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 JavaScript Mini−FAQ
By Danny Goodman

All materials Copyright © 1997−2002 Developer Shed, Inc. except where otherwise noted.
This Mini−FAQ is posted periodically to the comp.lang.javascript newsgroup. It covers the language through
JavaScript 1.2, the version deployed in Netscape Communicator 4.0x, plus some compatibility items with
Microsoft Internet Explorer 3.0x. The focus here is on client−side JavaScript.

Where is the online documentation for JavaScript?

Current JavaScript docs (for Netscape) are available at:
• http://home.netscape.com/eng/mozilla/3.0/handbook/javascript/index.html

A zipped set of Netscape's HTML documents is available at:

• http://developer.netscape.com/library/documentation/jshtm.zip

New JavaScript features in Netscape Communicator can be found at:

• http:developer.netscape.com/library/documentation/communicator/jsguide/js1_2.htm

Documentation for Microsoft's implementation of its core language (called JScript) is at:
• http://www.microsoft.com/JScript/us/techinfo/jsdocs.htm

Also be sure to download Microsoft's document object model description. You can find a link from:
• http://www.microsoft.com/JScript/

Documentation for JScript in Internet Explorer 4 is part of Microsoft's Internet Client SDK documentation:
• http://www.microsoft.com/msdn/sdk/inetsdk/asetup/

Where is the official bug list for JavaScript?

Netscape has collected and published a list of bugs for Navigator 3.0x and Communicator. While not
necessarily 100% complete, it is quite extensive:
• http://developer.netscape.com/

Can JavaScript do any of the following?

• read or write random text files on the local disk or on the server?
• invoke automatic printing of the current document?
• control browser e−mail, news reader, or bookmark windows and menus?
• access or modify browser preferences settings?
• capture a visitor's e−mail address or IP address?
• quietly send me an e−mail when a visitor loads my page?
• launch client processes (e.g.,Unix sendmail,Win apps,Mac scripts)?
• capture individual keystrokes?
• change a document's background .gif after the page has loaded?
• change the current browser window size, location, or options?
• get rid of that dumb "JavaScript Alert:" line in alert dialogs?

No, however many of these items are possible in Communicator 4.0. Those items perceived to be security
risks (e.g., access browser settings) require "signed JavaScript". MSIE JScript version 2 (see below) can
read/write local files via ActiveX−−but only from server−side scripting.

1
 JavaScript Mini−FAQ
Why won't my script work under MS Internet Explorer 3 for the Mac? JScript is available on the Macintosh
starting with 3.0.1 (which is different from the Windows 3.01). I am still evaluating the Mac implementation,
whose object model and other support for JavaScript does not necessarily jive with the Windows version (e.g.,
the Mac version supports the Image object for mouse rollovers). MSIE 3.0.1 runs on Mac 68K and PPC.

Why won't my Navigator 3.0x script run under MSIE 3 for Windows 95?
Most language features and objects that are new in Navigator 3.0 are not supported in MSIE 3.0, although
several Navigator 3.0 items have been added to JScript version 2 (see below). Here's the quick list of items not
available in MSIE 3.0:

UNSUPPORTED OBJECTS

• Image −− this means no onMouseOver swappable images in MSIE 3

• Area −− no onMouseOvers
• Applet
• FileUpload
• Array −− hard−wired (JS1.0) arrays OK; implemented in JScript v.2.
• MimeType
• Plugin

UNSUPPORTED PROPERTIES / METHODS / EVENT HANDLERS OF SUPPORTED OBJECTS

• Window
onerror closed blur() focus() scroll() onBlur= onFocus=
• Location
reload() replace()
• Document
applets[] domain embeds[] images[] URL
• Link
onMouseOut=
• Form
reset() onReset=
• (All Form Elements)
type
• Navigator
mimeTypes[] plugins[] javaEnabled()
• String
prototype split()

One more item: the <SCRIPT SRC="xxx.js"> facility for loading external JavaScript library files runs on the
copy of MSIE 3.02 for Windows that I use (with JScript.dll versions 1 and 2). However there are also reports
that this is not working for some users. Try specifying a complete URL for the SRC attribute.

How is compatibility with Microsoft Internet Explorer 4?

2
 JavaScript Mini−FAQ
IE4 adheres closely to a standard called ECMAScript, which is essentially the core JavaScript 1.1 language.
This does not cover the document object model (another standard being studied). Navigator 3 document
objects not supported in IE4 are:
FileUpload navigator.mimeTypes[] navigator.plugins[]
The JScript.dll shipping with IE4 is version 3.

Why doesn't the document.cookie work with MSIE?

It does, but not when you access the HTML file from your local hard disk, as you are probably doing during
testing. Be aware, however, that MSIE limits you to one cookie name=value pair per domain, whereas
Netscape allows up to 20 pairs per domain.

What's new in Microsoft JScript version 2?

More than can fit here. Some items are compatible with Navigator 3.0+ (such as the Array object). Others are
unique to MSIE, such as the Dictionary and TextStream objects (acccessible via ActiveX). Additions are to
the core language, not the document object model. New functions let you determine the JScript version
installed in IE, but JScript version 2 must be installed to get this data. If you use version 2 language items,
see:
• http://www.microsoft.com/JScript/
for info about including a link button on your page to encourage visitors to upgrade their IE 3.0x to JScript
version 2.

How do I know if I have JScript version 2 installed on my PC?

Installation of MSIE 3.02 does not guarantee JScript version 2. Search your disk for 'jscript.dll'. Get the file's
properties, and click on the Version tab. The File version should begin with '2'. If not, download the latest
version from Microsoft (installer is 442KB).

How can I e−mail forms?

The most reliable way is to use straight HTML via a Submit style button. Set the ACTION of the <FORM> to
a mailto: URL and the ENCTYPE attribute to "text/plain". For security reasons, the
form.submit() method does not submit a form whose ACTION is a mailto: URL. Microsoft Internet
Explorer 3.0x does not e−mail forms of any kind.

How do I script a visit counter?

At best, a client−side script can show the visitor how many times he or she has been to the site (storing the
count in a local cookie). A count of total hits to the server requires a server−side CGI program. I have an
article on cookies in Netscape's View Source developer newsletter archive (in the "JavaScript Apostle"
section).

Why is my script not working inside a table?

There is a long−standing bug with JavaScript and tables. Do not place <SCRIPT> tags inside <TD> tags.
Instead, start the <SCRIPT> tag before the <TD> tag, and document.write() the <TD> tag through the
</TD> tag. I go one step further, and document.write() the entire table, interlacing script statements
where needed.

3
 JavaScript Mini−FAQ

After window.open(), how do I access objects and scripts in the other window?
First, be sure to assign an 'opener' property to the new window if you are using a version of JS that doesn't
do it automatically (Nav 3.0x and MSIE 3.0x do it automatically). The following script should be a part of
_every_ new window creation:

var newWind = window.open("xxx","xxx","xxx")

// u fill in blanks
if (newWind.opener == null) { // for Nav 2.0x
newWind.opener = self // this creates and sets a new property
}<

To access items in the new window from the original window, the 'newWind' variable must not be damaged
(by unloading), because it contains the only reference to the other window you can use (the name you assign
as the second parameter of open() is not valid for scripted window references; only for TARGET
attributes). To access a form element property in the new window, use:

newWind.document.formName.elementName.property

From the new window, the 'opener' property is a reference to the original window (or frame, if the
window.open() call was made from a frame). To reference a form element in the original window:

opener.document.formName.elementName.property

Finally, if the new window was opened from one frame in the main browser window, and a script in the new
window needs access to another frame in the main browser window, use:

opener.parent.otherFrameName.document.formName. ...

How do I use JavaScript to password−protect my Web site?

There are any number of schemes (I've used some myself). Most of them fail to deflect the knowledgeable
JavaScript programmer, because no matter how you encode the correct password (e.g., bit shifting), both the
encoding algorithms and the result have to be in the script −− whose source code is easily accessible. If you're
only interested in keeping out casual visitors, this method may suffice.

A more secure way is to set the password to be the name or pathname of the HTML file on your site that is the
'true' starting page. Set the location to the value entered into the field (unfortunately, you cannot extract the
value property of a password object in Navigator 2.0x). Entry of a bogus password yields an 'invalid URL'
error.

If the protected pages need additional security (e.g., an infidel has managed to get the complete URL), you
might also consider setting a temporary cookie on the password page; then test for the existence of that cookie
upon entry to every protected page, and throw the infidel back to the password page.

What does the IE4 "Access Denied" error mean when accessing a new window?
The "Access Denied" error in any browser usually means that a script in one window or frame is trying to

4
 JavaScript Mini−FAQ
access another window or frame whose document's domain is different from the document containing the
script. What can seem odd about this is that you get this error in IE4 frequently when a script in one window
generates a new window (with window.open()), and content for that other window is dynamically created
from the same script doing the opening. The focus() method also triggers the error.

In my experience, this occurs only when the scripts are being run from the local hard disk. You get a clue
about the situation in the titlebar of the new window: It forces an about:blank URL to the new window, which
is a protocol:domain that differs from wherever your main window's script comes from. If, however, you put
the same main window document on a server, and access it via http:, the problem goes away.

There is a workaround for the local−only problem: In the first parameter of the window.open() method call,
load a real document (even if it is a content−free HTML document) into the sub−window before using
document.write() to generate content for the subwindow. The loading action 'legitimizes' the window as
coming from the same domain as your main window's document.

(This solution does not affect scripts that load a page from a secure server into a separate window or frame.
An http: protocol in one window and https: in the other−−even if from the same server.domain−−yield a
security mismatch and "Access Denied." Setting the document.domain properties of both pages may solve the
problem (but I am unable to test it for sure).)

...............................................................................................................................................................................15
Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
 Another Marine who distinguished himself during the third strafing
attack was Sergeant Carlo A. Micheletto of Marine Utility Squadron
(VMJ) 252. During the first Japanese attack that morning, Micheletto
proceeded at once to VMJ-252’s parking area and went to work,
helping in the attempts to extinguish the fires that had broken out
amongst the squadron’s parked utility planes. He continued in those
labors until the last strafing attack began. Putting aside his firefighting
equipment and grabbing a rifle, he took cover behind a small pile of
lumber, and heedless of the heavy machine-gunning, continued to fire
at the attacking planes until a burst of enemy fire struck him in the
head and killed him instantly.
Eventually, in an almost predictable way, the Japanese planes
formed up and flew off to the west, leaving the once neatly manicured
Mooring Mast Field smouldering. The Marines had barely had time to
catch their collective breath when, at 1000, almost as a capstone to the
complete chaos wreaked by the initial Japanese attack, seven more
planes arrived.

* * * * *
Their markings, however, were of a more familiar variety—red-
centered blue and white stars. The newcomers proved to be a group of
Dauntlesses from Enterprise. For the better part of an hour, Lieutenant
Wilmer E. Gallaher, executive officer of Scouting Squadron 6, had
circled fitfully over the Pacific swells south of Oahu, waiting for the
situation there to settle down. At about 0945, when he had seen that
the skies seemed relatively clear of Japanese planes, Gallaher decided
rather than face friendly fire over Pearl he would go to Ewa instead.
They had barely stopped on the strip, however, when a Marine ran out
to Gallaher’s plane and yelled, “For God’s sake, get into the air or they’ll
strafe you, too!” Other Enterprise pilots likewise saw ground crews
frantically motioning for them to take off immediately. Instructed to
“take off and stay in the air until [the] air raid was over,” the Enterprise
pilots took off and headed for Pearl Harbor. Although all seven SBDs
left Ewa, only three (Gallaher’s, his wingman, Ensign William P. West’s,
and Ensign Cleo J. Dobson’s) would make it as far as Ford Island. A
tremendous volume of antiaircraft fire over the harbor rose to meet
what was thought to be yet another attack; seeing the reception
accorded Gallaher, West, and Dobson, the other four pilots—Lieutenant
(jg) Hart D. Hilton and Ensigns Carlton T. Fogg, Edwin J. Kroeger, and
Frederick T. Weber—wheeled around and headed back to Ewa, landing
around 1015 to find a far better reception that time around. Within a
matter of minutes, the Marines began rearming and refueling Hilton’s,
Kroeger’s and Weber’s SBDs. The Marines discovered that Fogg’s
Dauntless, though, had taken a hit that had holed a fuel tank, and
would require repairs.
Although it is unlikely that even one of the
Ewa Marines thought so at the time, even as
they serviced the Enterprise SBDs which sat on
the landing mat, the Japanese raid on Oahu
was over. Vice Admiral Nagumo, already
feeling that he had pushed his luck far enough,
was eager to get as far away from the waters
north of Oahu as soon as possible. At least for
Marine Corps Historical
the time being, the Marines at Ewa had
Collection nothing to fear.
Sgt Carlo A. Micheletto Not privy to the musings of Nagumo and
had turned 26 years old
less than two months
his staff, however, Lieutenant Colonel Larkin
before Japanese planes could only wonder what the Marines would do
strafed Ewa. He was should the Japanese return. At 1025, he
recommended for a completed a glum assessment of the situation
letter of commendation, and forwarded it to Admiral Kimmel. While
but was awarded a
Bronze Star.
casualties among the Marines had been light—
two men had been killed and several wounded
—the Japanese had destroyed “all bombing, fighting, and transport
planes” on the ground. Ewa had no radio communications, no power,
and only one small gas generator in commission. He also informed the
Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Fleet, that he would retain the four
Enterprise planes at Ewa until further orders. Larkin also notified
Wheeler Field Control of the SBDs being held at his field.
At 1100, Wheeler called and directed all available planes to
rendezvous with a flight of B-17s over Hickam. Lieutenant (jg) Hilton
and the two ensigns from Bombing Squadron 6, Kroeger and Weber,
took off at 1115 and the Marines never heard from them again. Finding
no Army planes over Hickam (two flights of B-17s and Douglas A-20s
had only just departed) the three Navy pilots landed at Ford Island.
Ensign Fogg’s SBD represented the sole naval strike capability at Ewa
as the day ended.
“They caught us flat-footed,” Larkin unabashedly wrote Major
General Ross E. Rowell of the events of 7 December. Over the next few
months, Ewa would serve as the focal point for Marine aviation
activities on Oahu as the service acquired replacement aircraft and
began rebuilding to carry out the mission of standing ready to deploy
with the fleet wherever it was required.

They’re Kicking the Hell Out of Pearl Harbor

Although the Japanese accorded the battleships and air facilities
priority as targets for destruction on the morning of 7 December 1941,
it was natural that the onslaught touched the Marine Barracks at Pearl
Harbor Navy Yard as well.
Colonel William E. Farthing, Army Air Forces, commanding officer of
Hickam Field, thought that he was witnessing some very realistic
maneuvers shortly before 0800 that morning. From his vantage point,
virtually next door to the Navy Yard, Farthing watched what proved to
be six Japanese dive bombers swooping down toward Ford Island. He
thought that MAG-21’s SB2Us or SBDs were out for an early morning
practice hop. “I wonder what the Marines are doing to the Navy so
early Sunday?”
Over at the Marine Barracks, the officer of the guard, Second
Lieutenant Arnold D. Swartz, after having inspected his sentries, had
retired to the officer-of-the-day’s room to await breakfast. Stepping out
onto the lanai (patio) at about 0755 to talk to the field music about
morning colors, he noticed several planes diving in the direction of the
naval air station. He thought initially that it seemed a bit early for
practice bombing, but then saw a flash and heard the resulting
explosion that immediately dispelled any illusions he might have held
that what he was seeing was merely an exercise. Seeing a plane with
“red balls” on the wings roar by at low level convinced Swartz that
Japanese planes were attacking.
Over in the squadroom of Barracks B,
First Lieutenant Harry F. Noyes, Jr., the
range officer for Battery E, 3-inch
Antiaircraft Group, 3d Defense Battalion,
heard the sound of a loud explosion coming
from the direction of the harbor at about
0750. First assuming that blasting crews
were busy—there had been a lot of
construction recently—Noyes cocked his
ears. The new sounds seemed a bit

M
ajor Harold C.
different, “more higher-pitched, and louder.”
Roberts had At that, he sprang from his bed, ran across
earned a the room, and peered northward just in
Navy Cross as a time to see a dirty column of water rising
corpsman assigned to from the harbor from another explosion and
Marines during World War
a Japanese plane pulling out of its dive. The
I, and a second award in
1928 as a Marine officer plane, bearing red hinomaru (rising sun
in Nicaragua. As acting insignia) under its wings, left no doubt as
commanding officer of to its identity.
the 3d Defense Battalion
at Pearl Harbor on 7 * * * * *
December, he was a
veritable dynamo, The explosions likewise awakened
organizing it to battle the
Lieutenant Colonel William J. Whaling and
attacking Japanese. He
Major James “Jerry” Monaghan who, while
was killed at Okinawa in
June 1945 Colonel Gilder D. Jackson, commanding
while
commanding the 22d officer of the Marine Barracks, was at sea in
Marines, but not beforeIndianapolis (CA-35) en route to Johnston
his performance of dutyIsland for tests of Higgins landing boats,
had merited him the
award of his third Navyshared his quarters at Pearl Harbor. Shortly
Cross. before 0800, Whaling rolled over and
asked: “Jerry, don’t you think the Admiral is
a little bit inconsiderate of guests?”
Monaghan, then also awake, replied: “I’ll go down and see about it.”
Whaling, meanwhile, lingered in bed until more blasts rattled the
quarters’ windows. Thinking that he had not seen any 5-inch guns
emplaced close to the building, and that something was wrong, he got
up and walked over to the window that faced the harbor. Looking out,
he saw smoke, and, turning, remarked: “This thing is so real that I
believe that’s an oil tank burning right in front there.” Both men then
dressed and hurried across the parade ground, where they
encountered Lieutenant Colonel Elmer E. Hall, commanding officer of
the 2d Engineer Battalion. “Elmer,” Whaling said amiably, “this is a
mighty fine show you are putting on. I have never seen anything quite
like it.”
Meanwhile, Swartz ordered the field music
to sound “Call to Arms.” Then, running into the
officer’s section of the mess hall, Swartz
informed the officer-of-the-day, First
Lieutenant Cornelius C. Smith, Jr., who had
been enjoying a cup of coffee with Marine
Gunner Floyd McCorkle when sharp blasts had
rocked the building, that the Japanese were
attacking. Like Swartz, they ran out onto the
lanai. Standing there, speechless, they Department of Defense
Photo (USMC) 65746
watched the first enemy planes diving on Ford
Col William J. Whaling,
Island. seen here circa 1945,
Marines began to stumble, eyes wide in was an observer to the
Pearl Harbor attack,
disbelief, from the barracks. Some were
being awakened from
lurching, on the run, into pants and shirts; a slumber while staying in
few wore only towels. Swartz then ordered one Col Gilder Jackson’s
of the platoon sergeants to roust out the men quarters on the morning
and get them under cover of the trees outside. of 7 December.
Smith, too, then ran outside to the parade
ground. As he looked at the rising smoke and the Japanese planes, he
doubted those who had derided the “Japs” as “cross-eyed, second-rate
pilots who couldn’t hit the broad side of a barn door.” It was enough to
turn his stomach. “They’re kicking the hell out of Pearl Harbor,” he
thought.
 Meanwhile, unable to reach Colonel Harry B. Pickett, the 14th Naval
District Marine Officer, as well as Colonel Jackson, and Captain Samuel
R. Shaw, commanding officer of Company A, by telephone, Swartz sent
runners to the officers’ respective quarters. He then ordered a
noncommissioned officer from the quartermaster department to
dispense arms and ammunition.
While Swartz organized the men beneath the trees outside the
barracks, Lieutenant Noyes dressed and then drove across the parade
ground to Building 277, arriving about 0805. At the same time, like
Swartz, First Lieutenant James S. O’Halloran, the 3d Defense Battalion’s
duty officer and commanding officer of Battery F, 3-inch Antiaircraft
Group, wanted to get in touch with his senior officers. After having had
“assembly” sounded and signalling his men to take cover, O’Halloran
ordered Marine Gunner Frederick M. Steinhauser, the assistant battalion
communications officer, to telephone all of the officers who resided
outside the reservation and inform them of the attack.
In Honolulu, mustachioed Major Harold C. Roberts, acting
commanding officer of the 3d Defense Battalion since Lieutenant
Colonel Robert H. Pepper had accompanied Colonel Jackson to sea in
Indianapolis, after taking Steinhauser’s call with word of the bombing
of Pearl, jumped into his car along with his neighbor, Major Kenneth W.
Benner, commanding officer of the 3-inch Antiaircraft Group and the
Headquarters and Service Battery of the 3d Defense Battalion. As
Roberts’ car crept through the heavy traffic toward Pearl, the two
officers could see Japanese aircraft flying along the coast. When they
reached the Water Street Fish Market, a large crowd of what seemed to
be “Japanese residents ... cheering the Japanese planes, waving to
them, and trying to obstruct traffic to Pearl Harbor by pushing parked
cars into the street” blocked their way.

* * * * *
Meanwhile, as his acting battalion commander was battling his way
through Honolulu’s congested streets, O’Halloran was organizing his
Marines as they poured out of the barracks into groups to break out
small arms and machine guns from the various battalion storerooms.
After Harry Noyes drove up, O’Halloran told him to do what he could to
get the 3-inch guns, and fire control equipment, if available, broken out
and set up, and then instructed other Marines to “get tractors and start
hauling guns to the parade ground.” Another detail of men hurried off
to recover an antiaircraft director that lay crated and ready for
shipment to Midway.

* * * * *
Marines continued to stream out onto the grounds, having been
ordered out of the barracks with their rifles and cartridge belts; they
doubled the sentry posts and received instructions to stand ready and
armed, to deploy in an emergency. Noyes saw some Marines who had
not been assigned any tasks commencing fire on enemy planes “which
were considerably out of range.” At the main gate of the Navy Yard, the
Marines fired at whatever planes came close enough—sailors from the
high-speed minelayer Sicard (DM-21), en route to their ship, later
attested to seeing one Japanese plane shot down by the guards’ rifle
fire.
Tai Sing Loo, who was to have photographed those guards at the
new gate, had left Honolulu in a hurry when he heard the sound of
explosions and gunfire, and saw the rising columns of smoke. He
arrived at the naval reservation without his Graflex and soon marveled
at the cool bravery of the “young, fighting Marines” who stood their
ground, under fire, blazing away at enemy planes with rifles while
keeping traffic moving.
Finally, the more senior officers quartered outside the reservation
began showing up. When Colonel Pickett arrived, Lieutenant Swartz
returned to the officer-of-the-day’s room and found that Captain Shaw
had reached there also. Securing from his position as officer of the
guard, Swartz returned to his 3-inch gun battery being set up near
Building 277. Ordering Marines out of the building, he managed to
obtain a steel helmet and a pistol each for himself and Lieutenant
O’Halloran. Captain Samuel G. Taxis, commanding officer of the 3d
Defense Battalion’s 5-inch Artillery Group, meanwhile, witnessed
“terrific confusion” ensuing from his men’s efforts to obtain
“ammunition, steel helmets, and other items of equipment.”
 Naval Historical Center Photo NH 50926
Smoke darkens the sky over the Marine Barracks complex at the
Pearl Harbor Navy Yard; Marine in foreground appears to be holding
his head in disbelief. Marines at far left in background appear to be
unlimbering a 3-inch antiaircraft gun.

Meanwhile, the comparatively few Marines of Lieutenant Colonel

Bert A. Bone’s 1st Defense Battalion—most of which garrisoned Wake,
Johnston, and Palmyra—made their presence felt. Urged on by
Lieutenant Noyes, one detail of men immediately reported to the
battalion gun shed and storerooms, and issued rifles and ammunition
to all comers, while another detachment worked feverishly assembling
machine guns. Navy Yard workmen—enginemen Lokana Kipihe and
Oliver Bright, fireman Gerard Williams, and rigger Ernest W. Birch—
appeared, looking for some way to help the Marines, who soon put
them to work distributing ammunition to the machine gun crews. Soon,
the Marines at the barracks added the staccato hammering of
automatic weapons fire to the general din around them. Meanwhile,
other Marines from the 1st Defense Battalion broke out firefighting
equipment, as shrapnel from exploding antiaircraft shells began to
strike the roof of the barracks and adjacent buildings.
At about 0820, Majors Roberts and Benner reached the Marine
Barracks just in time to observe the beginning of the Japanese second
wave attacks against Pearl. Roberts found that Lieutenant O’Halloran
had gotten the 3d Battalion ready for battle, with seven .50-caliber and
six .30-caliber machine guns set up and with ammunition belted. Under
Captain Harry O. Smith, Jr., commanding officer of Battery H, Machine
Gun Group, 3d Defense Battalion, the 3d’s Marine gunners had already
claimed one Japanese plane shot down. Lieutenant Noyes was,
meanwhile, in the process of deploying seven 3-inch guns—three on
the west end of the parade ground and four on the east.
Sergeant Major Leland H. Alexander, of the Headquarters and
Service Battery of the 3d Defense Battalion, suggested to Lieutenant
O’Halloran that an armed convoy be organized to secure ammunition
for the guns, as none was available in the Navy Yard proper. Roberts
gave Alexander permission to put together the requisite trucks,
weapons, and men. Lieutenant Colonel Bone had the same idea, and,
accordingly dispatched a truck at 0830 to the nearest ammunition
dump near Fort Kamehameha. Bone ordered another group of men
from the 5-inch battery to the Naval Ammunition Depot at Lualualei
just in case. He hoped that at least one truck would get through the
maelstrom of traffic. Marines from the 2d Engineer Battalion made
ammunition runs as well as provided men and motorcycles for
messengers.
Meanwhile, Roberts directed Major Benner to have the 3d
Battalion’s guns operational before the ammunition trucks returned,
and to set the fuzes for 1,000 yards, since the guns lacked the
necessary height-finding equipment. The makeshift emplacements,
however, presented less than ideal firing positions since the barracks
and nearby yard buildings restricted the field of fire, and many of the
low-flying planes appeared on the horizon only for an instant.
Necessity often being the mother of invention, Roberts devised an
impromptu fire control system, stationing a warning section of eight
men, equipped with field glasses and led by Lieutenant Swartz, in the
center of the parade ground. The spotters were to pass the word to a
group of field musics who, using their instruments, were to sound
appropriate warnings: one blast meant planes approaching from the
north; two blasts, from the east, and so on.
Taking precautions against fires in the temporary wooden barracks,
Roberts ordered hoses run out and extinguishers placed in front of
them, along with shovels, axes, and buckets of sand (the latter to deal
with incendiary bombs); hose reel and chemical carts placed near the
center hydrant near the mess hall; and all possible containers filled
with water for both fighting fires and drinking. In addition, he ordered
cooks and messmen to prepare coffee and fill every other container on
hand with water, and organized riflemen in groups of about 16 to sit on
the ground with an officer or noncommissioned officer in charge to
direct their fire. He also called for runners from all groups in the
battalion and established his command post at the parade ground’s
south corner, and ordered the almost 150 civilians who had showed up
looking for ways to help out to report to the machine gun storeroom
and fill ammunition belts and clean weapons. Among other actions, he
also instructed the battalion sergeant major to be ready to safeguard
important papers from the headquarters barracks.

* * * * *
Prior to Roberts’ arrival, Lieutenant (j.g.) William R. Franklin (Dental
Corps), USN, the dental officer for the 3d Defense Battalion’s
Headquarters and Service Battery, and the only medical officer present,
had organized first aid and stretcher parties in the barracks. As the
other doctors arrived, Roberts directed them to set up dressing stations
at each battalion headquarters and one at sick bay. Elsewhere, Marines
vacated one 100-man temporary barracks, the noncommissioned
officer’s club and the post exchange, to ready them for casualties.
Parties of Marines also reported to the waterfront area to assist in
collecting and transporting casualties from the ships in the harbor to
the Naval Hospital.
By the time the Marines had gotten their new fire precautions in
place, the Japanese second wave attack was in full swing. Although
their pilots selected targets exclusively from among the Pacific Fleet
warships, the Marines at the barracks in the Navy Yard still were able to
take the Japanese planes, most of which seemed to be coming in from
the west and southwest, under fire. While Marines were busily setting
up the 3-inch guns, several civilian yard workmen grabbed up rifles and
“brought their fire to bear upon the enemy,” allowing Swartz’s men to
continue their work.

Naval Historical Center Photo NH 50928

Oily smoke from the burning Arizona (BB-39) boils up in the
background beyond the Navy Yard water towers, one of them, in
center, signal-flag bedecked. Note several Marines attempting to
deploy a 3-inch antiaircraft gun in the foreground.

The Japanese eventually put Major Roberts’ ingenious fire control

methods—the field musics—to the test. After hearing four hearty blasts
from the bandsmen, the .50-calibers began hammering out cones of
tracer that caught two low-flying dive bombers as they pulled out of
their runs over Pearl, prompting Roberts’ fear that the ships would fire
at them, too, and hit the barracks. One Val slanted earthward near
what appeared to be either the west end of the lower tank farm or the
south end of the Naval Hospital reservation, while the other, emitting
great quantities of smoke, crashed west-southwest of the parade
ground.
Although the Marines success against their tormentors must have
seemed sweet indeed, a skeptical Captain Taxis thought it more likely
that the crews of the two Vals bagged by the machine gunners had just
run out of luck. Most of the firing, in his opinion, had been quite
ineffectual, mostly “directed at enemy planes far beyond range of the
weapons and merely fired into the air at no target at all.” Gunners on
board the fleet’s warships were faring little better!
Almost simultaneously with the dive-bombing attacks, horizontal
bombing attacks began. Major Roberts noted that the 18 bombers
“flew in two Vees of nine planes each in column of Vees and [that] they
kept a good formation.” At least some of those planes appeared to
have bombed the battleship Pennsylvania and the destroyers Cassin
and Downes in Dry Dock No. 1. In the confusion, however, Roberts
probably saw two divisions of Kates from Zuikaku preparing for their
attack runs on Hickam Field. A single division of such planes from
Shokaku, meanwhile, attacked the Navy Yard and the Naval Air Station.
Well removed from the barracks, Marines assigned to the Navy
Yards Fire Department rendered invaluable assistance in leading critical
firefighting efforts. Heading the department, Sergeant Harold F. Abbott
supervised the distribution of the various units, and coordinated the
flood of volunteers who stepped forward to help.
One of Abbott’s men, Private First Class Marion M. Milbrandt, with
his 1,000-gallon pumper, summoned to the Naval Hospital grounds,
found that one of Kaga’s Kates—struck by machine gun fire from the
ships moored in the Repair Basin—had crashed near there. The
resulting fire, fed by the crashed plane’s gasoline, threatened the
facility, but Milbrandt and his crew controlled the blaze.
Other Marine firefighters were hard at work alongside Dry Dock No.
1. Pennsylvania had not been the only ship not fully ready for war,
since she lay immobile at one end of the drydock. Downes lay in the
dock, undergoing various items of work, while Cassin had been having
ordnance alterations at the Yard and thus had none of her 5-inch/38s
ready for firing. Both destroyers soon came in for some unwanted
attention.
As bombs turned the two destroyers into cauldrons of flames and
their crews abandoned ship, two sailors from Downes, meanwhile,
sprinted over to the Marine Barracks: Gunner’s Mate First Class Michael
G. Odietus and Gunner’s Mate Second Class Curtis P. Schulze. After the
order to abandon ship had been given, both had, on their own
initiative, gone to the Marine Barracks to assist in the distribution of
arms and ammunition. They soon returned, however, each gunner’s
mate with a Browning Automatic Rifle in hand, to do his part in fighting
back.
 Antiaircraft Gun Fired to a Range of 14,500 Yards

A
5-inch/25-caliber open pedestal mount antiaircraft gun—
manned here by sailors on board the heavy cruiser
Astoria (CA-34) in early 1942—was the standard
battleship and heavy cruiser antiaircraft weapon at Pearl Harbor.
The mount itself weighed more than 20,000 pounds, while the
gun fired a 53.8-pound projectile to a maximum range (at 45
degrees elevation) of 14,500 yards. It was a weapon such as
this that Sergeants Hailey and Wears, and Private First Class
Curran, after the sinking of their ship, Oklahoma (BB-37), helped
man on board Maryland (BB-46) on 7 December 1941.

Utilizing three of the department’s pumpers, meanwhile, the first

firefighters from the yard, who included Corporal John Gimson, Privates
First Class William M. Brashear, William A. Hopper, Peter Kerdikes,
Frank W. Feret, Marvin D. Dallman, and Corporal Milbrandt, among
them, soon arrived and began to play water on the burning ships. At
about 0915, four torpedo warheads on board Downes cooked off and
exploded, the concussion tearing the hoses from the hands of the men
fighting the blaze and sending fragments everywhere, temporarily
forcing all hands to retreat to the nearby road and sprawl there.
Knocked flat several times by the explosions, the Marines and other
firefighters, which included men from Cassin and Downes, and civilian
yard workmen, remained on the job.
Explosions continued to wrack the two destroyers, while
subsequent partial flooding of the dock caused Cassin to pivot on her
forefoot and heel over onto her sister ship. Working under the direction
of Lieutenant William R. Spear, a 57-year-old retired naval officer called
to the colors, the firemen were understandably concerned that the oil
fires burning in proximity to the two destroyers might drift aft in the
partially flooded dry dock and breach the caisson, unleashing a wall of
water that would carry Pennsylvania (three of whose four propeller
shafts had been pulled for overhaul) down upon the burning
destroyers. Preparing for that eventuality, Private First Class Don O.
Femmer, in charge of the 750-gallon pumper, stood ready should the
conflagration spread to the northeast through the dock.
Fortunately, circumstances never required Femmer and his men to
defend the caisson from fire, but the young private had more than his
share of troubles, when his pumper broke down at what could have
been a critical moment. Undaunted, Femmer made temporary repairs
and stood his ground at the caisson throughout the raid.
At the opposite end of the dry dock, meanwhile, Private First Class
Omar E. Hill fared little better with his 500-gallon pumper. As if the
firefighting labors were not arduous enough, a ruptured circulating
water line threatened to shut down his fire engine. Holding a rag on
the broken line while his comrades raced away to obtain spare parts,
Hill kept his pumper in the battle.
 National Archives Photo 80-G-32739
While firefighters train massive jets of water from dockside at left,
Shaw (DD-373) burns in the Floating Drydock YFD-2, after being hit
by three bombs. Tug Sotoyomo (YT-9), with which Shaw has been
sharing the drydock, is barely visible ahead of the crippled destroyer.
Marines led these firefighting efforts on 7 December 1941.

Meanwhile, firefighters on the west side of the dock succeeded in

passing three hoses to men on Pennsylvania’s forecastle, where they
directed blasts of water ahead of the ship and down the starboard side
to prevent the burning oil, which resembled a “seething cauldron,” from
drifting aft. A second 500-gallon engine crew, led by Private First Class
Dallman, battled the fires at the southwest end of the drydock, despite
the suffocating oily black smoke billowing forth from Cassin and
Downes. Eventually, by 1035, the Marines and other volunteers—who
included the indomitable Tai Sing Loo—had succeeded in quelling the
fires on board Cassin; those on board Downes were put out early that
afternoon.
More work, however, lay in store for Corporal Milbrandt and his
crew. Between 0755 and 0900, three Vals had attacked the destroyer
Shaw (DD-373), which shared YFD-2 with the little yard tug Sotoyomo.
All three scored hits. Fires ultimately reached Shaw’s forward
magazines and triggered an explosion that sent tendrils of smoke into
the sky and severed the ship’s bow. Several other volunteer units were
already battling the blaze with hose carts and two 350-gallon pumpers
sent in from Honolulu. Milbrandt, aided as well by the Pan American
Airways fire boat normally stationed at Pearl City, ultimately succeeded
in extinguishing the stricken destroyer’s fires.
In the meantime, after having pounded the military installations on
Oahu for nearly two hours, between 0940 and 1000 the Japanese
planes made their way westward to return to the carrier decks from
whence they had arisen. With the respite offered by the enemy’s
departure (no one knew for sure whether or not they would be back),
the Marines at last found time to take stock of their situation.
Fortunately, the Marine Barracks lay some distance away from what
had interested the Japanese the most: the ships in the harbor proper.
Although some “shell fragments literally rained at times” the material
loss sustained by the barracks was slight. Moreover, it had been
American gunfire from the ships in the harbor, rather than bombs from
Japanese planes overhead, that had inflicted the damage; at one point
that morning a 3-inch antiaircraft shell crashed through the roof of a
storehouse—the only damage sustained by the barracks during the
entire attack.
Considering the carnage at the airfields on Oahu, and especially,
among the units of the Pacific Fleet, only four men of the 3d Defense
Battalion had been wounded: Sergeant Samuel H. Cobb, Jr., of the 3d
Defense Battalion’s 3-inch Antiaircraft Group, suffered head injuries
serious enough to warrant his being transferred to the Naval Hospital
for treatment, while Private First Class Jules B. Maioran and Private
William J. Whitcomb of the Machine Gun Group and Sergeant Leo
Hendricks II, of the Headquarters and Service Battery, suffered less
serious injuries. In addition, two men sent with the trucks to find
ammunition for the 3-inch batteries suffered injuries when they fell off
the vehicles.
In their subsequent reports, the defense battalion and barracks
officers declined to single out individuals, noting no outstanding
individual behavior during the raid—only the steady discharge of duty
expected of Marines. To be sure, great confusion existed, especially at
first, but the command quickly settled down to work and “showed no
more than the normal excitement and no trace of panic or even
uneasiness.” If anything, the Marines tended to place themselves at risk
unnecessarily, as they went about their business coolly and, in many
cases, “in utter disregard of their own safety.” Major Roberts
recommended that the entire 3d Defense Battalion be commended for
“their initiative, coolness under fire, and [the] alacrity with which they
emplaced their guns.”
Commendations, however, were not the order of the day on 7
December. Although the Japanese had left, the Marines expected them
to return and finish the job they had begun (many Japanese pilots,
including Fuchida, wanted to do just that). If another attack was to
come, there was much to do to prepare for it. As the skies cleared of
enemy planes, the Marines at the barracks secured their establishment
and took steps to complete the work already begun on the defenses. At
1030, the 3d Defense Battalion’s corporal of the guard moved to the
barracks and set the battalion’s radio to the Army Information Service
frequency, thus enabling them to pass “flash” messages to all groups.
The Marines also distributed gas masks to all hands.
The morning and afternoon passed quickly, the men losing track of
time. The initial confusion experienced during the opening moments of
the raid had by that point given way to at least some semblance of
order, as officers and noncoms arrived from leave and began to sort
out their commands. At 1105, the 3d Defense Battalion’s Battery G
deployed to makeshift defense positions as an infantry reserve in some
ditches dug for building foundations. All of the messmen, many of
whom had taken an active hand in the defense of the barracks against
the Japanese attack, returned to the three general mess halls and
opened up an around-the-clock service to all comers, including “about
6,000 meals ... to the civilian workmen of the navy yard,” a service
discontinued only “after the food supply at the regular established
eating places could be replenished.”
By 1100, at least some of the 3-inch batteries were emplaced and
ready to answer any future Japanese raids. At the north end of the
parade ground, the 3d Defense Battalion’s
Battery D stood ready for action at 1135
while another battery, consisting of three
guns and an antiaircraft director (the one
originally earmarked for Midway) lay at the
south end. At 1220, Major Roberts
organized his battalion’s strength into six
task groups. Task group no. 1 was to double
the Navy Yard guard force, no. 2 was to
provide antiaircraft defense, and no. 3 was
to provide machine gun defense. No. 4 was
to provide infantry reserve and firefighting National Archives Photo 80-
crews, no. 5 was to coordinate G-19943
transportation, and no. 6 was to provide In the aftermath of the
ammunition and equipment, as well as attack, Pennsylvania (BB-
38) lies astern of the
messing and billeting support.
wrecked destroyers Cassin
By 1300, meanwhile, all of the fires in (DD-372) and Downes (DD-
Dry Dock No. 1 had been extinguished, 375) in Dry Dock No. 1.
Light cruiser Helena (CL-50)
permitting the Marine and civilian lies alongside 1010 Dock in
firefighters to secure their hard-worked right background; pall of
equipment. Although the two battered smoke is from the still-
destroyers, Cassin and Downes, appeared burning Arizona (BB-39).
to be total losses, those who had battled Marine firefighters
distinguished themselves in
the blaze could take great satisfaction in battling blazes in this area.
knowing that they had not only spared
Pennsylvania from serious fire damage but had also played a major role
in saving the drydock. As Tai Sing Loo recounted later in his own brand
of English: “The Marines of the Fire Dep[artmen]t of the Navy Yard are
the Heroes of the Day of Dec. 7, 1941 that save the Cassin and Downes
and USS Pennsylvania in Dry Dock No. 1.”
Later that afternoon, Battery D’s four officers and 68 enlisted men,
with four .30-caliber machine guns sent along with them for good
measure, moved from the barracks over to Hickam Field to provide the
Army installation some measure of antiaircraft protection. Hickam also
benefitted from the provision of the 2d Engineer Battalion’s service and
equipment. After the attack, the battalion’s dump truck and two
bulldozers lumbered over to the stricken air base to assist in clearing
what remained of the bombers that had been parked wingtip to
wingtip, and filling bomb craters.

* * * * *
Around 1530, a Marine patrol approached Tai Sing Loo, a familiar
figure about the Navy Yard, and asked him to do them a favor. They
had had no lunch; some had had no breakfast because of the events of
the day. Going to the garage, Loo rode his bright red “putput” over to
the 3d Defense Battalion mess hall and related to his old friend
Technical Sergeant Joseph A. Newland the tale of the hungry Marines.
Newland and his messmen prepared ham and chicken sandwiches and
Loo made the rounds of all the posts he could reach.

* * * * *
In the afternoon and early evening hours of 7 December, the men
received reports that their drinking water was poisoned, and that
various points on Oahu were being bombed and/or invaded. In the
absence of any real news, such alarming reports—especially when
added to the already nervous state of the defenders—only fueled the
fear and paranoia prevalent among all ranks and rates. In addition,
most of the men were exhausted after their exertions of the morning
and afternoon. Dog-tired, many would remain on duty for 36 hours
without relief. Drawn, unshaven faces and puffy eyes were common.
Tense, expectant and anxious Marines and sailors at Pearl spent a fitful
night on the 7th.

* * * * *
It is little wonder that mistakes would be made that would have
tragic consequences, especially in the stygian darkness of that first
blacked-out Hawaiian night following the raid. Still some hours away
from Oahu, the carrier Enterprise and her air group had been flying
searches and patrols throughout the day, in a so-far fruitless effort to
locate the Japanese carrier force. South of Oahu, one of her pilots
spotted what he thought was a Japanese ship and Enterprise launched
a 31-plane strike at 1642. Nagumo’s fleet, however, was homeward
bound. While Enterprise recovered the torpedo planes and dive
bombers after their fruitless search, she directed the fighters to land at
NAS Pearl Harbor.
Machine guns on board the battleship Pennsylvania opened fire on
the flight as it came for a landing, though, and soon the entire harbor
exploded into a fury of gunfire as cones of tracers converged on the
incoming “Wildcats.” Three of the F4Fs slanted earthward almost
immediately; a fourth crashed a short time later. Two managed to land
at Ford Island. The 3d Defense Battalion’s journalist later recorded that
“six planes with running lights under 400 feet altitude tried Ford Island
landing and were machine gunned.” It was a tragic footnote to what
had been a terrible day indeed.
The Marines at Pearl Harbor had been surprised by the attack that
descended upon them, but they rose to the occasion and fought back
in the “best traditions of the naval service.” While the enemy had
attacked with tenacity and daring, no less so was the response from
the Marines on board the battleships and cruisers, at Ewa Mooring Mast
Field, and at the Marine Barracks. One can only think that Admiral
Isoroku Yamamoto’s worst fears of America’s “terrible resolve” and that
he had awakened a sleeping giant would have been confirmed if he
could have peered into the faces, so deeply etched with grim
determination, of the Marines who had survived the events of that
December day in 1941.
 Photo courtesy of Mrs. Evelyn Lee, via Paul Stillwell, U.S. Naval
Institute
Tai Sing Loo and His Bright Red ‘Putput’

T
ai Sing Loo, Navy Yard photographer, had
scheduled an appointment to take a picture of
the Main Gate guards at the Navy Yard on the
morning of 7 December 1941. While he ended up not
taking pictures of the Marines, he gallantly helped the
Marines of the Navy Yard Fire Department put out fires
in Dry Dock No. 1 and later delivered food to famished
Leathernecks. He is seen here on his famous bright red
“putput” that he drove around the yard that day
delivering sandwiches and fruit juice.
 Pearl Harbor Remembered
Several of the many memoirs in the Marine Corps Oral
History Collection are by Marines who were serving at Pearl
Harbor on 7 December 1941, and personally witnessed the
Japanese attack. Two such memoirs—one by Lieutenant General
Alan Shapley and a second by Brigadier General Samuel R.
Shaw—vividly describe the events of that day as they
remembered it. General Shapley, a major in December 1941,
had been relieved as commander of Arizona’s Marine
detachment on the 6th. He recalled:

I was just finishing my breakfast, and I was just

about ready to go to my room and get in my baseball
uniform to play the Enterprise for the baseball
championship of the United States Fleet, and I heard this
terrible bang and crash. I thought it was a motor sailer
that they dropped on the fantail, and I ran up there to
see what it was all about. When I got up on deck there,
the sailors were aligned on the railing there, looking
towards Pearl Harbor, and I heard two or three of them
say, ‘This is the best damned drill the Army Air Corps has
ever put on.’ Then we saw a destroyer being blown up in
the dry dock across the way.
The first thing I knew was when the fantail, which
was wood, was being splintered when we were being
strafed by machine guns. And then there was a little bit
of confusion, and I can remember this because they
passed the word on ship that all unengaged personnel
get below the third deck. You see, in a battleship the
third deck is the armored deck, and so realizing what was
going on, this attack and being strafed, the unengaged
personnel were ordered below the third deck.
That started some people going down the ladders.
Then right after that, the Pennsylvania, which was the
flagship of the whole fleet, put up these signals, “Go to
general quarters.” So that meant that the people were
going the other way too. Lt [Carleton E.] Simensen did
quite a job of turning some of the sailors around, and we
went up in the director. [On the way up the mainmast
tripod, Lt Simensen was killed.] He caught a burst
through the heart and almost knocked me off the tripod
because I was behind him on the ladder, and I boosted
him up in the searchlight platform and went in to my
director. And of course when I got up there, there were
only seven or eight men there, and I thought we were all
going to get cooked to death because I couldn’t see
anything but fire below after a while. I stayed there and
watched this whole attack, because I had a grandstand
seat for that, and then it got pretty hot. Anyway, the wind
was blowing from the stern to the stem and I sent the
men down and got those men off. Then I apparently got
knocked off or blown off.
I was pretty close to shore.... There was a dredging
pipeline that ran between the ship and Ford Island. And I
guess that I was only about 25 yards from the pipeline
and 10 yards from Ford Island, and managed to get
ashore. I wasn’t so much covered with oil. I didn’t have
any clothes on. [The burning fuel oil] burnt all my clothes
off. I walked up to the airfield which wasn’t very bright of
me, because this was still being attacked at first. I
wanted to get a machine gun in the administration
 building but I couldn’t do that. Then I was given a boat
cloak from one of my men. It was quite a sight to see
400 or 500 men walking around all burnt, just like
charred steak. You could just see their eyes and their
mouths. It was terrible. Later I went over to the island
and went to the Marine barracks and got some clothes.

At the Marine Barracks, Captain Samuel R. Shaw, who

commanded one of the two barracks companies, vividly
remembered that Sunday morning as well:

The boat guards were in place, and the music was

out there, and the old and new officer of the day. And we
had a music, and a hell of a fine sergeant bugler who had
been in Shanghai. He would stand beside the officers of
the day, and there came the airplanes, and he looked up
and he said, “Captain, those are Japanese war planes.”
And one of the two of them said, “My God, they are,
sound the call to arms.” So the bugler started sounding
the call to arms before the first bomb hit.
Of course they had already started taking out the
machine guns. They didn’t wait for the key in the OD’s
office, they just broke the door down and hauled out the
machine guns, put them in position. Everybody that
wasn’t involved in that drill grabbed their rifles and ran
out in the parade ground, and starting firing at the
airplanes. They must have had several hundred men out
there with rifles. And every [Japanese] plane that was
recovered there, or pieces of it, had lots of .30-caliber
holes—somebody was hitting them, machine guns or
rifles.
Then I remembered—here we had all these guys on
the post who had not been relieved, and they had been
posted at 4 o’clock, and come 9 o’clock, 9:30 they not
only had not been relieved but had no chow and no
water. So I got hold of the mess sergeant and told him to
organize, to go around to the posts.
They had a depot. At the beginning it was a supply
depot. I told him to send a party over there and draw a
lot of canteens and make sandwiches, and we’d send
water and sandwiches around to the guys on posts until
we found out some way to relieve all these guys, and get
people back. Then he told me that it was fine except that
he didn’t have nearly enough messmen, they were all out
in the parade ground shooting. I think the second phase
of planes came in at that time and we had a hell of an
uproar.
 Sources
The authors consulted primary materials in the Marine Corps
Historical Center Reference Section (November/December 1941
muster rolls) and Personal Papers Section (Claude A. Larkins, Roger
M. Emmons, and Wayne Jordan collections), as well as in the Naval
Historical Center Operational Archives Branch (action reports and/or
microfilmed deck logs for the 15 ships with embarked Marine
Detachments, and those units included in the Commandant, 14th
Naval District, report), in the office of the Coast Guard Historian, and
in the Gordon W. Prange Papers.
The Pearl Harbor Attack: Hearings Before the Joint Committee
on the Investigation of the Pearl Harbor Attack (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1946) contains useful accounts
(Lieutenant Commander Fuqua, Lieutenant Colonel Whaling, and
Lieutenant Colonel Larkin), as does Paul Stillwell, ed., Air Raid: Pearl
Harbor! Recollections of a Day of Infamy (Annapolis: Naval Institute
Press, 1981).
General works concerning Pearl Harbor that were consulted
include Gordon W. Prange, et al., December 7, 1941: The Day The
Japanese Attacked Pearl Harbor (New York: McGraw Hill, 1987),
Walter Lord, Day of Infamy (Henry Holt & Co., 1957), and Japanese
War History Office, Senshi Sosho [War History Series], Vol. 10,
Hawaii Sakusen (Tokyo: Asagumo Shimbunsa, 1970).
Articles from the Naval Institute Proceedings include: Cornelius
C. Smith Jr., “... A Hell of a Christmas,” (Dec68), Thomas C. Hone,
“The Destruction of the Battle Line at Pearl Harbor,” (Dec77) and
Paul H. Backus, “Why Them And Not Me?” (Sep81). From Marine
Corps Gazette: Clifford B. Drake, “A Day at Pearl Harbor,” (Nov65).
From Shipmate: Samuel R. Shaw, “Marine Barracks, Navy Yard, Pearl
Harbor,” (Dec73). From Naval History: Albert A. Grasselli, “The Ewa
Marines” (Spring 1991). From Leatherneck: Philip N. Pierce, “Twenty
Years Ago ...” (Dec61)
 About the Authors

R obert J. Cressman is currently a civilian historian in

the Naval Historical Center’s Ships’ Histories Branch.
A graduate of the University of Maryland with a bachelor
of arts in history in 1972, he obtained his master of arts
in history under the late Dr. Gordon W. Prange at the
University of Maryland in 1978. Mr. Cressman, a former
reference historian in the Marine Corps Historical Center’s
Reference Section (1979–1981), is author of That Gallant Ship: USS
Yorktown (CV-5), and editor and principal contributor of A Glorious Page
in Our History: The Battle of Midway, 4–6 June 1942. He and the co-
author of this monograph, J. Michael Wenger, also co-authored Steady
Nerves and Stout Hearts: The USS Enterprise (CV-6) Air Group and Pearl
Harbor, 7 December 1941.

J. Michael Wenger, currently an analyst for the Square

D Company in Knightdale, North Carolina,
graduated from Atlantic Christian College in 1972, and
obtained a master of arts from Duke University in 1973.
Mr. Wenger has taught in the Raleigh, North Carolina,
school system and writes as a free-lance military
historian. He is the co-author of The Way It Was: Pearl
Harbor—The Original Photographs. His publication credits include the
Raleigh News and Observer and Naval Aviation News.

About the Cover: In the aftermath of the attack, Pennsylvania (BB-38)

lies astern of the wrecked destroyers Cassin (DD-372) and Downes (DD-
375).
This pamphlet history, one in a series devoted to U.S. Marines in
the World War II era, is published for the education and training of
Marines by the History and Museums Division, Headquarters, U.S.
Marine Corps, Washington, D.C., as a part of the U.S. Department
of Defense observance of the 50th anniversary of victory in that
war.
Editorial costs of preparing this pamphlet have been defrayed in
part by a bequest from the estate of Emilie H. Watts, in memory of
her late husband, Thomas M. Watts, who served as a Marine and
was the recipient of a Purple Heart.
WORLD WAR II COMMEMORATIVE SERIES
DIRECTOR OF MARINE CORPS HISTORY AND MUSEUMS
Brigadier General Edwin H. Simmons, USMC (Ret)

GENERAL EDITOR,
WORLD WAR II COMMEMORATIVE SERIES
Benis M. Frank

EDITING AND DESIGN SECTION, HISTORY AND MUSEUMS

DIVISION
Robert E. Struder, Senior Editor;
W. Stephen Hill, Visual Information Specialist;
Catherine A. Kerns, Composition Services Technician

Marine Corps Historical Center

Building 58, Washington Navy Yard
Washington, D.C. 20374-0580
1992
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