,
time after time, to warn the public of the true state of affairs which
was being so carefully and so foolishly hidden. I knew the truth, but,
in face of public opinion, I dared not write it in other fashion.
Naturally, if the Government jeered at me, the public would do
likewise. Yet I confess that very often I was filled with the deepest
regret, and on the Continent I discussed with foreign statesmen, and
with the Kings of Italy, Servia, Roumania and Montenegro in private