National Integration in Pakistan: Challenges and Solutions

National integration has remained a persistent challenge for Pakistan since its
inception. While founded on the ideology of Islam, Pakistan has struggled to unite
its diverse ethnic, linguistic, and cultural groups. The country’s socio-political history
is marked by ethnic nationalism, uneven economic development, weak democratic
institutions, and governance issues, which have hampered the creation of a unified
national identity. This response examines the factors that hinder national
integration in Pakistan, supported by scholarly insights, and proposes actionable
solutions to address these challenges.
Challenges to National Integration in Pakistan
1. Ethnic and Linguistic Divides
Pakistan is home to diverse ethnic groups such as Punjabis, Sindhis, Baloch,
Pashtuns, and others, each with its distinct language and culture. The imposition of
Urdu as the national language in the early years alienated linguistic groups,
especially Bengalis, whose grievances led to the disintegration of East Pakistan in
1971. Language riots, such as those in Sindh in 1972, further exposed the deep
fault lines in national cohesion.
2. Over-reliance on Religion as a Binding Force
While Islam served as the ideological basis for Pakistan's creation, it has not been
sufficient to unite the country. Economic and political exploitation of regions like
East Pakistan weakened the religious bond. Religion alone, as history demonstrates,
cannot compensate for social injustices and governance failures.
3. Socioeconomic Disparities
The uneven allocation of resources and lack of development in smaller provinces
have deepened feelings of deprivation. Balochistan, despite being resource-rich,
remains underdeveloped. Similarly, rural Sindh and southern Punjab face significant
socioeconomic challenges, leading to resentment and alienation.
4. Weak Democratic Institutions
Repeated military interventions and authoritarian regimes have undermined
democracy in Pakistan. The dominance of West Pakistani elites, particularly during
the early years, alienated smaller provinces. This lack of political pluralism and
justice eroded trust in the state and fueled ethnic nationalism.
5. Educational Disparities
Pakistan's fragmented education system—divided into public, private, and
madrassas—fails to create a shared national identity. Without a uniform curriculum
emphasizing diversity, tolerance, and national pride, the youth, who form nearly
50% of the population, lack attachment to the country's collective values.
6. Lack of Ownership and Brain Drain
The migration of over 10 million Pakistanis abroad highlights a lack of faith in the
state's ability to provide basic necessities like quality education, healthcare, and
security. This lack of ownership is a significant obstacle to fostering a sense of
belonging and unity among citizens.
Recommendations for Strengthening National Integration
1. Strengthening Federalism and Inclusive Governance
Strengthening federalism is critical for addressing the grievances of smaller
provinces in Pakistan. By decentralizing power and ensuring equitable resource
allocation, the government can foster inclusivity and mitigate feelings of
deprivation. Representation of ethnic groups in political and administrative
structures should be prioritized, creating a sense of participation among
marginalized communities and promoting trust in the state.
2. Addressing Socioeconomic Inequalities
The socioeconomic disparities between provinces, particularly Balochistan, rural
Sindh, and southern Punjab, need immediate attention. Large-scale development
initiatives in these regions can improve infrastructure, healthcare, and employment
opportunities. A targeted approach to reducing economic imbalances will ensure
that no community feels left behind, fostering greater loyalty to the nation.
3. Education Reforms for Unity
A uniform national curriculum is essential for promoting a sense of shared identity
among Pakistan’s youth. The state should focus on free, compulsory, and quality
education for all citizens regardless of class or region. Education should emphasize
values such as tolerance, diversity, and mutual respect, which are critical for
building national integration.
4. Celebrating Cultural Diversity
Recognizing and celebrating Pakistan’s diverse ethnic and cultural identities is a
powerful way to foster national unity. Regional languages, traditions, and festivals
should be promoted to create a sense of pride among communities. The media and
creative arts can play a vital role in portraying Pakistan’s cultural richness, reducing
biases, and encouraging acceptance.
5. Strengthening Democratic Institutions
Democracy is the backbone of national integration, as it ensures representation and
accountability. To achieve this, free and fair elections must be upheld, and ethnic
favoritism should be eliminated in state appointments. Strengthening the rule of law
and creating mechanisms for inclusive political participation will empower
marginalized groups and promote harmony.
6. Promoting a Sense of Ownership
The government must instill a sense of ownership among its citizens through public
awareness campaigns and effective governance. By prioritizing basic necessities
such as education, healthcare, and job creation, the state can reduce the brain
drain and foster pride in the country. Encouraging interprovincial interactions, such
as travel through improved railways, will also strengthen the feeling of unity among
diverse communities.
7. Conflict Resolution and Dialogue
Establishing platforms for dialogue between the state and marginalized groups is
key to resolving conflicts. Truth and reconciliation commissions can address
historical grievances and build trust among communities. These steps will help
reduce ethnic and regional polarization, laying the groundwork for lasting
integration.
8. Learning from Global Examples
Pakistan can learn valuable lessons from other nations, such as the United States
and India, which have managed to maintain unity despite cultural and linguistic
diversity. By focusing on grassroots initiatives, equitable policies, and democratic
frameworks, Pakistan can adopt strategies that ensure national cohesion in a
sustainable and inclusive manner.
Conclusion
National integration in Pakistan remains an elusive goal due to deep-seated ethnic,
linguistic, and socioeconomic divides. While the vision of the Quaid emphasized
unity beyond ethnic or regional identities, successive leadership failures and
governance issues have hindered progress. However, with inclusive policies,
educational reforms, equitable development, and democratic strengthening,
Pakistan can overcome these challenges and achieve sustainable national harmony.
The bottom-up approach, focusing on grassroots participation and tolerance, is
essential for fostering a unified and resilient Pakistan.
Question: Analyze the demographic and cultural diversity of Pakistan and its
impact on national integration and policymaking.
Answer: "Nations are born in the hearts of poets, they prosper and die in the hands
of politicians." — Allama Iqbal. Pakistan’s rich demographic and cultural diversity is
both a source of strength and a challenge to national cohesion. Ethnic and linguistic
plurality shapes identity, yet historical grievances, resource inequalities, and
political exclusion fuel tensions. While conflicts in Balochistan, Sindh, and KP
highlight integration challenges, diversity also drives economic growth, cultural
richness, and soft power. Effective policymaking—through decentralization, fair
resource distribution, and linguistic inclusivity—can turn diversity into a unifying
force. By embracing inclusivity and promoting interethnic harmony, Pakistan can
transform its pluralism into a pillar of strength, ensuring a cohesive and prosperous
future for all its people.
Historical Appraisal of Pakistan’s Demographic and Cultural Diversity
The demographic diversity of Pakistan has roots in its historical evolution. The
region that now constitutes Pakistan has been home to numerous civilizations,
including the Indus Valley Civilization, the Gandhara culture, and later Persian,
Greek, Arab, Turkic, and Mughal influences. Post-Partition in 1947, Pakistan
inherited a mosaic of ethnic and linguistic groups, each with distinct cultural
traditions. Over time, internal migration, political movements, and globalization
further shaped Pakistan’s demographic composition.
Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity in Pakistan
Pakistan’s population of over 240 million (2023 estimate) is divided into several
major ethnic and linguistic groups:
Major Ethnic Groups and Their Distribution
1. Punjabis (44.7%) – The largest ethnic group, predominantly in Punjab.
2. Pashtuns (15.4%) – Concentrated in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and
Balochistan.
3. Sindhis (14.1%) – Primarily in Sindh, with a strong cultural and linguistic
identity.
4. Baloch (3.6%) – Found in Balochistan, historically marginalized.
5. Muhajirs (7.6%) – Migrants from India post-Partition, mainly in urban Sindh.
6. Saraikis (8.4%) – Predominantly in southern Punjab.
7. Other groups (6%) – Including Hazaras, Kashmiris, Brahuis, and others.
Linguistic Diversity
Pakistan has over 70 languages, with six major ones. Punjabi (38.8%) is the most
spoken, mainly in Punjab. Sindhi (14.1%) is dominant in Sindh, while Pashto
(18.2%) is common in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Urdu (7.6%), the
national language, is mainly spoken by Muhajirs but serves as a unifying language.
Balochi (3%) is spoken in Balochistan, and Saraiki (8.4%) in southern Punjab.
Many regional languages add to Pakistan’s linguistic diversity.

Religious Diversity
Islam dominates with 96.5%, mainly Sunnis and a significant Shia minority.
Christians (1.6%) and Hindus (1.85%) are the largest minorities, mostly in
Punjab and Sindh. Other small communities include Sikhs, Parsis, and Kalash.
Despite legal protections, minorities face social challenges.

Role of Diversity in Shaping National Identity

1. Ethnic Conflicts and Separatist Movements

Ethnic marginalization has fueled several conflicts in Pakistan. The
Balochistan insurgency stems from grievances over resource exploitation
and lack of provincial autonomy. In urban Sindh, Sindhi-Muhajir tensions
revolve around political and economic dominance, particularly in Karachi.
Meanwhile, Pashtun issues are linked to the War on Terror and the
integration of former tribal areas into the mainstream political system.
2. Linguistic and Political Disparities
Linguistic underrepresentation in governance has led to demands for greater
provincial autonomy, seen in movements advocating for Saraiki and Sindhi
language recognition. Additionally, the unequal distribution of resources
benefits Punjab disproportionately, causing resentment among smaller
provinces.
3. Sectarian and Religious Polarization
Sunni-Shia tensions and violence against minorities continue to pose
security threats. The misuse of blasphemy laws has further marginalized
religious minorities and negatively impacted Pakistan’s global reputation.
Impact of Diversity on Policymaking
1. Challenges to National Integration
a. Ethnic Conflicts and Separatist Movements
Ethnic marginalization has fueled various conflicts across Pakistan. The
Balochistan insurgency is driven by grievances over resource exploitation
and the lack of provincial autonomy, leading to periodic unrest. In Sindh,
Sindhi-Muhajir tensions revolve around political and economic control,
particularly in Karachi, where both communities compete for influence.
Similarly, Pashtun issues are linked to the aftermath of the War on Terror
and the integration of former tribal areas, creating tensions regarding
governance and representation.
b. Linguistic and Political Disparities
Linguistic underrepresentation in governance has led to demands for greater
provincial autonomy. Movements advocating for Saraiki and Sindhi
language recognition reflect the broader struggle for cultural and political
inclusion. Additionally, the unequal distribution of resources
disproportionately favors Punjab, causing economic and political resentment
among smaller provinces, further straining national unity.
 c. Sectarian and Religious Polarization
Sectarian and religious divisions present significant security and social
challenges. Sunni-Shia tensions have resulted in periodic violence, while
attacks on religious minorities create a climate of fear and instability. The
misuse of blasphemy laws has further marginalized non-Muslim
communities and damaged Pakistan’s international reputation, highlighting
the need for legal reforms and greater religious tolerance.
2. Benefits of Diversity in Policymaking

a. Economic Contributions of Ethnic Diversity

Pakistan’s economy benefits from its diverse ethnic groups. Sindh’s urban
centers, particularly Karachi and Hyderabad, serve as economic hubs, driven
by Muhajirs and Sindhis in trade, industry, and services. Pashtuns dominate
trade and transport networks, playing a key role in domestic and regional
commerce. Despite economic disparities, Balochistan holds strategic assets
like Gwadar Port and Reko Diq minerals, crucial for national growth.

b. Cultural and Soft Power Potential

Pakistan’s cultural industries, including music, art, fashion, and food, thrive
on ethnic diversity, boosting its global soft power. The Sufi traditions of Sindh
and Punjab foster religious harmony and enrich the country’s cultural
identity.

c. Federalism and Decentralization as Solutions

The 18th Amendment (2010) increased provincial autonomy, addressing

ethnic grievances. The National Finance Commission (NFC) Award seeks to
distribute resources fairly, though debates continue over its effectiveness.

Policy Recommendations for Strengthening National Integration

1. Greater Political and Economic Inclusion

To reduce Punjab’s economic dominance, fair resource allocation

policies must be implemented. Strengthening local governance and
ensuring ethnic representation in decision-making can promote inclusivity
and national unity.

2. Language and Cultural Representation

A multilingual education system should be encouraged rather than

enforcing a single national language. Recognizing regional languages in
governance would foster inclusivity and respect for cultural identities.
 3. Ethnic Harmony and Conflict Resolution

Addressing separatist grievances through structured dialogue, such as

Balochistan reconciliation efforts, can ease tensions. Education reforms
and balanced media representation are crucial in promoting interfaith and
interethnic harmony.

4. Balanced Development Policies

Infrastructure and economic development should be prioritized in

underprivileged regions like Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to
reduce disparities. National projects and investments must be equitably
distributed across all provinces to ensure balanced growth.

Conclusion

Pakistan’s demographic and cultural diversity is a double-edged sword—while it

presents challenges to national integration, it also offers opportunities for economic,
cultural, and political growth. Addressing ethnic, linguistic, and religious disparities
through inclusive governance, equitable resource distribution, and cultural
recognition can help transform diversity into a unifying force. A balanced federal
structure, multilingual policies, and interethnic harmony initiatives are
crucial for fostering national cohesion. By embracing its pluralism and ensuring fair
representation, Pakistan can turn its diversity into a pillar of strength, securing a
prosperous and united future for all its people.

Ethnic Issues and National Integration in Pakistan

Introduction
Pakistan is a diverse country with multiple ethnic groups, each having distinct
linguistic, cultural, and historical identities. While diversity is often a source of
strength, in Pakistan, it has also led to persistent ethnic conflicts. Since
independence in 1947, ethnic tensions have been fueled by economic inequalities,
political marginalization, linguistic disputes, and resource distribution conflicts.
National integration is essential for the stability and progress of Pakistan, yet
successive governments have struggled to create a sense of unity among different
ethnic communities. Ethnic grievances have frequently led to political unrest,
violent conflicts, and separatist movements, threatening the country’s cohesion.
This article explores the ethnic landscape of Pakistan, the root causes of conflicts,
and the challenges and prospects for national integration.
1. Ethnic Diversity in Pakistan
Pakistan is home to multiple ethnic groups, each with its own language, culture, and
identity. These groups include Punjabis, Sindhis, Baloch, Pashtuns, Mohajirs, and
Seraikis. While some ethnic groups dominate politically and economically, others
feel marginalized, leading to resentment and demands for greater autonomy.
1.1 Punjabis (44% of the Population)
Punjabis are Pakistan’s dominant ethnic group, holding key positions in the
military, bureaucracy, and economy. Their dominance has led to resentment
among other ethnic communities, who feel politically and economically
marginalized.
1.2 Sindhis (14% of the Population)
Sindhis have a strong cultural identity, but many feel disadvantaged in their
own province, particularly due to the influence of Mohajirs in urban areas like
Karachi and Hyderabad. There is an ongoing demand for greater provincial
autonomy to safeguard Sindhi culture and political rights.
1.3 Baloch (5% of the Population)
Balochistan, despite being rich in natural resources, remains Pakistan’s most
underdeveloped region. The low literacy rate (6%) and high poverty levels
have fueled separatist movements. The Baloch insurgency, which began in
1948, continues to be a major challenge to national integration.
1.4 Pashtuns (15% of the Population)
Pashtuns reside primarily in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan.
Historically, some Pashtun nationalist leaders demanded an independent
Pakhtunistan, though this movement has weakened. However, military
operations and the War on Terror have further alienated many Pashtuns.
1.5 Mohajirs (7.5% of the Population)
Mohajirs, Urdu-speaking migrants from India, are concentrated in urban
Sindh. Initially, they dominated the bureaucracy, but after the 1970s, they began
demanding political autonomy. The Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM)
emerged in the 1980s, leading to violent ethnic conflicts in Karachi.
1.6 Seraikis (10-12% of the Population)
Seraikis live in South Punjab, where they face economic underdevelopment.
Their demand for a separate Seraiki province is based on their perception of
neglect by Punjab’s central government.
2. Historical Roots of Ethnic Conflicts
2.1 The Bengali Language Movement and Separation of East Pakistan
After independence, Urdu was declared Pakistan’s sole national language, despite
the fact that a majority of the population spoke Bengali. This led to protests and
demands for linguistic rights in East Pakistan. The economic and political
marginalization of Bengalis further fueled their grievances, ultimately leading to the
1971 Liberation War and the creation of Bangladesh.
2.2 The One Unit Policy and Its Repercussions
In 1955, the government merged all provinces of West Pakistan into a single unit,
aiming to balance East Pakistan’s population majority. However, this move ignored
regional identities and led to strong opposition from Sindhis, Baloch, and Pashtuns,
who feared Punjabi dominance. The policy was abolished in 1970, but it left deep
ethnic grievances.
2.3 Ethnic Conflicts in Sindh
The Sindhi-Urdu conflict emerged when the Sindh Assembly passed the Sindhi
Language Bill in 1972, recognizing Sindhi as the official language of the province.
This decision was opposed by Mohajirs, leading to violent clashes. The rise of MQM
in the 1980s further deepened ethnic tensions, particularly in Karachi.
2.4 Baloch Insurgencies
Baloch nationalist movements have been active since 1948, demanding greater
autonomy and control over local resources. The Pakistani government has
responded with military operations, which have led to human rights concerns. The
economic exploitation of Balochistan’s resources without benefiting its people
remains a major source of resentment.
3. Key Causes of Ethnic Conflicts
3.1 Linguistic Conflicts
Language has been a significant source of tension in Pakistan. The imposition of
Urdu as the sole national language led to the Bengali Language Movement in East
Pakistan. Similar linguistic disputes have occurred in Sindh and South Punjab, where
Sindhis and Seraikis demand recognition of their languages.
3.2 Economic Disparities
Punjab dominates Pakistan’s economy, while smaller provinces such as Balochistan
and Sindh feel economically neglected. The National Finance Commission (NFC)
Award, which distributes financial resources among provinces, has been a source of
contention, with smaller provinces arguing that Punjab receives disproportionate
funds.

3.3 Political Marginalization

The dominance of Punjabis in civil and military institutions has led to frustration
among other ethnic groups. Baloch, Sindhi, and Pashtun leaders argue that the
federal government does not address their concerns, leading to demands for
greater autonomy.
4. Challenges to National Integration
4.1 Centralized Governance
Pakistan’s governance structure remains highly centralized, limiting provincial
autonomy. While the 18th Amendment devolved some powers to provinces, ethnic
groups continue to demand greater control over their own affairs.
4.2 Role of the Military in Politics
The military has played a dominant role in Pakistan’s politics, often intervening in
ethnic conflicts. Military operations in Balochistan and Sindh have led to accusations
of human rights abuses and have further alienated local populations.
4.3 Sectarian and Religious Extremism
Extremist groups often exploit ethnic divisions to further their agendas, leading to
sectarian violence. The rise of religious extremism has further divided Pakistan’s
multi-ethnic society, making national integration even more challenging.
4.42.5 External Influences and Security Challenges
Ethnic conflicts in Pakistan have been exploited by external forces. For example,
India has been accused of supporting Baloch separatists, while Afghanistan
has historically backed Pakhtunistan movements. The geopolitical
manipulation of ethnic grievances further destabilizes Pakistan’s national unity.
5. Strategies for National Integration
5.1 Equitable Resource Distribution
The government must ensure fair economic distribution among all provinces. The
NFC Award should be revised to address grievances, and underdeveloped regions
such as Balochistan and South Punjab must be prioritized for development.
5.2 Decentralization and Provincial Autonomy
Stronger provincial autonomy under the 18th Amendment is necessary to address
ethnic concerns. More decision-making power should be granted to local
governments to ensure fair representation.
5.3 Promotion of Multilingualism
Recognizing regional languages alongside Urdu can help ease linguistic tensions.
Bilingual education policies should be introduced to foster inclusivity.

5.4 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation

The government should establish peace commissions to address ethnic grievances
and encourage dialogue between different ethnic groups.
Conclusion
Pakistan’s ethnic diversity presents both opportunities and challenges. While ethnic
conflicts have historically weakened national integration, an inclusive and
decentralized approach can help foster unity. Ensuring fair representation, equitable
resource distribution, and respect for ethnic identities is crucial for national stability.
By addressing ethnic grievances and promoting justice, Pakistan can move towards
a more unified and harmonious society.
Center-Province Relations
Introduction

Federalism in Pakistan: Historical Context

Pakistan has experienced the evolution of its federal structure through three
different constitutions. Despite the differences in their details, the core principles of
federalism remained consistent, attempting to address the challenges of balancing
power between the central government and provincial authorities.
1. Historical Imbalance between East and West Pakistan
In the early years of Pakistan, there was a considerable demographic and
geographical imbalance between the two wings of the country: East and West
Pakistan. This imbalance played a significant role in shaping the federal structure
and led to many debates regarding representation and power distribution.
1.1 Demographic Disparity
The East Wing (later Bangladesh) was naturally larger in population and land area
compared to the West Wing. This demographic advantage gave the elites of East
Pakistan a favorable position to push for a bicameral legislature, which would
ensure their dominance in decision-making. This was a potential threat to the elites
of the West Wing, particularly those from Punjab, who were determined to
maintain a balance of power.
1.2 Elite Class Rivalries and Parity Issue
The political elites of East Pakistan supported the bicameral system due to the
larger population base, while the elites from the West Wing, especially from
Punjab, argued for parity between the two wings. This led to a deadlock in which
the proposal of a bicameral legislature was rejected. The Basic Principle
Committee’s reports of 1950 and 1952 failed to resolve this issue, and it was only
with Muhammad Ali Bogra's formula that parity between East and West Pakistan
was proposed.
2. The One-Unit Scheme and Federalism Challenges
In the 1950s, another attempt to consolidate the federal structure was made with
the One-Unit Scheme of 1955. This was particularly focused on the West Wing,
where the provinces of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and NWFP were merged into
a single unit. However, this move also faced considerable opposition.
2.1 One-Unit Scheme of 1955
The One-Unit Scheme aimed to simplify governance by merging the provinces in
the West, but it was heavily criticized for diminishing the autonomy of smaller
provinces. This move highlighted the tension between the need for national unity
and the desire for regional autonomy, a theme that would continue to affect
Pakistan's federalism.

2.2 Demand for Provincial Autonomy

There was a growing demand, especially from provinces like NWFP and Sindh, for
greater self-government. These provinces sought autonomy over areas like
economic affairs, foreign relations, and defense. However, Punjab opposed
these demands, advocating for a stronger central government, a position rooted in
their desire for national unity and a more centralized system of governance.
3. Language Issues and Regional Tensions
The language issue was another major point of contention between the two wings.
The Bengali-speaking population of East Pakistan wanted Bengali to be
recognized as the national language, while the Urdu-speaking population in
the West supported Urdu as the sole national language. This linguistic divide
further complicated the federal system.
3.1 Bengali vs. Urdu Debate
The debate over the national language led to significant tensions between the
two wings. The Bengali-speaking population of East Pakistan felt their language was
being sidelined in favor of Urdu, which was seen as a symbol of West Pakistani
dominance. Ultimately, both Urdu and Bengali were declared the official
languages, which resolved some tensions but did not address deeper issues of
political power and economic resources.
4. The Constitution of 1956 and Federal Distribution of Power
The 1956 Constitution of Pakistan was a significant attempt to establish a federal
system. The constitution aimed to resolve some of the issues regarding the
distribution of power between the central government and the provinces.
4.1 Federal Structure under the 1956 Constitution
The 1956 Constitution declared Pakistan as a federal state with two provinces:
East Pakistan and West Pakistan. The constitution granted thirty subjects to
the central government and ninety-four subjects to the provinces. This
distribution aimed to balance power between the center and the provinces,
providing more autonomy to the regional governments.
4.2 Creation of Key Advisory Councils
To manage fiscal and resource allocation issues, two important councils were
established: the Monetary Council and the Finance Commission. These councils
were tasked with advising the central government on the allocation of resources,
taxes, and loans, ensuring a more equitable distribution of wealth between the
center and provinces.
4.3 Collapse of the 1956 Constitution
Despite the promises of federalism, the 1956 Constitution was short-lived. The
instability and lack of political consensus led to martial law being imposed in
1958, and the constitution was suspended. This event marked a significant setback
for the federal system.

5. The Centralization of Power under Ayub Khan

After the imposition of martial law in 1958, Ayub Khan came to power and
introduced a new constitution in 1962. This constitution marked a shift towards
centralization, with the president holding most of the power.
5.1 Presidential System and Centralization
The 1962 Constitution introduced a presidential system, replacing the previous
parliamentary system. Under this new system, the president held both executive
and legislative powers, centralizing authority in the presidency. The provinces had
little influence on national decision-making, and this shift weakened the federal
structure that had been outlined in earlier constitutions.
5.2 Role of Governors in Provinces
In the new system, governors were appointed in the provinces to represent the
president’s authority. This arrangement further undermined provincial autonomy, as
the governors acted as intermediaries between the president and the provincial
governments, ensuring that the president’s will was executed at the regional level.
6. Federalism and Political Deadlock
Throughout Pakistan’s history, the country faced significant challenges in
implementing an effective federal system due to political deadlock, regional
disparities, and the centralization of power.
6.1 Regional Disparities and Political Tensions
The growing demographic disparity between East and West Pakistan, combined
with political deadlock, exacerbated tensions. The East’s larger population gave it
greater political influence, which created resentment in the West, particularly in
Punjab. These tensions made it difficult to maintain a functional federal system, as
both wings struggled to agree on the distribution of power.
6.2 Centralization under Military Rule
The military rule under Ayub Khan further concentrated power in the hands of the
president, weakening the federal structure. The introduction of a presidential
system effectively removed power from provincial hands and centralized it in the
executive, undermining the federal ideals of regional autonomy and equitable
power distribution.
Major Issues and Adjustments in Pakistan's Federalism
According to Dicey, "Equal distribution of powers between the centre and unit is
essential for federalism." In the contemporary world, federalism is one of the most
popular forms of government, despite the fact that it does not always provide an
equal distribution of powers between the center and provinces. In many cases, the
central government exercises more powers while the units operate under its
control. Similarly, after the creation of Pakistan, the central government maintained
a dominant role over the provinces, and this trend continued throughout the
country’s history.

1. Centralization of Power and its Impact

The central government’s dominance over provincial rights can be traced back to
several historical events, which demonstrated the growing power of the central
authority. For instance, the dismissal of Khan Sahib's Ministry in North West
Frontier Province (NWFP) (now KPK) in August 22, 1947, the dismissal of M.A.
Kharho in Sindh on April 20, 1948, Mamdoth's in Punjab on January 25,
1949, and Fazl-ul-Haq’s removal in 1954 in East Pakistan all illustrated the
central government's strong control over provincial affairs.
1.1 Military Rule and its Effect on Federalism
The military rule in Pakistan played a significant role in creating obstacles for a
democratic setup. The first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, although tasked
with drafting a constitution, ultimately strengthened the central government’s role.
The 1956 Constitution was formulated, but it was rejected, leading to the
overthrow of the constitutional government by a military coup on October 8,
1958. This was a severe setback to Pakistan's democratic system and to the federal
structure, as the central government became even more powerful under the
military regime.
The Ayub regime (1958-1969) and the 1962 Constitution further consolidated
the role of the army and bureaucracy, cementing the central government's
dominance over the provinces.
2. The 1973 Constitution and Further Centralization
The 1973 Constitution was introduced on 14 August 1973 amidst ongoing
political instability and chaos. However, political turmoil continued to hamper the
realization of federal principles. The 1977 military coup under Zia-ul-Haq led to
the abrogation of the 1973 Constitution, and the central government’s powers
were further enhanced.
2.1 The 8th Amendment and Its Impact
The 8th Amendment of the Constitution in 1985 granted extensive presidential
powers, allowing the president to dissolve the National Assembly and elected
provincial governments. This provision was exercised multiple times by the
president, notably in 1988, 1990, 1993, and 1996, under Section 58(2b).
However, the 13th Amendment (1997) curtailed the president's powers,
particularly under Article 58(2b), by limiting the president’s ability to dissolve the
government.
3. Absence of Constitutional Setup in Early Years
Another major factor affecting Pakistan’s federalism was the absence of a
constitutional framework in the initial years of the country. This lack of a
structured constitutional setup paved the way for a strong central government,
which distorted the original principles of federalism.
3.1 Strong Central Government and the Distortion of Federalism
Pakistan's constitutional history shows that the central government consistently
enjoyed more powers compared to the provinces. For example, in 1956 constitution
the list of legislative powers was given to the center. However center had exclusive
authority to exercise and make laws related to the distribution between units and
center. In both the 1962 and 1973 constitutions, this disparity between the
central government and the provinces remained largely unaddressed. Despite the
need for a federal system to meet the diverse needs of Pakistan’s ethnically and
culturally heterogeneous society, the existing systems failed to address these
requirements adequately.
4. The Parity Formula and Its Discontents
One of the most contentious issues in Pakistan's federal history was the parity
formula, which was introduced to balance the power between East and West
Pakistan. However, this formula proved to be disastrous, as it led to dissatisfaction
and disharmony within the country.
4.1 The Parity Formula and Ethnic Tensions
The parity formula led to deep-rooted dissatisfaction between the two wings of
Pakistan and created significant tensions, especially between the smaller provinces
and the dominant Punjab province. The growing frustration with Punjab’s
dominance in the army and bureaucracy led to further estrangement between
the provinces.
5. Financial Disparities and the Center’s Dominance
Another major issue within Pakistan’s federal system has been the financial
arrangement between the center and the provinces. From the Riesman Award of
1951 to the NFC Award, the central government’s dominance in financial matters
caused significant dissatisfaction in provinces like NWFP (now KPK), Sindh, and
Balochistan.
5.1 Financial Dominance and Provincial Discontent
The central government’s control over the allocation of resources, especially
through the National Finance Commission (NFC), left the provinces feeling
marginalized. This financial disparity contributed to the growing sense of alienation
and dissatisfaction in various provinces, further aggravating the political situation.
6. The Need for Equal Power Distribution in a Multi-Ethnic Society
Effective federalism requires a more equal distribution of power, especially in a
multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society like Pakistan. The unequal distribution of
power has often led to increased provincialism, lack of national unity, and the rise of
ethnic and nationalist movements.
6.1 National Unity and Federalism
A truly effective federal system in Pakistan would need to address the desires and
needs of its people, ensuring that power is distributed equitably between the center
and the provinces. The failure to do so has often resulted in disunity, with
nationalist and ethnic slogans gaining traction in the provinces, further undermining
national cohesion and the principles of federalism.
Centre-Province Relations under the 1973 Constitution
Pakistan is a federal country, composed of four provinces, centrally administered
areas, and tribal regions. The Constitution of 1956 and 1962 were also federal in
nature, but the division of powers under these constitutions led to dissatisfaction
among the provinces. The 1973 Constitution, however, addressed this issue by
granting provinces internal sovereignty and introducing the principle of
separation of powers, bringing greater satisfaction between the center and the
provinces. The 1973 Constitution is considered the representative constitution
for the whole nation. It met the longstanding demands for provincial sovereignty
and, with the 18th Amendment, further enhanced provincial autonomy
(Bukhari, 2013).
1. Legislative Division under the 1973 Constitution
The 1973 Constitution contains two lists of legislative subjects: the federal list
and the concurrent list. The central government is exclusively authorized to
legislate on matters within the federal list, while both the federation and
provinces can legislate on subjects in the concurrent list. In the case of a conflict
between the federation and the provinces over concurrent matters, the will of the
federation prevails. While provinces retain residuary powers, the extensive
listing of legislative subjects in the constitution leaves limited room for provincial
law-making.
Similarly, the federal administrative system is highly centralized and controlled
by the Pakistan Central Superior Services. In situations such as a state of
emergency or lack of law and order in the provinces, the central government
can exercise more control over provincial administration.
1.1 Centralized Control over Provincial Administration
Provinces are bound to exercise power in compliance with the federal
parliament’s rules and regulations. The provincial governor acts as the
representative of the federal government in the provinces, ensuring that the
federal spirit is maintained in provincial administration. The 17th Amendment
granted provincial governors the power to dissolve provincial assemblies, but this
is subject to adjudication by the High Court.
2. Council of Common Interests (CCI)
The Council of Common Interests (CCI) is another important mechanism for
center-province coordination. The CCI consists of eight members: four chief
ministers and an equal number of central representatives, including the Prime
Minister, who serves as the Chairman of the CCI. This body is responsible for
addressing issues related to the distribution of resources and other matters
between the central and provincial governments.
2.1 Role of CCI in Resource Distribution
The CCI plays a critical role in resolving disputes between the center and the
provinces, especially in matters of resource allocation and the distribution of
powers. It serves as a platform to ensure that the provinces are treated fairly and
that the federal government upholds its constitutional obligations.
3. Parliamentary System and Shortcomings of the 1973 Constitution
The 1973 Constitution introduced a parliamentary system of government with
a bicameral legislature. Under this system, the Prime Minister holds the highest
administrative office, with the President serving merely as a state
representative. However, despite the positive changes, the 1973 Constitution has
some shortcomings, particularly in terms of holding the federal government
accountable for unlawful actions (Ali, 2016).
3.1 Shortcomings in Federal Accountability
The constitution does not provide an adequate mechanism to make the federal
government answerable in the case of unlawful acts, which has remained a point
of criticism for the overall effectiveness of the federal system.
4. The 13th Amendment and the Revival of Federalism
The 13th Amendment to the Constitution revived the original federal spirit of
the 1973 Constitution by reducing the executive powers of the President.
This amendment, introduced by the Nawaz Sharif government, restored the
Prime Minister as the de jure and de facto chief executive of the country.
4.1 Impact of the 13th Amendment
The 13th Amendment helped restore the balance of power between the executive
and legislative branches, as it reduced the influence of the President in political
affairs and reaffirmed the role of the Prime Minister as the leader of the
government.
5. The Military Coup and the Legal Framework Order (LFO)
On October 12, 1999, the then Army Chief, General Musharraf, ousted the
Nawaz Sharif government and suspended the 1973 Constitution.
Subsequently, in 2002, Musharraf issued the Legal Framework Order (LFO) to
provide legal cover for his actions as a martial law administrator. The LFO also
revived the 8th Amendment, which granted the President the authority to
appoint the heads of major civil and military institutions and reintroduced the
controversial 58(2b) provision, which allowed the President to dissolve the
National Assembly and provincial legislatures.
5.1 Consequences of the LFO on Federalism
The LFO and the revival of the 8th Amendment further hampered the federal
spirit of Pakistan’s constitution by reintroducing centralization of power and
reducing the powers of the elected representatives, thereby weakening the
parliamentary system.
6. Distribution of Power in the Constitution
The 1973 Constitution outlines the distribution of power between the federal
government and provincial governments. The constitution assigns certain
powers exclusively to the central government, while others are shared between the
two levels of government. Despite the 18th Amendment which provided greater
provincial autonomy, the central government still maintains a significant
influence over many aspects of governance, often at the expense of the provinces.
Eighteenth Amendment
The 8th and 17th Amendments had previously modified the federal and
parliamentary features of the constitution, as discussed earlier. The President's
discretionary powers gave the constitution a quasi-federal outlook (Muhammad
Imran Ashraf, 2016). In a parliamentary democracy, the President acts as the
representative of the federation and a titular head of state, while the Prime
Minister, as a people's representative, performs the actual duties. However, under
the implementation of the 8th and 17th Amendments, the situation was reversed.
This was changed again with the 18th Amendment, which restored the true spirit
of the constitution (Zafarullah Khan, 2013).
1. Restoration of Parliamentary Sovereignty and Provincial Autonomy
The 18th Amendment restored the supremacy or sovereignty of Parliament
and provided provincial autonomy, as envisioned in the 1973 Constitution. This
amendment significantly altered the balance of power between the federal
government and the provinces. It enhanced the powers of provincial
assemblies concerning legislation by deleting the 4th Schedule from the
constitution, and also guaranteed more control for provincial governments over
their legislation and budgets (Nuri, 2014).
1.1 Consultative Role of Provinces
The amendment also provided provinces with a consultative role on matters
like the construction of hydroelectric projects within their jurisdiction.
Additionally, two new clauses (3A) were added to the constitution in Article 160,
which pertain to the administration and implementation of the NFC Award. Article
161 ensured that provinces with oil and gas reserves would be the primary
beneficiaries of these resources (Ashraf, 2016).
2. Impact on Political Stability in Marginalized Provinces
The 18th Amendment greatly enhanced the political stability within marginalized
provinces of Pakistan, such as Balochistan, which became more involved in
mainstream politics (Nishtar, 2009). The provincial assemblies were empowered,
strengthening their role and autonomy in the political system, and effectively
reducing the central government’s power (Abbasi, 2010).
2.1 Empowerment of Provincial Assemblies
Provincial assemblies became more powerful than ever before in the true spirit
of federalism, with the 18th Amendment reducing federal powers and granting
greater autonomy to the provinces. This shift in power aimed to address the
grievances of provinces that had felt marginalized in the past, especially in terms of
political representation and control over their affairs.
3. Financial Relations and the NFC Award
The federation controls the financial resources of the country, and the
provinces rely on financial support from the federal divisible pool to finance
their development plans. The main sources of provincial income are taxes on
agricultural income, luxury items, and land revenue (Iftikhar Ahmed, 2007). In
contrast, the federal government is authorized to tax other financial sources,
including natural resources, national exports, and customs duties.
3.1 Formation of the Finance Commission
The constitution mandates the formation of a Finance Commission to ensure the
justifiable distribution of revenues between the federal and provincial
governments. Despite this, the center still dominates this process, as the
President holds the authority to form the Finance Commission, which can lead to
the central government having more control over the distribution of financial
resources.

Articles
Article 141 - Extent of Federal and Provincial laws.
Parliament may make laws (including laws having extra-territorial operation) for the
whole or any part of Pakistan, and a Provincial Assembly may make laws for the
Province or any part thereof.
Article 142 - Subject-matter of Federal and Provincial laws
Article 142(a) - Parliament shall have exclusive power to make laws with respect
to any matter in the Federal Legislative List;
Article 142(b) - Parliament, and a Provincial Assembly also, shall have power to
make laws with respect to any matter in the Concurrent Legislative List A Provincial
Assembly shall, and Parliament shall not, have power to make laws with respect to
any matter not enumerated in either the Federal Legislative List or the Concurrent
Legislative List; and
Article 142(c) - Subject to paragraph (b), a Provincial Assembly shall, and Majlis-e-
Shoora (Parliament) shall not, have power to make laws with respect to any matter
not enumerated in the Federal Legislative List.”
Article 142(d) - Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) shall have exclusive power to make
laws with respect to all matters pertaining to such areas in the Federation as are
not included in any Province.
Article 143: Inconsistency between Federal and Provincial law
If any provision of an Act of a Provincial Assembly is repugnant to any provision of
an Act of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) which Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) is
competent to enact, then the Act of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament), whether passed
before or after the Act of the Provincial Assembly, shall prevail and the Act of the
Provincial Assembly shall, to the extent of the repugnancy, be void.
144 - Power of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) to legislate for one or more
Provinces by consent.
If one or more Provincial Assemblies pass resolutions to the effect that Majlis-e-
Shoora (Parliament) may by law regulate any matter not enumerated in the Federal
Legislative List in the Fourth Schedule, it shall be lawful for Majlis-e-Shoora
(Parliament) to pass an Act for regulating that matter accordingly, but any act so
passed may, as respects any Province to which it applies, be amended or repealed
by Act of the Assembly of that Province.
Article 145: Power of President to direct Governor to discharge certain
functions as his Agent
Article 145(a) - The President may direct the Governor of any Province to
discharge as his Agent, either generally or in any particular matter, such functions
relating to such areas in the Federation which are not included in any Province as
may be specified in the direction
Article 145(b) -The provisions of Article 105 shall not apply to the discharge by the
Governor of his functions under clause (1)

Article 146: Power of Federation to confer powers, etc., on Provinces, in

certain cases
Article 146(a) - Notwithstanding anything contained in the Constitution, the
Federal Government may, with the consent of the Government of a Province,
entrust either conditionally or unconditionally to that Government, or to its officers
functions in relation to any matter to which the executive authority of the
Federation extends.
Article 146(b) -An Act of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) may, notwithstanding that it
relates to a matter with respect to which a Provincial Assembly has no power to
make laws, confer powers and impose duties upon a province or officers and
authorities thereof.
Article 146(c) -Where by virtue of this Article powers and duties have been
conferred or imposed upon a Province or officers or authorities thereof, there shall
be paid by the Federation to the Province such sum as may be agreed or, in default
of agreement, as may be determined by an arbitrator appointed by the Chief Justice
of Pakistan, in respect of any extra costs of administration incurred by the Province
in connection with the exercise of those powers or the discharge of those duties.
Article 148 - Obligation of Provinces and Federation.
Article 148 (a) - The executive authority of every Province shall be so exercised as
to secure compliance with Federal laws which apply in that Province.
Article 148 (b) - Without prejudice to any other provision of this Chapter, in the
exercise of the executive authority of the Federation in any Province regard shall be
had to the interests of that Province.
Article 148 (c) - It shall be the duty of the Federation to protect every Province
against external aggression and internal disturbances and to ensure that the
Government of every Province is carried on in accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution.
Article 149 - Directions to Provinces in certain cases.
Article 149 (a) - The executive authority of every Province shall be so exercised as
not to impede or prejudice the exercise of the executive authority of the Federation.
Article 149 (b) - The executive authority of the Federation shall also extend to the
giving of directions to a Province as to the carrying into execution therein of any
Federal law which relates to a matter specified in the Concurrent Legislative List
and authorizes the giving of such directions.
Article 149 (c) - The executive authority of the Federation shall also extend to the
giving of directions to a Province as to the construction and maintenance of means
of communication declared in the direction to be of national or strategic
importance.
Article 151 – Inter-Provincial trade
Article 151 (a) – Parliament may by law impose such restrictions on the freedom
of trade, commerce or intercourse between one Province and another or within any
part of Pakistan as may be required in the public interest.
Article 151 (b) - A Provincial Assembly or a Provincial Government shall not have
power to make any law, or take any executive action, prohibiting or restricting the
entry into, or the export from, the Province of goods of any class or description, or
impose a tax.
Article 153: Council of Common Interests
153(1): There shall be a Council of Common Interests, referred to as the Council, to
be appointed by the President.
153(2): The Council shall consist of:
(a) The Prime Minister, who shall be the Chairman of the Council.
(b) The Chief Ministers of the Provinces.
(c) Three members from the Federal Government, to be nominated by the Prime
Minister from time to time.
153(4): The Council shall be responsible to Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) and shall
submit an Annual Report to both Houses of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament).
Article 154: Functions and Rules of Procedure
154(1): The Council shall formulate and regulate policies in relation to matters in
Part II of the Federal Legislative List and shall exercise supervision and control over
related institutions.
154(2): The Council shall be constituted within thirty (30) days of the Prime
Minister taking the oath of office.
154(3): The Council shall have a permanent Secretariat and shall meet at least
once in ninety (90) days.
154(3) (a): Provided that the Prime Minister may convene a meeting on the
request of a Province on an urgent matter.
155. Complaints as to interference with water supplies.
155(a) - If the interests of a Province, the Federal Capital, or any of the inhabitants
thereof, in water from any natural source of supply or reservoir have been or are
likely to be affected prejudicially by:
o (a) any executive act or legislation taken or passed or proposed to be
taken or passed, or
o (b) the failure of any authority to exercise any of its powers with
respect to the use and distribution or control of water from that source,
155(b) - Upon receiving such complaint, the Council shall, after having considered
the matter, either:
o give its decision, or

o Request the President to appoint a commission consisting of such

persons having special knowledge and experience in irrigation,
engineering, administration, finance or law as he may think fit,
hereinafter referred to as the Commission.
155(c) - Until Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) makes provision by law in this behalf,
the provisions of the Pakistan Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1956, as in force
immediately before the commencing day shall apply to the Council or the
Commission as if the Council or the Commission were a commission appointed
under that Act to which all the provisions of section 5 thereof applied and upon
which the power contemplated by section 10A thereof had been conferred.
155(d) - After considering the report and supplementary report, if any, of the
Commission, the Council shall record its decision on all matters referred to the
Commission.
155(e) - Notwithstanding any law to the contrary, but subject to the provisions of
clause (5) of Article 154, it shall be the duty of the Federal Government and the
Provincial Government concerned in the matter in issue to give effect to the
decision of the Council faithfully according to its terms and tenor.
155(f) - No proceeding shall lie before any court at the instance of any party to a
matter which is or has been in issue before the Council, or of any person
whatsoever, in respect of a matter which is actually or has been or might or ought
to have been a proper subject of complaint to the Council under this Article.
156 - National Economic Council
156 (a) - The President shall constituted a National Economic Council which shall
consist of-
(a) The Prime Minister, who shall be the Chairman of the Council;
(b) The Chief Ministers and one member from each Province to be nominated by the
Chief Minister; and
(c) Four other members as the Prime Minister may nominate from time to time.
156 (b) - The National Economic Council shall review the overall condition of the
country and shall, for advising the Federal Government and the Provincial
Governments, formulate plans in respect of financial, commercial, social and
economic policies; and in formulating such plans it shall, amongst other factors,
ensure balanced development and regional equity and shall also be guided by the
Principles of Policy set out in Chapter 2 of Part-II.
156 (c) - The meetings of the Council shall be summoned by the Chairman or on a
requisition made by one-half of the members of the Council.
156 (d) - The Council shall meet at least twice in a year and the quorum for a
meeting of the Council shall be one-half of its total membership.
156(e) The Council shall be responsible to the Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) and
shall submit an Annual Report to each House of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament).
157. Electricity.
157(a) - The Federal Government may, in any Province:
o construct or cause to be constructed hydro-electric or thermal power
installations or grid stations for the generation of electricity, and
o lay or cause to be laid inter-Provincial transmission lines.
Provided that the Federal Government shall, prior to taking a decision to
construct or cause to be constructed hydro-electric power stations in any
Province, consult the Provincial Government concerned.
157(b) - The Government of a Province may:
o (a) to the extent electricity is supplied to that Province from the national grid,
require supply to be made in bulk for transmission and distribution within the
Province;
o (b) levy tax on consumption of electricity within the Province;

o (c) construct power houses and grid stations and lay transmission lines for use
within the Province;
o (d) Determine the tariff for distribution of electricity within the Province.

157(c) - In case of any dispute between the Federal Government and a Provincial
Government in respect of any matter under this Article, any of the said
Governments may move the Council of Common Interests for resolution of the
dispute.
158 Priority of requirements of natural gas.
The Province in which a well-head of natural gas is situated shall have precedence
over other parts of Pakistan in meeting the requirements from the well-head,
subject to the commitments and obligations as on the commencing day.
Chapter 1: Finance as requested:
160. National Finance Commission
160(a) - Within six months of the commencing day and thereafter at intervals not
exceeding five years, the President shall constitute a National Finance Commission
consisting of:
o The Minister of Finance of the Federal Government,

o The Ministers of Finance of the Provincial Governments, and

o Such other persons as may be appointed by the President after

consultation with the Governors of the Provinces.
160(b) - It shall be the duty of the National Finance Commission to make
recommendations to the President as to:
o (a) the distribution between the Federation and the Provinces of the
net proceeds of the taxes mentioned in clause (3);
o (b) the making of grants-in-aid by the Federal Government to the
Provincial Governments;
o (c) the exercise by the Federal Government and the Provincial
Governments of the borrowing powers conferred by the Constitution;
o (d) Any other matter relating to finance referred to the Commission by
the President.
160(c) - The taxes referred to in paragraph (a) of clause (2) are the following taxes
raised under the authority of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament), namely:
o (i) taxes on income, including corporation tax, but not including taxes
on income consisting of remuneration paid out of the Federal
Consolidated Fund;
o (ii) taxes on the sales and purchases of goods imported, exported,
produced, manufactured, or consumed;
o (iii) export duties on cotton, and such other export duties as may be
specified by the President;
o (iv) such duties of excise as may be specified by the President; and

o (v) such other taxes as may be specified by the President.

(3A) The share of the Provinces in each Award of National Finance

Commission shall not be less than the share given to the Provinces in the
previous Award.
 (3B) The Federal Finance Minister and Provincial Finance Ministers shall
monitor the implementation of the Award biannually and lay their reports
before both Houses of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) and Provincial Assemblies.
160(d) - As soon as may be after receiving the recommendation of the National
Finance Commission, the President shall, by Order, specify, in accordance with the
recommendations of the Commission under paragraph (a) of clause (2), the share of
the net proceeds of the taxes mentioned in clause (3) which is to be allocated to
each Province, and that share shall be paid to the Government of the Province
concerned, and, notwithstanding the provision of Article 78, shall not form part of
the Federal Consolidated Fund.
160(e) - The recommendations of the National Finance Commission, together with
an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon, shall be laid before
both Houses and the Provincial Assemblies.
160(f) - At any time before an Order under clause (4) is made, the President may,
by Order, make such amendments or modifications in the law relating to the
distribution of revenues between the Federal Government and the Provincial
Governments as he may deem necessary or expedient.
160(g) - The President may, by Order, make grants-in-aid of the revenues of the
Provinces in need of assistance and such grants shall be charged upon the Federal
Consolidated Fund.
161. Natural gas and hydro-electric power
161(a) - Notwithstanding the provisions of Article 78:
o (a) the net proceeds of the Federal duty of excise on natural gas levied
at the well-head and collected by the Federal Government, and of the
royalty collected by the Federal Government, shall not form part of the
Federal Consolidated Fund and shall be paid to the Province in which
the well-head of natural gas is situated;
o (b) The net proceeds of the Federal duty of excise on oil levied at the
well-head and collected by the Federal Government, shall not form part
of the Federal Consolidated Fund and shall be paid to the Province in
which the well-head of oil is situated.
161(b) - The net profits earned by the Federal Government, or any undertaking
established or administered by the Federal Government, from the bulk generation
of power at a hydro-electric station shall be paid to the Province in which the hydro-
electric station is situated.

162. Prior sanction of President to Bills affecting taxation in which

Provinces are interested
No Bill or amendment which imposes or varies a tax or duty the whole or part of the
net proceeds whereof is assigned to any Province, or which varies the meaning of
the expression "agricultural income" as defined for the purpose of the enactments
relating to income-tax, or which affects the principles on which under any of the
foregoing provisions of this Chapter moneys are or may be distributable to
Provinces, shall be introduced or moved in the National Assembly except with the
previous sanction of the President.
163. Provincial taxes in respect of professions, etc.
A Provincial Assembly may by Act impose taxes, not exceeding such limits as may
from time to time be fixed by Act of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament), on persons
engaged in professions, trades, callings or employments, and no such Act of the
Assembly shall be regarded as imposing a tax on income.
164. Grants out of Consolidated Fund
The Federation or a Province may make grants for any purpose, notwithstanding
that the purpose is not one with respect to which Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)
or, as the case may be, a Provincial Assembly may make laws.
165. Exemption of certain public property from taxation
165(a) - The Federal Government shall not, in respect of its property or income, be
liable to taxation under any Act of Provincial Assembly and, subject to clause (2), a
Provincial Government shall not, in respect of its property or income, be liable to
taxation under Act of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) or under Act of the Provincial
Assembly of any other Province.
165(b) - If a trade or business of any kind is carried on by or on behalf of the
Government of a Province outside that Province, that Government may, in respect
of any property used in connection with that trade or business or any income arising
from that trade or business, be taxed under Act of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)
or under Act of the Provincial Assembly of the Province in which that trade or
business is carried on.
165(c) - Nothing in this Article shall prevent the imposition of fees for services
rendered.
165A. Power of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) to impose tax on the income
of certain corporations, etc.
165A(a) - Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) has, and shall be deemed always to
have had, the power to make a law to provide for the levy and recovery of a tax on
the income of a corporation, company or other body or institution established by or
under a Federal law or a Provincial law or an existing law or a corporation, company
or other body or institution owned or controlled, either directly or indirectly, by the
Federal Government or a Provincial Government, regardless of the ultimate
destination of such income.
165A(b) - All orders made, proceedings taken and acts done by any authority or
person, which were made, taken or done, or purported to have been made, taken or
done, before the commencement of the Constitution (Amendment) Order 1985, in
exercise of the powers derived from any law referred to in clause (1), or in
execution of any orders made by any authority in the exercise or purported exercise
of powers as aforesaid, shall, notwithstanding any judgment of any court or tribunal,
including the Supreme Court and a High Court, be deemed to be and always to have
been validly made, taken or done and shall not be called in question in any court,
including the Supreme Court and a High Court, on any ground whatsoever.
165A(c) - Every judgment or order of any court or tribunal, including the Supreme
Court and a High Court, which is repugnant to the provisions of clause (1) or clause
(2) shall be, and shall be deemed always to have been, void and of no effect
whatsoever.
How far the nature of the center provinces has changed under various
amendments to the 1973 constitution? Elaborate - detailed answer
1. Introduction
The struggle for power between the central government and the provinces has been
a defining feature of Pakistan’s political landscape. From the outset, the 1973
Constitution sought to establish a delicate balance—a federal parliamentary system
where both the center and the provinces could coexist with distinct but
interdependent roles. However, this balance has been continuously reshaped by
constitutional amendments, reflecting the ever-evolving tug-of-war between
centralization and provincial autonomy. Some amendments reinforced federal
control, tipping the scales in favor of a strong center. Others attempted to restore
provincial autonomy, moving Pakistan closer to a true federal system.
Original Center-Province Relations in the 1973 Constitution
The 1973 Constitution aimed to create a federal balance between the central
government and the provinces. While it provided a framework for provincial
autonomy, the center retained significant authority, leading to long-term tensions.
Features:
1. Bicameral Legislature
To ensure representation at both national and provincial levels, the
bicameral legislature was introduced. The National Assembly (NA) was
based on population size, giving more influence to larger provinces like
Punjab. In contrast, the Senate was designed to maintain provincial
equality, giving equal representation to all provinces, regardless of
population size. This structure was meant to balance regional interests but
often led to conflicts over resource allocation and policymaking.
2. Distribution of Legislative Powers
The 1973 Constitution divided legislative powers into three categories:
Federal List: Subjects like defense, foreign affairs, and currency were
under direct federal control.
Concurrent List: Both federal and provincial governments could
legislate on these subjects, but in case of a conflict, federal law would prevail.
This often created disputes, as provinces sought more control over key
issues.
Residuary Powers: These were given to provinces, but their scope
remained limited, restricting their autonomy in many areas.
3. Provincial Autonomy and Federal Oversight
 Despite provisions for provincial autonomy, federal oversight remained
strong:
The Council of Common Interests (CCI) was established to resolve
disputes over resource distribution, particularly concerning water,
energy, and revenues. However, federal dominance often led to provincial
grievances.
Provincial Governors, appointed by the President, acted as federal
representatives, maintaining the center’s influence in provincial affairs.
Provinces remained financially dependent on federal allocations,
particularly through the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award,
which determined the distribution of national revenue.
While the 1973 Constitution introduced a federal structure, the center
retained significant control, leading to ongoing tensions over resource
distribution, governance, and autonomy. These tensions eventually paved
the way for constitutional reforms like the 18th Amendment, which aimed
to strengthen provincial powers.
The 8th Amendment (1985) – Strengthening Central Authority
The 8th Amendment, introduced by General Zia-ul-Haq in 1985, significantly
altered center-province relations, expanding presidential powers and reducing
provincial autonomy. Changed Pakistan's government from a Parliamentary
system to a Semi-presidential system by giving the President a number of additional
powers.
Key Changes
1. Article 58(2)(b) granted the President the power to dissolve the National
Assembly and provincial assemblies at his discretion, undermining
elected governments.
2. Governors were appointed by the President and given the authority to
dismiss provincial governments, increasing central control over
provinces.
3. The Prime Minister became subordinate to the President, shifting
executive power from the PM to the President, reducing the PM's influence.
4. The amendment allowed the center to intervene directly in provincial
matters, bypassing provincial assemblies and diminishing provincial
autonomy.
Impact on Center-Province Relations
The 8th Amendment increased the center's control, weakening the autonomy of
provinces. The power of the President and Governors over provincial matters
destabilized provincial governments, as they could be dissolved at the President’s
discretion. This led to frequent federal intervention, making it harder for
provincial assemblies to operate independently. The Prime Minister's diminished
power further consolidated executive authority in the hands of the center,
undermining the federal system and creating political instability.
The 13th Amendment (1997) – Reducing Centralized Control
The 13th Amendment, introduced during Nawaz Sharif's government in 1997,
aimed to reduce the centralization of power caused by the 8th Amendment and
restore parliamentary form of govt and provincial autonomy.
Key Changes
1. The abolition of Article 58(2)(b) removed the President's power to
dissolve elected governments, restoring authority to the Parliament and
provincial assemblies.
2. The Prime Minister was re-established as the de facto head of
government, reducing federal interference in provincial matters and
strengthening parliamentary supremacy.
3. Governors' powers were curtailed, ensuring they could no longer
arbitrarily dismiss provincial governments, reinforcing provincial
stability.
Impact on Center-Province Relations
The 13th Amendment significantly improved provincial stability and
accountability within the federal government, as it diminished the centralized
power that had previously existed. The provinces regained some autonomy with
reduced federal intervention, allowing for more regional governance.
However, despite these positive changes, the financial and legislative
imbalance between the center and provinces remained, as provinces still
struggled with limited fiscal independence and unequal resource distribution.
The 17th Amendment (2003) – Reintroducing Centralized Control
The 17th Amendment, introduced under General Pervez Musharraf in 2003,
reinstated several provisions from the 8th Amendment, significantly increasing
central control over provinces.
Key Changes
1. The restoration of Article 58(2)(b) allowed the President to dissolve the
National and Provincial Assemblies, reintroducing a level of centralization
and undermining provincial stability.
2. The President’s control over governors was strengthened, allowing the
central government to influence provincial governance more directly,
further reducing provincial autonomy.
 3. The military’s role in governance increased, with military leaders
playing a significant part in decision-making at both the federal and
provincial levels, further consolidating centralized power.
Impact on Center-Province Relations
The 17th Amendment reversed the gains made by the 13th Amendment,
leading to further loss of provincial autonomy. Provinces once again saw their
legislative and executive powers weakened as the federal government
regained control over critical provincial matters. The federal system, which had
been relatively parliamentary, shifted towards a quasi-presidential system,
concentrating power at the center and undermining the parliamentary structure
that had been intended to maintain a balance between center and provinces.
The 18th Amendment (2010) – Restoring Federalism & Provincial
Autonomy
The 18th Amendment was a groundbreaking reform in 2010 that reversed years
of centralization and re-established true federalism in Pakistan, empowering
provinces and promoting greater political stability.
Key Changes
1. Legislative & Administrative Changes
The Concurrent List was abolished, giving provinces full control over 47
subjects like health, education, and local governance, enabling them to
pass independent laws without federal interference. The Council of
Common Interests (CCI) was strengthened to ensure provinces had an
equal say in federal matters, helping to maintain a balance of power.
2. Financial Decentralization
Article 160 guaranteed provinces more control over financial resources,
and the NFC Award ensured that they received a larger share of the divisible
pool of resources. Article 161 granted provinces the right to utilize and
benefit from their own natural resources (like oil, gas, and minerals),
significantly reducing federal control over these assets.
3. Political Stability & Governance
The President lost the authority to dissolve provincial assemblies, ensuring
greater political stability. Governors became ceremonial figures, accountable
to elected provincial governments rather than the President, reducing federal
interference in provincial affairs.
4. Enhanced Legislative and Executive Powers
By amending Article 137, the 18th Amendment expanded the legislative and
executive powers of provinces. Earlier, many provincial decisions required
federal approval, limiting their autonomy. With this amendment, provinces
gained the authority to pass laws, implement policies, and govern effectively
in their designated areas without federal intervention. This change ensured
 greater provincial self-rule, making governance more efficient and responsive
to local needs.
Impact on Center-Province Relations
The 18th Amendment greatly strengthened Pakistan's federal structure,
providing provinces with greater self-rule. Provinces gained significant control over
their legislation, administration, and finances, leading to improved
governance. The reduction in federal control over provincial matters enhanced
political stability and allowed for better decision-making at the provincial level.
The federal government’s intervention in provincial affairs became minimal,
marking a significant shift toward a more balanced and autonomous federal
system.
Conclusion
The relationship between the center and provinces in Pakistan has evolved
significantly over time, influenced by various constitutional amendments. The 8th
and 17th Amendments centralized power, diminishing provincial autonomy, while
the 13th Amendment restored parliamentary supremacy but did not fully empower
the provinces. The 18th Amendment, however, marked the most significant shift,
strengthening federalism by granting provinces greater autonomy, especially in
areas like legislation, administration, and finance. Despite the positive strides made
by the 18th Amendment, challenges persist, including disputes over resource
distribution, the financial dependency of provinces on the center, and resistance to
implementation due to bureaucratic hurdles. Nevertheless, the 18th Amendment
remains the most impactful reform, fostering a more balanced federal system that
enhances provincial governance while maintaining national unity.
Question: Examine the causes and consequences of the 1971 separation of East
Pakistan, highlighting the role of regional and international players?
Answer:
"Nations have no permanent friends or allies, they only have permanent
interests."
– Lord Palmerston.
The 1971 separation of East Pakistan was a watershed moment shaped by internal
disparities and external interventions. Political marginalization, economic
exploitation, and ethnic tensions fueled Bengali nationalism, while India's strategic
intervention, backed by the USSR, proved decisive. The Cold War dynamics saw the
US and China supporting Pakistan, albeit ineffectively. The war's aftermath
redefined South Asia, reshaping Pakistan's political and military structure while
intensifying Indo-Pakistani hostilities. However, the crisis also underscored the need
for inclusive governance and national cohesion. As history's lessons unfold,
Pakistan's resilience lies in fostering unity, economic equity, and regional
diplomacy, ensuring a stronger, more integrated future.
Historical Appraisal: The Genesis of the East-West Divide
The roots of the 1971 separation of East Pakistan trace back to the structural flaws
in the post-Partition arrangement of Pakistan. The country, formed in 1947,
consisted of two geographically and culturally distinct wings—West Pakistan
(modern-day Pakistan) and East Pakistan (now Bangladesh)—separated by 1,600
kilometers of Indian Territory. Despite East Pakistan having a larger population,
political and economic power remained concentrated in West Pakistan, fostering
resentment. The crisis culminated in the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971,
leading to the disintegration of Pakistan.
Many scholars argue that this separation was a consequence of deep-seated
economic, political, and ethnic disparities, exacerbated by external interventions.
Political analysts like Richard Sisson and Leo Rose, in War and Secession: Pakistan,
India, and the Creation of Bangladesh (1990), highlight that internal failures,
coupled with India's strategic role and Cold War geopolitics, catalyzed East
Pakistan's independence.
Political Causes: The Marginalization of East Pakistan
a. The Language Controversy (1948-1956)
The decision to impose Urdu as the national language in 1948, despite Bengali
being spoken by over half of Pakistan's population, created widespread anger in
East Pakistan. The Bengali Language Movement of 1952, during which several
protesters were killed, intensified these tensions. The movement highlighted the
cultural and linguistic divide between East and West Pakistan, with Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman emerging as the key leader advocating for Bengali rights.

b. Lack of Political Representation

Despite East Pakistan having a majority population, political power was
concentrated in West Pakistan, where the elite largely dominated key positions.
The One Unit Policy of 1955 further marginalized East Pakistan by centralizing
power in West Pakistan. Additionally, the military and bureaucratic
establishment, mainly controlled by Punjabis and Muhajirs, pushed aside the
Bengalis from critical governance roles, leading to feelings of alienation.
c. The 1970 Elections and Denial of Power Transfer
In the 1970 general elections, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Awami League won
a sweeping victory in East Pakistan, securing 160 out of 162 seats. This gave him a
clear mandate to form the government. However, the West Pakistani leadership,
led by General Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, refused to transfer power,
fearing a loss of control. This denial of power transfer is widely regarded as the
final catalyst for the conflict that led to the separation of East Pakistan.
Economic Causes: Systematic Exploitation of East Pakistan
a. Unequal Resource Distribution
Between 1947 and 1971, West Pakistan received approximately 70% of
Pakistan’s economic resources, despite East Pakistan contributing nearly 60%
to the national GDP. This economic inequality created long-standing resentment,
as East Pakistan’s economic contributions were not reflected in the allocation of
national resources.
b. Jute Revenue and Economic Neglect
East Pakistan was the world’s largest producer of jute, a key export that
generated over 70% of Pakistan’s foreign exchange earnings. However, the
economic benefits of this industry were largely channeled to West Pakistan,
leaving East Pakistan economically neglected and frustrated. This exploitation of
East Pakistan’s resources further deepened the divide between the two wings of the
country.
c. Natural Disasters and Government Apathy
The Pakistani government's neglect of East Pakistan's infrastructure further fueled
regional discontent. While Karachi was developed as a financial hub, East Pakistan
remained underdeveloped. The 1970 Bhola cyclone, which killed over 300,000
people, highlighted this neglect. The slow and inadequate relief efforts from the
federal government only deepened the sense of alienation in East Pakistan,
intensifying anti-West sentiment and contributing to the growing desire for
autonomy.

Ethnic and Cultural Causes: Bengali Nationalism vs. Pakistani Identity

a. Cultural Divide
The cultural differences between East and West Pakistan were significant. Bengali
identity, rich in linguistic and literary traditions, conflicted with the Islamic-
nationalist identity imposed by the West. This divide led to feelings of alienation in
East Pakistan.
b. Bengali Nationalism and Suppression
As Bengali nationalism grew, it was seen as a separatist movement by West
Pakistan's military. Instead of addressing the cultural concerns, the military used
force to suppress Bengali aspirations, further intensifying the push for
independence.
India's Military and Diplomatic Role
India played a crucial role in the secession of East Pakistan, with Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi providing strong support for the Bengali independence movement.
After Pakistan’s military crackdown in March 1971 (Operation Searchlight), which
led to a massive refugee crisis in India, India found a pretext to intervene. In
December 1971, India launched a full-scale military operation, deploying over
150,000 troops. The intervention led to Pakistan's surrender on December 16, 1971,
resulting in the creation of Bangladesh.
International Responses: US, USSR, and China
a. United States
The Nixon administration strongly supported Pakistan, viewing General Yahya Khan
as a crucial ally in US-China diplomacy. The White House believed that India's
support for Bangladesh was part of Soviet-backed expansionism. To counter India,
the US sent the USS Enterprise, a naval fleet, to the Bay of Bengal, but it arrived too
late to have any effect on the conflict.
b. Soviet Union
The Soviet Union provided strong diplomatic and military support to India, guided by
the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship signed in August 1971. At the UN, the USSR
used its veto power to block resolutions backed by the US and China that were
favorable to Pakistan, ensuring India had the upper hand in the international arena.
c. China
China, traditionally Pakistan's ally, initially promised support but ultimately
remained passive during the conflict. Despite its alliance with Pakistan, China
refrained from taking military action, unwilling to directly confront the Soviet-
backed Indian offensive, leaving Pakistan isolated in the war.

Consequences of the 1971 War

Impact on Pakistan’s Politics and Military
The 1971 war had a profound impact on Pakistan's political landscape. General
Yahya Khan's military regime collapsed following the loss of East Pakistan, and
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto emerged as the new leader, transitioning the country to a civilian
government. However, the military retained significant influence behind the scenes.
The war also exposed serious weaknesses in the Pakistan Army, prompting
significant reforms in military strategy and command structures to avoid future
failures.
National Identity Reformation
The dismemberment of Pakistan led to a deep reexamination of its national identity.
This trauma gave rise to ethno-nationalist movements, particularly in Balochistan
and Sindh, as regional autonomy demands grew. Simultaneously, the Pakistani
state emphasized Islamic ideology as a unifying force, solidifying its central role in
national identity. The 1973 Constitution was a response to provincial grievances,
attempting to balance power between the center and the provinces.
Geostrategic Realignments
The creation of Bangladesh marked a significant shift in South Asian geopolitics.
Initially reliant on India and the Soviet Union, Bangladesh eventually joined the Non-
Aligned Movement by 1974. Pakistan's defeat solidified India's regional dominance,
contributing to an intensified rivalry between the two nations. This rivalry drove
Pakistan to accelerate its nuclear weapons program, culminating in its 1998 nuclear
tests. The war also set the stage for future conflicts, including the 1999 Kargil War.
Conclusion
The 1971 separation of East Pakistan was driven by political, economic, and cultural
divides, worsened by regional and international involvement. Political
marginalization, economic exploitation, and cultural suppression fueled Bengali
nationalism. India’s military intervention, backed by the USSR, led to East Pakistan’s
independence and the creation of Bangladesh, while the US and China’s support for
Pakistan had little impact. The war’s aftermath reshaped Pakistan’s politics and
military, intensified Indo-Pakistani rivalry, and led to the eventual development of
Pakistan’s nuclear program. The crisis emphasized the importance of inclusive
governance and addressing regional inequalities for long-term stability.

Introduction:
After the fall of Dhaka in 1971, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi famously
declared, *"We have taken the revenge of a thousand years"* and *"We have
drowned the Two-Nation Theory in the Bay of Bengal."* However, the separation of
East Pakistan was not a rejection of the Two-Nation Theory but rather one of the
most tragic consequences of political, economic, and social injustices. The demand
for independence by Bengalis was not based on the idea that they formed a
separate nation but was instead a response to systemic neglect and repression by
West Pakistan. The division of Pakistan was driven by four key factors: the
consistent marginalization of East Pakistan, the military’s reluctance to share
power, the failure to establish a mutually acceptable constitutional framework, and
India’s direct military intervention. These factors, rather than an ideological
rejection of the Two-Nation Theory, ultimately led to the creation of Bangladesh.
Why the Separation of East Pakistan Was Not a Negation of the Two-
Nation Theory
1. Neglect of East Pakistan
Despite being an integral part of Pakistan, East Pakistan was systematically
marginalized by the West Pakistani leadership. Several forms of neglect created
deep resentment among Bengalis, which eventually led to demands for
independence.
Economic Disparities:
 East Pakistan contributed around 70% of Pakistan’s total export earnings,
primarily through jute production. However, the economic benefits were
disproportionately used for the development of West Pakistan.
 The per capita income of West Pakistan was 61% higher than that of East
Pakistan by the late 1960s.
 Foreign aid and investments were mostly directed towards West Pakistan,
ignoring the development needs of East Pakistan.
Lack of Representation in Military and Bureaucracy:
 Almost all key military positions were held by officers from West Pakistan. In
1947, Bengalis made up only 1% of the Pakistani military, and by the 1960s,
 their representation had increased to only 7%, despite East Pakistan having a
larger population.
 In the bureaucracy, Bengalis were also underrepresented. For example, in
1966, only 24% of Pakistan’s bureaucrats were from East Pakistan.
Neglect in National Disasters:
 During the cyclone of 1970, which was one of the deadliest natural disasters
in history, the Pakistani government’s delayed and inadequate response
further alienated the Bengali population.
 Funds that were meant for disaster relief in East Pakistan were diverted to
West Pakistan.
This prolonged economic and political marginalization created a sense of alienation
among Bengalis, making them feel like second-class citizens in their own country.
2. Military Unwillingness to Share Power with Bengalis
The military elite of Pakistan, which was predominantly from West Pakistan, was
unwilling to share power with the Bengali leadership, fearing that it would weaken
their control over the country.
Abrogation of the 1956 Constitution:
 The 1956 Constitution, which provided for democratic governance, was
abrogated by General Ayub Khan in 1958. This move prevented the
representation of Bengalis in governance, further fueling their dissatisfaction.
Suppression of Political Movements:
 When protests and political movements in East Pakistan demanded greater
autonomy, the government responded with military force instead of political
negotiations.
 The military formed groups such as Al-Shams and Al-Badr to suppress the
growing nationalist movement in East Pakistan. These groups engaged in
human rights abuses, further increasing resentment among Bengalis.
General Yahya Khan’s Crackdown in 1971:
 After the 1970 elections, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League won
a majority, the military refused to transfer power. Instead of negotiating,
Operation Searchlight was launched, which led to mass killings and further
inflamed separatist sentiments.
These actions demonstrated that the issue was not about religious or national
identity but about power and governance. The West Pakistani ruling elite was
unwilling to accept Bengali leadership despite their electoral victory, leading to
political unrest and eventual separation.
3. Inability to Reach an Agreed Constitution
The failure to develop a mutually accepted constitution between East and West
Pakistan played a significant role in deepening the divide between the two regions.
Several key events illustrate this failure:
Awami League’s Electoral Victory (1970 Elections):
 In the 1970 general elections, the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, won a landslide victory by securing 167 out of 169 seats in East
Pakistan. This made it the majority party in the National Assembly of
Pakistan, giving it the right to form the government.
 However, the ruling elite in West Pakistan, including President Yahya Khan
and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, refused to accept Mujib’s leadership, fearing a shift in
power towards East Pakistan.
Six-Point Demand and Constitution Deadlock:
 Mujib’s Six-Point Movement, which demanded greater autonomy for East
Pakistan, was viewed with suspicion in West Pakistan.
 The Six Points aimed at establishing a federal system where East Pakistan
would have control over trade, taxation, and foreign exchange. West
Pakistan’s leadership saw this as an attempt to weaken central authority.
 The inability to reach a consensus on these demands resulted in a deadlock
over the formulation of a new constitution.
Political Crisis and Military Response:
 In March 1971, negotiations were held in Dhaka between Yahya Khan’s
government and Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League. However, they failed to
reach an agreement on power-sharing.
 As a result, Yahya Khan delayed the National Assembly session, angering the
people of East Pakistan. This led to mass protests and strikes.
 Instead of resolving the crisis through dialogue, the Pakistan Army launched
"Operation Searchlight" on March 25, 1971, a military crackdown on political
leaders and civilians in East Pakistan. This escalated into a full-scale conflict.
The failure to draft a mutually agreed constitution created frustration and
resentment in East Pakistan.
4. Indian Intervention in East Pakistan (1971)
After the political crisis and failure to reach an agreed constitution, India directly
intervened in East Pakistan. Here’s a breakdown of India's role in the conflict:
Strategic Blockade and Airspace Closure:
 India closed its airspace for Pakistani airlines, cutting off military movement
and logistical support between East and West Pakistan. This effectively
isolated East Pakistan from reinforcements and supplies.
Treaty with the Soviet Union (August 1971):
 India signed the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation,
ensuring Soviet diplomatic and military backing. This discouraged China and
the U.S. from intervening on Pakistan’s behalf.
Support for Mukti Bahini (Bengali Resistance Fighters):
 India provided training, weapons, and financial aid to Mukti Bahini, the
Bengali nationalist militia fighting against the Pakistan Army. Mukti Bahini
fighters, trained by the Indian Army, conducted guerrilla warfare to weaken
Pakistan’s control over East Pakistan.
Direct Military Intervention (December 1971):
 On November 21, 1971, India formally intervened, launching a full-scale war
against Pakistan. The Indian Army, alongside Mukti Bahini, attacked Pakistani
military positions, leading to swift territorial gains. The Indo-Pakistan War of
1971 ended with the surrender of 90,000 Pakistani soldiers, leading to the
creation of Bangladesh.

Sharif al-Mujahid on the Separation of East Pakistan

Sharif al-Mujahid, a renowned Pakistani historian and scholar on the Pakistan
Movement and the ideological foundations of the country, argues that the
separation of East Pakistan was not a rejection of the Two-Nation Theory but rather
a consequence of Pakistan’s internal failures, including economic exploitation,
authoritarian rule, and political marginalization. He emphasizes that Bengalis did
not abandon Islamic nationalism; instead, Bangladesh emerged as a separate
Muslim-majority state while retaining its Islamic identity. According to Mujahid,
Sheikh Mujib’s secularism was a response to the misuse of religion by Pakistan’s
ruling elite rather than a rejection of Islam itself. He concludes, "It is not the
ideology that has failed the nation; it is the nation that has failed the ideology."
Conclusion
The separation of East Pakistan in 1971 was not a rejection of the Two-Nation
Theory but rather the outcome of systemic political and economic injustices. The
marginalization of East Pakistan, the military's unwillingness to share power,
constitutional deadlock, and India's intervention were the primary reasons behind
the creation of Bangladesh. While Indira Gandhi claimed that the division of
Pakistan marked the end of the Two-Nation Theory, the reality was different—
Bangladesh emerged as a separate Muslim-majority state, not as part of a unified
Indian nation. As Sharif al-Mujahid aptly put it, "It is not the ideology that has failed
the nation; it is the nation that has failed the ideology."
Question no. 3: Discuss in detail the reasons for fragility of economic stability of
Pakistan and suggest pragmatic remedial measures for ensuring smooth and
sustainable economic growth.
Answer:

"An economy is not just about numbers and growth rates; it is about people,
stability, and a vision for the future." — Amartya Sen.
Pakistan’s economic fragility stems from deep-rooted structural inefficiencies,
political instability, and external vulnerabilities. Frequent government changes have
led to inconsistent policies, eroding investor confidence and slowing industrial
growth. Expanding fiscal deficits, a narrow tax base, and excessive reliance on
external borrowing have further destabilized the economy. Additionally, inflation,
currency depreciation, and energy crises have worsened financial distress. Weak
institutions, bureaucratic inefficiencies, and corruption persistently hinder
sustainable economic progress. Addressing these challenges requires institutional
reforms, policy consistency, and investment-driven industrial expansion. With
pragmatic measures and a long-term vision, Pakistan can transition from economic
fragility to a path of resilience and sustainable development.
Reasons for the Fragility of Pakistan's Economic Stability
1. Political Instability and Governance Issues
Frequent political upheavals have led to policy discontinuity, deterring both
domestic and foreign investments. The political conflict between Prime
Minister Shehbaz Sharif's government and former Prime Minister Imran Khan
has further exacerbated economic challenges, contributing to skyrocketing
inflation and surging terrorism.
2. Economic Mismanagement and Fiscal Challenges
Expansionary fiscal policies, especially those implemented during the COVID-
19 pandemic, have led to record-breaking inflation rates exceeding 25%. The
government's inadequate tax reforms have resulted in a narrow tax base,
with the tax-to-GDP ratio remaining low. Elevated spending pressures for
social and development needs, coupled with low productivity and weak
growth, have further strained public finances.
3. External Economic Pressures
Global monetary policy tightening and fiscal imbalances have led to
pressures on domestic prices and foreign reserves. The country's reliance on
external borrowings has raised the specter of default, causing the currency to
 fall and making imports more expensive. By June 2022, inflation reached an
all-time high, with rising food prices significantly impacting the populace.
4. Structural Impediments to Growth:
Structural challenges, including decreasing investment, an unfavorable
business environment, insufficient research and development, low
productivity, and climate change risks, have constrained Pakistan's economic
growth potential. The State Bank of Pakistan's annual report highlights these
impediments as significant challenges to sustaining the country's
macroeconomic stability.
5. Currency Depreciation and Inflation Crisis:
The Pakistani rupee has suffered a steep decline, raising import costs and
fueling inflation. High energy and food prices have severely impacted the
purchasing power of the population.
Pragmatic Remedial Measures
To address these multifaceted challenges, Pakistan can consider the following
measures:
1. Enhancing Political Stability and Governance:
Establishing a stable political environment through consensus-building and
transparent governance can restore investor confidence and ensure policy
continuity.
2. Implementing Comprehensive Tax Reforms:
Broadening the tax base and improving tax collection mechanisms can
increase government revenues, reducing fiscal deficits and reliance on
external borrowings.
3. Promoting Economic Diversification
Investing in sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology can
reduce dependence on imports and enhance export potential.
4. Strengthening Infrastructure and Human Capital
Allocating resources to infrastructure development and education can
improve productivity and attract foreign investment. The International
Finance Corporation's plan to double investments in Pakistan, focusing on
large-scale infrastructure financing, is a positive step in this direction.
5. Addressing Climate Change and Environmental Risks
Implementing policies aimed at climate resilience can mitigate the adverse
effects of environmental disasters on the economy.
The Role of Institutional Reforms in Economic Stability
"Strong institutions build resilient economies, while weak institutions create cycles
of crisis." — Daron Acemoglu.
Pakistan's economic fragility is deeply linked to weak institutional frameworks,
corruption, and bureaucratic inefficiencies. A lack of transparency in financial
governance, unpredictable regulatory policies, and weak law enforcement deter
both local and foreign investors. Strengthening institutions, ensuring policy
continuity, and fostering an independent judiciary are essential to building investor
confidence. Countries like Malaysia and Turkey have successfully stabilized their
economies through institutional reforms, demonstrating the importance of
governance in economic resilience. Without decisive action, Pakistan will remain
vulnerable to external shocks and internal economic mismanagement.
Implementing digital governance, anti-corruption measures, and administrative
efficiency reforms will be pivotal in ensuring long-term economic stability and
sustainable development.
"A strong economy is the foundation of a stable nation." — Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Concluding
In a nutshell, Pakistan's economic fragility is a result of deep-rooted structural and
external pressures. To achieve sustainable growth, the country must prioritize
political stability, fiscal discipline, industrial expansion, and investment-friendly
policies. Strengthening institutions, diversifying exports, and improving energy
security are crucial steps. With pragmatic reforms and visionary leadership,
Pakistan can overcome economic challenges and build a resilient, self-sustaining
economy for future generations.
Structural Issues of Economy

Introduction

Pakistan’s economy is at a critical juncture, grappling with deep-rooted structural weaknesses that have
hindered its growth and stability. Despite its vast resources and strategic geographical position, the
country struggles with low tax revenue, a massive trade deficit, fiscal imbalances, inflation, and
currency depreciation. With a GDP of approximately $375-380 billion, Pakistan’s economic policies
have failed to generate sustainable growth, leading to rising unemployment, poverty, and an increased
reliance on foreign loans. The current economic model is unsustainable, and without bold, structural
reforms, Pakistan risks prolonged financial instability and economic stagnation.

Problems in Pakistan’s Economy

Low Tax-to-GDP Ratio

The tax-to-GDP ratio measures a country's tax revenue as a percentage of its GDP, indicating its fiscal
strength. A higher ratio ensures better public services and economic stability. Pakistan’s tax-to-GDP ratio
is 10%, the lowest in South Asia, while the ideal level for a developing economy is 18%. Achieving this
could generate an additional 1,800 billion PKR, easing fiscal challenges. Key issues include widespread
tax evasion, an inefficient FBR, and corruption, leading to a 700-800 billion PKR revenue shortfall.
Heavy reliance on indirect taxes burdens the poor instead of enforcing progressive direct taxation.

Trade Deficit

A trade deficit occurs when a country’s imports exceed its exports, depleting foreign reserves and
increasing reliance on external borrowing. Pakistan’s trade deficit stands at $40 billion, driven by
excessive imports and weak export diversification. The country primarily exports raw materials instead
of high-value goods, limiting profitability. Heavy reliance on imported energy, machinery, and luxury
goods worsens the deficit. The textile sector dominates exports, restricting opportunities in technology,
pharmaceuticals, and engineering.

Monetary Policy Challenges

Monetary policy refers to the regulation of money supply, interest rates, and inflation to ensure
economic stability. Pakistan faces persistent monetary policy which has hindered investment and
economic stability. Domestic interest rates remain high as commercial banks charge significantly more
than the rates set by the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), discouraging businesses from taking loans for
expansion. Furthermore, the Pakistani rupee continues to depreciate due to artificial dollar shortages
and poor economic management. Inflation and rising unemployment have also worsened due to
ineffective monetary policies, leading to increased living costs and economic hardship for the general
population.

Fiscal Deficit
A fiscal deficit occurs when a government's expenditures exceed its revenue, leading to borrowing and
increased national debt. Pakistan faces a fiscal deficit of 6-8% of GDP, forcing the government to
depend on loans, worsening financial stability. Low revenue collection remains a key issue, with tax
revenue reaching 9,633 billion PKR in 2024, but increasing at a slow pace. Meanwhile, high government
spending on non-development projects, subsidies, and defense further widens the gap. The country’s
growing debt burden, fueled by IMF loans and international borrowing, limits economic growth and
reduces financial independence.

Exchange Rate Instability

Pakistan’s heavy dependence on the U.S. dollar makes its economy vulnerable to exchange rate
fluctuations, leading to financial instability. Artificial dollar hoarding by banks and businesses creates
artificial shortages, increasing demand and further devaluing the rupee. Additionally, the smuggling of
dollars to Afghanistan worsens the foreign exchange reserves crisis, reducing Pakistan’s ability to
stabilize its currency. External factors, such as the U.S. Federal Reserve increasing interest rates, have
also contributed to capital flight, further weakening the Pakistani rupee and making imports more
expensive.

Interest Rate Issue in Pakistan

Pakistan’s fiscal and monetary policies face major constraints in managing inflation, taxation, and debt.
As of March 22, 2025, the SBP policy rate stands at 12.00% per annum, down from previous hikes of
13% to 16%, yet investment remains sluggish. High borrowing costs deter business expansion, reducing
job creation. Taxation efforts to boost revenue face strong resistance, while reliance on indirect taxes
burdens the poor. Excessive borrowing has escalated debt servicing costs, consuming a large share of
the budget and restricting development spending. Without bold reforms, Pakistan risks deeper
economic instability and reliance on external loans.

Energy Crisis

Pakistan’s industrial sector faces severe challenges due to high energy costs, with tariffs being 60-70%
higher than those in regional competitors like India and Bangladesh. Additionally, circular debt,
infrastructure inefficiencies, including frequent load-shedding, transmission losses, and widespread
energy theft, further elevate operational expenses and reduce industrial productivity.

Solutions to Pakistan’s Economic Problems

Strengthening Tax Reforms

Pakistan must expand direct taxation to shift the burden away from low-income groups, ensuring a
more equitable tax system. The Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) should enhance its efficiency through
digitalization, stronger enforcement mechanisms, and anti-corruption measures to minimize revenue
leakages. Additionally, documenting the informal economy is crucial to curbing tax evasion, as a
significant portion of economic activities remain undocumented, leading to substantial losses in
potential tax revenue.

Reducing Trade Deficit

To address the trade deficit, Pakistan needs to promote domestic production as an alternative to
imports, reducing reliance on foreign goods while maintaining a balanced trade approach. Diversifying
exports beyond textiles to include technology and industrial goods would enhance global
competitiveness and increase foreign exchange earnings. Instead of imposing excessive import bans that
could disrupt supply chains, the country should focus on boosting local industries to naturally decrease
dependency on imported products.

Reforming Monetary Policy

A stable monetary policy is essential for economic growth. The government should maintain interest
rates at levels that encourage investment while ensuring inflation remains controlled. To prevent rupee
devaluation, Pakistan must adopt strategies such as stabilizing foreign reserves and managing currency
supply effectively. Additionally, strict measures should be implemented to curb dollar smuggling and
illegal financial transactions, which exacerbate currency fluctuations and weaken the national economy.

Managing Fiscal Deficit

Reducing the fiscal deficit requires a combination of cost-cutting and revenue-enhancing strategies. The
government should eliminate unnecessary expenditures, particularly in non-development sectors, while
encouraging public-private partnerships (PPPs) to attract private investment in infrastructure and
services. Furthermore, privatizing loss-making state-owned enterprises (SOEs) can relieve the financial
burden on the national budget and improve overall economic efficiency.

Ensuring Exchange Rate Stability

To stabilize the exchange rate, Pakistan must implement stringent regulations against currency hoarding
and speculative trading, which create artificial fluctuations in the value of the rupee. Increasing foreign
exchange reserves through foreign direct investment (FDI) and remittances can provide a buffer against
external economic shocks. Additionally, promoting local industries and enhancing self-sufficiency in
production will help reduce import dependency, ultimately leading to a more stable exchange rate and a
stronger national economy.

Conclusion

Pakistan stands at a crossroads: either continue on the path of financial mismanagement, rising debt,
and economic instability, or undertake urgent, transformative reforms to revive the economy. The
solution lies in strengthening tax collection, reducing fiscal deficits, diversifying exports, stabilizing
monetary policies, and fostering industrial growth. Without decisive action, Pakistan’s economy will
remain trapped in a cycle of dependence on IMF bailouts, inflationary shocks, and declining investor
confidence. Now is the time for bold leadership and visionary policymaking to secure Pakistan’s
economic future and break free from the shackles of perpetual crisis.

Economic Solutions for Pakistan

Short-Term Solutions

1. IMF Loan:

Pakistan can secure immediate financial support from the IMF to stabilize its foreign exchange
reserves and address fiscal deficits. However, this requires strict adherence to reform conditions, such
as increasing tax revenue and rationalizing subsidies, to ensure funds are utilized effectively and
transparently.

2. Reduce Economic Leakages:

Addressing distribution losses, particularly in the energy sector, is critical. Current estimates suggest
annual losses of $5 billion due to inefficiencies, theft, and poor infrastructure. Streamlining energy
distribution and implementing anti-theft measures can free up substantial resources.

3. Austerity Measures:

Non-essential subsidies, especially free energy provisions for affluent segments, should be eliminated.
Redirecting these funds to targeted programs for low-income groups and improving fiscal discipline can
reduce the burden on public finances without crippling economic activity.

Medium-Term Solutions

1. Energy Crisis Resolution:

Investing in energy infrastructure, particularly renewable energy and efficient transmission systems,
can reduce reliance on costly imports. Ensuring a steady supply of affordable energy is crucial for
industrial growth and attracting foreign investment.

2. Promote Industrial Growth and Exports:

Policies to encourage export-oriented industrial growth can enhance foreign exchange reserves,
leading to a stronger PKR value. This will increase purchasing power, reduce inflation, and create a ripple
effect across the economy. A robust industrial sector also generates employment, fostering long-term
economic stability.

3. Address Cost of Living Crisis:

Effective measures to combat inflation and stabilize essential commodity prices can initially benefit
20% of the population. Over time, these efforts will help the broader population cope with rising living
costs, easing economic pressures on households.

Long-Term Solutions

1. Enhance Regional Trade:

Expanding trade ties with Central and Southeast Asia can unlock new markets and opportunities.
Initiatives like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) should be optimized to position Pakistan as
a key regional trade hub, leveraging its strategic location.

2. Diversify the Economy:

 Reducing dependency on traditional sectors like agriculture and textiles is essential for sustainable
growth. Investments in technology, manufacturing, and services can increase economic resilience and
competitiveness in global markets.

3. Human Capital Development:

Long-term growth depends on a skilled and educated workforce. Investments in education, vocational
training, and research will align Pakistan’s labor market with future economic demands, fostering
innovation and entrepreneurship.