TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page
Dedication
Acknowledgements
Preface

I. - HISTORICAL AND CONCEPTUAL

BACKGROUND
ONE - THE CONSPIRATORS’ POST-WAR DETENTE
A. A HYPOTHETICAL SCENARIO
B. ESTULIN’S STUDY AND STANDARD INTERPRETATIONS
C. UNUSUAL GUESTS AT THE FIRST MEETING, AND THE ALTERNATIVE
EXPLANATION: DETENTE
D. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATION

TWO - HOOVER’S HIDDEN LEGACY AND GIFT

A. AN OVERVIEW OF DEWEY’S DATABASE
B. THE INEVITABILITY AND PREDICTABILITY OF CYCLES: CLOSED VS. OPEN
SYSTEMS
C. Cycles, Trends, and Cycles Upon Cycles
D. CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND A SEGUE IN THE FORM OF
SIGNIFICANT QUESTIONS

THREE – GERMANY, RCA AND J. P. MORGAN

A. DR. HARTMUT MÜLLER AND GLOBAL SCALING THEORY
B. ALL ROADS LEAD TO TESLA AND MORGAN
C. CONCLUSIONS

II. - THE TEMPLES, THE STARS, AND THE

BANKSTERS
FOUR – TEMPLES, TEMPLATES, AND TRUSTS
A. TEMPLES AND TRUSTS
B. TEMPLES AND TEMPLATES: ASTRONOMY, ASTROLOGY, AND THE
ALCHEMY OF MONEY
C. CONCLUSIONS

v
FIVE – MONEY, MONOTHEISM, MONARCHIES AND MILITARIES
A. THE STATE OF EVIDENCE AND THE NEED FOR SPECULATION
B. THE MEDIUM OF EXCHANGE AND BULLION AS AN ORDER ON STATE
WAREHOUSES
C. HOW THE CONSPIRACY WORKED
D. THE PARALLEL TO THE AFTERMATHS OF THE COSMIC WAR, AND WORLD
WAR II: THE ...

SIX – ALCHEMY UPSETS THE APPLECART

A. ECONOPHYSICS
B. ECONOMICS, ASTROLOGY, AND ASTROPHYSICS
C. ELLEN HODGSON BROWN
D. IMPLICATIONS OF ENGINEERABILITY: THE ANCIENT ALCHEMICAL
CONNECTION

III. - THE MONSTERS IN THE MACHINE

SEVEN – SACRED SITES AND SECULAR TEMPLES
A. THE MODERN RISE OF EARTH GRID THEORIES
B. DR. KONSTANTIN MEYL’S PALEOPHYSICAL INTERPRETATION OF ANCIENT
TEMPLES AS ...

EIGHT – TEMPLATES, GENOMES, AND BANKSTERS OR, WHY DO THEY ALL

SEEM TO MARRY ...
A. ANCIENT ROME
B. THE MYTH OF THE ROTHSCHILD DESCENT FROM NIMROD: A SECOND
LOOK
C. HUMAN DNA AND THE HERMETIC CODE
D. THE ANCIENT CONTACT: THE ROTHSCHILD NIMROD MYTH IN A WIDER
CONTEXT

NINE - THE BANKSTERS’ REAL BUSINESS – THE PATTERN OF WAR,

SCARCITY, SUPPRESSION, ...
A. THE HISTORICAL PATTERNS OF SUPPRESSION
B. THE PHYSICS, THE FINANCIAL ALCHEMY, AND THE BANKSTERS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

vi
Babylon’s Banksters:
The Alchemy of Deep Physics, High
Finance and Ancient Religion

© 2010 by Joseph P. Farrell

All rights reserved.

A Feral House book.

Babylon’s Banksters:
eISBN : 978-1-932-59585-7

vii
 “Alas, alas, that great city Babylon, that mighty city!
for in one hour is thy judgment come.
And the merchants of the earth shall weep and
mourn over her; for no man buyeth their
merchandise any more:
The merchandise of gold, and silver, and precious stones,
and of pearls, and fine linen, and purple, and silk, and
scarlet, and all thine wood, and all manner vessels of
ivory, and all manner vessels of most precious wood,
and of brass, and iron, and marble,
And cinnamon, and odours, and ointments, and
frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour, and
wheat, and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots,
and slaves, and souls of men.
And the fruits that thy soul lusted after are departed
from thee, and all things which were dainty and goodly
are departed from thee, and thou shalt find them
no more at all.
The merchants of these things, which were made rich
by her, shall stand afar off for the fear of her torment,
weeping and wailing,
And saying, Alas, alas, that great city, that was clothed
in fine linen, and purple, and scarlet, and decked with
gold, and precious stones, and pearls!
For in one hour so great riches is come to nought. And
every shipmaster, and all the company in ships, and
sailors, and as many as trade by sea, stood afar off.
And cried when they saw the smoke of her burning,
saying, What [city is] like unto this great city!
And they cast dust on their heads, and cried, weeping
and wailing, saying, Alas, alas, that great city, wherein
were made rich all that had ships in the sea by reason
of her costliness! for in one hour is she made desolate.

The Revelation of St. John

18: 10-19

viii
 To
Scott Douglas deHart:
Anything I could say, any gratitude I could express,
is simply inadequate for you;

And to
Tracy S. Fisher:
You are, and will always be, sorely missed;

And to Richard C. Hoagland:

In thanks for so many wonderful insights, stimulating thoughts,
splendid conversations, and scintillating analysis;

And to
George Ann Hughes:
True and generous in your prayers and support;

He who has found such as these, has found treasures.

ix
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
As always, I’d like to thank Mr. Richard C. Hoagland for
contributions to this book. In this case, unbeknownst to Mr. Hoagland, I
had determined to write a book on this subject a couple of years ago, and
in one of those synchronicities that seem to be a common feature of
modern life, while listening to one of his presentations at a conference, a
source for research, utilized and cited herein, was mentioned. Needless
to say, I quickly jotted down the reference, and eventually, when I
purchased the book, found it to be a goldmine of information and
thought-provoking ideas. The book was astrologist Robert Gover’s Time
and Money: The Economy and the Planets, and notwithstanding the short
review of it in the main text, it is in itself a book worth considering in its
totality for those interested in the more esoteric aspects of economic
forecasting and activity.
Mr. Hoagland also played another role in the formation of this book,
and again, it was one that at the time he didn’t realize he was playing.
During a visit to his home in 2008, Mr. Hoagland showed me volumes
of data in his library that had been collected and analysed by the little-
known Foundation for the Study of Cycles. We had some stimulating
conversation over these materials, not the least of which were their
implications for the connection between physics and finance. In due
course I set off researching the availability of some of this material, and
eventually was able to purchase the classic text Cycles: The Science of
Prediction by the Foundation’s founder, economist Edward Dewey.
In researching this book, I quickly discovered that the materials to
document the main themes were so numerous and varied that any attempt
at comprehensiveness was futile. Notwithstanding that, a word of thanks
is due to all those inventors and scientists who have seen their discoveries
and theories shuffled to the sidelines by a “corporautocracy” that is hell-
bent on keeping humanity in the slavery of an energy and financial dark
ages: to all the Teslas, Farnsworths, Kozyrevs, Müllers, Richters,
DiPalmas, Bedinis, and Beardens out there: thank you. I only regret that
I couldn’t mention you all, but rest assured, your work and its
implications were noticed.
And to all the other researchers out there who have contributed to
unmasking the sinister role of private banking in the affairs of state and
of mankind throughout history: thank you. Again, it was not for the

x
dearth but the surfeit of information that specific mention could only be
made of a few of you.
And with that, on to the story…

Joseph P. Farrell
Spearfish, South Dakota, 2009

xi
xii
 PREFACE
PROLOGUE IS EPILOGUE

OR, TWO FLIES IN THE OINTMENT:

COMMUNIST CHINA AND NAZI
GERMANY
“The relationship between two assets can never be captured by a single
scalar quantity”.
— Financial Analyst Paul Wilmott1

A. CONFRONTING THE BEAST

“Modern fiat money and reserve banking is indeed a manifestation of

the transmutative ‘nothingness’ of the Philosophers’ Stone, for from the
creation of credit out of nothing, gold is produced”. By nationalizing that
money and credit-creating institution “and wresting it from private,
secretive hands, and using it to fund the alchemical physics it was
beginning to develop as the ultimate energy source, as the ultimate power
to transport mankind, and as the ultimate power for destruction on a
doomsday scale, the Nazis indicated that they had understood the nature
of the (Philosophers’) Stone. They had seen, and fully understood, the
connection between alchemical physics, and alchemical finance. And
they were willing to put it to supremely evil uses.

“But that connection between alchemical physics and

alchemical finance is, perhaps, a relationship that requires its own
exposition….

“Epilogue is Prologue…”

1 Cited in Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, p. 112.
 Thus, did I write at the conclusion of my book The Philosophers’
Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter.2 The reader
may have inferred from these quoted remarks that there was much more
of the story – both from the standpoint of physics and finance, and from
that of history – to tell, and that it would require yet another study or
book to do so. If the reader made such inferences, he is correct on both
counts: there is much more of the story of the relationship between
physics and finance to tell.
The thesis of this book is both simple to state, and difficult to
understand, and that is that, since ancient times and with more or less
uninterrupted constancy, there has existed an international money power
which seeks by a variety of means – including fraud, deception,
assassination, and war – to usurp the money- and credit-creating power
of the various states it has sought to dominate, and to obfuscate and
occult the profound connection between that money-creating power and
the deep “alchemical physics” that such power implies.
Accordingly, I do not argue that case comprehensively in this book,
since to do so would require an extended series of books, each devoted
to a particular historical period, and each burying the reader in a blizzard
of footnotes to the extent that the main thesis would itself become
obscured. Rather, I assume this model as a given, as an interpretive
paradigm by which to view certain events and data. In so doing, that case
is indeed argued, but in synoptic form rather than comprehensively. In
doing so, I hope to keep before the reader’s attention that deep and
profound connection between physics and finance and to show why it is
that the private and international money power must always seek to
suppress not only certain types of state financial policy, but also certain
types of physics, for both indeed spring from a common conceptual root.
Most of my books, as readers familiar with them already know,
inhabit a strange region where alternative physics interfaces with history
to reveal the latter’s hidden motivations, secrets, and players. This book
is no different, save for the fact that I have obviously added a new
conceptual player: finance and economics. And along the way, we shall
encounter other major conceptual scenery that readers of my books have
encountered before: alchemy, astrology, astronomy, torsion, Egypt,

2Joseph P. Farrell, The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic
Matter (Feral House, 2009), p. 337, emphasis added.

14
Babylon, Nazis, ancient texts and tomes and modern mathematical gurus
speaking the arcane language of statistical and topological lore.
In fact, in one of those odd synchronicities that seem to increase in
modern life, as this book was being researched and written, decades – if
not centuries or even millennia – of corruption and intellectual flaccidity
in the financial, banking, and corporate sectors of the world came to an
ugly head with the collapse of the housing and derivatives bubble, and
the appearance of some of those responsible for the meltdown before the
United States House of Representatives, hands extended, asking for a
bailout of their malfeasance and irresponsibility at the expense of the
American taxpayer, and demanding no oversight to boot, as if they were
being forced to pay some hidden blackmailer, and were afraid that
oversight might disclose this fact.
But why call it “irresponsibility” and not simply “criminality”? In the
answer to that question there lies a tale, and it is a tale I did not originally
intend to go into when I conceived the plan for this series of books many
years ago, much less the plan for this one. Recent financial events,
however, have contrived to place the story I intended to tell after
completing The Nazi International and The Philosophers’ Stone into a
rather different context. As will become apparent to the reader in the
main text, I do believe there is criminality and conspiracy involved in the
story of the complex relationship of physics and finance throughout
history. And paradoxically, the farther back one pursues this relationship,
the closer together physics, finance, and all those other themes
enunciated above as the conceptual scenery, draw together, and the more
apparent the odour of a long-standing conspiracy becomes.
But in and of itself the contemporary financial meltdown is both a
story of conspiracy as well as a case of galloping stupidity and colossal
intellectual, political, and economic irresponsibility proportional to the
aforesaid stupidity. It is nonetheless a story with its own deep
connections to the story of the main text, and it is as good an entry into
the subject as any.
So, as a way of entering into the discussion of the themes that
preoccupy the main text, one may examine two salient modern examples
that arose to challenge the reigning financial and physical assumptions
of that money power.
Those examples are Communist China and Nazi Germany.

15
 B. MELTDOWN, OR MESSAGE

1. David Li’s Formula

This most contemporary chapter of this very long and ancient story
began when a Chinese mathematician, Dr. David X. Li, came up with a
formula that seemed a godsend to Wall Street and City of London
financial manipulators. The formula, known to most economists and
mathematical analysts within major banking houses, is unfamiliar to
most, but like Einstein’s E=Mc² it is destined to become famous in
history for the influence it had on human actions and politics. Here’s
what it looks like:

Pr[TA<1, TB<1] = φ2(φ-1(FA(1)), φ-1(FB(1), γ).3

Li, who “grew up in rural China in the 1960s”4 eventually earned a

master’s degree in economics at Nankai University and then left China
to pursue an MBA from Laval University in Quebec, a master’s degree
in actuarial science and a Ph.D. in statistics from the University of
Waterloo in Ontario, Canada.5 By 1997 Dr. Li had “landed at Canadian
Imperial Bank of Commerce”, later moving to Barclays Capital in 2004.6
But what did the formula actually mean? What did it do?
Felix Salmon summarizes the effect of the formula in a brilliant
article, “A Formula for Disaster”, in the March 2009 issue of Wired
magazine:

[Li] took a notoriously tough nut – determining correlation, or how

seemingly disparate events are related – and cracked it wide open
with a simple and elegant mathematical formula, one that would
become ubiquitous in finance worldwide.
For five years, Li’s formula, known as a Gaussian copula
function, looked like an unambiguously positive breakthrough, a
piece of financial technology that allowed hugely complex risks to
be modelled with more ease and accuracy than ever before. With

3 Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, pp. 78–79.
4 Ibid., p. 78.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid. While Salmon does not mention it, it should be noted that the Canadian Imperial

Bank of Commerce has ties to the Rothschild banking interests, some of whose directors
have later worked for the CIBC.

16
 his brilliant spark of financial legerdemain, Li made it possible for
traders to sell vast quantities of new securities, expanding financial
markets to unimaginable levels.
His method was adopted by everybody from bond investors and
Wall Street banks to ratings agencies and regulators. And it
became so deeply entrenched – and was making people so much
money – that warnings about its limitations were largely ignored.
Then the model fell apart. Cracks started appearing early on,
when financial markets began behaving in ways that users of Li’s
formula hadn’t expected. The cracks became full-fledged canyons
in 2008 —when ruptures in the financial system’s foundation
swallowed up trillions of dollars and put the survival of the global
banking system in serious peril.
… Li’s Gaussian copula formula will go down in history as
instrumental in causing the unfathomable losses that brought the
world financial system to its knees.7

But again, what precisely did the formula do? And how did it do it? How
did it cause the financial meltdown?
The key lies precisely in that important word, “correlation”. Li’s
formula seemed to make sense of the “thousands of moving parts”8 of an
interlocked economic system. Salmon illustrates what Li’s formula did
via a simple analogy:

To understand the mathematics of correlation better, consider

something simple, like a kid in an elementary school. Let’s call
her Alice. The probability that her parents will get divorced this
year is about 5 percent, the risk of her getting head lice is about 5
percent, the chance of her seeing a teacher slip on a banana peel is
about 5 percent, and the likelihood of her winning the class
spelling bee is about 5 percent. If investors were trading securities
based on the chances of those things happening only to Alice, they
would all trade at more or less the same price.
But something important happens when we start looking at two
kids rather than one – not just Alice but also the girl she sits next
to, Britney. If Britney’s parents get divorced, what are the chances

7 Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009.

8 Ibid., p. 77.

17
 that Alice’s parents will get divorced, too? Still about 5 percent:
The correlation there is close to zero. But if Britney gets head lice,
the chance that Alice will get head lice is much higher, about 50
percent – which means the correlation is probably up in the 0.5
range. If Britney sees a teacher slip on a banana peel, what is the
chance Alice will see it, too? Very high indeed, since they sit next
to each other: It could be as much as 95 percent, which means the
correlation is close to 1. And if Britney wins the class spelling bee,
the chance of Alice winning it is zero, which means the correlation
is negative: -1.
If investors were trading securities based on the chances of
these things happening to both Alice and Britney, the prices would
be all over the place, because the correlations vary so much.9

Now factor in thousands, even millions, of individuals, and thousands of

interlocking correlated conditions – energy prices, building and housing
costs, money and credit supply and so on – and one gets the idea of the
complexity of the system of correlations, and the beguiling simplicity of
Dr. Li’s formula.
The reason its simplicity was so beguiling is in itself rather simple.
As Salmon puts it in his article:

…[It’s] a very inexact science. Just measuring those initial 5

percent probabilities involves collecting lots of disparate data
points and subjecting them to all manner of statistical and error
analysis. Trying to assess the conditional probabilities – the
chance that Alice will get head lice if Britney gets head lice – is an
order of magnitude harder, since those data points are much rarer.
As a result of the scarcity of historical data, the errors there are
likely to be much greater.10

Bear that point about the need for historical data in mind, for it not only
plays a significant role immediately below in the methodological
assumptions of Dr. Li and his formula, but will play an even more
important role in chapter two.

9Ibid., pp. 77–78.

10Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, 74–79, 112, p. 78,
emphasis added.

18
 It is regarding this point of historical data, or rather, the assumed lack
thereof, that Dr. Li’s formula provided a way out of the impasse, or so it
seemed at the time:

Using some relatively simple math – by Wall Street standards,

anyway – Li came up with an ingenious way to model default
correlation without even looking at the historical default data.
Instead, he used market data about the prices of instruments
known as credit default swaps.11

In other words, within Li’s elegant statistical copula formula lies a hidden
methodological assumption, namely, that historical data on credit default
rates could be safely jettisoned in favour of an immediate concentration
on the “current” market prices of “credit default swaps”. As we shall see
in chapter two, there was a great deal of historical data available, and that
data in turn pointed to a “deep physics” of financial cycles that few
economists – or even physicists for that matter – could scarcely guess at
and even fewer knew existed at all.
But we are getting ahead of ourselves. What exactly are “credit
default swaps”? This is where the story of Li’s formula gets very
interesting, and Salmon explains what they are with clear concision:

If you’re an investor, you have a choice these days: You can either
lend directly to borrowers or sell investors credit default swaps,
insurance against those same borrowers defaulting. Either way,
you get a regular income stream – interest payments or insurance
payments – and either way, if the borrower defaults, you lose a lot
of money. The returns on both strategies are nearly identical, but
because an unlimited number of credit default swaps can be sold
against each borrower, the supply of swaps isn’t constrained the
way the supply of bonds is, so the CDS market managed to grow
extremely rapidly. Though credit default swaps were relatively
new when Li’s paper came out, they soon became a bigger and
more liquid market than the bonds on which they were based.12

11Ibid., emphasis added.

12 Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, 74–79, 112, p. 78,
emphasis added.

19
Enter Dr. Li, for his formula was nothing more than “a model that used
price rather than real-world default data as a shortcut (making an implicit
assumption that financial markets in general, and CDS markets in
particular, can price default risk correctly)”.13 Salmon explains Li’s
technique by mincing no words:

It was a brilliant simplification of an intractable problem. And Li

didn’t just radically dumb down the difficulty of working out
correlations; he decided not to even bother trying to map and
calculate all the nearly infinite relationships between the various
loans that made up a pool. What happens when the number of pool
members increases or when you mix negative correlations with
positive ones? Never mind all that, he said. The only thing that
matters is the final correlation number – one clean, simple, all-
sufficient figure that sums up everything.14

Li had reduced the problem to a simple dimensionless number – a scalar

in mathematicians’ terms – that in its simplicity cast a beguiling spell
over the world’s financial and securities market.
Indeed, the formula’s effect was almost immediate and “electric”
because Wall Street’s financial gurus, “armed with Li’s formula”
deduced from it a

…new world of possibilities. And the first thing they did was start
creating brand-new triple-A securities. Using Li’s copula
approach meant that ratings agencies like Moody’s – or anybody
wanting to model the risk of a [bundle of securities] – no longer
needed to puzzle over the underlying securities. All they needed
was the correlation number, and out would come a rating telling
them how safe or risky the [bundle] was.
As a result, just about anything could be bundled and turned
into a triple-A bond – corporate bonds, bank loans, mortgage-
backed securities, whatever you liked. The consequent pools were
often known as collateralized debt obligations, or CDOs. You
could [bundle] that pool and create a triple-A security even if none
of the components were themselves triple-A. You could even take

13 Ibid.
14 Ibid., pp. 78–79.

20
 lower-rated [bundles] of other CDOs, put them in a pool, and
[bundle] them – an instrument known as a CDO-squared, which at
that point was so far removed from any actual underlying bond or
loan or mortgage that no one really had a clue what it included.
But it didn’t matter. All you needed was Li’s copula function.15

In other words, the effect of Dr. Li’s formula was to abandon the focus
on the relative strength and risk of each component, since they were now
interlocked via the copula itself, and this in turn led to an explosion of
more and more “bundles” of securities and credit swaps, and even to
bundles of bundles.
As a result of this increasing interlock and correlation,

the CDS and CDO markets grew together, feeding on each other.
At the end of 2001, there was $920 billion in credit default swaps
outstanding. By the end of 2007, that number had skyrocketed to
more than $62 trillion. The CDO market, which stood at $275
billion in 2000, grew to $4.7 trillion by 2006. At the heart of it all
was Li’s formula.16

To put it succinctly, Li’s formula was a way of adding yet another

multilayered ability to create credit and interest – an alchemical operation
– out of literally nothing.
There was also another hidden danger in Li’s formula, and that was
that even for those financial institutions that did take into consideration
historical data, there was not much historical data to go on for the simple
reason that “credit default swaps had been in existence less than a
decade”, a decade during which “house prices soared”.17 Indeed, Li’s
formula had the effect, as already has been seen, of inflating such
“bundling” exponentially and contributing to the creation of bundles of
bundles with literally millions of potential correlated factors, none of
which, it bears repeating, were based on historical data of anything more
than a few years’ duration. And this reveals another flaw in the formula
and its application to securities correlations and their ratings, for implicit

15 Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, 74–79, 112, p. 79,
italicized emphasis added, bold emphasis in the original.
16 Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, 74–79, 112, p. 79,

italicized emphasis added, bold emphasis in the original.

17 Ibid., p. 112.

21
in the technique was a hidden assumption that “correlation was more of
a constant than a variable”,18 that is, while the individual components of
such bundles were variable, their correlation was not.
Consequently, by abandoning historical data, and by relying upon this
hidden assumption of correlation constancy, the model could not cope
with any sudden downturn in prices, such as occurred in the housing
market and mortgage sectors. In short, the whole technique had
abandoned the well- and commonly-known fact that economic activity,
for whatever reason, seems to occur in repeated cycles of growth and
decline, or if one prefer, of “boom” and “bust”. And in this knowledge
of cycles, as will be seen, there also lies quite a tale, and a carefully
hidden one at that.
Suspiciously, Dr. Li, after publishing his formula, returned to China
in 2008 and has been curiously silent during the debate over the causes
and culprits behind the crash. But in the ultimate twist to the story, he
has returned to Beijing where he is in charge of “the risk-management
department of China International Capital Corporation”!19 This raises
disturbing possibilities, not the least of which was that the whole episode
might conceivably have been a form of economic warfare, but by whom,
and against whom?
Whatever the answer to that question may be – and it is not as
apparent as it might seem – it is clear that Dr. Li’s formula would provide
the necessary mathematical technique and “technology” to anyone
inclined to wage such economic warfare, particularly if such persons or
groups were in the possession of historical or other data that indicated an
inevitable economic downturn were coming, and who, seeking to worsen
it for their own purposes, used Li’s formula to create the correlatives or
derivatives bubble of bundles and credit swaps, a bubble that would pop
when the inevitable fall in prices occurred. As will be seen in chapter
two, there is precisely such data available, and it did indicate an
inevitable cyclic economic downturn would begin ca. 2000-2006.

2. The Li Clan, the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce,

and the Triads
But that is not all there is to the David Li story. This part of the story,
however, appears to have been carefully hidden from the public, for

18
Ibid.
19
Felix Salmon, “A Formula for Disaster”, Wired, March 2009, 74–79, 112, p. 112.

22
reasons that will become apparent in a moment. As noted above, among
Dr. Li’s many career moves and positions, he began to work for Canadian
Imperial Bank of Commerce in 1997, moving from there to Barclay’s in
2004. Thus, when his paper with the notorious formula – “On Default
Correlation: A Copula Approach” – was published in 2000, Li still
worked for Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce.
This reveals some interesting possible connections.
As most people know, Chinese names actually begin with the
surname, followed by the individual’s proper name. Thus, my name,
following the Chinese custom, would be Farrell Joseph rather than
Joseph Farrell. More importantly, the name Li is a fairly common
surname in China, like the name Smith or Brown would be in the U.S.A.,
Britain, or Canada. People with a common surname do not therefore
imply any blood relation, and people with the same surname are often
strangers to each other.
The same holds true for China, but with one significant exception. In
Chinese culture, people with the same surname – regardless of whether
there are blood ties or not – are regarded by the Chinese as coming from
the same family, or clan. Thus, two Chinese strangers with the same
surname will more often than not regard each other differently than two
strangers with different surnames. They will, to a certain extent, regard
each other as part of a very large family, extending to each other the
customs and courtesies common between family members.
And this places Dr. David X. Li into a very different potential
interpretive context, for at the same time as he was employed by the
Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce and authoring his now notorious
paper, a fellow clansman, one Li Kai-Shing, owned a significant bloc of
that bank’s stock.
But who is Li Kai-Shing? He is one of Hong Kong’s most famous
billionaires, who, along with his sons Victor and Richard, assumed
significant governmental posts to aid in the transition of Hong Kong from
a British Crown Colony back to Chinese jurisdiction. Li Kai-Shing’s
financial empire stretches through Asia’s media and financial markets,
and even more significantly, another Li, Li Chiang, was at one time head
of Red China’s China International Trust and Investment Corporation, in
charge basically of China’s foreign trade with the West, and particularly

23
with the United States and Canada.20 After Dr. David Li left the Canadian
Imperial Bank of Commerce in 2004, Li Kai-Shing sold his stake in the
bank the very next year.21
Not even this, however, begins to plumb the depths of the importance
of the Li clan in China, for the clan has had several emperors, including
Emperor Li Zhuanxu, who reigned before 2000 BC. Additionally, a Li
founded the Tang Dynasty (AD 618–906). Most significantly, the Li clan
appears to have been involved with financial wheeling and dealing from
an early time, being the same clan that introduced paper money to China
during the same Tang dynasty.22
We now have the following intriguing latticework of
relationships:

1. An old and influential Chinese clan, very much involved in

government and finance, from early Chinese history;
2. The same clan involved in the same activities millennia later;
and
3. One member of the clan develops the formula that led to the
current meltdown. And far from being dismissed as a
competent risk assessor by the Chinese, he returns to China to
a post doing precisely what his formula was designed to do:
assess risk!

All this, of course, places David X. Li’s return to Red China and
assumption of a position in a Chinese corporation concerned with
overseas trade, and once again in a position where he is “assessing risk”,
into a very interesting context, making it unlikely that his and namesake
Li Kai-Shing’s departure from the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce
were coincidental.
But not even this tells the whole tale of the Li clan!
The Li clan “is one of the principal families which has controlled” the
notorious Chinese criminal secret society, the Triads.23 According to

20 Q.v. Fritz Springmeier, Bloodlines of the Illuminati (Ambassador House, 2002), pp.
163–185.
21 www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/Canadian_Imperial_Bank_of_Commerce. This

website also clearly implicates the CIBC in the Enron scandal.

22 Springmeier, op. cit., pp. 164–165.
23 Ibid., p. 176.

24
researcher Fritz Springmeier, the following Lis have been leaders of
various sections of the Triads:

Li Chi-t’ang -overseas leader

Li Hsien-chih
Li Hsiu-ch’eng -Hunan
Li Hung -Honan
Li K’ai-ch’en -Triad, Shanghai
Li Lap Ting -Kwangsi province
Li Ping-ch’ing -Triad, Shanghai
Li Shih-chin
Li Wen-mao -north of Peking, Fatshan
Li Yuan-fa -Hunan
Li Choi-fat -Hong Kong
Li Jahfar-Mah -Britain24

And just what are the Triads? They are a Chinese criminal secret
society, deeply connected with the opium trade, the practice of Chinese
occult activities, and they are, in Springmeier’s apt description,
“something of a cross between the Masons and the Mafia – something in
the line of P2 Freemasonry – except much bigger”.25 Indeed, some

24 Springmeier, op. cit., p. 176.

25 Ibid. P2 Masonry refers to the notorious Lodge Propaganda Due, led by Mason Licio
Gelli, that was finally exposed by the Italian government in the 1980s. By the time the
Italian authorities had shut the lodge down, it numbered over two thousand members,
with deep penetration into banking, the Italian government, various Italian political
parties, and the Vatican. Many who regard the death of Pope John Paul I as suspicious
think that the Pope was murdered precisely because he discovered the extent of Masonic
P2 penetration of the Vatican and was determined to root it out and end it. (Q.v. David
Yallop’s In God’s Name). Many also suspect that the strange death of banker Roberto
Calvi, hung by the neck from London’s Blackfriars’ Bridge, and in self-evidently
Masonic fashion, was also tied to the P2 scandal. Also prominent in the Lodge were

25
estimates put the membership of the Triads and similar Oriental secret
societies as close to two million, if not more. Thus, the possibility that
the entire current meltdown was a covert act of economic warfare looms
rather large, especially given the fact that the Canadian Imperial Bank of
Commerce is also known to have some strong ties to the Rothschild
banking interest.
In short, we have clear indications of the possibility that China has
signalled that it is not simply going to be a subservient player in whatever
“New World Order” schemes the Anglo-American elite wishes to
implement and impose on the rest of the world.
In this respect, it is important to observe the pattern that the Li clan
typifies:

1. The clan is ancient, with strong ties going back millennia, both to
government and finance;
2. The clan is moreover connected with a secret society, whose
activities in turn are connected with:
a. Occult religious activity;
b. Criminal business organization and activity;
c. Assassinations, blackmail, and infiltration of government and
finance;
3. The clan is clearly connected to a mathematical model of economic
and credit activity, implying a hidden interest in developing such
formally explicit models; and finally,
4. That model is the culprit responsible for the current economic
meltdown, which has affected primarily the institutions of the
Anglo-American financial elite.

As will be seen, such activities and patterns or relationships are not

unique to the present or previous century. They are, in fact (as the Li clan
itself evidences) millennia old and firmly rooted within the history of
human civilizations and their banking class. However, the consistency of
this behaviour and this constellation of relationships is rooted in
“something more” – and certainly nothing less – than “human nature”,
or “greed”, or even “the predictable actions of a particular socio-
economic class”.

various Italian and other Fascists. Not surprisingly, Licio Gelli, its founder, fled to
Argentina after the lodge was exposed.

26
 That something else lies in a little-noticed connection between
physics and finance that is as old as man’s fascination with the stars, and
with what good or ill fortunes they might portend. And that is also to say
that there has been, since ancient times, a profound connection between
physics and economics, and a struggle between those who view both as
closed systems, and those who view both as open systems. We shall call
those who adhere to the closed system of physics and finance by the term
“banksters”, to indicate the chimerical and criminal hybrids of gangster
and banker. These people are indeed driven by an almost boundless lust
for power, by a criminal greed and wanton disregard of the humanity
they wish to enslave. But they are also driven by a knowledge of certain
hidden things, among them the profound relationship between physics
and finance.

3. China’s Money
There is a little-known aspect to China’s booming economy that
Western financiers, economists, and media mandarins are loath to
discuss, and that is that China’s money is created by China, and not
borrowed from private bankers. In effect, this means China’s money is
debt-free. In short, Communist China has followed the precedent
established by the American federal constitution, where the money-
creating and issuing power lies with the Congress, that is, with the state.
As Ellen Hodgson Brown observed in her magisterial book on the whole
problem of central private banking monopolies on money issuance, Web
of Debt, the key difference in China’s system and that prevailing in most
other nations

Is its banking system. China has a government-issued currency

and a system of national banks that are actually owned by the
nation. According to Wikipedia, the People’s Bank of China is
“unusual in acting as a national bank, focusing on the country not
on the currency”. The notion of “national banking”, as opposed to
private “central banking”, goes back to Lincoln, Carey, and the
American nationalists. Henry C.K. Liu distinguishes the two
systems like this: a national bank serves the interests of the nation

27
 and its people. A central bank serves the interests of private
international finance.26

Even though China’s currency, the yuan, is pegged to the dollar in terms
of its exchange rate value, China’s banking system is testament to the
fact that its government has seen what American politicians and a great
deal of its people formerly understood, namely that when a private bank
creates money, it only creates the principal, not the interest. When a
state, on the other hand, creates money, it has the ability to expand the
money supply according to the credit needs of the nation.
In short, when a nation’s money represents a principal on which
interest is owed, someone always comes out the loser, since there is never
enough money in circulation to repay the debt interest, and thus, a
national debt can never be repaid, it can only grow. Contrariwise, when
a nation’s money represents a receipt for goods and services rendered
and is issued interest-free by the state itself, that state can experience
almost total employment, and there is no built-in principal of debt and
scarcity.
It is these two systems, where money is created by a private monopoly
in limited supply, which represents an interest-bearing debt note, or
where money is created by the state as a receipt for goods and services
and is debt-free, that are the two systems which have contended against
each other throughout history. In the former system, the system of money
in circulation is closed, and there is never as much money in circulation
as there is debt, and hence, scarcity becomes the order of the day, as
limited supplies of money compete for limited goods, resources, and
energy. In the latter system, the system of money is open and can expand,
as the economy whose goods and services it represents as receipts
expands with it. In terms of the analogy to physics, the former system
can never function at over-unity, whereas in the latter system, it must
function as such.

26
Ellen Hodgson Brown, Web of Debt: The Shocking Truth about Our Money System
and How We Can Break Free (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: 2008), pp. 254–255.

28
 C. NAZI GERMANY: PHYSICS AND FINANCE FULLY
RATIONALIZED

This relationship between finance and physics was, in modern times,

first clearly perceived by that nation which not only established state-
created debt-free money, but which also sponsored a variety of secret
research projects into “free-energy” physics and technologies: Nazi
Germany.
When World War I ended and the Allies imposed war reparations on
defeated Germany, the total reparations to be paid exceeded the value of
all the property in Germany by three times!27 Anyone who has studied
the history knows the story: Germany hyper-inflated its currency, paying
off the Allies with increasingly worthless Reichsmarks and destroying
Germany’s economy in the process. But, it is to be noted, these
Reichsmarks were still the issuances of a privately controlled bank, and
thus, Germany’s debt situation only compounded dramatically.
Hitler’s Reichsbank President, Dr. Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht,
let the big secret out in his 1967 book The Magic of Money:

The mark’s dramatic devaluation began soon after the Reichsbank

was “privatized”, or delivered to private investors. What drove the
wartime inflation into hyperinflation, said Schacht, was
speculation by foreign investors, who would sell the mark short,
betting on its decreasing value…. Speculation in the German mark
was made possible because the Reichsbank made massive
amounts of currency available for borrowing, marks that were
created on demand and lent at a profitable interest to the bank.
When the Reichsbank could not keep up with the voracious
demand for marks, other private investment banks were allowed
to create them out of nothing and lend them at interest as well.28

Thus, the German government was not responsible for the post-war
hyperinflation. It was Germany’s privately-owned central bank and its
monopoly on the country’s money creation – money created as a
circulating note of debt – that created the problem! Germany’s economy
was crashed and devastated by the bankers.

27 Hodgson, Web of Debt, p. 229.

28 Hodgson, Web of Debt, p. 233.

29
 Until Hitler.
While most people are aware that various private financial powers in
the West were instrumental in placing Hitler and the National Socialist
Party into power in Germany,29 what most do not realize is how quickly
Hitler turned on his backers and refused to play ball by the same old
Rockefeller-Rothschild rules:

…[A]utocratic authority did give Adolf Hitler something the

American Greenbackers could only dream about – total control of
the economy. He was able to test their theories, and he proved that
they worked. Like for Lincoln, Hitler’s choices were to either
submit to total debt slavery or create his own fiat money; and like
Lincoln, he chose the fiat solution. He implemented a plan of
public works along the lines proposed by Jacob Coxey and the
Greenbackers in the 1890s. Projects earmarked for funding
included flood control, repair of public buildings and private
residences, and construction of new buildings, roads, bridges,
canals, and port facilities. The projected cost of the various
programs was fixed at one billion units of the national currency.
One billion non-inflationary bills of exchange called Labour
Treasury Certificates were then issued against this cost. Millions
of people were put to work on these projects, and the workers were
paid with the Treasury Certificates. The workers then spent the
certificates on goods and services, creating more jobs for more
people. The certificates were also referred to as MEFO bills, or
sometimes as “Feder money”. … [T]hey avoided the need to
borrow from international lenders or to pay off international debt.

The result of these Nazi machinations against the international money

power was predictable: foreign credit was refused, and hence, Germany
faced an almost complete inability to conduct foreign trade and
commerce. But again, the Nazi regime did an end run around the
banksters, restoring foreign trade by cutting out the banking middleman
and resorting to a system of barter with other nations.30

And where did Hitler get these “radical” financial ideas?

29 See, for example, the seminal work and research of Anthony Sutton, Wall Street and
the Rise of Hitler.
30 Hodgson, Web of Debt, p. 230.

30
 When he first attended a meeting of the early National Socialist Party,
he learned of the views of a German economist named Gottfried Feder.

The basis of Feder’s ideas was that the state should create and
control its money supply through a nationalized central bank
rather than have it created by privately owned banks, to whom
interest would have to be paid. From this view derived the
conclusion that finance had enslaved the population by usurping
the nation’s control of money.31

Feder and other German theorists had for their part based their theories
on a study of the American constitution, and more importantly, that
President Abraham Lincoln had financed the Northern effort in the
American Civil War by creating debt-free “greenbacks”, bypassing New
York banks and interest debt completely.32
But Nazi Germany did something else, something quite significant.
Realizing that Germany was at the mercy of the very banksters that
controlled the world’s oil supplies and hence the energy needed to
maintain Germany’s national sovereignty, The Third Reich established
entire departments of the SS called the Forschung, Entwicklung, und
Patente, and the SS Entwicklungstelle 4, or “Research, Development, and
Patents”, and “SS Development Area Four”, respectively. The top secret
mission brief of these departments were to scour and pull patents having
national security implications, and to investigate and develop the
technologies of “free energy”, i.e., the technologies that would allow
Germany to engineer the physical medium and its energy directly, and to
tap into it for its energy needs, and as a weapon.33 Add to this the fact
that, within the intellectual cauldron that was the SS, ideas from
advanced though little-known physics conceptions circulated and
percolated along with the idea that there was a physics hidden in ancient
tomes and epics,34 and one now obtains a very revealing set of
relationships:

31 S. Zarlenga, The Lost Science of Money (Valatie, New York: 2002), p. 590, cited in
Hodgson, Web of Debt, p. 231.
32 Ibid.
33 This story I have detailed in my previous books Reich of the Black Sun, The SS

Brotherhood of the Bell, Secrets of the Unified Field (Adventures Unlimited Press), and
The Philosophers’ Stone (Feral House).
34 For this point, see my Reich of the Black Sun, pp. 161–180, and The Philosophers’

Stone, part four.

31
 1. A nation that has restored its sovereign right to issue its own debt-
free currency, breaking from the orbit of the international money
power;
2. A nation that has also clearly seen that in order to break completely
from the dominance of that power, it must have access to a
completely different source of energy that is nearly inexhaustible
and not monopolized by that private money power;
3. Thus, that nation must seek to develop and control the technologies
of the manipulation of that energy for itself; and finally,
4. That nation has perceived an ancient link or connection between the
physics it seeks to develop, and the financial policy it seeks to
develop.

One may discern from this list quite obviously that Nazi Germany
was not only able to achieve nearly full employment mere years after the
regime took power, but that it was very deliberately gearing up for an
inevitable war. But this list discloses a possible hidden reason for those
war preparations beyond those of the Nazi lust of “living space” and
world conquest; Germany’s decision to issue state-created money
“would mean that the international financiers would be unable to
exercise … control through the international gold standard … and this
may have led to controlling Germany through warfare instead”.35 This
hidden reason for the war – that the Allies essentially acted as “agents”
for the international money power against a great power that had
essentially severed all connections to it – may also provide a similar
rationalization for the Allied demands for German unconditional
surrender, essentially ensuring that the war would continue until
Germany was basically destroyed and physically occupied.
The relationship between banking and the quest to acquire, or
suppress, exotic physics technology may be glimpsed by yet another
detour, this time to a persistent struggle.

D. ENERGY AND MONEY-CREATING AUTARCHY

If one takes these two very disparate instances as a clue, and

especially that of Nazi Germany, then this suggests that there has been a

35S. Zarlenga, The Lost Science of Money (Valatie, New York: 2002), p. 590, cited in
Hodgson, Web of Debt, p. 231.

32
persistent struggle throughout history between those who wish to
democratize the production of energy, based on “alternative energy
technologies”, and who, similarly, wish to restore to the state its money-
creating power and wrest it from private hands, and those who wish to
monopolize that hidden technology and physics, and similarly, to hold a
private monopoly over the money-creation of various states.
Consider what these very unique and different examples disclose:

1. In the case of Communist China, we have an instance of a modern

and technologically sophisticated world power issuing state-created
debt-free money, a fact that has led to its economic boom and its
“independence” from the international money power;
2. In the case of Nazi Germany, we have not only a nation that saw the
advantage of such state-issued debt-free currency, but also of a state
that clearly saw the connection between that sovereign money
power
3. and the analogous physics of receiving its energy directly from the
physical medium, an energy source not based on non-renewable
energy “resources”. Furthermore, it is clearly implied by the Nazi
SS’ interest
4. in ancient and esoteric texts that there may be an ancient connection
between this type of finance and this type of physics;

As will be seen, the struggle between these two camps has erupted
throughout history in violence, as the latter group that advocates open
systems seeks to overturn the dominant order of the moneychangers —
the banksters – based on closed systems, or, conversely, as the banksters
seek to extend their power via closed systems of physics and economics
must respond to the inevitable threat posed by civilizations or countries
adopting the open ones. Most recently that struggle erupted in the
enormous conflict we call World War II, as Nazi Germany, for whatever
its genocidal and murderous crimes against humanity, at least perceived
part of the struggle correctly: it was a war to free Germany from a
heinous international money power – misrepresented of course in Nazi
ideology by the Jews – based in Great Britain and the British Empire,
and in the United States of America.
Thus, Nazi Germany’s pursuit of “free energy” and “energy
independence” or “autarchy”, as well as her pursuit of a radical

33
alternative hyper-dimensional physics, was a part of that struggle.36 By
the same token, not for nothing did Nazi Germany essentially restore the
idea of public, debt-free, state-created money and credit, while
simultaneously pursuing these super-secret advanced physics projects.
The two were conceptually united, and, as we shall also discover within
these pages, had been so for a long time. The Nazis were simply the ones
who in modern times first drew the connection between physics and
finance, and determined to do something about it. As far as Nazi
Germany was concerned, then, there was a grisly and gruesome logic to
the Holocaust, for having identified “World Jewry” as the centre of this
International Money Power, the use of enslaved Jews in the
concentration camps to create this new physics and its associated
technologies, and a new economy on which they hoped eventually to
place the Reich, was in their warped view a kind of “justice” meted out
to those who had so ravaged and pillaged Germany in the wake of the
Versailles Treaty and the Dawes and Young Plans. There was, of course,
a half-truth to this, for there was indeed a prominent element of Jewish,
or rather, Zionist influence in such financial circles. One need only recall
the names of Rothschild, Warburg, Schiff and so on in this regard. But
there all truth stops and the lies begin, for there was also a prominent
element of Protestant monied groups involved as well. Thus, for
consistency’s sake, the Nazis should equally have been concerned with
the Protestant aristocracy of England, America, Canada, and even their
own country as well.
World War II ended, of course, with the defeat of Nazi Germany, but
not necessarily with the defeat of Nazism and its goals in alternative
physics and finance.37 However, as we shall see, the post-war period
began with an unusual event, an event I believe many to have profoundly
misinterpreted. Rather than seeing that a kind of détente or modus vivendi
was struck between elements of what I call the “Nazi International” on
the one hand and the globalist Anglo-American corporate and banking
elite on the other, most prefer to view certain events as testament to the
fact that one more or less coherent and monolithic “international

36 For the stories of this pursuit, and the bureaucracies they emplaced to pursue it, see my
The SS Brotherhood of the Bell, Adventures Unlimited Press (2005); Secrets of the
Unified Field, Adventures Unlimited Press (2007); The Nazi International, Adventures
Unlimited Press (2008); and The Philosophers’ Stone, Feral House (2009).
37 See my The Nazi International: The Nazis’ Postwar Plan to Control Finance, Conflict,

Physics, and Space, Adventures Unlimited Press (2008), pp. 249–350.

34
conspiracy of money” exists, and that it is entering the “end game phase”
of its goal of total world domination. The closer to that goal that this
group actually approaches, the more sharp and acute will factional
infighting within it become, particularly as such banksters are in thrall to
the closed system paradigm of physics and finance. In short, that post-
war détente is showing distinctive signs of breaking down, as each
faction manoeuvres to emerge as the dominant faction when the eventual
goal is reached. For that globalist elite, this problem is further
compounded by the emergence of the economic powers of Eurasia –
Russia, China, and Japan – who are also showing increasing signs of
reluctance to play by the tired old rules of the Anglo-American empire.
Witness once again Dr. Li’s mysterious “disappearance” from the West
and re-emergence as a risk manager for a prominent corporation in
Communist China!
However, between those periods when this conflict of worldviews of
physics and finance breaks out into open violence and warfare, the
struggle is more covert and hidden, as suggested, again, by the David Li
episode. In the case of such covert warfare, the various factions of
international banksters resort to every occulted means at their disposal to
suppress open development of alternative physics – and therefore of the
alternative economies and financial institutions such physics would
inevitably usher in – while they seek to maintain the status quo and
become the dominant faction within it. The methods, chiefly, are
threefold: they must first suppress technologies that testify to the
existence of another physics than the “public consumption physics” they
have so carefully inculcated for the masses and promoted in academies
and textbooks. Secondly, they must suppress the alternative physics
itself, for in some respects it is the real source of their power, as we shall
also eventually see. Thirdly, and finally, they must obfuscate the
profound, deep, and ancient connections between this alternative physics
and alternative institutions of finance and economy.
To sum it up, they must seek to suppress its open development, while
simultaneously pursue its covert development so that they can, in turn,
monopolize it and further consolidate power into their own hands. By the
same token, this means that any given faction within what is called “The
New World Order” must likewise inhibit or arrest the development of
such alternative theories and technologies by rival factions, or
alternatively, develop superior versions of it, or defences against it,
themselves. Conversely, those groups or individuals advocating open

35
systems of physics and economics not only must run the gauntlet of all
who oppose them, but develop their theories and technologies and bring
them to as wide a public as quickly as possible. In short, the “good guys”
seek to democratize the whole science.
Consequently, we are conspicuously in the presence of a very
complex dynamic, one stretching from the individual person to whole
civilizations and all the institutions thereof, and one moreover crossing
several disciplines – physics, economics and finance, theology, history –
and running like a gold and crimson thread throughout the millennia of
human history. We must consider salient modern events where this
struggle has openly erupted, and compare them to ancient manifestations
of a similar nature. We must ponder the presence within ancient
megaliths and temples of a profound astronomical and astrological
science, their physics implications, and ponder further why so many of
these ancient sites are also associated with the presence of
moneychangers, of banksters. We must similarly ponder again what all
this might mean for the occurrence of an ancient and interplanetary war
within our own celestial neighbourhood.38 Yet again, we must consider
what all this has to do with the stubborn persistence of alchemy from
ancient to modern times, and what it may have to do with the consistent
royal and imperial patronage of it throughout the Middle Ages and early
Renaissance. We must look for the clues of deliberate suppression of this
physics – and its implied economics – throughout the ages, and especially
in our own. And finally, we shall have reason to consider why bloodlines
seem to be such an important part of the story for those bankster and
royal elites.
Given all these complex dynamics and disparate facts, I was
confronted with something of a problem in writing this book. Normally
I aim for a relatively high degree of “completeness” or at least
thoroughness when writing a book. But I quickly discovered that, if I
were to explore every facet of this complex dynamic with anything
approaching thoroughness, I would not be writing a mere book, but
several books, with each aspect of the problem requiring volumes of its
own. For example, the involvement of major corporations in suppression
of inventions and technologies implying a new physics and new energy
source is a story that would and could consume volumes, as there is no

38
See my The Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts,
Adventures Unlimited Press (2006).

36
shortage of such stories on the internet and books about the subject.
Similarly, the machinations of the international banksters has provided a
rich field for research and speculation, and spawned literally hundreds of
books on the subject, both those by “sanctioned insiders” and those
examining the subject from without. When one adds economics and
physics and systems of money creation to this picture, the bibliography
of such a work itself would end up being a whole book.
So clearly some other approach was needed. What I have attempted
to do, therefore, is outline a case and my interpretation of the evidence
backing it up with examples. This book is thus deliberately intended to
be read not only in conjunction with my own previous books on
alternative science and history as yet another chapter in a very big story,
but also in tandem with the overall output of other researchers into the
field. Thus, it simply assumes the existence of that research, and the
reader’s broad familiarity with it.
But let there be no mistake: this is not an easy, light-hearted book
simply because it is not a complete or thorough one. The number and
types of details, conceptions, and disciplines to be examined are
considerable, and their interrelationships are even more so. With that
said, the reader is cautioned about two things: first, in order to survey
these connections and their implications, much of this book is
“introduction”; only at the very end and in the final chapter will it be
possible to tie all the threads together and draw their implications. Thus,
patience is required as the data is laid out, and connections are drawn.
Secondly, what is presented here is likewise a speculative though
nevertheless argued case. Were each and every point to be documented
at length, as already mentioned, each would require a tome in its own
right.
This is a survey, not an encyclopedia; a study, not a painting; an essay,
not a mathematical or historical proof.
Nonetheless, I hope that by consulting certain sources, mentioning
certain topics, construing the interrelationships, and drawing the
conclusions and implications in the manner that I have, that I will point
the reader in the direction to examine these questions more fully on his
own, for the problem is not in the dearth of information, interpretations,
and implications, but in their surfeit. The interpretation proffered here is
consequently not the only possible one. I maintain only that, of all the
possible interpretations of this vast complex of information – alchemy,
astrology, astronomy, torsion, Egypt, Babylon, Nazis, finance,

37
geometries, earth grids and “scalar” physics, ancient texts and tomes and
modern mathematical gurus speaking the arcane language of statistical
economics and topological lore – that this interpretation is at least a
plausible one.
All that being said, if along the way I have in some small measure
contributed to the demise of these goofy, insane, and ruthless banksters
and their murderously utopian and loony New World Order schemes,
then so much the better, for one thing, I hope, is now evident: if in the
private creation of money as an interest-bearing debt-note, only the
principal, and not the interest, is created by those banks and circulated as
“money”, then it inevitably follows that, under such a system, debt can
only grow and never be repaid. With that fact, the influence and control
of that private class of banksters over the policies of a state can only
grow, and to the increasing detriment of that nation’s people and its
public good.
As such, any discussion of financial policy by any politician of any
political party affiliation in any nation that does not begin with a call to
restore the power of money creation and issuance to the government in
such a capacity that it is made to serve the public good and not the private
rapacity of a bankster class, is merely deception, and deception for a very
simple reason. The big secret of money is not only that it must represent
something, but rather that it must represent someone. As such, there are
really only two basic models of money known to history, the first model,
where money represents a debt interest-bearing note – the “something”
– created by a private monopoly – the “someone” – for its own class
interest and profit; and the second model, where money represents a
receipt for goods and services – the “something” – produced by a state’s
people – the “someone” – who through the agency of their state issue that
money to themselves, debt-free.
The problem of money is thus not even the what nor the how much,
but the who, i.e., the who behind its issuance. The first model is a kind
of “false alchemy” or a technology of black magic, for it is ultimately a
technology to gain the mastery over the will, genius, and productive
activity of a people, and ultimately, over the physical medium itself. And
it is all based, as we shall now see, on a breathtaking series of historical,
conceptual, and physical deceptions, and these can only exist so long as
there are those unwilling to unmask the deception, or so long as there as
those who acquiesce to that system and are unwilling to free themselves
from its chains.

38
 I.

HISTORICAL AND CONCEPTUAL

BACKGROUND
“We shall have world government whether or not you like it – by conquest
or consent”.

— James Warburg, son of Paul Warburg, February 17, 1950, Testimony to the
United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee

“Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a

day, but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, and
pursued unalterably through every change of ministers, too plainly prove
a deliberate systematical plan of reducing us to slavery”.
— Thomas Jefferson

“But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably

the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute
Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government,
and to provide new Guards for their future security”.
— Declaration of Independence of the United States of America

39
 One

THE CONSPIRATORS’ POSTWAR DETENTE

“Since it is quite impossible to understand the history of the twentieth

century without some understanding of the role played by money in
domestic affairs and in foreign affairs, as well as the role played by
bankers in economic life and in political life, we must take a glance at
each of these four subjects”.
— Dr. Carroll Quigley39

If, as the epigraph cited above suggests, it is “quite impossible” to

come to an accurate assessment of the domestic and foreign policies of
any state in modern times without an understanding of the role of money,
then one would be equally justified in saying that it is quite impossible
to understand ancient history – or any period of history – without
understanding the role of money and its manipulation in social
organization, policy, or science.
However, money, at least in modern times, is the result of an
“alchemical” operation and a kind of “financial technology”, the
operation of transmuting nothing into something, in this case, of turning
a mere entry on a bank ledger – a “nothing” – into a unit of commercial
exchange – a “something”. Likewise, alchemy is a “science” of
transmuting base metals into gold, and that implies an underlying physics
and technology to accomplish the act. To call both an alchemical
operation is to imply the fact that beneath the magical operations of
banking there lies a deep physics, and perhaps a profoundly
misunderstood physics. In any case, these are the conceptual poles
between which our story moves.
But there are two historical poles between which our story also
moves.

A. A HYPOTHETICAL SCENARIO

Imagine for a moment that there is a Very High and extremely ancient
Civilization. It has reached the apex of its social and scientific

39
Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, p. 54.

40
achievement. Then, in a paroxysm of madness and greed, it tears itself
apart in a Great War. As the untold destruction reaches its climax and the
great sophistication of its science and technology – the very science and
technology it has used to wage its war – can no longer be sustained due
to the enormous damage to its infrastructure, both sides see that all is
lost, and they each conspire to salvage as much as they can of their
science and technology by contriving an intricate symbolic language that
can be decoded when civilization reaches a similar stage of scientific and
social development. The strategy is one of long-term survival and
eventual recovery, and each side fully realizes that the actual meaning of
the symbols will most likely be lost in the short term. Nonetheless, they
each conspire to create secret fraternities to maintain the symbols, pass
them down, and to the extent possible, begin the work of their decoding
and of the restoration of the very science and technology that led to their
demise.
It is natural and reasonable to assume that, parallel to this activity,
each side will take inventory of its remaining scientific and technological
assets, and to secret them away for their potential rediscovery and reuse.
Similarly, it is reasonable to assume that the “victors” of said war will
take inventory of the “loser’s” assets and technologies, and confiscate
some, destroy what cannot be moved or otherwise used, and forbid to the
vanquished any further development or deployment of such
technologies.
If all this sounds vaguely familiar, like the activities of the victorious
Allies or of vanquished Germans after World Wars I and II, then the
reader will be correct.
But we assume a much more destructive war in our imaginary
scenario. We assume the existence of a scientific and technological
sophistication that would make all our modern instrumentalities of
destruction seem but mere popguns. Similarly, we assume an extent of
that mythical civilization that is truly cosmic in character, and a war of
truly cosmic and interplanetary scope, of which all civilizations and wars
that follow are but mere shadows on the long climb back to a similar peak
of development. Similarly, the strategy of inventory-taking, of the
secreting away of now lost technologies and sciences, and of the making
of a complex of symbols and the founding of secret fraternities to
preserve them, is far grander in scope than the activities of victorious
Allies or vanquished Germans in recent memory. But note, it is the scope

41
that is grander. The activities and strategies themselves, however, are not
all that different.
Thus, at one pole, lost in the mists of prehistory and countless myths
and ancient epics, an extraordinarily sophisticated and Very High
Civilization blew itself apart eons ago in an interplanetary war, a war that
cost them the very science that accounted for their fabulous wealth and
power. In the wake of that cataclysm, what was left of that civilization
purposed to maintain as much of that lost knowledge as possible, and,
eventually, to recover all of it. Thus, arose the secret societies, mystery
schools, and civilizations that bore the stamp of its legacy, among which
were the two that shall be our focus here: the Mesopotamian civilizations
of Sumer, Babylonia, and Assyria on the one hand, and Egypt on the
other. Certain elements within those societies quickly began the
consolidation and extension of their power, and, as a result, were able to
preserve at least a portion of the scientific legacy of their more
sophisticated forebears, for that scientific legacy – distorted and blasted
apart and fragmented as it was by that war – was indeed the very basis of
their power.40 The combatants of that war, both the “good guys” and the
“bad guys”, victors and vanquished, each to a certain extent went
underground, the one seeking to preserve and recover the lost scientific
bounty for the common good, and the other to recover it to make yet
another bid for hegemony and world mastery. A sort of guerrilla and
covert war between them – protracted for millennia – ensued, and, at
times, even a détente was declared, for in the aftermath of that war, each
to a certain extent needed the good offices and graces of the other to
survive. Détente, and yet, covert warfare: this is the dynamic with which
we must perpetually contend throughout this book.
At the other pole, in distinctly more modern times, but similarly, after
yet another and more familiar war, from May 29th to May 31st, 1954, the
gilded banking and corporate elites of Europe and North America met at
a small hotel in Oosterbeek, Holland called the Bilderberg,41 and ever
since, this secretive annual gathering of the super-rich class of
international banksters has been known by the name where their first
meeting was held: The Bilderberg Group. And they – or rather, the
international class of the very wealthy that they represent – show all the
classic signs of having understood the historical and scientific lessons of

40 For the story of this very ancient cosmic war, see my The Cosmic War: Interplanetary
Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts (Adventures Unlimited, 2006).
41 Estulin, op. cit., pp. 19–20.

42
their Egyptian and Babylonian predecessors, and more importantly, of
their forebears of whom Egypt and Babylonia were but pale legacies.
And the timing of the meeting – 1954 – is in itself worth some
commentary, for some allege that during 1954, President Dwight D.
Eisenhower secretly met with an “extra-terrestrial delegation” at a
location in California. Others, however, maintain that Eisenhower was
not really meeting with extra-terrestrials at all, but with very terrestrial
Nazis at their secret Argentine headquarters.42 Moreover, that time
period – ca. 1954 – is the same period that the United States Air Force
showed a distinct, but highly secret, interest in the free-energy research
of one Nazi scientist in Argentina, Dr. Ronald Richter and what it
portended for advanced propulsion and energy possibilities.43 And, at the
very same time period, discussion of anti-gravity physics disappeared in
the open literature.44 If one takes the unusually synchronous timing of
these disparate events as something less than coincidental, and as
somehow related to each other, then clearly one implication is that there
is a deep interest within financial circles concerning deep physics. A
struggle for financial, and technological, hegemony is subtly implied.
It is between these two unlikely historical poles – an extremely
ancient one, and a very contemporary one – that this story also moves.
Very obviously, one is dealing here with something that, in modern
times at least, looks very much like a conspiracy. And like all
conspiracies, it has its “factions”, groups vying for ultimate power that,
for whatever reason and combination of circumstances, momentarily and
temporarily unites them to make common cause to achieve the agreed
upon goal of global domination and hegemony. The conspirators,
whoever they are, thus appear at both poles of the story, agreeing to lay
down their arms after a terribly destructive war, and to make common
cause for the immediate future. They agreed, in short, to a coexistence,
to a détente.
However, like all such détentes, this one is destined to break down.
The disagreements, such as they are, may occur over the means and
methods to achieve it, but ultimately and more importantly, they will

42 See my The Nazi International (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2009), pp. 300-301.
43 Ibid., pp. 249–350.
44 Various authors and researchers have noticed this point, the most prominent among

them being Nick Cook in his The Hunt for Zero Point, and Michael Schratt, in an
excellent DVD presentation entitled That’s Classified: USAF Secrets Revealed (Michael
Schratt, Crystal Lake, Illinois).

43
occur – if they have not already – over which faction will ultimately lead
it. In this, the modern circumstance resembles its “paleoancient”
ancestor, the Very High Civilization that blew itself apart and then
quickly established the legacy civilizations, the mystery schools and
priestly fraternities and the monied class of merchants and bullion
brokers that would seek to use one aspect of that lost science – the
financial and economic “alchemy” – to recover the other aspect of it, the
lost physics of the alchemical manipulation of the physical medium
itself.
Thus, there are two other poles between which this story moves: the
first being physics, and the second being the economics of high finance
and its allied science of “social engineering”. We have, then, four poles:
two being temporal ones, widely separated in time, and two conceptual
or disciplinary ones, apparently widely separated by subject matter and
method. For all the previous reasons, our story is partly an historical one,
and partly a story about that strange intelligible world of very abstruse
physics, of equally abstruse finance, and of the even more abstruse
relationship between the two. It is thus above all an inter-disciplinary
story.
So, before proceeding any further, let us be absolutely clear and
certain of what has been said, and what this book attempts to illustrate:

1. There is both in ancient and in modern times an “international

monied class” deriving its power from its understanding and
manipulation of the science of high finance, and from its
monopolization of the money-creating power in its own private
hands;
2. This class fought, at both ends of the historical pole, tremendously
destructive wars. In the paleoancient45 instance, this war was
interplanetary in nature, and resulted in the fragmentation of the
physics and economics components of a highly unified and
integrated scientific worldview, in which those components were
once united;
3. The result of that ancient cosmic war was the creation of legacy
civilizations and secret organizations, in which that monied class
swiftly established itself, on the basis of the retention within those

45I coined the term “paleoancient” in my first book, The Giza Death Star, to denote the
extreme antiquity of this Very High Civilization, predating the known classical
civilizations of Egypt, Sumer, the Vedic civilization, and China.

44
 societies’ orbits of knowledge of at least some aspects of their
ancestors’ knowledge of the science of high finance and of its
relationship to physics;
4. Thus established, this class has bent every effort toward the
recovery of the physics component of their ancestral scientific
legacy, and has blocked all attempts of those who throughout the
millennia have sought to recover it and to proliferate it among the
masses. The reason they have blocked all such attempts is quite
simple, for once in the hands of the masses, their hegemony as a
class would be irretrievably, and once and forever, broken.

So, in a sense, the paleoancient “Cosmic War” of which I have written

extensively elsewhere, went underground. It became a covert war, a
guerrilla war, and has been over the protracted millennia ever since a
struggle between those who wish to maintain their power by
reconstructing that lost unity of high financial economics and physics
and monopolizing it for themselves to enslave mankind, and those who
seek not only to reconstruct that lost unity but to share it, to
“democratize” it among the great masses of humanity.
This book thus not only moves between two poles widely separated
by time, or between two disciplinary poles – physics and high finance –
apparently widely separated by subject matter and method, but it is also
about the dynamics of that conflict, one which the banksters, for reasons
that will become apparent in this book, are ultimately destined to lose,
no matter what their extraordinary power or the Byzantine subtlety of
their plans and cabals might be.
But surely, the reader will ask, to implicate the first meeting of the
Bilderberg Group in this grand millennia-old story is going a bit too far?
On the contrary, the evidence points almost ineluctably toward that
conclusion, but in order to see how, one must examine the Bilderberg
meetings, and particularly the very first ones, in more detail. For the
purposes of this examination, no one has examined and exposed those
meetings in more detail than has Daniel Estulin, and he will accordingly
be reviewed here.

B. ESTULIN’S STUDY AND STANDARD INTERPRETATIONS

45
 Estulin is a Russian émigré to Canada who first became interested in
the Bilderberg group when he and others exposed the 1996 Bilderberg
plot to dismember Canada, and have portions of that country “absorbed”
by the United States.46 Put on to the plot by a KGB agent whom Estulin
calls “Vladimir”, he and his erstwhile informant barely escaped with
their lives when, prior to stepping onto an elevator, his informant held
him back and pointed out that the elevator floor was missing!47 These
two events compelled Estulin to uncover as much as he could about the
secretive Bilderberg Group, and as a result, his study, The True Story of
the Bilderberg Group, will be followed closely here, for the case I believe
it makes is ultimately something very different than that Estulin, or other
researchers of the Group, believes it to be.
In order to see how, though, it is necessary to see what Estulin actually
uncovered about the Group.

1. Estulin’s Sources
Estulin’s book is amply documented with numerous photos, actual
pictures of Bilderberg invitations, and so on. But how did he acquire such
inside knowledge? His answer is quite simple: “I could not have done
this without the help of ‘conscientious objectors’ from inside, as well as
outside, the Group’s membership”.48 A little further on he elaborates on
who some of these sources were: the very hotel staff – the cooks,
bellboys, waiters, cleaners and other staff the Bilderbergers took such
pains to vet!49 And as has been seen, Estulin also received the
considerable help of intelligence agents from Russia. This fact will play
a major role in our conclusions toward the end of the book, in that it
indicates that foreign intelligence services, particularly of those nations
and power blocs not under Bilderberg influence, watch and analyse the
plans of this self-appointed global elite very carefully and closely.

46 Estulin, op. cit., pp. ii, 6–7, 16–17.

47 Ibid., pp. 10-11.
48 Ibid., p. xiv.
49 Estulin, op. cit., p. 10.

46
 Two

PROTOCOLS

A. ATTENDEES

So, who are the typical attendees of the Bilderberg meetings?

According to Estulin, they are what one might expect of such a
gathering of a self-appointed world elite:

[They] are annually attended by Presidents of the International

Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and Federal Reserve; by
chairmen of 100 of the most powerful corporations in the world
such as DaimlerChrysler, Coca-Cola, British Petroleum (BP),
Chase Manhattan Bank, American Express, Goldman Sachs, and
Microsoft; by Vice Presidents of the United States, Directors of
the CIA and the FBI, Secretaries General of NATO, American
Senators and members of Congress, European Prime Ministers,
and leaders of opposition parties; and by top editors and CEOs of
the leading newspapers in the world.50

Such a group, needless to say, reads like a who’s who of the western
world’s power brokers:

Every U.S. president since “Ike” Eisenhower has belonged to the

Bilderberg Group, not that they have all attended the meetings
personally, but all have sent their representatives. Another
member is now ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair, as well as most of
the principal members of the British government. Even Canada’s
high-profile past Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau, was a member.
Past Bilderberg invitees are Alan Greenspan, former chairman of
the Federal Reserve; Hillary and Bill Clinton; John Kerry;
Melinda and Bill Gates; and Richard Perle.
Also, members are the people who control what you watch and
read – media barons like David Rockefeller, Conrad Black [the
now disgraced ex-owner of over 440 media publications around
the world from The Jerusalem Post to Canada’s newest daily, The

50 Ibid., p. xiv.

47
 National Post], Edgar Bronfman, Rupert Murdoch, and Sumner
Redstone, CEO of Viacom, an international media conglomerate
that touches virtually every major segment of the media industry.
They have protected the secrecy of this secret society, and this may
be why the name “Bilderberg” is new to you.51

With such a concentration of political, financial, and media power, it is

understandable that the meetings have, for the most part, been kept fairly
secret.
But this list does not really tell the full story, for considerable thought
is given to the invitees to each year’s gathering. For one thing, notes
Estulin:

It is important to distinguish between active members who assist

annually and others who are only invited occasionally. About
eighty members are regulars who have attended for many years.
Fringe people, who are invited to report on subjects related to their
sphere of influence of professional and academic knowledge, are
clueless about the formal structure behind the Bilderberg Group,
and remain in absolute ignorance of the Group’s greater goals and
universal objectives. A select few are invited because the
Bilderbergers think they may be useful tools in their globalist plan
and are later helped to reach very powerful selected positions.
One-time invitees who fail to impress, however, are cast aside.52

Note what we have here:

51 Estulin, op. cit., pp. 22–23. Estulin lists U.S. Secretary of Defense William Perry,
Canadian Jean Chretien, the ubiquitous and sinister Henry Kissinger, David
Rockefeller, George Soros, and various Belgian, Spanish, and Dutch royalty as
attendees at the 1996 meeting that attempted to break up Canada. Q.v. p. 5. Estulin
gives a further list of names on pp. 28–29. The breakup of Canada was to be
accomplished via the mechanism of a “unilateral declaration of independence by
Quebec” which would then, following the fragmentation of Canada, be absorbed
piecemeal by the U.S.A. by the year 2000 (pp. 4–5). The contempt of the
Bilderbergers for the perceptions of the general populace – perceptions they help
to create and manipulate by their media organs – cannot better be illustrated than
by this goofy scheme, for one cannot imagine French-speaking Quebecois faring
any better in a union with the U.S.A. than they have with the Dominion of Canada,
and probably would fare much worse.
52 Estulin, op. cit., p. 33.

48
 1. Regular attendees – people such as David Rockefeller and Henry
Kissinger – representing the major financial and political interests
of the group;
2. Occasional attendees or their representatives, representing a similar
makeup, but only invited as the situation demands; and
3. Professionals or academics, whose expertise is sought in certain
situations, presumably to analyse and report on certain trends within
the purview of their expertise, and presumably to make forecasts
and “recommendations”.

As we proceed, we shall see how each of these three groups break down
in detail.
For example, within each of these groups, a further breakdown
occurs:

Each country sends a delegation of, typically, three persons: an

industry or business leader, a top-level minister or a senator, and
an intellectual or chief editor of the leading periodical. The United
States has the most participants because of its size. Smaller
countries like Greece and Denmark are afforded, at most, two
seats. The conferences usually consist of a maximum of 130
delegates. Two-thirds of the attendees are from Europe, and the
rest come from the United States and Canada. [Mexican globalists
belong to a less powerful sister organization, the Trilateral
Commission].
One-third of the delegates are from government and politics,
and the remaining two-thirds from industry, finance, education,
labour and communications. Most delegates are fluent in English,
with French as their second language of choice.53

Thus, a little more analysis is necessary. Note the following

preponderances:

1. The Bilderberg Group is heavily weighted to a European point of

view, though the United States has the largest single representation
of any country sending delegates;

53 Ibid., pp. 26–27.

49
 2. The Group is similarly weighted to the private sector rather than
politics or government, with finance, industry, labour and academia
being the most prominent members.

From this one may reasonably deduce that the Bilderberg Group, while
ostensibly attempting to create a “united front” of these various internal
groups and interests for a common cause, nonetheless contains within it
two major factions, each of which has in turn two further factions within
it:

1. The “European” Faction

2. The “North American” Faction (excluding Mexico).

Within these two main factions, one discerns two further factions:

a. The Political or Government Faction, stressing the role of public

institutions of power and the bureaucracies that inevitably
accompany them;
b. The Private Finance54 Faction, stressing the role of the private
monopoly of money creation and its dominant role influencing other
major private sectors: labour, media, the academy, and so on.

These four internal factions will become quite important when we turn
to consider the interpretation of the motivation for the actual founding of
the Bilderberg Group later in this chapter, for as we shall see, this author
departs significantly from the standard line of what its actual purposes,
and power, may be.
Note one final thing from this analysis: the private European faction
is the dominant faction in terms of representation. This is further evident
from the fact that the Group, “from its inception, has been administered
by a small nucleus of persons, appointed since 1954 by a committee of
‘wise men’, which is made up of a European Chairman, both a European
and a U.S. Secretary General, and Treasurer”.55

54 By “finance” I mean henceforth the institutions, particularly the central private banks
such as the Federal Reserve, the Bank of England, etc., that have in private hands the
power to create the economic medium of exchange, debt instruments, credit instruments,
and so on.
55 Estulin, op. cit., p. 27.

50
 That stated, however, there is one more significant detail that Estulin
adds to this list of “typical Bilderberg attendees. Attendees, according to
an unofficial Bilderberg press release, are drawn from a list of ‘important
and respected people who, through their special knowledge, personal
contacts and influence in national and international circles, can amplify
the objectives and resources of the Bilderberg Group’”.56 There are,
principally within the categories of “private” attendees, six further
typical profiles:

1. industrialists;
2. financiers; as we have already seen, but then the list gets interesting:
3. ideologues;
4. military professionals;
5. “professional specialists” such as lawyers, journalists, doctors, and
so on; and
6. organized labour.57

What sort of ideologues, one might ask?

Many people have attempted to answer that question, and in doing so
have attempted to analyse the true founding purposes and goals of the
Group. Literature on the Bilderberg Group is therefore replete with
documentation and speculation of the types of ideologues suspected to
attend their meetings, encompassing a broad spectrum from Fabian
socialists, globalists, exponents of World Government, animal and
environmental activists, feminists, population control advocates,
population reduction advocates, and so on.
There is one type of ideologue, however, that is seldom mentioned,
and when it is mentioned, even the most perspicacious conspiracy
researcher more often than not misses the significance of what it might
indicate about the true founding purposes of the group, and the reasons
for its very peculiar “union” of the four previously mentioned factions.
In doing so, even these few researchers fall prey to the typical “standard
interpretation” – which we shall examine a little later in this chapter –
and attribute to the Group a monolithic structure and an almost
omniscient and infallible power to accomplish its goals. In doing so, they

56 Ibid.
57 Ibid., p. 86.

51
tend to miss the recent and significant signals that there is serious
factional infighting occurring within it and similar groups.
But how does this shadowy group manage to keep its existence and
meetings secret? After all, a yearly meeting of the West’s elite and
powerful that has been ongoing since 1954 would surely cause some
notice to break out, even in their own closely controlled media organs.

B. VETTING, SECURING, AND ANNOUNCING THE LOCATION

The answer, of course, lies in the extraordinary security that

surrounds not only the meetings themselves, but more importantly, that
surrounds the preparations for them, from the selection of the location,
to the timing of the announcements of where the meeting is to be held.

According to a source within the Steering Committee, “the invited

guests must come alone; no wives, girlfriends, husbands or
boyfriends. Personal assistants [translation: heavily armed
bodyguards, usually ex-CIA and Secret Intelligence Service (SIS
a.k.a. MI6)] cannot attend the conference and must eat in a
separate hall. Not even David Rockefeller’s personal assistant can
join him for lunch. The guests are explicitly forbidden from giving
interviews to journalists”.
To maintain their aura of hermeticism, Bilderbergers book a
hotel for the duration of the conference, usually ranging from three
to four days, with the whole building being cleared of all other
guests by the CIA and local secret service to ensure complete
privacy and safety for the delegates. All drawings of the layout of
the hotel are classified, staff is thoroughly vetted, their loyalty
questioned, their backgrounds verified, and political affiliations
checked. Any suspect ones are removed for the duration.
…
The host national government takes care of all the security
concerns of the attending guests and their entourage. It also pays
the costs of the military protection, the secret service, national and
local police presence, as well as all additional private security to
protect the intimacy and the privacy of the all-powerful world
elite. The attendees are not required to follow the established rules
and regulations of the host country, such as having to go through

52
 customs, carrying proper identification, such as passports, which
are not required on Bilderberg visits. When they meet, nobody
who is not on the “in” is allowed to come near the hotel. The elite
often bring their own chefs, cooks, waiters, secretaries, telephone
operators, busboys, cleaning staff and security personnel.58

As a further precaution, even though the timing of meetings is announced

to invitees four months in advance, the actual location of the meeting is
not made known to them until only one week prior to its occurrence.
Finally, all documents distributed to attendees is marked personally for
them, and stamped “personal and strictly confidential, and not for
publication”.59
Observe carefully what this implies, for such a gathering of the super-
rich and powerful, with all the banking, media, and governmental
contacts that this inevitably brings with it, is not only a Group that is
gathering intelligence, circulating and exchanging information, but that
it has its own internal classification system, for one might assume that
the contents of such publications vary from delegation to delegation, if
not between the individual attendees themselves. One may also assume
that certain individuals receive rather more information – and thus have
a higher “classification clearance” – than others.

c. The Sessions and Their Rules

Each meeting is divided into four daily sessions, “two in the morning
and two in the afternoon”, with the exception of Saturday afternoons
which are left free for leisure activities.60 When in session, the seating is
by “rotatable alphabetical order”, with “A’s” sitting in front one year,
and “Z’s” the next, and so on.61
All session meetings follow the Rules of the Royal Institute of
International Affairs, under which the contents of discussions may be
shared, but the identities of individuals making statements, nor indeed,
the identities of any individuals in attendance, may be revealed.
Additionally, under these Rules, one may not reveal that one received
this information at the Bilderberg Group’s meetings.62

58 Estulin, op. cit., p. 25.

59 Ibid., pp. 30-31.
60 Ibid., p. 26.
61 Estulin, op. cit., 26.
62
Ibid., p. 27.

53
 Three

GOALS AND HISTORY: BILDERBERG SHENANIGANS

As Estulin notes, the Bilderberg Group itself released a document in

1989 that stated their first meeting, held in 1954,

“grew out of the concern expressed by many leading citizens on

both sides of the Atlantic that Western Europe and North America
were not working together as closely as they should on matters of
critical importance. It was felt that regular, off-the-record
discussions would help create a better understanding of the
complex forces and major trends affecting Western nations in the
difficult post-war period”.63

But there was another goal from the outset that lay hidden within this
desire simply to have “off-the-record discussions”:

Lord Rothschild and Laurence Rockefeller, key members of two

of the most powerful families in the world, personally handpicked
100 of the world’s elite for the secret purpose of regionalizing
Europe, according to Giovanni Angelli, the now-deceased head of
Fiat, who also said “European integration is our goal, and where
the politicians failed, we industrialists hope to succeed”.64

Bear the goal of European integration in mind, for it will become an

important data point in the interpretation of the real founding motivations
behind the Bilderberg Group in a moment.
Within a mere 14 years of that first meeting in 1954, however,
Bilderberg goals – with the European Common Market well on its way
to becoming the European Economic Union and finally the European
Union – had taken on a somewhat grander vision:

[A] comment made to the Bilderberger elite by George Ball during

a presentation titled “Internationalization of Business” at the April
26–28, 1968, Bilderberg meeting in Mont Tremblant, Canada,

63 Cited in Estulin, op. cit., p. 23.

64 Ibid., pp. 23–24.
 provides a far more truthful and insightful glimpse into the
Group’s economic orientation. Ball, who was the Undersecretary
of State for Economic Affairs under JFK and Lyndon Johnson, a
Steering Committee member of the Bilderberg Group as well as a
Senior Managing Director for Lehman Brothers and Kuhn Loeb
Inc., defined what the new Bilderberger policy of globalization
was going to be, and how it would shape the Group’s policy.
“In essence”, writes Pierre Beaudry in Synarchy Movement of
Empire, “Ball presented an outline of the advantages of a new-
colonial world economic order based on the concept of a world
company, and described some of the obstacles that needed to be
eliminated for its success. According to Ball, the first and most
important thing that had to be eliminated was the archaic political
structure of the nation state”.65

Estulin summarizes what this “world company” means in practical terms

about Bilderberger goals. According to him, they want:

1. One International Identity;

2. Centralized Control of the People;
3. A Zero-Growth Society;
4. A State of Perpetual Imbalance;
5. Centralized Control of All Education;
6. Centralized Control of All Foreign and Domestic Policies;
7. Empowerment of the United Nations;
8. Western Trading Bloc [a NAFTA-like union of North and
South America];
9. Expansion of NATO;
10. One Legal System;
11. One Socialist Welfare State.66

Bear in mind points 3 and 4 (Zero Growth and Perpetual Imbalance), as

they will bear directly on our interpretation of the founding purposes for
the Group a little later on.
These “modest” goals therefore influence the vetting process for who
gets invited to Bilderberg meetings. Estulin states that the Group’s

65 Estulin, op. cit., p. 93, emphasis in the original.

66 Ibid., pp. 41–43.

55
Steering Committee simply looks “for a One World Order enthusiast and
[a] … Socialist”.67 This is yet another important clue, one that will
assume great significance as this book unfolds, for it means essentially
that the Bilderberg Group’s worldview is an intellectually closed system;
dissenting or opposing points of view are not even represented in the
Group’s typical composition at any given meeting. As noted before, this
gives a distinctively ideological characteristic to the Group’s
composition. After all, all of them are ideologues, and the ideology is,
quite simply put, global domination by a self-appointed elite. The goal is
simply “to rule the world with or without its consent, with guns or butter,
without”.68
David Rockefeller, of course, is one of the principal movers and
shakers in this cooperative elitist effort to enslave mankind, and in 1972,
he and protégé Zbigniew Brzezinski founded the Trilateral Commission,
a Bilderberg-like group that reached out to include Japan and the Orient
within its ranks. The goal was to create an “international alliance that
would create strategies and policies to consolidate the four pillars of
power – ‘political, monetary, intellectual and ecclesiastical’ – under a
central world government”.69 The “ecclesiastical” component is a long
and murky part of this story, and in fact too complicated to go into here
as it would require a book of its own. Suffice it to say that the Rockefeller
Foundation is the source of many grants to ardent ecumenical movement
projects and has been a major supporter of the World Council of
Churches. That being said, however, as will be seen in part two of the
present book, the alliance between the banksters and a cynical “temple
elite” has been a very long one, stretching back to ancient times.
In any case, at the 1991 Bilderberg meeting Rockefeller minced no
words about his goals for a “supranational sovereignty of an intellectual
elite and world bankers, which is surely preferable to the national auto
determination practiced in past centuries”.70 Given the inability of the
Bilderberg Group to countenance viewpoints that do not fall into their
“closed system” worldview, it is no surprise that it has taken active steps
to remove from prominence those who espouse and/or act upon opposing
views.

67 Estulin, op. cit., p. 24.

68 Ibid., pp. 8–9.
69 Ibid., p. 142.
70 Cited in Estulin, op. cit., p. 61.

56
 For example, the Bilderbergers opposed President Charles De
Gaulle’s creation of an independent French nuclear and thermonuclear
arsenal because it threatened to make France too independent and
nationalistic on the world geopolitical stage.71 Estulin also maintains that
the Group was behind the removal of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher
because of her opposition to a currency amalgamation between Great
Britain and the rest of Europe and the loss of national sovereignty this
would inevitably mean for her country.72 Estulin even presents evidence
that Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro was murdered by the Group for
similar reasons, and that Henry Kissinger was implicated in the affair.73
Finally, according to Estulin the real reason behind the whole sordid
Watergate affair and the resignation of President Richard M. Nixon was
because he opposed the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT), a scheme that would lead inexorably to the NAFTA agreements
and the eventual amalgamation of the U.S.A., Canada, and Mexico into
a regional superstate.74

71 Ibid., p. 20.
72 Ibid., p. 50.
73 Ibid., pp. 50-51.
74 Ibid., 59.

57
 Four

TENTATIVE CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: THE

STANDARD INTERPRETIVE TEMPTATION

All these considerations lead many people to what I call the “standard
interpretive temptation” of the Bilderbergers and similar groups,75
namely, that they constitute a more or less monolithic group whose
power and competence is scarcely resistible, and whose planning and
subtlety is so comprehensive that they seldom fail in their goals, and most
importantly, that they show little if any signs of serious fracture and
fragmentation – of struggles for power – within their own circle. They
are, in a word, a sort of hive or herd, and, adopting the hive and herd
mentality for themselves, they seek to extend it to the rest of the world
as a means of their own domination and hegemony.
This hive/herd mentality of the Bilderberg Group reflects itself in the
way that it and all other such groups view the world economically,
conceptually, physically, and politically, for in each of these four cases,
they believe it to be a closed system. Therefore, it is necessary to have a
basic working idea of what is meant by “closed systems” in each of these
four senses.
By a closed economic system is meant the idea that the world’s
energy supply, upon which the financial system of the banksters is based,
is founded upon non-renewable energy sources such as oil, natural gas,
and so on. Hence, the system is closed since the whole premise of the
system is scarcity and non-renewability. Because of this, “One
Bilderberg objective is to de-industrialize the world by suppressing all
scientific development, starting with the United States. Especially
targeted are the fusion experiments as a future source of nuclear energy
for peaceful purposes”.76 Note the profound implications of this closed-
system economic paradigm, for it necessitates that the Bilderberg and
similar Groups must resort to active measures to suppress the scientific
development of new theories and their allied technologies that would
shift the world’s energy supply – and hence the financial system – to a

75 Similar groups, i.e., the Royal Institute of International Affairs, or “Chatham House”,
The Milner Group, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission, and so
on.
76 Estulin, op. cit., p.44.
new basis, and a basis no longer needing to be reliant upon their own
monopoly financial power to create the medium of exchange and credit.
These active measures would include, but need not be limited to, the
following:

1. Suppression of physics theories implying an “open systems” basis

for energy, such as any hyper-dimensional theory, zero- point
energy theory, and so on, that would lead to technologies tapping
into them. Such theories are inherently open systems theories and
the energy supplies they posit are virtually inexhaustible; hence the
financial system would perforce undergo a dramatic
metamorphosis, ending their financial money-and-credit creating
monopoly, since finance itself would become an open system;
2. Promotion of physics theories in the public “marketplace of ideas”
that are deliberately designed to “dead end”, i.e., make practical
technological access to such energy supplies “theoretically
impossible” and thus close off scientific debate and discussion, i.e.,
physics itself is made to be a conceptually closed system;
3. Suppression of individuals, groups, corporations, or countries
developing such energy systems, whether standard and
conventional nuclear energy, to more exotic energy sources such as
controlled fusion and so-called “free energy” devices;
4. Promotion of so-called “energy-efficient” technologies that are
basically nothing but expensive “upgrades” of the current
technologies and energy systems, leaving their monopoly financial
power intact and unthreatened.

These considerations lead almost inexorably to a consideration of the

next sense of “closed systems”, to the “conceptually closed system”.
As has already been indicated, the type of physics actively promoted
by the Group will be deliberately designed to “dead end”, i.e., it will be
one of two things. It will either be a closed-system physics, or an open-
system physics that is impractical and even theoretically impossible to
engineer for the foreseeable future. Hence, the Group’s own internal
dynamics will not only be conceptually closed to all such theories, but
will extend itself across the range of human experience, and
conceptualization, since a practically engineerable open-systems physics
implies the democratization not only of energy, but its corollaries,
finance and political power, across a very broad spectrum of people, as a

59
greater mass of people would be lifted up to greater wealth, freedom, and
prosperity. The Group, then, evidences the effect of its own closed-
system physics, by advocating closed and monopolized systems of
finance and politics. This was reflected in the fact that the Group recruits
only those who share its view and goals, as we have seen.
And this highlights its first major weakness, for being committed
rather unscientifically to such a closed system in which progress is to be
shunned and suppressed, the Group shows that it is incapable of
adaptability to changing circumstances that are not under its own control.
In short, it cannot evolve and is therefore destined to stagnate, wither,
and die.
This fact evidences a further problem that the Group has, and it is one
to which I have averred in previous books and radio talk show interviews,
and that is the “proliferation problem”. Estulin outlines this problem in
the following fashion:

Why is nuclear energy hated so much by the New World Order?

According to John Coleman, a former British MI6 secret agent,
nuclear power stations generating abundant cheap electricity are
“The key to bringing Third World countries out of their backward
state. With nuclear energy generating electricity in cheap and
abundant supplies, Third World countries would gradually
become independent of U.S. foreign aid, which keeps them in
servitude, and begin to assert their sovereignty.
Less foreign aid means less control of a country’s natural
resources by the IMF, and greater freedom and independence for
the people. It is this idea of developing nations taking charge of
their own destinies that is repugnant to the Bilderbergers and their
surrogates.
This was confirmed on page 13 of the Bilderberg 1955 General
Report: “In the field of atomic energy, scientific discovery was
continually overtaking itself…. It could not be excluded that the
scientists would put the bomb into the hands of more and more
people and so ‘the atomic bomb would become the arm of the
poor’. The same applied to the development of atomic energy for
peaceful purposes, where we had almost to foresee the
unforeseeable”.77

77 Estulin, op. cit., pp. 44–45.

60
In other words, part of the concern of the Bilderbergers in the decade or
so following World War II, was the apparent ease by which atomic
energy – and hence atom bombs – could proliferate beyond their ability
to control. It would, to put it mildly, be a political nightmare, as smaller
nations could conceivably hold the rest of the world under a kind of
nuclear blackmail. In short, some of their reasons for scientific
suppression were indeed altruistic.
However, there all altruism ends, for a virtual Western monopoly on
such weapons at that time in the immediate post-war period also gave the
Group a final “threat of last resort” against the very people and world it
sought and still seeks to enslave. And this brings us back to the other
problem: open-systems physics and energy sources. As we shall see
subsequently in this book, such systems are relatively easy things to
engineer, and moreover, such a physics, if weaponized, would potentially
be capable of making a hydrogen bomb look like a firecracker. The
Group must therefore seek not only to suppress public exploration and
development of this physics from a proliferation standpoint, but it must
also seek to develop it privately for itself, giving it yet another monopoly
on a technology of hegemony. This too, as we shall see, is yet another
link to the ancient past.
There is one final consequence of such a closed-system view of
physics, economics, and finance, and that is that it leads to perpetual
war,78 since ever-dwindling resources are being sought by ever more
competing interests. Nor is the Group immune from this, since scarcity
will inevitably bring about severe factional infighting, as one faction
demands more resources than the projected “World Government” or
“World Company” wishes to provide it.79 Eventually, within such a
closed-system physico-economic order, the system must devour the
world and finally itself.
It is, by its own lights and philosophy, inevitably doomed.
If anything emerges from these brief considerations it is this: in the
emerging global community, an open-system physics is ultimately the key
to open systems of economics, to open conceptual systems, and to open
systems of politics and finance. This deep and profound relationship

78Estulin, op. cit., p. 95.

79Estulin mentions the case of the economic rape of Argentina by the banksters, for the
simple reason that nuclear Argentina was supplying much of Mexico’s own energy
requirements, and doing so without going through the oil spigots controlled by the Group
and its oilmen. Q.v. p. 45.

61
between physics, finance, and political order is, of course, not unknown
to the Bilderberg Group or other such groups, as their own active
suppression of such physics and cognate technologies attests.80 The real
question that shall preoccupy us throughout the remainder of this book is
exactly why that relationship should even exist, to outline its salient
features, and to examine certain aspects of how it has manifest itself in
history.

80This active suppression and its connection to the banking interest will be explored more
fully in subsequent chapters.

62
 C. UNUSUAL GUESTS AT THE FIRST MEETING, AND THE
ALTERNATIVE EXPLANATION: DETENTE

As previously indicated, the standard interpretation of the Group and

its surrogates as a monolithic, omni-competent and omnipotent bloc does
not take into account some very significant facts that bear directly upon
the interpretation of those early Bilderberger meetings, including
especially the first ones ca. 1954–1960. These facts may be distinguished
into three classes:

1. The presence of two unusual guests, with prominent Nazi

backgrounds, at the first meetings;
2. The wider context of post-war survival of a Nazi International and
its financial and political capital and objectives;
3. The occurrence of events – subsequent to the first Bilderberg
meeting – indicative of some sort of understanding between the
Anglo-American banking elite and the Nazi International, each of
which had their own globalist agenda for world domination.

Each of these points must be examined in some detail in order to

appreciate their significance for an understanding of at least one of the
probable purposes for the establishment of the Bilderberg Group.

1. Two Prominent Guests with Nazi Backgrounds

Most researchers on the Bilderberg Group have noticed the presence
of Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands as the instigator and chairman of
one of its first meetings in the 1950s, and some, Jim Marrs for example,
have also noted that Bernhard was a former SS officer, as well as a vice
president for the notorious and gargantuan German chemicals cartel I.G.
Farben.81 But there is another significant figure present in those first
meetings as well, and it is the combination of these two men that indicate
there may have been yet another hidden purpose in the founding of the
Bilderberg Group.

81See Jim Marrs, The Rise of the Fourth Reich: The Secret Societies that Threaten to
Take Over America, p. 48.

63
 That man is Deutschebank chairman, Sovereign Military Order of
Malta member, and I.G. Farben, Daimler-Benz, and Siemens board of
directors member, Dr. Hermann Josef Abs.82
In addition to these directorships on Germany’s most powerful and
largest bank and some of its largest corporations including Siemens and
I.G. Farben, Abs, during his tenure as a partner of the private bank of
Delbruck, Schickler and Co., located in Berlin, became a close associate
of Nazi Party Reichsleiter and financial genius Martin Bormann, since
Abs’ private bank was the very bank that managed the accounts for the
Reichschancellery, and thus paid Adolf Hitler’s salary as Chancellor!83

2. The Wider Context of the Post-war Nazi International and

The Name “Bilderberger” Group
But there is a deeper implication to Abs’ presence at the Bilderberg
meetings, along with fellow I.G. Farben officer Prince Bernhard, than
even this “friendly” relationship with Martin Bormann would indicate.
This deeper implication is clearly suggested by the role that
Deutschebank played in moving the massive amount of funds overseas
that were a component of Martin Bormann’s “Strategic Evacuation
Plan”, first outlined for the Nazi and German corporate leadership at a
top-secret meeting held in Strasbourg, France, in August of 1944.84
As I wrote in one of my previous books, Nazi International, seven
things emerged as a consequence of this meeting:

1. Bormann basically confiscated any foreign reserves in the

possession of German corporations and placed them under the
control of the Nazi Party;
2. These funds in turn would be disbursed to corporations in aid of
their fulfillment of the goals of the conference;
3. One primary goal was to establish “research bureaus” whose
purpose, following the I.G. Farben N.W. 7 model, was to gather

82 Estulin, op. cit., pp. 200-201. Estulin actually reproduces the Bilderberger documents
on these pages. For Abs’ membership in the Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM)
and directorship on the board of I.G. Farben, Daimler, and Siemens, see
http://moversandshakersofthesmom.blogspot.com/2008/08/hermann-abs.html, p. 2.
83 http://moversandshakersofthesmom.blogspot.com/2008/08/hermann-abs.html, p. 2.
84 For the story of this meeting and its implications, see my Nazi International: The Nazis’

Postwar Plan to Control Finance, Conflict, Physics, and Space (Adventures Unlimited
Press, 2008), pp. 63–83.

64
 intelligence and steal foreign research as well as to conduct their
own research;
4. Since these technical offices were to have their own Nazi Party
liaison officer reporting directly to Bormann, it is clear that
Bormann intended for his Nazi International to conduct not only
espionage but research in its own right, under departments – the
“technical offices” – of German corporations only very loosely
connected to them;
5. Each such research bureau was to be established under a cloak of
other activity, such as “investigating water resources”;
6. The capital flight program was designed to see to it that Allied
authorities did not get the most valuable German scientists,
technicians, or knowledge, as represented in patents, all of which
were to be transferred overseas to safe havens, thus indicating that
Bormann, in the light of all the previously enumerated
considerations, intended for the Party to continue an independent
line of scientific research under its own control, all the while
managing and sharing any information gained through its espionage
activities with the involved German corporations, as the Party and
Bormann saw fit.

And all this implies something else, something very obvious, and very
significant:

7. Martin Bormann fully intended to survive the war in order to

coordinate all these activities.85

Note the significant point of establishing “research bureaus” under the

direction of Nazi Party liaison officers who, in turn, gathered
intelligence, oversaw ongoing post-war Nazi research activities, and who
reported directly to Bormann! By extension then, the presence of SS
Officer Prince Bernhard as not only a founder of the Bilderberger Group,
but as the first chairman of its first meeting, and the presence of
Bormann’s banker, Dr. Hermann Josef Abs, in later meetings, himself a
Farben director along with Prince Bernhard, is a strong indicator that the
Bilderberg Group may have been founded as yet another “liaison office”

85Joseph P. Farrell, Nazi International: The Nazis’ Postwar Plan to Control Finance,
Conflict, Physics, and Space (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2008), p. 76.

65
for Bormann’s Nazi International, allowing it not only the opportunity to
sit down behind closed doors and “exchange information” with its chief
rival for power – the Anglo-American banking elite – but to maintain a
constant flow of intelligence on its activities and goals.86 It was, in short,
a marriage of convenience to move and launder massive amounts of
money through the Anglo-American elite’s corporations and banks. And
as with all such deals with the devil, Bormann’s money also carried with
it the implied threat that someday the “markers would come due”.
There is some corroborative evidence for this interpretation even in
Estulin’s book itself:

Most reports contend the original members named their alliance

the Bilderberg Group after the hotel where they made their
covenant. Author Gyeorgos C. Hatonn, however, discovered that
German-born Prince Bernhard was an officer in the Reiter SS Corp
in the early 1930s and was on the board of an I.G. Farben
subsidiary, Farben Bilder. In his book, Rape of the Constitution;
Death of Freedom, Hatonn claims Prince Bernhard drew on his
Nazi history in corporate management to encourage the “super-
secret policy-making group to call themselves the Bilderbergers
after Farben Bilder, in memory of the Farben executives’ initiative
to organize Heinrich Himmler’s “Circle of Friends” – elite wealth-
building leaders who amply rewarded Himmler for his protection
under National Socialist programs, from the early days of Hitler’s
popularity through to Nazi Germany’s defeat. The royal Dutch
family discreetly buried this part of Prince Bernhard’s background
when, after the war, he became a top official in Royal Dutch Shell,
a Dutch-British conglomerate. Today, this rich European oil
company forms part of the inner circle of the Bilderberg elite.87

86 Abs’ easy access to West German Chancellors Konrad Adenauer, Ludwig Erhard, and
Kurt Georg Kiesinger (a former member of Dr. Josef Göbbels’ Propaganda Ministry!)
may account for the fact that Bormann and his Nazi International were such hot political
topics for West German politicians and prosecutors. Indeed, those prosecutors often
would complain of their feeling that some hidden hand was directing the West German
government, and inhibiting their efforts to bring Bormann and other top Nazis to justice.
Abs, given his close contact before, during, and after the war, may have indeed been the
go-between between Bormann and the postwar German governments.
87
Etsulin, op. cit., p. 20.

66
There, however, Estulin leaves matters, never to return to the potential
implications this information signals.
These potential implications are signalled, once again, by Abs’
presence as a Bilderberger, and to see what it is, we have to look a little
closer at the post-war relationship between him, Bormann, and the North
American faction of the Bilderberg Group that is implicated in a little-
known incident.

3. An Event Indicative of an Understanding between the

Anglo-American Corporate Globalist Elite and the Nazi
International
This incident is a clear indicator that the Bilderberg Group’s early
founding was for the purposes of striking a kind of “détente” between the
two old rivals, the Nazi International and the Anglo-American elite, since
both shared similar goals, and both had access to a lot of money. The
incident was disclosed by long-time CBS journalist and Ed Morrow
associate Paul Manning, in his book Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile.
Manning recounts a little-known effort by U.S. Supreme Court Justice
Jackson, who had obtained fame as America’s chief prosecutor during
the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunals, and President Harry S. Truman,
to track down the Nazi Party Reichsleiter. I recounted this effort in my
book The Nazi International as follows:

Paul Manning, a journalist and long-time associate and friend of

the famous CBS newsman Ed Morrow, mentioned Bormann’s
presence in Bariloche province, but did not connect his appearance
with the Richter fusion project. Manning begins by noting that
President Truman himself became involved in the hunt for
Bormann in 1948, three long years after Bormann supposedly died
trying to escape Berlin, according to the “official standard”
history:
On June 16, 1948, President Truman became involved in the
hunt for Martin Bormann. Robert H. Jackson, who had once taken
a leave from the Supreme Court to serve as U.S. chief prosecutor
at the Nuremberg trials, wrote to the president that a quiet search
should be made by the FBI for Bormann in South America.
“My suggestion, therefore”, he wrote, “is that the FBI be
authorized to pursue thoroughly discreet inquiries of a preliminary
nature in South America…. I have submitted this summary to Mr.

67
 Hoover and am authorized to say that it meets with his approval.
You may inform him of your wishes directly or through me, as
you prefer”.88

The choice of the FBI to do the investigation is perhaps significant.

Under American federal law after Truman signed the National Security
Act of 1947 that created the CIA and NSA, the FBI was restricted to
intelligence operations on American soil. All operations on foreign soil
fell under the jurisdiction of the CIA. So why would Jackson have urged
President Truman to undertake an investigation in South America
through the FBI? After all, Truman himself signed the law into existence
and knew full well its contents.
The answer lies once again in the fact that the CIA, which, under
Zurich OSS station chief Allen Dulles during the war, had negotiated a
highly secret deal with the head of German military intelligence on the
Eastern Front, General Reinhard Gehlen, to turn over – lock, stock, and
Nazi – Gehlen’s entire network to the nominal oversight of the American
intelligence community, leaving Gehlen in charge of its actual day-to-
day operations. In other words, before the ink was even dry on the
National Security Act of 1947, the CIA’s “civilian character” had already
been compromised in the most egregious way, since its entire operational
desk in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and to a great extent
elsewhere as well, was staffed by a network of Nazis! Needless to say,
then, the CIA would not be the best instrumentality to investigate
Bormann’s possible presence in Latin America! Jackson’s request also
suggests something even darker: that both he and Truman knew of the
extent of Nazi penetration of the CIA, and therefore of its
untrustworthiness as an investigative agency for post-war Nazi activity.
In any case, as Manning observes:

“The presidential authorization was given, and John Edgar Hoover

assigned the investigation to his most experienced and skilful
agent in South America, who proved that he was just that by
eventually obtaining copies of the Martin Bormann file that were
being held under strict secrecy by Argentina’s Minister of the
Interior in the Central de Intelligencia. When the file [now in my
possession] was received at FBI headquarters, it revealed that the

88 Paul Manning, Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile (Lyle Stuart, Inc. 1981), p. 204.

68
 Reichsleiter had indeed been tracked for years. One report covered
his whereabouts from 1948 to 1961, in Argentina, Paraguay,
Brazil and Chile. The file revealed that he had been banking under
his own name from his office in Germany in Deutsche Bank of
Buenos Aires since 1941; that he held one joint account with the
Argentinian dictator Juan Perón, and on August 4, 5, and 14,
1967, had written checks on demand accounts in First National
City Bank [Overseas Division] of New York, The Chase Manhattan
Bank, and Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., all cleared through
Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires”.89

Bormann’s wartime contact with Deutsche Bank bigwig Dr.

Hermann Abs, and the connections to the international financial
interests of Morgan and Rockefeller via their big New York banks,
was paying big dividends, for Bormann quite apparently did not
even have to hide his identity, but could sign and cash checks
under his own name through some of the largest and most well-
known banks in America as late as 1967!90

Observe carefully the dynamic here:

1. Bormann has accounts after the war in large American banks

representing the Rockefeller-Morgan interest;
2. He is able to draft checks on those accounts and cash them under his
own name 22 years after the end of the war;
3. Those checks are cleared through his bank, Deutschebank, through
its local Buenos Aires office in Argentina!

We have thus a Bormann-Abs-Rockefeller network, and this clearly

implies that the two financial elites, represented by their respective
delegations to those early Bilderberg meetings, have reached some sort
of modus vivendi. The question is, why?

89
Manning, Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile, pp. 204–205, emphasis added.
90
Farrell, The Nazi International (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2008), pp. 302–304.

69
 4. Closed Systems, Open Systems, and Further Possible
Reasons for the Détente
A clue to the answer is afforded in part by the fact that the immediate
post-war goals of the Nazi International and the Anglo-American elite
are one and the same: the creation of a European federation under
German economic dominance. Jim Marrs, in his bestselling book The
Rise of the Fourth Reich, puts it this way:

After the war a devastated Europe looked to Germany for

economic leadership. The economic steps taken that became the
Common Market took the shape of pre-war Nazi plans.
“[S]omehow the Germans had the answer originally in 1942 when
they were melding the economic institutions of the Continent into
their own design”, noted Manning.
It is interesting to note that the present European Union [EU]
began as merely economic measures.
…
The European Economic Community, better known as the
Common Market, was established in 1957 by the Treaty of
Rome…. George McGhee, a member of the secretive Bilderberg
Group and former U.S. ambassador to West Germany
acknowledged that “the Treaty of Rome, which brought the
Common Market into being, was nurtured at Bilderberg
meetings”.91

And needless to say, the ultimate goal of world domination was a goal
shared both by the North American Faction and the Nazi International,
and hence, both could afford to make common cause, to come to an
agreement of “détente” and “coexistence” at those first Bilderberg Group
meetings.
But there is yet another reason such a détente was not only sought by
both factions, but in a sense, altogether necessary: money. The rebuilding
of Europe, not to mention its integration, would require money, and lots
of it, and there were two groups – The North American Bilderberg
faction, and the Nazi International – that had it in abundance. For
Bormann to “grow” the substantial monies that his Nazi Party had

91Jim Marrs, The Rise of the Fourth Reich: The Secret Societies that Threaten to Take
Over America (William Morrow, 2008), pp. 215–216.

70
plundered from Europe, he would have to have access to the international
banking community and its banks in Britain and North America.
Conversely, such vast influx of liquid cash and hard commodities such
as gold, diamonds, and platinum, which Bormann’s Nazi International
had in abundance,92 would constitute a reserve that would greatly expand
the Rockefeller-Morgan-Rothschild banks’ ledger credit-making ability,
enriching them in the process.
It was, inevitably, a “détente” made in banksters’ heaven.
And Bilderberg was the result.
There is, however, a final reason for the détente, one that once again
demonstrates the deep connection of finance and physics.
For Bormann’s Nazi International to maintain this détente for such a
long period after the war – after all, according to Manning and the
Argentine intelligence service, he cashed checks on Rockefeller-Morgan
banks via Deutschebank in 1967 – he would have to have had powerful
coercive “leverage” with which to ensure that the Anglo-American
faction lived up to its part of the deal. Part of this no doubt came from
the implicit threat afforded by the vast intelligence resources available to
him: General Gehlen’s old German military intelligence unit, now the
nucleus of West Germany’s Bundesnachrichtendienst, the Nazi Party’s
own significant intelligence network, and so on. The mere existence of
such a network would convey the threat that if the other faction did not
behave according to their agreements, its leaders could be very easily
assassinated.93 There is, however, another bit of leverage Bormann’s
Nazi International controlled, and it was one piece of leverage that its
rival North American faction dearly wished to possess: alternative
physics.
Over the course of four previous books on wartime Nazi secret
weapons research – Reich of the Black Sun, The SS Brotherhood of the
Bell, Secrets of the Unified Field, and The Nazi International – I have
detailed the story of the Nazi Bell device, a hyper-dimensional physics
device being researched under the auspices of the SS departments
Entwicklungstelle-IV (Development Area IV), Forschung, Entwicklung,
und Patente (Research, Development, and Patents), and SS General Hans
Kammler’s super-secret weapons black projects think-tank, the

92 See my Nazi International, pp. 64–66, 82–83, 176–177.

93 Not to mention the blackmail potential offered by the “détente deal” itself!

71
Kammlerstab.94 As the mission brief of the Entwicklungstelle IV was to
develop free energy and to make Germany independent of foreign oil,95
and as the latter two departments were responsible for the Bell itself (a
device I believe to have been designed for a threefold purpose: to
investigate that same “free energy”, to explore the possibilities of
advanced field propulsion concepts, and finally, as a weapon that had the
potential to make even the largest thermonuclear bombs pale by
comparison for destructive potential),96 this device and the alternative
physics it represented and embodied were a clear threat to the closed-
systems approach of at least the North American faction within the
Bilderberg Group and similar groups. As I also detail in The Nazi
International, Bormann saw to it that while the Allies and Soviets
received an almost equal and stalemating division of the technological
spoils of the Third Reich, this device he retained for the Nazi
International, and continued a line of independent investigation of its
physics.97
This independent investigation was headquartered in Argentina, near
the remote city of San Carlos de Bariloche in Rio Negro province, some
900 miles southwest of Buenos Aires. Ostensibly a project investigating
techniques for controlling thermonuclear fusion, it had evidently
achieved some success, as dictator Juan Perón made an announcement in
1951 to this effect.98 Further investigation, however, revealed that the
ultimate goal of the project was far beyond this, as the project’s head, Dr.
Ronald Richter, viewed controlled fusion and plasma processes as a way
to manipulate and the zero-point energy, the fabric of space-time itself.99
For our purposes here, however, it is important to note that the United
States shows an interest in Richter’s project some four years after it was
shut down by Bormann and his Nazi International.100 This fact, plus the
fact, according to Bell researcher Igor Witkowski, that after the war the
United States made every effort to reconstruct the personnel team that

94 See my Reich of the Black Sun, pp. 99–107; SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 144–148,
170-171.
95 See my SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 170-171.
96 See my SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 141–308, and Secrets of the Unified Field, pp.

238–288.
97 See my The Nazi International, pp. 85–136; 348–350, 382.
98 Ibid., pp. 249–274.
99 Ibid, pp. 275–350, particularly pp. 316–317; 343.
100 Ibid., pp. 278–298.

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worked on the Bell,101 and that it also even went so far as to launch a
military commando raid into Czechoslovakia in 1946 to recover
documents doubtless relating to General Kammler’s secret weapons
group,102 is a strong indication that the Anglo-American faction knew in
a general fashion of the existence of this alternative physics in post-war
Nazi hands, and was attempting to recover as much of it for themselves
as possible, and break Bormann’s monopoly hold over it and restore a
“balance of power”, albeit a covert one, between the two factions.103
Needless to say, there is also every indication that the Soviets and Allies
began a crash program after the war to investigate similar lines of physics
for themselves.104
This indicates a possible final reason for the détente: Bormann’s Nazi
International could literally dangle portions of that physics and its
cognate technologies before his erstwhile allies’ noses, and dole it out
piecemeal, if he so chose, in return for “favours”. And this hints at a
potential internal dynamic within the factions represented by the
Bilderberg Group, for each faction would seek not only to suppress
public development of such physics and technologies, but also seek to
inhibit the other faction’s development of it as well.

5. An Analogy of the Détente: The 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact

An apt analogy of this situation is afforded by the Nazi-Soviet Pact of
1939, the pact that secretly divided Poland into Nazi and Soviet “spheres
of influence” and made World War II possible. Both regimes being what
they were, both took cynical advantage of the geopolitical situation, fully

101 Witkowski, The Truth About the Wunderwaffe, p. 260,

102 See my Secrets of the Unified Field, pp. 296–312.
103 Yet another factor is worth considering in this respect, and that is my interpretation of

the Roswell event on the basis of the internal evidence of the MJ-12 documents as having
been perhaps the crash of something Nazi. (Q.v. my Reich of the Black Sun, pp. 274–330;
and The SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 311–384). If this be true, then the North
American Faction, through the agency of its surrogate, the U.S. government and military,
had yet another clue indicating the postwar Nazi possession of this physics, and its
continued development of it. As such, it had yet another impetus to seek and recover as
much of the original Nazi documentation and personnel as it could, and, failing that, to
embark on its own programs to acquire the physics and technology for itself.
104 For the Soviet interest, see my SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 203–236, and The

Philosophers’ Stone (Feral House, 2009), section four; for the American pursuit, see Paul
A. LaViolette’s excellent study of off-the-books projects in antigravity field propulsion
in the U.S.A., Secrets of Antigravity Propulsion: Tesla, UFOs, and Classified Aerospace
Technology (Bear & Co., 2008), pp. 42–259.

73
knowing that at some future time the two nations would probably come
to blows. The pact was simply a “détente”, a “coexistence” wherein both
sides agreed not to go to war with each other, allowing a period of time
during which each could build up its forces to do precisely that!
For reasons that were in part outlined in the prologue and to be
explored subsequently, this author believes that within the last decade or
so, there are distinct signs that that the post-war détente within the
Bilderberg Group is breaking down, and that there is quiet, though very
serious, covert war being waged between the various factions of that
international corporate elite.105

6. Closed Systems, Globalization, New Energy Sources, and

Outer Space
But what are the practical implications of this “closed system”
approach to physics and economics?
For the conspirators adopting them and imposing them on the rest of
the world, they are very simple. In the first instance, that of
“globalization”, a closed global economic order will eventually devour
itself, and therewith, the conspirators themselves. Knowing this, they
have two possible alternatives: (1) development of new energy sources
which they can monopolize, a risky prospect as we shall see, or (2) they
can “open” the system up a bit, and venture into outer space, creating a
potential “competitor”, while simultaneously promoting factional and
regional imbalances on the earth which they can manipulate and control,
and maintain the illusion that the economy is perking along nicely (as
they have done in the past). Both components of this stratagem are
themselves fraught with risks as well, for in promoting regional
imbalances and factional infighting, they run the risk that they will
eventually lose control of them, and that the unitary closed global system
will fragment, and their power be correspondingly diminished.

105As yet another sign that this may be the case, one should also consider the allegation
of authors Richard C. Hoagland and Mike Bara in their New York Times bestseller, Dark
Mission: The Secret History of NASA, wherein they present evidence that by the time of
the Apollo lunar missions, the Nazi faction had become the dominant and most influential
group within the Agency, competing against the other two factions: Magicians, and
Masons, both groups with strong ties to the Anglo-American establishment.

74
 D. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

So, what may one conclude from this examination of the real purposes
behind the Bilderberg Group?
As we have seen, the following points now evidence themselves:

1. There is a deep and profound connection between the closed-

systems approach of finance and politics advocated by such
international groups of the corporate elite, and closed-systems
physics;
2. This connection necessitates that any internal factions within it seek
to suppress the open and public development of such physics, as
well as to monopolize it for themselves and deny it to other factions;
3. Any such group must also seek to extend its influence over the other
areas of power: academia, labour, and, as we saw from David
Rockefeller’s remarks, religion. This will figure prominently in part
two in our examination of why ancient temples functioned also as
centres for the then banking class;
4. In the wake of World War II, an apparent détente was struck
between two major factions – the Anglo-American, and the Nazi
International or European faction – as a result of the pressing need
for channelling vast amounts of Nazi plunder back into Europe, and
as the North American Group and the European group each used the
meetings to gather intelligence on the other, and keep abreast of its
activities.

With these observations, we have seen at one end of the historical pole
the interrelationships of closed and open systems, of the banking elite,
and of the necessity for it to suppress the development of open-systems
physics that would lead to open financial systems. We have moreover
suggested that there is serious factional polarization and tension within
that class hiding just beneath the surface, and able to break out into open
conflict given certain circumstances.
It is now time to press our examination a little further back into
history, toward the Great Depression, and a hidden, little-known and
little appreciated legacy of one of America’s most unpopular Presidents.
Thereby we will be afforded the perspective by which to perceive quite
clearly the interrelationships of physics and economics itself, and to track
that relationship even further back into history.

75
 Two

HOOVER’S HIDDEN LEGACY AND GIFT

INDICATORS OF A LOST SCIENCE

“All our chart can tell us is that, failing a revolution of some sort, the
pattern as established will presumably prevail”.
— Edward R. Dewey and Edwin F. Dakin106

No President of the United States of America has gone down in

history more lamented, and even excoriated, than has Herbert Hoover,
whose twin misfortunes were first to have presided over the country at
the beginning of the Great Depression, and secondly, to have been such
an ardent free-market ideologue that he genuinely thought there was
nothing he nor the government could nor should do to alleviate the
suffering of those who had lost their savings, farms, and homes during
the crisis. In this he came the closest of any American chief executive to
the attitude of Marie Antoinette who, upon hearing of the plight of
France’s poor being unable to purchase adequate food and bread, is
reported to have said merely, “Let them eat cake”. His presidency thus
came to epitomize the popular perception that the U.S.A. was a
government of Wall Street, by Wall Street, and for Wall Street. Marie
Antoinette, of course, lost her head over the matter. Hoover managed to
retain his head, but was expelled from the presidency in 1932 in an
election that swept Franklin Delano Roosevelt into office. But Hoover
did leave one enduring legacy of his attempt to find a genuinely long-
term solution to the problem of “boom-and-bust” business cycles that
had plagued American history, and it is a legacy few people even know
exists. And even among the few that do know of its existence, even fewer
of them know its true significance.
That legacy was Edward R. Dewey, and his legacy, the Foundation
for the Study of Cycles.

106 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction (Kessinger Publishing: reprint
of the Henry and Holt Company book of the same title, 1947), p. 28.

76
 Dewey’s interest in cycles began when Hoover, beset by the misery
the Great Depression was inflicting on so many Americans, wanted to
know the cause of it, and assigned the U.S. Department of Commerce the
task of finding it out. The assignment fell to Dewey, who was at that time
the Chief Economic Analyst of the Commerce Department.107 Seeking
out the assistance of various economists, he lost faith in standard methods
of economics when they could not provide him with coherent and
consistent answers and models. Having access to the vast amounts of
information available to him from the Commerce Department, Dewey
adopted a novel approach. Rather than concerning himself with the whys
and causes of depressions, he decided to study how economic and
business cycles occurred. He decided, in other words, to study the what,
and not the why,108 and in doing so, he discovered something very
significant.
He discovered that cycles, waves of behaviour, existed in almost all
aspects of economic and human social life, from the prices of pig iron to
human emotions themselves. According to the Foundation for the Study
of Cycles’ website itself, Dewey learned of a “1931 Canadian conference
on biological cycles. Under the guidance of Dewey and the conference
leader, Copley Amory, the conference’s Permanent Committee was
organized into the Foundation for the Study of Cycles, and its scope was
enlarged to encompass all disciplines”.109 Having access to this expanded
database led to the Foundation’s establishment in 1941, and it has
continued to gather hard empirical evidence on all manner of cycles in
all possible disciplines ever since. The work of the Foundation continued
in Dewey’s tradition, gathering evidences of the what rather than the
why, though inevitably, as we shall see, the vast and overwhelming
amount of data it accumulated led to some of its members trying to work
out a comprehensive theory of the causes of these cycles, of the why.
In any case, this was Hoover’s lasting legacy – a profoundly positive
though unsung one – from the Great Depression and his otherwise
blighted presidency, for it led in 1947 to the first “comprehensive”
publication of what the Foundation had discovered. This was a book co-
authored by Dewey and his associate, Edwin F. Dakin, called Cycles:

107 “Edward R. Dewey”, Wikipedia, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foundation_for_the_Study

_of_Cycles , p. 1.
108 Ibid.
109 foundationforthestudyofcycles.org p. 1, emphasis added.

77
The Science of Prediction.110 It is by means of this book that we shall
gain our initial entrance into the deep physics connection between cycles
of human behaviour, economics, and energy technologies.

A. AN OVERVIEW OF DEWEY’S DATABASE

Anyone reading Dewey’s and Dakin’s Cycles: The Science of

Prediction will immediately be struck by the sheer amount of data –
which is but a tiny fraction of the data gathered by the Foundation in its
decades of research! – that is crammed into its comparatively short 255
overstuffed pages. There are graphs of the growth curves of pumpkins,
yeast cells, and fruit flies,111 of whole countries like Sweden, the United
States,112 France, Algeria,113 of populations, of manufactures,114 of
exports and imports,115 of the growth of railroads, shipbuilding, and
automobile building industries,116 of cattle, corn, cotton, wool, wheat,
malt liquor, lumber, and cotton spindle production, coal, copper and lead
production,117 of airplane and natural gas production,118 of paper and
wood pulp production.119 There are charts of the rises and fall of Atlantic
salmon populations,120 of lynx and tent caterpillar population cycles,121
even of the cycle of ozone levels at London and Paris.122
There are charts of 54-year periodic cycles in wholesale prices,
wages, and interest-bearing securities, of coal production in England and
coal consumption in France, of pig iron and lead production in
England.123 There are charts and graphs of nine-year cycles of prices in

110 Edward R. Dewey and Edwin F. Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction (New York:
Henry Holt and Company, 1947. Reprint by Kessinger Publishing). ISBM 1436710219.
111 Ibid., pp. 12–13.
112 Ibid., pp. 14–15.
113 Ibid., pp. 16–17.
114 Ibid., pp. 24–25.
115 Ibid., pp. 26–27.
116 Ibid., pp. 32–33.
117 Ibid., pp. 36–41.
118 Ibid., pp. 44–45.
119 Ibid., pp. 46–47.
120 Ibid., p. 53.
121 Ibid., pp. 54–55.
122 Ibid., p. 56.
123 Ibid., pp. 80-81. For the discussion of the phenomenon of the 54-year cycle, see pp.

69–86.

78
manufactured goods, common stocks, wholesale prices.124 There are
three-and-a-half-year cycles of industrial production and common stock
prices,125 18-year cycles of real estate activity, housing and building
construction,126 marriages, wheat acreage, bricks,127 of construction in
Hamburg, Germany, of skyscrapers in New York City and Chicago,128
loans and discounts and railroad stock prices,129 and on and on it goes.130
What emerged from all this vast accumulation of data was that the
growth curve of things – no matter what they were, from yeast cultures
to countries – was the same, and that there were discernible wave forms,
cycles, of varying years’ duration, in all manner of things, from stock
prices to ozone levels to atmospheric electricity, and that these cycles
were not only discernible but quantifiable because they were regular.
And because they were regular, they were not only inevitable but also
predictable. As we shall see, in this inevitability and predictability, there
lies quite a tale, for that story is in fact what this book is about.
But needless to say, the possession of such a database, not to mention
its potential in the hands of those who knew about it, made it a “tool to
possess” for those who stood to benefit financially and politically from
such knowledge, and this in turn may account for the fact that, while a
public foundation, few people actually know about it, and fewer still have
an inkling of what its vast database implies about the structure of the
physical world, and about those who would, through technological
means, manipulate that structure for whatever purpose, and, in this
regard, one need only recall that Dr. David Li’s Gaussian copula formula
was precisely a technique of such manipulation. But we get some

124 Ibid., pp. 89–90.

125 Ibid., pp. 106–107, 110-111.
126 Ibid., pp. 118 – 119.
127 Ibid., pp. 120-121.
128 Ibid., p. 112–123.
129 Ibid., pp. 130-131.
130 On its website the Foundation for the Study of Cycles states that it is “dedicated to the

interdisciplinary study of finding and analyzing recurring patterns. This includes the
economy, natural and social sciences, the arts and more as more than 4,300 natural cycles
have been documented with interrelated patterns”. Concerning its mission, it states that
“Our Mission is to discover, understand and explain the true nature and origin of cycles,
thereby solving the mystery of recurrent rhythmic phenomena, as has been true nature
and origin of cycles, thereby solving the mystery of recurrent rhythmic phenomena, as
has been observed in both the natural and social sciences”. (Emphases added) By 2006,
it claimed more than “2,500 members in 42 countries”. (www.
foundationforthestudyofcycles.org).

79
measure, perhaps, of the Foundation’s true importance and the true
significance of its research by the presence within its membership and
lists of published papers of at least one member of a prominent
international bank. For example, in its library of available papers on its
internet website, one finds the following interesting catalogue of papers,
and these, again, are but a few of those publicly available. There are
many more available to members of the Foundation:

1. A paper by Theodor Landscheidt, Director of the Schroeter Institute

for Research in Cycles of Solar Activity, Nova Scotia, entitled
“Cosmic Regulation of Cycles in Nature and the Economy”. The
short abstract of this paper is also illuminating, for the paper is about
“cycles in nature that can be understood and predicted, and that are
connected with human behaviour, especially in the economy”.131
Note that what is implied here is a direct relationship between solar
cycles and human economic activity.
2. A paper by Ray Tomes, Director, Advanced Management Systems,
Ltd., in New Zealand, entitled “Towards a Unified Theory of
Cycles”. The short abstract of this paper is equally illuminating, for
it states that “Evidence suggests that earth-based cycles are caused
by lunar and solar effects on earth’s weather system. New ideas are
presented to explain both the mechanism by which planetary
alignments cause solar variations, and the reasons for detailed
harmonic relationships”.132 This is a bombshell, and will play a
major role throughout this book, for observe what Tomes has just
stated, and stated very explicitly: planetary alignments constitute
some sort of causal mechanism on the cycles of solar activity, and
with that, we are but one step away from astrology. There is but one
problem with that conclusion, and that is that, with the Foundation,
one is dealing with a group that has massive amounts of empirical,
quantifiable, and regular cyclic data on which they may base their
theoretical conclusions. And one need only compare this massive
historical database, and the presence of at least one known member
of the international banking community, with Dr. David Li’s
Gaussian copula formula which deliberately set aside historical
data, to perceive the profound difference between the two

131 www.cycleslibrary.org/synchronies/pg_0004.htm
132 Ibid., emphasis added.

80
 approaches, and to perceive the implication that, at some point,
someone “in the know” must have known what the real historical
cycle would be.
3. Finally, and for our immediate purpose, there is a paper by Mike
Niemara who is stated simply to be an “Economist, Mitsubishi
Bank, New York”, entitled “Forecasting Turning Points in the
International Business Cycle”. While the title of this paper is what
one might expect from an economist working for a very large
Japanese international bank, the abstract, again, is not, for besides
referring to the use of “new statistical techniques” for the
“monitoring and forecasting of turning points in the international
business cycle”, the abstract ends in a most unconventional fashion
by stating that the paper will also deal with “the role of sunspots in
economic activity”!133

From this one may reasonably conclude that at least some in the
international banking community have perceived a physics connection to
macro-economic activity and cycles, and are bent on discovering what it
is.
One may envision this as a kind of “econophysics”, for if there is a
physics connection, then it stands to reason that if one has a “standard
public consumption” physics view of physical systems as closed
systems, then one will perforce have a similar view of economics. But if,
as these three examples of the Foundation’s published papers attest, both
physics and economics are based on interrelated and hence open systems,
then one will have a corresponding economics and physics.134

133www.cycleslibrary.org/synchronies/pg_0004.htm
134It is also worth pausing to mention another interesting implication of the economist
of Mitsubishi being present as a Foundation member. Search as I did for the presence of
similar members from large international Anglo-American or European banks, I could
find none. This does not mean there aren’t any, but that they may be members whose
papers and membership in the Foundation are not published or known. But the presence
of a Mitsubishi economist is interesting in its own right, for Oriental societies are well-
known to have, from their very earliest cultural and religious origins, essentially cyclic
views of history and hence of human social activity. The presence suggests, then, that
they are intent upon putting empirical scientific and quantifiable data in the service of
recovering the real scientific bases of these ancient cosmological views. In short, they are
doing what I called paleophysics in my very first book, The Giza Death Star. (Q.v. The
Giza Death Star, chapter three. The paleophysical approach to ancient texts and myths
was further developed in The Giza Death Star Destroyed, chapters one through three, and
in The Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts,

81
 B. THE INEVITABILITY AND PREDICTABILITY OF CYCLES:
CLOSED VS. OPEN SYSTEMS

But what did Dewey and Dakin themselves state about these cycles
and their implications and significance?
In the introduction to their book, Dewey and Dakin state their case
with careful circumspection:

There are those who, admitting that economics has not been an
exact science, also insist that it cannot be, in the sense of predicting
outcomes in human affairs. There are even some who consider
prediction regarding human life as a kind of impiety – or fakery,
at best.
….
The reader will be introduced to a method of thinking about the
future which – new though it may be to him – seems definitely to
have proved of value. It is this method which is of fundamental
importance – an importance greater than any specific conclusions
to which it may lead. For on its validity depends the whole value
of the conclusions.
….
It is hoped that the reader’s reward will be the discovery that in
economics, as in other sciences, we are apparently dealing with
laws regarding rhythmic human response to certain stimuli that
give a remarkable working tool to any man who is responsibly
concerned with future outcomes – whether he be businessman,
community leader, or statesman.135

Of course, the idea of a “remarkable working tool” in the hands of those

“responsibly concerned with future outcomes” implies the same
remarkable tool could be used by those “irresponsibly concerned with
future outcomes” as well. In short, behind their carefully measured prose
lies the true significance of their work: it is an extraordinarily powerful
tool of prediction, and, to that extent, of manipulation.

chapters one through nine. This present book is intended to extend this analysis over a
broader range of data).
135 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. xii, emphasis added.

82
 This they admit a little further on, when they hint at the potential
physics basis of their work:

The discovery that the law of averages applies to humanity – that

certain activities of people, viewed en masse, fall into definite
patterns, some of which repeat themselves with periodic rhythm –
promises to be of great aid in making economics function as a true
science.136

This appeal to a “statistical approach” to human behaviour in the

aggregate reveals the potential physics implications, for a similar such
approach is used in quantum mechanics, where the random motions and
positions of individual particles is never known, but a statistical picture
can emerge of their behaviour in the aggregate. As will be seen, this
analogy to physics only grows, and becomes more explicit, as we
proceed.137
But then, shortly after implying this “statistical physics” approach to
sciences of human behaviour, Dewey and Dakin make a statement
pregnant with implications:

When a people find that predictions of many financial advisers,

statesmen, historians, and other proclaimed experts are seldom
better than the predictions of the astrologers, our social sciences
have demonstrably not been earning their way. It is time for
action.138

Obviously, from the tenor of their remarks, Dewey and Dakin do not
repose much scientific basis or confidence in astrology. Yet, by
appealing to it as an illustration of the state of the social sciences,
including economics, they have implied a connection between the two.
It is a connection that, as we shall see, only looms larger and larger as
our examination of their book Cycles: The Science of Prediction
proceeds. Indeed, they can hardly have been oblivious to the connection,

136 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. xiii.

137 It is worth noting that this connection between physics and the modeling of social
behavior in the aggregate was noticed by the celebrated and famous physicist and science
fiction author, Isaac Asimov, in his well-known (and perhaps not just coincidentally-
named) Foundation trilogy.
138 Ibid., p. xiv.

83
and may have been trying to head off any criticism from certain quarters
that they were indeed proposing a sophisticated kind of astrology.
Having stated this peculiar comparison and caveat, they then proceed
to distinguish between a “theoretical economics” and an “empirical
economics”, again implying yet another analogy to physics:

This book is an attempt to show, in an elementary way for the

reader unfamiliar with this form of research, how some of the inept
arguments over economic outlooks can be avoided by using a few
facts that should now be familiar to all. This application of a new
method to a study of economic activity, while relatively young,
seems nevertheless more promising, in offering results, than
traditional economic theories that fill textbooks with opinions and
arguments over whether a given cause is really an effect, and vice
versa.139

In other words, one may imagine a “theoretical economist” filling

blackboards with complicated models and differential and integral
equations, and on that basis, making analyses of “causes” and of
“effects” with no real practical utility or basis in data – Dr. Li comes to
mind once again – or at best, a basis in a rather narrow selection of data.
In fact, some data may fly completely in the face of the proposed
theoretical model. In this, the analogy to much of modern theoretical
physics is very striking, where a certain class or type of data is ignored
or swept under the rug because it is either contradictory to the “known”
theory, or because the accepted and reigning theory is simply unable to
account for it, and because there may not be – by such “theoretical
physicists’” lights – any way to account for the data by any theory known
to them. This, for Dewey and Dakin, was exactly the state of modelling
in standard economics in their day. For them, they state their case with a
classical “empirical scientist’s” concision:

“[The] ‘forecasts’ are written by the data…. They do not rest on

the opinion of any man, or men. They are, in effect, the
probabilities of tomorrow”.140

139 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. xv.

140 Ibid., emphasis in the original.

84
 But what exactly did all this vast mountain of data – from cycles of
atmospheric electricity to tent caterpillar populations – indicate?
A glance at a few of Dewey’s and Dakin’s charts of growth patterns
in various things will say more than any words possibly could.

Graph of Spanish Trade141

Growth of White Rat Population142

141 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 9.

142 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 11.

85
 Graph of the Growth of Yeast Cells143

United States Population Growth144

Dewey and Dakin explain the meaning of these and similar graphs with
simplicity and concision:

The facts of growth are common knowledge to most mothers, who

are encouraged by doctors to keep a weight chart around the
nursery, for reference at weighing time. All healthy babies, like
other healthy organisms, show large initial rates of growth – over

143 Ibid., p. 13.

144 Ibid., p. 15.

86
 100 per cent for babies the first year. As they get older, the rate of
growth gradually falls off. At the approach of maturity, the rate
growth finally reaches zero.
Why it is that an organism stops growing we do not really
know….
But knowledge that such an inhibiting factor does exist is
important to us, even when we cannot explain it. We find it
reasonable that such a factor should be at work in organisms like
a baby or a tree, just because we are used to observing it in action.
But it also works in other kinds of organisms, such as human
institutions and business organizations.145

In other words, the pattern of growth, when appropriately graphed, is

almost universal and identical, regardless of the time frame in which such
growth is measured, whether that of mere minutes, days, or whole
decades.
And this necessitates a comment about Dr. Li’s copula formula, and
indeed, about the whole nature of privately-created debt money, versus
the actual pattern of economic growth. Under Li’s formula, and indeed,
behind the whole principle of money-as-debt creation, there lies one very
obvious fact, namely, that there is no limit on the number of credit default
swaps, or on the amount of debt, that can be created. Indeed, as the law
of compound interest shows, such debt only grows exponentially, like a
cancer. But as Dewey’s and Dakin’s endless examples show, actual
growth within an economic system reaches a peak and begins to level
out, barring the introduction of new factors such as a new technology,
into the system to open it up once again. Thus, under such considerations,
the interest on debt, or even on debt swaps, can never be repaid.
For example, when examining such cyclic graphs for industrial
production in various key industries in the United States, as well as for
its overall population growth and general economic trend, Dewey and
Dakin came to what was then, in economically booming post-World War
II America, a rather disturbing and radical conclusion:

…[The] trends existing in a number of our great industries show

definitely that we have been reaching a period of basic “maturity”
in our whole economic development. This is a fact of enormous

145
Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 1.

87
 implications that reach in many directions. The implications are so
great, indeed, that many people [as usual with humanity] find it
easier to deny the fact, in heated argument, than face it honestly
and then proceed to deal with it.146

To put it succinctly, the United States was reaching the upper limit of
growth in almost all crucial categories of activity. And, as their own
graph of U.S. population growth that we have reproduced previously
itself indicated, this limit would begin to be reached around the years
2000 to 2100. It was a cycle reflected in other key areas.

1. Criticism from the Conventional

The analogy between physics and economics in their theoretical and
practical pursuits highlights a series of criticisms conventionally-minded
economists such as Dr. Milton Friedman have levelled against Dewey’s
and Dakin’s Cycles. According to Friedman, their book is not a scientific
book; the evidence underlying the stated conclusions is not presented in
full; data graphed are not identified so that someone else could reproduce
them; the techniques employed are nowhere described in detail…. Its
closest analogue is the modern high-power advertisement – here of book
length and designed to sell an esoteric and supposedly scientific product.
Like most modern advertising, the book seeks to sell its product by
making exaggerated claims for it… showing it in association with other
valued objects which really don’t have anything to do with it… keeping
discreetly silent about its defeats or mentioning them in only the vaguest
form… and citing authorities who think highly of the product.147
But Friedman, too, later in life succumbed to the temptation to write
a book about economic science for a popular audience called Free to
Choose, one of the books influential in the popular culture of the Reagan
era, and his own earlier criticisms against Dewey and Dakin might
justifiably be levelled at his own attempts at popularization in that book.
More detailed criticisms came from economist Murray Rothbard, and
with these criticisms, the analogy between physics and economics
becomes even more acute:

146 Ibid., p. 5.
147 Milton Friedman and Max Sasuly, “Review of Cycles: The Science of Prediction”,
Journal of the American Statistical Association (March 1948, 43 (241): 139–145, cited
in “Edward R. Dewey”, Wikipedia, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foundation_for_the_Study_of
_Cycles, p. 2.

88
 Any such “multicyclic” approach must be set down as a mystical
adoption of the fallacy of conceptual realism. There is no reality
or meaning to the allegedly independent sets of “cycles”. The
market is one interdependent unit, and the more developed it is,
the greater the interrelations among market elements. It is
therefore impossible for several or numerous independent cycles
to coexist as self-contained units. It is precisely the characteristic
of a business cycle that it permeates all market activities.148

But Rothbard’s critique misses the mark, for nowhere do Dewey and
Dakin claim that their numerous cycles are “independent” of each other.
All they claim is that, whatever phenomenon as one chooses to examine
that endures over time, that phenomenon will demonstrate a cycle or
wave pattern. They do not claim for them a self-contained independent
closed system existence free from interrelationship with other such
cycles. Indeed, as will be seen in the next section, they argue the exact
opposite of what Rothbard says they do.
The physics analogy of Rothbard’s critique is thus evident, for by
claiming that their multicyclic approach “must be set down as a mystical
adoption of the fallacy of conceptual realism”, he is suggesting a kind of
“Copenhagen” school of economics analogous to that in quantum
mechanics, for whom the equations of quantum mechanics did not refer
to any underlying physical reality as their basis, but rather such equations
were solely mathematical artefacts of the theory.149 Similarly, for
Rothbard, “there is no reality or meaning to the allegedly independent
cycles” because they are interrelated. For Dewey and Dakin, they are
real precisely because they are open systems and interrelated. The
bottom line then is that Rothbard’s critique is an ideological and
philosophical one. The problem, however, is that both Dewey and Dakin,
and their critics, did not realize the true nature of what they had
discovered, namely, that they had discovered something less about
economics than about physics, and that the economic activity their cycles
were tracking were but a subset of a larger cyclic class of phenomena

148
Murray Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State (Nash Publishing Co., 1961), cited in
“Edward R. Dewey”, Wikipedia, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foundation_for_the_
Study_of_Cycles, p. 4
149 Q.v. the discussion in my The Giza Death Star (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2002),

pp. 126–134.

89
whose true nature and characteristics were the result of a very deep
physical mechanics of the physical medium itself. But that insight must
wait for future chapters. We have already seen, however, that Dewey and
Dakin clearly must have suspected as much, since they included cyclic
data about purely physical phenomena, and, as we have also already seen,
many members of the Foundation have presented papers linking the two
in a kind of “econophysics”, suggesting a purely physics-based influence
on the patterns of cyclic human activity. This was a conception that, once
again, recalls astrology, and Dewey’s and Dakin’s own remarks about
economics and astrology. Such remarks suggest that they may have
begun to suspect some deep and profound relationship between their
economic cycles and very ancient conceptions of physical influences
upon mankind epitomized by that ancient craft.

C. Cycles, Trends, and Cycles Upon Cycles

So exactly how do Dewey and Dakin demonstrate their awareness

that all the vast number of cycles their Foundation has tracked are indeed
interdependent? The answer to this question lies:

1. in their distinction between cycles and trends,

2. in their conception of a periodic cycle, and
3. in what they call “overlays” of cycles. With these “overlays”, as we
shall see, there is an exact physics analogue, and in that analogue,
profound implications.

1. The Period Patterns

Cycles may easily be distinguished from mere trends within an
overall periodic rhythm by a glance at one of their many graphs. Note on
the following graph how the basic waveform of the cyclic period is
graphed, versus the actual measured data, some of which falls above, and
some of which falls below, the theoretical value of the wave form itself.
Those smaller peaks and troughs within the overall pattern they designate
as “trends”, as distinct from the overall periodic cycle itself. If one
examines the chart carefully, it is evident that the psychological effects
of a “trend” will vary depending on where in a cycle it occurs. For
example: if a downward trend occurs on the upward curve of a cycle, the

90
effect will not be as severe. If it occurs on a downward portion of a cycle,
it will be felt as correspondingly more severe.150

54-Year Periodic Cycle of Wholesale Prices151

As we shall discover, this distinction between a mere trend and an overall

cycle will have profound implications in their understanding of how
much, or little, human actions, including political action, can exacerbate
or alleviate an overall cycle.
Their remarks in this respect are illuminating:

We shall quickly discover that the so-called business or economic

cycle is in reality a composite of many different cycles. We shall
be particularly interested in studying them for evidences of
rhythm. For if and when we find rhythm we can, to the extent
justifiable, predict recurrence; and we shall have predictability on
the basis of much more than finite logic and guess.
It has long been assumed that if we could only isolate the
causes of economic cycles we could then effectually prevent them,
and so eliminate the down sweeps that plague highly organized
societies.
Many volumes have been written to discuss the cases. Here we
shall be far less concerned with the cause than with the
timing.152

150 Q.v. Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 50.
151 Ibid., p. 70.
152 Ibid., p. 50, boldface emphasis added, italicized emphasis in the original.

91
 Note that Dewey and Dakin explicitly state that the “economic cycle
is in reality a composite of many different cycles”, and thus expose the
criticism of Murray Rothbard previously cited – that they do not take into
consideration the complexity of the interrelationships of components of
an economy – as utterly unrelated to anything Dewey or Dakin actually
wrote! Their real “heresy”, as we shall see, lies not in the
interrelationship of economic cycles, but in proposing that there may be
even deeper relationships between economic cycles and cycles of purely
physical phenomena.
In any case, it is worth noting what they state about rhythms or
rhythmic cycles and periods:

Rhythm, or rhythmic cycle, will ordinarily be used to denote a

cycle which repeats itself at rather uniform time intervals. Rhythm
implies a kind of beat. Thus, the beating of the heart is rhythmic,
though it may be slightly irregular.
Periodicity, periodic cycle, or regular cycle, will be used to
denote a cycle which repeats itself at mathematically exact
intervals. True periodicity, like a true straight line or a true circle,
does not exist in nature; but we have close approximations.153

Here is yet another link, and a potential clue, to the deeper physics that
may be involved in such interrelationships, for such cycles are precisely
quantizable, and these quantities, these measurable cycles, may be giving
out profound clues about the nature and structure of space-time itself.
Dewey and Dakin were not oblivious to this physics connection and
implication, but on the contrary, carefully selected a specific physics
analogue to explain their conception of deeply interrelated economic
(and other) cycles. To see what this physics analogue is, one must
examine what they mean by interrelated cycles.

2. “Overlays”: Combined Cycles as Multiwave

Modulation, and Possibly as Interferometry?
Briefly put, interrelated cycles are really nothing but super-positions
of the wave form of one cycle upon that of one or more others. For
example, among the many quantifiable types of cycles operative in
various realms of activity – whether human or otherwise – Dewey and

153 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 51, boldface emphasis added.

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Dakin devote a significant portion of their book to the overview of a nine-
year cycle,154 a nine and two-thirds year cycle,155 a four-year cycle,156 a
41-month solar cycle and other types of solar cycles,157 a 35-year weather
cycle,158 a 22-year weather-solar cycle,159 and of course the 54-year cycle
whose graph we have previously cited.160
As indicated, Dewey and Dakin, no less than their more
conventionally-minded economist critics, view economic cycles as a
complex system of interrelationships, but unlike their critics, do not
despair of quantifying those relationships, not in terms of their causes
and effects but in terms of their beginning and periodicity in time. Thus,
the interrelationship of all these cycles expresses itself in an exact model:
that of the superposition of the wave forms of the cycles themselves, or
what they call “overlays”.

Dewey and Dakin’s Example of the Overlay of the Nine-Year and 54-Year
Cycles161

154
Q.v. Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, 56ff.
155
Ibid., p. 54ff.
156
Ibid., p. 57f.
157
Ibid., pp. 57–59.
158
Ibid., p. 60.
159
Ibid.
160
Ibid., p. 70. It is interesting to note that Dewey’s and Dakin’s 54-year wholesale price
cycle last dipped ca. 1951–54, and then began the next 54-year period of rising prices,
which would put its peak ca. 2005–2008, precisely during the current “derivatives crisis”
and its initial aftermath, a sharp decline in prices.
161 Ibid., p. 96.

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At the top of this graph is a simplified version of the nine-year cycle. In
the middle is the 54-year cycle, and at the bottom is the “overlay” or
composite of both cycles. It should be noted that the longer and lower-
frequency 54-year cycle retains a “dominant characteristic” in the
composite over its shorter and higher-frequency nine-year cycle. This
too, as we shall discover, is yet another important clue to a possible
deeper underlying physics.
According to Dewey and Dakin, one of the first to notice the
possibility of a connection between economic activity and physics was
Sir William H. Beveridge, who

found several true periods that gave strong evidence of correlation

with known weather rhythms and sunspot phenomena. And a T =
54.00 years [which is without such a correlation] he also found a
relatively significant concentration of energy.162

Of course, this much was, in a certain sense, obvious, for solar activity
does affect terrestrial weather, and terrestrial weather can in turn affect
agricultural production, which in turn can affect overall economic
activity. There does not seem to be much here by way of a deeper
physics.
But it was when certain cycles – particularly the nine-, nine and two-
thirds, and 54-year cycles – were overlaid that one began to notice
something very significant:
As Schumpeter has said:

“It is clear that the coincidence at any time of corresponding

phrases of all three cycles will always produce phenomena of
unusual intensity, especially if the phases that coincide are those
of prosperity or depression. The three deepest and longest
“depressions” within the epoch covered by our material – 1925–
1930, 1973–1978, and 1929–1934 – all display that
characteristic.163

As will eventually be seen, the overlay of these cycles and their

concurrence at periods of various “great depressions” in American

162 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 73.

163
Ibid., pp. 90-91, citing Schumpeter, Business Cycles (McGraw-Hill, 1939), p. 173.

94
economic history do indeed point to a deeper physics, but one in which,
however, the astrological connection is even more in evidence.

Needless to say, however, this approach of “overlays” or superpositions

of various economic and business cycles – not to mention their
combinations with other cyclic rhythms having at first glance nothing to
do with economics – throws the normal “cause and effect” analysis of
conventional economic thinking and theory into a cocked hat.

Most of us, taught to think in conventional terms of cause and

effect, and trained in a system where the educational wares are
often cut to the lowest common denominator of mass intelligence,
find it hard to remember that the human mind is very finite. It can
never hope to grasp in any situation all the causes that may work
together to produce any given result. That is why judgments are so
faulty when we reason solely on the ordinary cause-and-effect
basis. Some if not most of the actual causes will escape our
knowledge, and those we do take into calculation may be pure
assumption. If despite this we reach a correct conclusion, it is a
triumph of accident – or of intuition.164

For Dewey and Dakin, the fallacy of such cause-effect thinking in

economic cycles is aptly illustrated by the similarity of cyclic activity in
real estate cycles and marriages within the United States. This similarity

Could readily lead to some false assumptions. It would be simple

enough to reason that people who get married start to think about
house-hunting and home-building, and that this results in building
projects. Or one could start his reasoning in reverse, and end in the
same place, by saying that building stimulates prosperity, and
when people feel prosperous they get married, and when married
they buy the homes that contractors have previously erected to
attract customers who feel prosperous because money is being
spent to erect buildings for people who will get married.
Such reason-why arguments chase their tails. Nor is this
statement of them unusual, except in brevity. Whole books have
been written that incorporate such “reasoning” into learned

164 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 114.

95
 syllables. We should be prepared to ignore reasoning of that kind,
but we are justified in asking why our building statistics should
formulate themselves in such exceedingly regular rhythms. Before
research of the future supplied us with a definitive answer to this
particular query, we may hazard a postulate that man’s mating
instinct and man’s building instinct may be aboriginally associated
in his being, just as they extend down the biological scale to the
birds. If both instincts proved to flow in the race in a common
rhythm, it should not seem too surprising. Perhaps economists
could well join forces with biologists in the new kind of research
such a problem suggests.165

Note then, that far from viewing each cycle in their “overlays” as
independent realities as their critics such as Rothbard would suggest, not
only do Dewey and Dakin view the entirety of economic activity as a
complex overlay of such cycles, but they level almost the same criticism
at their detractors, in that by focusing too narrowly on purely “economic”
activity and cycles, their critics may in fact be ignoring cyclic clues from
other disciplines that may afford genuine insight as to the real natures of
their causes.
Thus, they call for an interdisciplinary approach. They also observe
that, as comparison between disparate and discrete disciplines grows, so
too does the suspicion that the discrete phenomena are related in some
deep fashion, that they are all clues to a deep connection in the physics
of all observed cycles, no matter what their subject matter:

In the various categories of rhythms we know, some are as familiar

to the man in the street as day and night and the tides; others are
relatively unknown to him. Analytical work on these rhythms has
been developing in what might be called the interstices of the
sciences. We have as yet only the beginnings of a science of
rhythms per se. But in each field of science some group of workers
becomes especially concerned with the subject of rhythms in the
special field of phenomena he is observing; such a group
eventually compares notes with a corresponding group engaged in
some other scientific field; and slowly all concerned begin to

165Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, pp. 116–117, emphasis in the
original.

96
 suspect that they are dealing, however diverse the fields, with
phenomena somehow related.166

As is by now apparent, Dewey and his Foundation for the Study of

Cycles had long since suspected such deep connections between
disparate and discrete cycles, for it was founded precisely as a means of
coordinating data from all fields of inquiry in an interdisciplinary
fashion.

3. Inevitability, Predictability, and Human Actions

There is another implication to Dewey’s and Dakin’s analysis, and
indeed, to the work of the Foundation for the Study of Cycles as a whole.
It is an implication already encountered, but it is best to restate it here: if
cycles – particularly economic cycles – are of regular and quantifiable
periodicity, then this implies that they are inevitable, and because
inevitable, predictable. This in turn would seem to limit the scope of
human action and its ability to influence such cycles merely to affecting
trends, rather than the cycles themselves. Indeed, citing Schumpeter’s
Business Cycles once again, they note that when one studies the various
economic policies of England, the United States, and Nazi Germany in
response to the Great Depression, they noted that of all the various
measures each country took, including Hjalmar Schacht’s subsidized
exports and various systems of marks in Germany,167 to Roosevelt’s New
Deal programs in the U.S.A., the rises in prosperity in each country
nevertheless “arrived strictly as might have been anticipated by anyone
projecting the familiar economic waves of the past”.168 In other words,
whatever the trends the respective governmental policies in each nation
might have induced, the overall cycle itself was destined to turn precisely
when it did, regardless of governmental policy or political action.
Financial policy could amplify or damp the overall trend within a cycle,
but could never arrest or reverse the cycle itself. And the reason is again
clear: the cycle itself was evidence of a deep physics being played out on
the stage of aggregate human activity.

Indeed, such policies or actions oftentimes function merely as devices of

concealment, cloaking the reality of the inevitability of such cycles by

166 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 140.

167 Ibid., p. 78.
168 Ibid., p. 79.

97
appearing to manipulate the cycle itself by measures that, in fact,
manipulate only the trend:

Devices like the Bretton Woods Economic agreement, or Treasury

grants made as political “loans” to foreign nations, may tend for
temporary periods to mask this truism – much as the working of
the Federal Reserve Act tends to conceal from the general public
the fact that we print dollars to meet government deficits. But our
chart says forthrightly, in statistical language, that on the basis of
the long-established trend, and in terms of foreign trade handled
at a real profit, we should not be too optimistic in looking for such
trade to be increased over the pre-war volume…. All our chart can
tell us is that, failing a revolution of some sort, the pattern as
established will presumably prevail.169

Note then that, so long as prevailing conditions remain, the cycle itself is
basically unaffected. It is when the system again becomes an open
system, when changes of a radical nature, such as a technological
revolution, occur, that the cycle itself can be directly affected.

4. Waves, Wars, and Revolutions

But barring this, humans inherently tend to resist the notion that
economic cycles and waves may be beyond the ability of man to control.
“They accept the need of adjustment to the weather, knowing it is out of
man’s control. But they resist passionately any suggestion that changes
in the social and economic climate may be beyond the total rule of man’s
conscious will”.170 The only way that mankind could in effect change the
inevitability of a given cycle of economic activity is precisely to
introduce revolutionary change:

We now know enough about trend lines to realize that old ones
merge into the take-off of new ones only when fundamental, even
revolutionary, changes have occurred in the environment and its
organization, and perpetuate themselves….
Remember Pearl’s [fruit fly] bottle. Imagine for a moment that
we Americans are the [fruit flies]. We are reaching the upper

169 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, pp. 27–28, emphasis added.
170 Ibid., p. 191.

98
 asymptote of our [population growth] curve. The invention of a
few new gadgets by industry – indeed, the invention of a whole
new industry itself – is a force in no way adequate to change the
relationships in our bottle. We must have a whole new bottle.171

In other words, we now find the economic inevitability behind the

strategy outlined in chapter one; the global elite, in order to maintain any
sort of “sustainable growth” – to use one of their favourite catch phrases
– must either expand humanity’s “bottle” into outer space in a significant
way, or perpetuate regional imbalances and conflicts and wars and the
economic growth for some that this inevitably brings, or they must admit
the growth of a revolutionary technology which completely changes the
nature of the relationships inside the bottle itself. Failing this, they must
export and then re-import manufacturing and technology from one region
to another, and lower population, in a never-ending shell game, if the
bottle-expanders of outer space and radically new technologies are not
pursued. In short, the only real way to alter the inevitability of a cycle is
to make the bottle an open system, and any open system invariably
challenges the very basis of their power, unless, of course, the pursuit of
revolutionary technology is one they can monopolize and employ to
secure their hegemony.

5. Waves, Overlays, and Modulation: The Physics Analogues

Employed by Dewey and Dakin, and Their Implications
Dewey and Dakin do much more than just imply a physics connection
with all their allusions to closed and open systems, and to deep
connections between economic activity and solar cycles and overlays of
cycles. They also draw very explicit analogies to physics. We have noted
that they draw upon cycles of various length – nine, four, 35, and 54 years
to name but a few – but they are open to even more possibilities:

Now, let us suppose that there are still longer waves in the universe
– “Y” waves we may call them. Imagine some of the waves with
peaks which come 3½ years apart, others with peaks 9 years apart,
18½ years apart, 54 years apart, and perhaps much farther spaced.
It is not inconceivable that these longer waves could directly or
indirectly affect the sun, weather, animals, and human beings, and

171 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 222, emphasis added.

99
 that just as a red pencil may respond to light waves of only one
length, so a particular organism might respond only to Y waves of
one particular length.172

They are, in other words, proposing a kind of “econo-bio-physics”,

where particular kinds of organisms are transducers, are coupled
harmonic oscillators, of waves of cycles of particular wavelengths, much
like pipes in a pipe organ respond to different wavelengths and
harmonics.
Invoking the analogy of sound, in fact, is not reading too much into their
remarks, for they in fact do so by pointing out that the exact physical
analogue of their “overlays” of cycles is that of sound waves being
modulated together.

Overlay of Two Sound Waves173

Again, as with their overlay of the 54- and nine-year cycles, note that
the overall characteristic of the lower-frequency, longer-wavelength
wave is preserved even with the grafting of the shorter higher frequency
sound wave on to it. This process is called modulation, and in this
instance, the longer lower frequency wave has become a carrier wave.
They extend the wave modulation analogy even further, by pointing out
that any wave of a particular wavelength and shape will have an
overtone, or harmonic series,174 which are composed of fractions of that
wavelength: one-half, one-third, one-fourth, one-fifth, and so on. They
give the following chart of the graph of a sound wave from an organ pipe,
and its first 12 overtones, or harmonics:

172
Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 158.
173 Ibid., p. 164.
174 Q.v. my The Giza Death Star, p. 113f.

100
 Harmonic Series of an Organ Pipe175
Dewey and Dakin are strongly suggesting, then, that there may be a
deeper physics of a wave mechanics involved in the overlay of economic
cycles, and that correlations of sunspot activity with, for example,
economic cycles of wholesale prices, may have a much deeper basis than
merely the influence of the sun upon the weather, and of the weather on
agricultural production and prices. In other words, they may both be
immediate and manifest results of an underlying and more unified
phenomenon.
But they go much further than even this, and in doing so, not only
demonstrate that they are thinking in terms of a very deep, and indeed
hyper-dimensional, physics, but also reveal some profound implications
and questions that will preoccupy us throughout the remainder of this
book. It is best to cite them at length in order to understand the full
implications and significance of the deep physics connection that they
are suggesting, and of its profound implications:

To that end let us consider in terms of modern psychology and

physics a few facts important for our approach to economic
science.
P.D. Ouspensky once asked his readers to make an experiment.
Imagine, he said, that you live in two dimensions, instead of three.
An easy way to do this is to imagine you are a being like a piece
of paper, infinitely thin, living upon a table. You can look neither

175 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 165.

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 up nor down, for up and down are in a third dimension. You cannot
even think up and down, or conceive it. For you have no thickness,
and hence cannot even imagine thickness.
Now in the centre of this tabletop where you live, there is cut a
slot. In this slot there revolves a wheel, so hung that half the wheel
is always below the table, and half of it above. This wheel is solid
and you can see only the edge of it. Let us imagine its edge is
painted in four coloured segments – black, white, blue, and red.
As the wheel revolves, you observe it end-on, you of course do not
know that it is a wheel you see. For you are a two-dimensional
being, and therefore see only a single line of colour along the
tabletop. Occasionally, as the wheel slowly revolves, you do see
that line change suddenly in colour. Red will suddenly change to
black, and black to white, white to blue, and blue to red again.
Now, if you observe this phenomenon long enough, you will
finally decide that when the red comes up, it will eventually cause
black; and when the black appears, it will eventually cause blue.
You will think you know the causes of the phenomena you
observe.
If a two-dimensional scientist is observing the phenomena, he
will eventually discover a “law” in this continuity of event. Using
this law, he will be able to predict changes of colour accurately.
The scientist, by the use of mathematics, might also discover that
a third dimension was necessary to account for the real
phenomenon he saw in two dimensions only. But neither of you
could imagine this third dimension as a sensory reality. Nor could
you know the real nature of the causes operating there. The
scientist would admit this frankly, saying his law merely described
what happened, without explaining it. But you, untrained in such
fine distinctions, would speak boldly of a “cause” being followed
by an “effect”. And each “effect” would in turn become a new
cause [in your way of thinking] resulting in a further effect which
followed. If you persisted in this belief, you might eventually
resent being told that you knew nothing about the real causality.176

176
Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, pp. 192–193, referencing P.D.
Ouspensky, Tertium Organum (Alfred A. Knopf, 1922), p. 65, emphasis added by me.

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Clearly, Dewey and Dakin are suggesting that what we call cause and
effect are really but artefacts of our “three-dimensionally-conditioned
consciousness” grappling with phenomena that have their origins in a
hyper-dimensional world of more than three dimensions.
One might therefore add to their analogy of a “hyper-dimensional”
world evidencing itself in cycles that our scientist might, by dint of the
same sort of mathematical techniques, deduce a very different object –
the “wheel” – as the real cause and effect of that which we perceive as a
cycle. And this brings them to a vital fact:

What we call our recognition of “cause” and “effect” is somehow

associated with time, and with our perception in time. This is
important to understand, for what we call time is apparently only
a mode of perception…. Ouspensky, approaching the problem
from a psychological background, goes so far as to suggest that
time is the way we experience space in its higher dimensions. That
is, the unknown dimensions of space are revealed to us in time.177

In other words, not only are Dewey and Dakin suggesting that the sought-
after deeper physics underlying their “harmonic overlays” and
modulations of cycles might lie in a hyper-dimensional physics, but they
are also suggesting that cause/effect thinking such as in the case of the
sunspot-wholesale prices overlay cycle is in fact erroneous. It is not solar
activity as the ultimate case, with weather modification as the mediate
cause, and wholesale agricultural price changes as the final effect, but
rather, the solar cycle, the fluctuation of weather, the fluctuation of prices
might all be the immediate, though admittedly interrelated, three-
dimensional effects of a hyper-dimensional cause.
In such a model, our perceptions of them as “weather” and “solar
activity” and even “price fluctuations” and so on, are similar to our
perceptions of a beam of light that is split by a prism into its spectral
components. In such a model, our three-dimensional reality is the prism
refracting the several wave forms into its various constituents that we
perceive as separate cycles. Moreover, Ouspensky, whom they cite, is
quite clearly suggesting that time itself is not a dimensionless “scalar”

177This profound insight suggests a connection to the views on time as a determinative

of cause and effect relationships in a hyper-dimensional universe, that of the thought of
Russian astrophysicist Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev. Q.v. my book The Philosophers’ Stone:
Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter (Feral House, 2009), pp. 151–200.

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entity, but rather an entity of multi-dimensional spaces which three-
dimensional reality experiences as a temporal flow. Thus, their analogy
of the modulation of waves upon a carrier wave, and of multiple
harmonics of that wave, as in the pipe organ example, is meant to couple
the notion of hyper-dimensionality to those harmonics of waves. This, as
we shall see in the next chapter, is a profound clue.

D. CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND A SEGUE IN THE

FORM OF SIGNIFICANT QUESTIONS

So, what may be reasonably concluded about this cursory overview

of the cycles research of Edward Dewey and his Foundation for the Study
of Cycles? We shall itemize the points covered in this chapter in order to
make explicit the full ramifications of their research:

1. The discovery of cycles of the same periodicity [or, to employ their

own physics analogy, wavelength] in so many areas of cyclic
activity with no apparent connection to each other, such as
wholesale prices and sunspot activity, implies a deep connection
between physics and economics; it implies a kind of
“econophysics”;
2. The regularity of such cycles implied not only their inevitability but
also their quantifiability and predictability;
3. This in turn implied that governmental policies could only
exacerbate or alleviate the overall trend of a cycle, but never reverse
or arrest it, so long as the cycle remained a closed system without
revolutionary expansion of the system itself, or introduction of
radical new “Bottle-expanding” technologies. For this reason, the
underlying implied “econophysics” necessitates that the global elite
has only three strategies open to it in the eventuality of achieving
their goal of a global corporate state:
a. Regionalized imbalances and controlled wars and conflict in
perpetuity, and various forms and degrees of population
reduction, so long as the system remains closed in its “bottle”;
b. an opening of the system by expansion of its environment,
which practically can only mean a large human presence in
outer space;

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 c. an opening of the system by a radical change in technology, a
necessity if there is to be a large human presence in deep
space.178
4. The last two alternatives pose some risk should the elite choose to
follow them, for they inevitably carry with them the risk that their
own power base can be inevitably challenged from a superior
position, or superior technology, or both. Similarly, the first strategy
carries the risk that their ability to control and manage such conflict
would spiral out of their control.
5. The type of hyper-dimensional physics that their own words imply
indicates a deep connection between
a. the harmonics of multiple-wave modulation or combination,
b. time,
c. cause, and
d. effect.179
6. This implies the most profound implication of them all: if that
physics were sufficiently known and a technology could be devised
to tap into it, that self-same physics would imply a technology to tap
into, modify, and control human behaviour itself, inclusively of the
ability to manipulate aggregate economic behaviour.180 One could,
with a sufficient basis in this physics, directly manipulate whole
economies and populations.
7. Not surprisingly, then, it was discovered that a large corporation and
bank was represented in the Foundation for the Study of Cycles’
membership,181 and individual bankers appear to have utilized some
sort of knowledge of such cycles to time their entrance into various
markets, or the expansion of their financial empires.182

178 For this point, see the discussion in my book The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and
the Secret Research for Exotic Matter, pp. 313–329.
179 This implies yet again the profundity of the temporal research of Russian

astrophysicist Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev. Q.v. my The Philosophers’ Stone, section three.
180 For this point, see the extended discussion in my The Cosmic War: Interplanetary

Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts, pp. 234–273.

181 Dewey and Dakin also mention Bell Laboratories’ own independent study of business

and economic cycles. Q.v. Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 102.

182 Dewey and Dakin cite the instance of Wrigley and Rockefeller timing the building of

large skyscrapers in Chicago and New York City to the bottom of a cycle, just when the
overall trend was scheduled to go up again. Q.v. p. 122.

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 With all these conclusions and implications in mind, including
especially their own suggestive analogy to the combination of several
waves into one, then a profound question occurs: given the truthfulness
of the analogy for the sake of argument, then what is the carrier wave for
all these combined waves of cycles? What is the underlying reality, or
the deeper physics, that they are suggesting? And for that matter, why
does a certain class of the super-wealthy seem to know something about
this “econophysics” that the rest of the business and economic world do
not? And beyond the fact that some of that class might not know all of it,
then why are so many of them apparently involved in the study of it?
The answers to these questions, surprisingly, lie in the mists, sands,
texts, pavilions and columns of ancient history and temples, and a well-
known and very ancient “pseudo-science”: astrology.

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 Three

GERMANY, RCA, AND J.P. MORGAN

CASES OF INTEREST AND SUPPRESSION

“The secret at the core of alchemy is an ineffable experience of the real

workings of our local cosmological neighbourhood”.
— Jay Weidner and Vincent Bridges183

Dewey’s and Dakin’s sound wave analogy for their cyclic waves of
economic activity raises the profound question: is there a physics basis
to economic cycles? And if so, what is it? Moreover, if their own sound
wave analogy is itself more apt than Dewey and Dakin themselves
suspected, then what carrier wave modulates all these cycles of waves?
As was seen in the previous chapter, the analogy of sound waves and
carrier waves was no doubt suggested to Dewey and Dakin by the fact
that such waves could be plotted together, or “averaged”.

A. DR. HARTMUT MÜLLER AND GLOBAL SCALING

THEORY

But they were not the only ones to notice that waves of cycles of
activity might point to a deeper physics connection. German physicist
Dr. Hartmut Müller had considered a similar phenomenon from yet a
different point of view, and proposed a theory to account for it: Global
Scaling Theory.
Müller begins by noting that the theory is based upon what, for
physics, is its primary “sacrament”: measurement. But the centrality of
measurement in the methodology of physics soon reduced the physicist
to playing the role of a kind of “court of arbitration” because his role is

183Jay Weidner and Vincent Bridges, The Mysteries of the Great Cross of Hendaye:
Alchemy and the End of Time (Rochester, Vermont: Destiny Books, 2003), p. 41.

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now that of deciding “which of the models” adopted by physicists to
explain reality “matches the measurements and gets applied”.184 This
assessment highlights the cul-de-sac in which physics deadlocked in the
twentieth century, for there is no single testable theory valid over the
scales or sizes of objects with which physics must deal, for the laws of
standard physics operable at the scale of the very large, laws dominated
by Einstein’s relativity theories since the early twentieth century, are not
applicable to the scale of the very small at the level of atoms and
subatomic particles, where the laws of quantum mechanics prevail.
In this situation, physics and physicists are reduced, according to Dr.
Müller, to being “mere interpreter(s) of models and ideas that got
completely out of touch with reality – and this to an ever greater
extent”.185 In short, like many other physicists, Dr. Müller is increasingly
dissatisfied with the counterintuitive nature of contemporary physical
mechanics, whether it be the relativity-dominated theories of the physics
of large-scale systems or the quantum mechanical theories of the very
small, with their emphasis on statistical probabilistic approaches.186
But there was one area in which the concentration on “the sacrament
of measurement” did lead to something of major – if unappreciated –
significance, and in this one discerns a direct conceptual connection to
the work of Dewey and Dakin:

The need for measurements of the highest precision promoted the

development of mathematical statistics which, in turn, made it
possible to include precise morphological and sociological data as

184 Dr. Hartmut Müller, “An Introduction to Global Scaling Theory”, Nexus, Vol. 11, No.
5, September-October 2004, p. 49. See also the discussion in my The Giza Death Star
Destroyed (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2005), pp. 118–123.
185 Ibid., p. 49.
186For a discussion of two other physicists increasingly disenchanted with the

counterintuitive nature of contemporary standard physical mechanics, see my The Giza

Death Star Destroyed, pp. 130-150, for a discussion of the views of physicist Dr. Paul
LaViolette and his “sub-quantum kinetics theory”, and my The Philosophers’ Stone:
Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter (Feral House, 2009), pp. 151–200 for
a discussion of the torsion research of Russian astrophysicist Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev, who
was similarly disenchanted with the results of relativity theory for the modeling of the
energy of stars, and with quantum mechanics for its inability to give formally explicit
and engineerable definitions of cause and effect. Kozyrev’s work, as outlined by myself
and others, led directly to the kind of “precursor engineering” of causes rather than effects
in the top-secret research of the Soviet Union, research which has continued apace in the
Russian Federation.

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 well as data from evolutionary biology. Ranging from elementary
particles to galactic clusters, this scientific database extends at
least 55 orders of magnitude.187

In other words, a vast database of measurements of all types and kinds

of objects now existed, extending over the entire range of objects with
which physics had to deal, from subatomic particles to planets, stars, and
finally to whole galaxies and clusters of galaxies. With such a vast
database of measurements at their disposal, one would think that
scientists would have begun to contemplate its significance almost as
soon as it had been available, namely in the early decades of the twentieth
century.
Yet, notes Müller, this extensive database “did not become the object
of an integrated (holistic) scientific investigation until 1982. The treasure
lying at their feet was not seen by members of the labour-divided, mega-
industrial scientific community”.188 Given the disenchantment of well-
known and famous Russian physicists like Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev with the
standard models of relativistic and quantum mechanical theories, it is not
surprising that Russian scientists were the first to make a significant
breakthrough and contribution toward the rise of Global Scaling Theory,
for the first to draw attention to this database and its potential
significance was a Russian biologist named Cislenko.
Publishing a scientific paper in Moscow in 1980 entitled “Structure
of Flora and Fauna with Regard to Body Size of Organisms”, Cislenko
proved that “segments of increased species representation are repeated
on the logarithmic line of body sizes in equal intervals (approximately
0.5 units of the decadic logarithm)”.189 In other words, Cislenko had
discovered something very similar to Dewey’s and Dakin’s cycles of
economic activity: regular, periodic “wavelike” forms in the relative
grouping of organic life’s body sizes around certain values or measures
of size. There was just one problem: this grouping or “clumping” around
certain scales of size “was not explicable from a biological point of
view”. For example, what mechanism could account for organisms
preferring body sizes of “8–12 centimetres, 33–55 centimetres or 1.5–2.4
meters” and so on?190

187 Müller, “An Introduction to Global Scaling Theory”, Nexus, Vol. 11, No. 5, p. 49.
188 Ibid.
189 Ibid., emphasis added.
190 Müller, “An Introduction to Global Scaling Theory”, Nexus, p. 49.

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 For Hartmut Müller, however, the biological clumping around certain
values in a periodic logarithmic scale pointed clearly to a deeper
underlying physics basis for the phenomenon, for there were similar
scale-invariant (i.e., applicable across all scales or measures of size)
logarithmic distributions evident in the database of physics. Thus, by
1982, Müller was able to prove

that there exist statistically identical frequency distributions with

logarithmic, periodically recurrent maximums for the masses of
atoms and atomic radii as well as the rest masses and life-spans of
the elementary particles”.191

Shades of Dewey and Dakin! But that was not all, for very similar
patterns were subsequently found for the logarithmic line of the “sizes,
orbits, masses and revolution periods of planets, moons, and
asteroids”.192 The phenomenon was scale-invariant, and, when graphed,
revealed clear periodic “cyclic” types of “waves”.
In other words, Dr. Müller was chin to chin with the same type of
phenomena as those which confronted Dewey and Dakin, only in this
instance the phenomena were purely based on measurement of physical
objects – particles and planets – and not economic cycles. Yet the wave
forms resulting from them were almost the same. In fact, in a certain
sense, they were identical simply because they were waves!
This now puts Dewey’s and Dakin’s “sound wave analogy” and the
question it poses in a whole new light, for it would now appear that we
are no longer dealing with merely a conceptual analogy, but an analogy
with actual correspondence in the real physical world. So, the attendant
question of that analogy – i.e., what is the carrier wave for all these
diverse cycles? – also emerges into a whole new and vitally important
context, and it is one Dr. Müller answers very directly, although he was
probably unaware that he was also responding to a question posed by two
American economists as a result of their own accumulation of a vast
database of measurements.

191 Ibid., p. 50, emphasis added.

192 Ibid.

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 1. Longitudinal Waves in the Physical Medium
Dr. Müller is a mathematical physicist, and as such was quick to
perceive the relationship, since all the discrete measurements had a single
unifying and underlying structure. That structure was simply that of a
recurrent logarithmic period, i.e., a wave, or better, a harmonic series. It
is when one considers the cause of this structure that the questions and
implications begin to become evident and to multiply. As Dr. Müller
states the case, the cause of this structure appeared to be “the existence
of a standing pressure wave in the logarithmic space of the
scales/measures” used to measure the phenomena themselves.193 To put
this point differently, I cite directly my comments about this observation
from my The Giza Death Star Destroyed:

…[T]he phenomenon of measurement itself, both as a

phenomenon of intelligent observation and as a physical function,
is scale-invariant, because regardless of the selected unit of
measurement, the result still and always possesses a logarithm, a
longitudinal standing wave structure.194

Note carefully, however, what Dr. Müller has actually said, and what he
has not said. He has said that the phenomenon exists in a kind of
“conceptual space”. He has not said that the phenomenon exists as a
structure in the physical medium itself, although it is clear that he is only
a small step away from actually stating that. But as we shall now
discover, he himself is inclined to the view that the phenomenon is
physical in nature, and derives from a quantized view of the medium
itself as a structured set of longitudinal “pressure” waves in that
medium.195

193 Müller, “An Introduction to Global Scaling Theory”, Nexus, p. 50, emphasis added.
194 Farrell, The Giza Death Star Destroyed, p. 120.
195 And this observation of course, calls to mind once again the hyper-dimensional theory

of Müller’s fellow countryman Burkhardt Heim, as well as the views of English physicist
E.T. Whittaker and American Tom Bearden. In Heim theory, the physical medium, or
space-time itself, begins in a state of absolute entropy or equilibrium. Even in that state,
however, it is quantized, with the metric of the system being expressed as a single unit
value, or “metron”. As information increases in the system, the metron correspondingly
is divided, or decreases. Similarly, as information increases, this is expressed as a
quantized “rotation moment” for a particular area of space. Thus, Heim’s view of space
possesses certain nodes or lattice-like structures, and is thus commensurate with a view
of space-time as a lattice-like structure of longitudinal waves in the medium itself. In a

111
 As I have stated elsewhere,

the results of this supposition were astounding, for regardless

of the natural system studied, there were areas of “attraction”,
where any number of very discrete natural phenomena
clustered, and “repulsion”, areas avoided by natural systems.
So pervasive was this phenomenon that the German Institute
für Raum-Energie-Foeschung [Institute for Space Energy
Research] “was also able to prove the same phenomenon in
demographics”, i.e., in areas favoured or shunned by urban
populations, and in the economics both of nations and private
businesses.196

Note what is really going on here:

1. Müller’s standing longitudinal waves in logarithmic space are

applicable not only to physical phenomena, but to the same areas of
activity as studied by Dewey and Dakin; thus,
2. Müller’s Global Scaling Theory conclusively indicates that there is
indeed a deeper physics to economic activity, to the very cycles of
boom and bust as catalogued by Dewey’s and Dakin’s Foundation
for the Study of Cycles; and finally,
3. Note that the German Institute for Space Energy Research is
sponsoring research not only into this deeper physics, but doing so
precisely in relation to a study of the physics of economic and
human activity and social organization. It is important for the reader
to understand at this juncture that the term “Space Energy” in the
German has the same sort of technical meaning or implication as the
terms “vacuum” or “zero-point” energy has in English. In short, a
German institution recognizes, funds, and researches not only Zero-
Point energy, but researches it in the full range of its implications,
including social and demographic, presumably for the purpose of
engineering all of them to the extent possible.

nutshell, space-time appears to “clump” around certain nodal points in that longitudinal
wave’s logarithmic structure. Lattice defects would on that view perhaps then emerge in
real space-time as clusterings of matter or as physical forces.
196 Farrell, The Giza Death Star Destroyed, p. 120, emphasis added.

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 But let us return for a few more insights from Müller’s theory, for
there is yet another significant implication that his theory holds.
That implication is gravity, for Müller’s standing pressure wave in the
medium may indeed be an explanation for the phenomenon of gravity.
Simply put, the fact that natural systems “cluster” around the nodal points
of these standing waves would indeed be a component or mechanism for
the explanation of gravity in Müller’s opinion.197 It is important to
understand the basic difference of this explanation from that of Einstein’s
General Relativity in terms of the order of concepts. For the latter, gravity
is simply the curving of space-time that results from the presence of a
large mass in local space-time. But Müller’s theory is a much less
superficial, and much deeper, theory, for both the warping of space-time
and the large mass of a star or planet are both themselves the results of a
much deeper structure around which both “cluster”, and that structure is
the structure of longitudinal pressure waves of compression and
rarefaction in the physical medium itself. In a sense, the warp or curving
of space-time is more fundamental than in Einstein’s theory, for in a
certain simplistic way of stating it, the warp results not from the presence
of a large mass, but rather the converse: the large mass is present because
of the underlying warp in the medium and the clustering of such waves
around certain nodal points, almost the exact opposite of Einstein’s
theory.
This already gives one an appreciation of the significance of Global
Scaling Theory, for in a certain sense, Einstein’s theory is not
engineerable, for if one wished to warp space-time within the constraints
of General Relativity, a large mass such as a star or planet would have to
be present to do so. But the converse is true of Global Scaling theory, for
one would not need the presence of a large mass to warp space-time,
since that warped structure itself is a longitudinal pressure wave in the
physical medium. One could, by warping space-time, create a “virtual
mass” or, conversely, an “antigravity hill”.
For Dr. Müller, there are two immediate practical applications of this
theory. In the first instance, the theory of standing longitudinal waves in
the medium opens the possibility of using such waves and modulating
them – for they are indeed the mysterious “carrier waves” suggested by
Dewey’s and Dakin’s sonic wave analogy – with information for
communications purposes. Such waves would be much faster than

197 Müller, “An Introduction to Global Scaling Theory”, Nexus, p. 52.

113
ordinary light waves, since objects separated from each other over great
distances in normal space can be quite close in the logarithmic space in
which these waves move. Secondly, such a modulated “gravity wave”
could be demodulated at any location on the Earth, Mars, or even outside
the solar system, “at the very same moment in time”.198 The reason is
simple enough. Large masses are natural resonators of such waves.199
And again, the reason is clear, for they tend to cluster around the nodal
points or places where such waves interfere, that is, where they intersect.
Thus, the building of expensive satellites of space-based
communications systems would not only be unnecessary, but in a certain
sense, since such satellites are of much less comparative mass than a
planet, they would not be cost-effective, since they would be very
inefficient as coupled oscillators or receivers of such waves, as compared
to a planet with its large mass itself.

2. The Link: Geometries

If there is a relationship between such longitudinal waves in the
medium and gravity, it follows that as relationships of planetary
alignments – the day-to-day, month-to-month, and year-to-year
geometries of alignments of celestial bodies – will evidence similar
relationships to human activity. A simple analogy will serve to illustrate
this point. Imagine someone standing on the bank of a still pond, holding
a handful of small pebbles. The individual then throws the rocks up, and
they land in the pond, creating ripples and eventually, as all these waves
cross and interfere with each other, a pattern or grid or template of wave
interference is created, specific to that alignment of rocks thrown into the
pond. After the pond surface has become smooth again, the individual
throws another handful of pebbles into the pond. Again, the ripples will
cross and interfere, but the pattern will be different because the rocks will
randomly impact the surface of the pond in a different pattern.
The “ripples” are similar to the effects of these longitudinal waves in
the physical medium, with one very important difference. In the case of

198 Müller, “An Introduction to Global Scaling Theory”, Nexus, p. 82. For the relationship
of the engineerability of the theory, see my discussion in The Giza Death Star Destroyed,
pp. 122–123. Such a technology could also be used as a new and almost inexhaustible
energy source, a propulsion technology, and of course a weapon of stupendous and
planet- or star-busting power.
199 For this point, see my SS Brotherhood of the Bell (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2006),

pp. 219–220.

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the solar system, for example, the planets orbit the sun at known
periodicity; that is, each planet takes a certain amount of time to complete
one orbit of the Sun. This fact, the fact that their orbits can be precisely
calculated and their positions relative to each other thus predicted,
introduces the idea that certain types of alignments can occur with semi-
regularity, and the physical effects thus can be predicted if one assembles
the requisite database from lengthy observation. That is to say, the
planetary alignments themselves are exactly analogous to our “rocks in
the pond”, for the planets constantly create an overlapping gridwork or
template of such longitudinal waves.

a. Planetary Alignments and Signal Propagation

Oddly enough, such observation has been done to a limited extent. In
the early 1950s, the RCA company engaged one of its engineers, J.H.
Nelson, to study why signal propagation strength and weakness seemed
to vary according to periodic cycles. Nelson’s answers, after some study,
were published in The Electrical Engineer, and are as shocking to
“normal” scientific sensibilities now as they were then. The abstracts of
these two short articles say it all.
In the abstract to his article “Planetary Position Effect on Short-Wave
Signal Quality”, Nelson announces

a new approach to an as yet unsolved problem is the observance

of planetary effects on trans-atlantic [sic] short-wave signals.
Correlation over seven years shows that certain planetary
arrangements agree well with the behaviour of short-wave
signals.200

In an article written only a few months earlier for the AIEE Winter
General Meeting in January of 1952, Nelson spelled it out even more
explicitly in the abstract, which stated

an examination of shortwave radio propagation conditions over

the North Atlantic for a five-year period, and the relative position
of planets in the solar system, discloses some very interesting
correlations. As a result of such correlations, certain planetary

200
J. H. Nelson, “Planetary Position Effect on Short-Wave Signal Quality”, Electrical
Engineering, May 1952, p. 421.

115
 relationships are deduced to have specific effect on radio
propagation through their influence upon the sun. Further
investigation is required to fully explore the effect of planet
positions on radio propagation in order that the highly important
field of radio weather forecasting may be properly developed.201

There are some important factors to observe carefully before we proceed.

First, note that “certain planetary relationships” have an effect on
radio signal quality and propagation via some influence they have on the
Sun. This highlights that another mechanism other than sheer mass is at
work, for as is obvious, the Sun’s mass far outweighs the combined mass
of the various planets! In other words, a standard relativistic model could
not explain why signal quality varied with planetary positions; some
other mechanism was at work than just the gravity-mass relationship
posited by standard physical models. That mechanism, according to
Nelson, had something to do with the geometries of planetary positions
over time.
Secondly, Nelson also obliquely hints that in addition to the Sun’s
known effects on terrestrial weather, that there may also be a relationship
between planetary positions themselves and terrestrial weather. Were it
not for the fact that Nelson was an engineer working for RCA, one might
be tempted to conclude that his article was that of some obscure
astrologer working anonymously for The Farmers’ Almanac making
weather predictions.
But there’s more.
To see what it is, it is necessary to follow Nelson’s exposition closely
and carefully. The problem first became evident when RCA erected a
telescopic observatory to study sunspot activity:

At the Central Radio Office of RCA Communications, Inc., in

lower Manhattan, an observatory housing a 6-inch refracting
telescope is maintained for the observation of sunspots. The
purpose of erecting this observatory in 1946 was to develop a
method of forecasting radio storms from the study of sunspots.
After about one year of experimenting, a forecasting system of

201J. H. Nelson, “Shortwave Radio Propagation Correlation with Planetary Positions”,

conference paper presented to the AIEE Subcommittee on Energy Sources, AIEE
General Winter Meeting, January 1952, www.enterprisemission.com/images
.hyper/ne11.gif, p. 1.

116
 short-wave conditions was inaugurated based upon the age,
position, classification, and activity of sunspots. Satisfactory
results were obtained, but failure of this system from time to time
indicated that phenomena other than sunspots needed to be
studied.202

In other words, some mechanism other than sunspots was involved. But
what was it?
Examining various articles by those who had studied the sunspot
phenomenon in relationship to their cycles, Nelson quickly discovered
something quite odd, and it figured significantly into his own discovery:

Cyclic variations in sunspot activity have been studied by many

solar investigators in the past and attempts were made by some,
notably Huntington, Clayton, and Sanford, to connect these
variations to planetary influences. The books of these three
investigators were studied and their results found sufficiently
encouraging to warrant correlating similar planetary
interrelationships with radio signal behaviour. However, it was
decided to investigate the effects of all the planets from Mercury
to Saturn, instead of only the major planets as they had done. The
same heliocentric angular relationships of 0, 90, 180, and 270
degrees were used and dates when any two or more planets were
separated by one of these angles were recorded.
Investigation quickly showed there was positive correlation
between these planetary angles and transatlantic shortwave signal
variations. Radio signals showed a tendency to become degraded
within a day or two of planetary configurations of the type being
studied. However, all configurations did not correspond to signal
degradation. Certain configurations showed better correlation than
others.203

In other words, sunspot cycles themselves were not, as often argued,

the cause of signal degradation, but were themselves correlated to
planetary alignments; both sunspots and radio propagation effects
appeared to be effects of certain planetary geometries in relationship to

202 J. H. Nelson, “Planetary Position Effect on Short-Wave Signal Quality”, Electrical

Engineering, May 1952, p. 421, emphasis added.
203 Ibid., emphasis added.

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the sun. And there was another thing as well: the effect on signal
propagation appeared after the geometrical alignment, which always
occurred when two or more planets were separated by angles of 0, 90,
180, or 270 degrees.
Nelson’s articles chart some of these planetary relationships, and it is
worth having a look at them, for a picture is indeed worth a thousand
words or a hundred equations.

Nelson’s Planetary Alignment Chart for February 23, 1948, which “resulted
in severe signal degradation on that day and the one following”.204

Note that Venus and Jupiter are separated by 180 degrees, and
Mercury by almost 90 degrees from the other two. Yet another alignment
that resulted in severe signal degradation was an alignment that occurred
from September 20 to 26, 1951:

J. H. Nelson, “Planetary Position Effect on Short-Wave Signal Quality”, Electrical

204

Engineering, May 1952, p. 422.

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 Nelson’s Planetary Alignments for September 20-26, 1951205

Again, observe that Saturn on the one hand, and Venus and Jupiter on
the other, are separated by almost 180 degrees, while Uranus and
Mercury are within a few degrees of each other and almost at 90-degree
angles of separation from the other three planets.
The similarity of these charts to normal astrological charts is, of
course, obvious to anyone familiar with them, and it was so in Nelson’s
day as well, for Time magazine was quick to pick up on one potential
implication of the study:

The ancient pseudo-science of astrology, which attempts to predict

the future by the motions of the planets, may have a bit of science
in it, after all. This week Radio Corporation of America, no easy
prey to superstition, announced in the RCA Review that it is
successfully predicting radio reception by a study of planetary
motions.206

To put it succinctly, Time was obliquely hinting at a kind of

“paleophysics” approach to this ancient “pseudo-science”, namely that
behind ancient astrological myths and lore there might have once been a
very sophisticated physics and science – the product of a Very High

205 J. H. Nelson, “Planetary Position Effect on Short-Wave Signal Quality”, Electrical

Engineering, May 1952, p. 423.
206 No author given, “RCA Astrology”, Time, Monday, April 16, 1951, www.time.com

/magazine/ article/0,9171,814720,00.html

119
Civilization – of which astrology was a considerably declined legacy of
civilizations, Egypt and Babylon for example, that were themselves
declined legacies of a much earlier and much more sophisticated
precursor civilization. And the astrological component, as we shall see
momentarily, is more than just suggested or implied.
But we are getting ahead of ourselves.
For the moment, let us now consider carefully the implications of
Nelson’s remarks:

1) Since radio signals are electromagnetic phenomena, and since signal

propagation appears to be affected by two or more planets in
alignments of 0, 90, 180, or 270 degrees from each other, the
implication is that the solar system is not electrically neutral at all,
but an electrically dynamic and open system whose dynamism is
affected by these alignments. Again, recall the idea that the
planetary alignments themselves create a gridwork or lattice or
template of longitudinal waves;207
2) The common feature of the Sun and the planets is that each is a
rotating mass around its own axis of rotation, and as a total system,
each planet orbits the Sun. In short, we are dealing with rotating
systems within rotating systems;
3) The Sun itself is a rotating mass of plasma, a super-hot electrically
polarized gas in which nuclear fusion occurs constantly. Moreover,
within the Sun’s mass of rotating plasma, different layers of plasma
north or south of the latitude of its equator rotate in the same
direction, but at different velocities. This “differential rotation” as it
is known will become a crucial consideration as we proceed.

But what does all this mean?

To answer this question, we must return to examine some aspects of
this “deep physics” that I have written and commented about in my
previous books. Many of these points can be reprised fairly quickly, but
some of them will require a closer look, with new additional material and
perspective.

207
For further discussion of the electrical dynamism of the solar system, see my The Giza
Death Star Destroyed, pp. 29–31, and The Cosmic War, pp. 28–66.

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 b. The Electrically Dynamic Solar System and Planetary
Alignments
As already noted, the RCA studies of J.H. Nelson point to the
implication that the solar system is not an electrically neutral system, but
a dynamic one whose changes are somehow connected to planetary
alignments.208 In most presentations of the electrically dynamic solar
system, it is to be noted that the models used do not seek explanations in
a “deeper” physics, but merely posit that in ancient times the planets were
much closer together, and as a consequence of the build-up of polarities
and charge differentials between planets, large-scale electrical arcs could
form between them, much like charge differentials between the
atmosphere and the ground form during large thunderstorms, leading
eventually to the electrical arcs between these regions that we know as
lightning. In this case, the electrically dynamic solar system’s
understanding of the way planetary alignments affects the system is
simply due to the relative closeness of celestial bodies and the relative
differences of charge polarities between them. The actual geometrical
alignment of planets – as in the example of Nelson’s RCA studies – is
not really in view.

c. Plasma Cosmology
Closely allied to the conception of the electrically dynamic solar
system is plasma cosmology, which is an attempt to see a deeper physics
at work behind the idea of charge differentials forming between planets.
With plasma cosmology and physics, we are indeed in the presence of a
model with profound implications for that “deeper physics”, as well as a
model with profound explanatory power for some ancient texts and
mysteries.209 Accordingly, our review must be more comprehensive.
I first outlined the basics, and the fundamental implications of plasma
cosmology for interpretation of ancient texts and monoliths, in The Giza
Death Star. The brainchild of Swedish physicist Hannes Alfvén, the
conceptual basis of the model was summarized by his student Eric J.
Lerner in the following fashion:

208 Again, see my The Giza Death Star Destroyed: The Ancient War for Future Science,
pp. 30-31; and The Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient
Texts, pp. 28–66.
209 Q.v. my The Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient

Texts, pp. 28–66.

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 Starting in 1936 Alfvén outlined, in a series of highly original
papers, the fundamentals of what he would later term cosmic
electrodynamics – the science of the plasma universe. Convinced
that electrical forces are involved in the generation of cosmic rays,
Alfvén pursued … [a] method of extending laboratory models to
the heavens…. He knew how high-energy particles are created in
the laboratory – the cyclotron, invented six years earlier, uses
electrical fields to accelerate particles and magnetic fields to guide
their paths. How, Alfvén asked, would a cosmic, natural cyclotron
be possible?
…But what about the conductor? Space was supposed to be a
vacuum, thus incapable of carrying electrical currents. Here,
Alfvén again boldly extrapolated from the lab. On earth even
extremely rarefied gases can carry a current if they have been
ionized – that is, if the electrons have been stripped from the
atoms, … Alfvén reasoned that such plasma should exist in space
as well.210

I then commented at length as follows:

This may not sound too revolutionary, until one notices what is
unique about this theory: “certain key variables do not change with
scale – electrical resistance, velocity, and energy all remained the
same. Other quantities do change: for example, time is scaled as
size, so if a process is a million times smaller, it occurs a million
times faster”.211 In other words… The principal differential
is…time.212

Note that idea that time is “the principal differential” or “thing in view”,
because it will become quite the crucial point in a moment.
The principal insight of the theory is, however, clear: time is the
primary differential or “thing in view” while the rest of physical
variables – electrical resistance, field strength and so on – remain “scale-
invariant”, which is a physicist’s technical terminology for saying that

210 Eric J. Lerner, The Big Bang Never Happened (New York: Vintage Books: 1992), p.
181, cited in my The Giza Death Star, p. 135.
211 Eric J. Lerner, The Big Bang Never Happened, p. 192, emphasis added, cited in my

The Giza Death Star, pp. 135–136.

212 The Giza Death Star, pp. 135–136, emphasis added.

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they behave the same no matter the size or scale of the system to which
they are applied.
But there was a further implication:
Since time is scale-sensitive, and other electromagnetic forces are not,
the implication is revolutionary:

“Equally important, though, is the converse use of these scaling

rules. When the magnetic fields and currents of these objects are
scaled down, they become incredibly intense – millions of gauss,
millions of amperes, well beyond levels achievable in the
laboratory. However, by studying cosmic phenomena, Alfvén
shows, scientists can learn how fusion devices more powerful than
those now in existence will operate. In fact, they might learn how
to design such devices from the lessons in the heavens”.213
….
Lerner clearly implies that if the inertial and electromagnetic
processes of the heavens are somehow captured…

That is, if one is able to reproduce them by some technological means,

then

“fusion devices more powerful than those in existence will

operate”. What fusion devices could he be talking about? No
tokamak magnetic bottle has ever achieved a stable controlled-
fusion reaction, and it is unlikely that Lerner knows about (Philo)
Farnsworth’s plasmator…214

(And it is even less likely that Lerner knows of the Nazi Bell device!)215

213 Eric J. Lerner, op. cit., pp. 192–193, emphasis added, cited in my The Giza Death
Star, p. 136.
214 For Philo Farnsworth’s plasmator, see my The Giza Death Star, pp. 146–147, and

Nazi International, pp. 328–333.

215 Considerations such as these have led some Nazi Bell researchers to the erroneous

conclusion that the device was intended as an experiment in such mechanisms of

controlled fusion for the purpose of creating a new energy supply as well as one of these
“hydrogen bomb super bombs”. As I noted in my Nazi International, the involvement of
Dr. Ronald Richter in this project appears clear, and since his postwar project in
Argentina ostensibly concerned itself with controlled fusion, such researchers reason
back to the original project that the Nazi Bell was simply an earlier version of this postwar
project. But Richter himself, as we shall see in a moment, indicates clearly that even this

123
 …the only thing left, then, are the city-busting super-bombs
that fill French, American, and Russian arsenals.216

Those “city-busting super-bombs” are, of course, thermonuclear

hydrogen fusion bombs, and their importance to this story will also be
seen in a moment.
But that’s not all. There were other aspects of Alfvén’s plasma
cosmology model that he outlined in a 1942 article:

If a conducting liquid is placed in a constant magnetic field, every

motion of the liquid gives rise to an [electromagnetic field] which
produces electric currents. Owing to the magnetic field, these
currents give mechanical forces which change the state of motion
of the liquid. Thus, a kind of combined electromagnetic-
hydrodynamic wave is produced which, so far as I know, has as
yet attracted no attention.217

Commenting on this, I noted that such electromagnetic-hydrodynamic

waves sounded suspiciously like the “electro-acoustic” or electrical
longitudinal waves discovered by Nikola Tesla218 in his high-frequency
direct current impulse experiments, and later in his famous Colorado
Springs electrical experiments. We shall have much more to say on this
subject in a moment.
But there is one final point about Alfvén’s plasma cosmology that
must be noted, and that is that this concept of the universe exhibits a
filamentary and cellular structure. Not only does the universe exhibit
“electric layers” of various densities like a fluid, but “cosmic plasmas are
often nor homogeneous, but exhibit filamentary structures which are
likely to be associated with currents parallel to the magnetic field…. In
the magnetospheres there are thin, rather stable current layers which
separate regions of different magnetization, density, temperature, etc. It
is necessary that similar phenomena exist also in more distant regions.

plasma research was a step or key to a much deeper and more fundamental physics. That
such a plasma physics, however, might have led to such “fusion devices” would certainly
have been a dividend of the project that the Nazis would have been only too happy to
accept along the way! But it was merely a secondary dividend in any case.
216 The Giza Death Star, pp. 136–137, emphasis in the original.
217 Hannes Alfvén, “Existence of Electromagnetic-Hydrodynamic Waves”, Nature, No.

3805, October 3, 1942, pp. 405–406, cited in my The Giza Death Star, p. 137.
218 The Giza Death Star, p. 137.

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 This is bound to give space a cellular structure (or more correctly, a cell
wall structure)”.219
Before continuing, it is essential that we pause and take stock of what
we now have:

1. Alfvén’s cosmology leads to the conception of electromagnetic-

hydrodynamic waves which are capable of traveling in vacuum
space, i.e., the physical medium itself;
2. The mechanism that attaches to these waves is plasma itself, which
exhibits fluid-like properties of less and more dense regions, and
thus,
3. Gives space itself a cellular, that is to say, a lattice structure;
4. The phenomenon of plasmas is scale-invariant, since plasma effects
can be created in the laboratory which precisely resemble entire
galaxies in their structure,220 a point which may be fully appreciated
by a glance at laboratory-generated plasma swirls, and their
similarities to whole galaxies:

Galaxies and Laboratory Plasma Pinch Effects Compared: The Galaxies are above,
and the Laboratory-Generated Plasma Pinches are below.

study of the above phenomena can lead to “fusion devices more

powerful than those currently in existence”, i.e., to super-super
hydrogen bombs; and finally,
5. Time is the principal differential or “thing in view” since it alone
varies over the scales which are in view; on small scales it operates
faster than on large scales. This is an important point as we shall see

219 Ibid., pp. 137–138, citing Hannes Alfvén, “On Hierarchical Cosmology”,
Astrophysics and Space Science, Vol. 89 (Boston: D. Reidel, 1983), 313–324, p. 314, all
emphasis in the originals.
220 For this point, see my The Cosmic War, pp. 31–32.

125
 in a moment in the work of Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev. However, given
that time itself has this dynamic property considered in relationship
to the scale of the system under consideration, it is clear that it
cannot be the sort of “one-dimensional” or scalar entity that it is in
the treatment of so much mathematical physics, particularly in
relativity theories.221 In short, time has a kind of “breadth and depth”
similar to space; it is a multidimensional phenomenon, so to speak.
And with this, we are back to the insights of Ouspensky cited by
Dewey and Dakin in the previous chapter.222

With this in mind, we now consider the plasma and fusion aspects of the
Nazi Bell device, and the post-war “plasma and fusion” research of Nazi
scientist Dr. Ronald Richter, for his research was only secondarily about
plasmas.

d. Plasma Transduction of the Vacuum or Zero-Point

Energy: Dr. Ronald Richter Revisited
In The Nazi International I outlined a case that Dr. Ronald Richter’s
post-war fusion project in Argentina was but a continuation of certain
aspects of the wartime Nazi Bell project. This case was based in part on
the fact that Richter worked for the same company, the Allgemeine
Elektricitäts Gemeinschaft, as built the power plant for the Bell device,223
that while at that company he worked on a project code-named “Charite-
Anlage Projekt”, which was one of the code names of the Bell project’s
power plant,224 but most importantly, that the physics involved in
Richter’s project and the Bell were so similar. Both the Bell and Richter’s

221 For the “non-scalarity” of time in the work of Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev, see my The
Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter (Feral House,
2009), pp. 151–169.
222 To draw a simple analogy, consider only human natural languages. That humans have

always more or less known this “multi-dimensionality” of time is revealed by the way
natural human languages – with their many tenses, moods, and active and passive voices
– treat time. Verbal systems are, in short, far beyond the simple “past, present, and future”
of conventional standard physical theories. Notably, human natural languages consider
time in a highly complex set of open systems and relationships between them.
Mathematical physics has yet to catch up with this subtlety in a certain sense.
223 Joseph P. Farrell, Nazi International, pp. 343–345.
224 Ibid., p. 345.

126
project involved the use of rotating plasma.225 Both the Bell device and
Richter’s project also involved the use of metal drums or cylinders.226
But what was the purpose of this rotation of plasma? When queried
about this precise point by an Argentine commission sent by President
Perón to investigate his project, Richter informed the Argentine scientists
that the whole basis of his attempt to control thermonuclear fusion
processes was based on a precessional rotation of plasma that was then
sharply and abruptly pulsed electrically to produce standing shockwaves
within it. These shockwaves would then induce the fusion reaction.227
Richter was, of course, roundly denounced by scientists of that day,
because such assertions flew in the face of the reigning theories.228
However, this does not tell the full story, for while Richter’s views
were being denounced publicly, privately and very secretly the U.S.
military was taking a profound interest in what the Austrian Nazi
scientist was really trying to do. Contacting Richter and asking him to
explain what he was doing, Richter reveals that his project, and hence the
entire Nazi Bell project, was only secondarily concerned with nuclear
fusion, for that process was seen by them as a gateway to a much more
profound, and potentially deadly, physics than mere fusion or even
super-super hydrogen bombs. Outlining his research for the Third Reich,
Richter informs his American investigators that the shockwave process
of fusion was first noticed by him in 1936! His research in Nazi Germany
involved:

Research work and design studies on electric arc furnaces systems,

developing new types of plasma analysing instruments and
methods. In 1936, discovery of a plasma shock wave generating

225 See my SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 170-185, 278–282, 294–296, Secrets of the
Unified Field, pp. 268–280, The Philosophers’ Stone, pp. 283–287, 291–294, 296–305,
and Nazi International, pp. 262, 314–315.
226 SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 178–185; Nazi International, pp. 348–350. Harry

Cooper of Sharkhunters, who photographed the drums of Richter’s project in Argentina

shown on p. 249 of my book Nazi International, has recently been informed by his
Argentine contacts that the drums were in all likelihood control rod ports for Richter’s
intended fusion reactor that was beginning to be built when President Juan Perón shut
down the project. This is possible, though it raises certain questions since fission reactors,
not fusion reactors, are normally associated with control rods. This does, however, make
some sense, as the drums in Argentina are solid weights with a hole through the center,
while the Bell’s counter-rotating drums were most likely hollow cylinders.
227 The Nazi International, pp. 262, 271–272.
228 Ibid., pp. 249–262.

127
 process, conception of a completely new type of industrial arc
reactor system, based rather on plasma shock wave reactivity than
on heat transfer. Development of a basis of operation for testing
plasma shock wave conditions by means of plasma-collision-
induced nuclear reactions.229

If all this sounds a little ahead of the thermonuclear game in the early
1950s, it was. It was about 45 years ahead of that game, for in 1995 an
American firm, General Fusion, announced it would try to build a fusion
reactor based on the principle of plasma shockwaves!230
But Richter had apparently seen something else in those early plasma
shockwave and fusion experiments in Nazi Germany, something that
opened the door to a much deeper physics. “We assume”, Richter stated
in his American Paperclip file,

That highly compressed electron gas [i.e., a plasma] becomes a

detector for energy exchange with what we call zero-point
energy…in a shockwave-superimposed, turbulence-feedback-
controlled plasma zone exists a high probability for cell-like
super-pressure conditions…

Shades of Hannes Alfvén’s plasma-cellular structure of space! But note

what Richter is saying: such plasmas become “detectors” or even
gateways to tap into the energy of the physical medium – the zero-point
energy – itself:

…It seems to be possible [by this means] to ‘extract’ a

compression-proportional amount of zero-point energy by means
of a magnetic-field-controlled exchange fluctuation between the
compressed electron gas and a sort of cell structure in space,
representing what we call zero-point energy …. Plasma implosion
analysis might turn out to become an approach to a completely
new source of energy.231

229 National Archives and Records Administration, Foreign Scientist Case Files 1948–
1958, Box 54 of Record Group 330, File on Dr. Ronald Richter, cited in Henry Stevens,
Hitler’s Suppressed and Still-Secret Weapons, Science, and Technology (Adventures
Unlimited Press), pp. 260-261.
230 Farrell, Nazi International, p. 295.
231 Farrell, Nazi International, p. 343.

128
In short, Richter has seen beyond Alfvén’s plasma cosmology, for he is
saying in effect that the plasma structure of space itself is a result of zero-
point energy fluctuations. And with his “whole new energy source”
based on plasma gateways into the zero-point energy, we are back to Eric
J. Lerner’s observation that by looking to the heavens and the plasma
processes they contain, one might be able to construct fusion devices far
more powerful than anything in today’s arsenals, for such devices, in the
final analysis, are not fusion devices as such but fusion “gateways” or
transducers of something far more powerful and of planet- and star-
busting potential.
So, what is the connection to the Bell?
It’s very simple.
Recall for a moment that Richter’s whole process involved rotation
of that plasma such that a precession or “wobble” was induced in it.
Inside the Bell, there were two counter-rotating cylinders, in my opinion
most likely stacked one on top of the other.232 Inside these cylinders a
highly radioactive compound of mercury, probably doped with high-
spin-state nuclear isomers,233 was spun up to ultra-high speed, on the
order of tens if not hundreds of thousands of revolutions per minute.
Isomers are in turn high-spin-state atoms whose energy is locked up in
the angular momentum of the spinning atom. The purpose of spinning
such a material mechanically up to such a high speed is therefore evident,
for such action will “cohere” the atoms of the material by inertia, so that
they are all spinning in a manner aligned more or less on the same plane
of rotation, that of the two cylinders. This material was then electrically
pulsed by extremely high voltage direct-current electricity234 which, pace
Richter, arc from the rotating drum itself, through the material, to the
centre of the device, thus making not only a plasma, but setting up
“electro-acoustic” shock waves within it, and these in turn, would
transduce the energy and fabric of space-time itself, as the isomeric
component of the compound de-excited from its high spin state and
released the enormous amounts of energy stored up in its high rotation.
By altering the speeds of counter-rotation of the two drums, a differential
rotation, a precession or “wobble” of sorts, would be artificially induced
in the plasma.

232 Farrell, Secrets of the Unified Field, pp. 270-277.

233 Farrell, SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 171–184, 294–295; see my The Philosophers’
Stone pp. 297–299 for an argument that this isomer may have been thorium-229 isomer.
234 Farrell, Secrets of the Unified Field, pp. 280-282.

129
 In short, the Nazi scientists had brought the plasma cosmology of the
stars and even of the galaxies themselves down to a device as small as a
small camping trailer, and were using it to manipulate directly the fabric
of the physical medium, of space-time, itself.
But why set up such a differential rotation at all? For that matter, what
factors might have led Dr. Richter to assume that a rotating (precessing)
and electrically shocked plasma might be a zero-point energy transducer
to begin with?
To answer that question, we must, once again, look to the stars, to the
work of Russian astrophysicist Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev, and to little-known
facts about the earliest hydrogen bomb detonations.

e. Rotating Systems within Rotating Systems: Dr. Nikolai

Kozyrev Revisited
To see what the connection of all this – from rotating plasmas to
thermonuclear fusion to hydrogen bombs to stars and zero-point energy
– really is, we must return to something I wrote way back in The Giza
Death Star:

During the first hydrogen bomb tests, the actual energy yield of the
bombs far exceeded those initially calculated. There was an “x”
factor, an unknown source of surplus energy that was being tapped.
Since hydrogen bombs unleash enormous amounts of destructive
energy at the very subatomic level of the nucleus of atoms, we may
also surmise, in part, where that energy came from and why, for
such weapons literally cause a violent local disturbance in the
geometry and fabric of space-time. In short, some as yet
inadequately understood laws of harmonics produced the excess
energy.235

It is not only in the secret research of the Nazis with their Bell device,
but in the work of Russian astrophysicist Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev that one
begins the final approach to an understanding of where that excess
energy came from and how it operates. We already know a part of the
answer: it came from the energy of space-time itself.
But that space-time is not a mere void devoid of dynamism, for it
contains objects and systems, it contains information, and those objects

235
Farrell, The Giza Death Star, p. 145, emphasis in the original.

130
and that information are undergoing an ever-changing dynamic
relationship to each other.
Kozyrev was confronted by a similar problem as the hydrogen bomb,
only in his case, the problem was not with hydrogen bombs and their
anomalous yields, but with the very Sun itself, and its own highly
anomalous energy yield. As I wrote in The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy
and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter:

The whole principal motivation, by his own reckoning, for his

decades-long investigation of torsion, and of the torsion
amplifying and shielding properties of various elements and
compounds, was precisely the fact that there were simply not
enough neutrinos being emitted by stars for the standard model of
stars as gigantic perpetual fusion reactors – essentially perpetual
hydrogen bombs – to be true.236

In other words, stars, like their man-made counterparts, the hydrogen

bomb, were transducing far too much energy than could be accounted for
by the process of thermonuclear fusion alone. In fact, in a certain sense,
in Kozyrev’s view, fusion was not even the primary energy source at
work in stars at all, but a secondary effect of something much deeper, just
as in the case of Richter’s conceptions on plasmas. The connection
between the two men’s research, however, may not be immediately clear
unless one recalls what stars really are: they are rotating balls of plasma.
Thus, Richter’s and Kozyrev’s work are pointing to something
significant: rotating plasmas are transducers of the energy of a higher-
dimensional space! This is a crucial conceptual link to ancient times and
beliefs, and a crucial key to why the international money power, even in
ancient times, allied itself so closely with the temple, as we shall see in
subsequent chapters.
And the similarity between Kozyrev and Richter is more than just
conceptual, for both men and their theories were publicly denounced in

236 Farrell, the Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter
(Feral House, 54 p. Farrell, The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research
for Exotic Matter (Feral House, of 2009), p. 193, referencing A.P. Levitch, “A Substantial
Interpretation of N.A. Kozyrev’s Conception of Time”, p. 1. It should be noted that the
“perpetual hydrogen bomb and neutrino emission theory” is yet another implication or
artifact of Einstein’s General Relativity theory, and, in that respect, is similar to all other
such artifacts such as the Big Bang Theory, so-called “dark matter” and “dark energy”
and so on.

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the media organs of their respective political blocs, while their projects
apparently disappeared into the labyrinth of post-war black projects:

The more than coincidental attack on Kozyrev in Pravda in 1959

effectively [prevented] him from open publication of his
experimental results and theoretical conceptualizations, and the
similarly-timed disappearance of discussion of clean fusion bombs
in the open Soviet literature [is likewise suspicious]. Let us
speculate a bit.
We have already encountered the fact that the earliest
atmospheric hydrogen bomb tests far exceeded their pre-test
calculated yields. In other words, just as [Kozyrev maintained was
happening] in stars, some other energy source was being tapped
into, and transduced by, the thermonuclear detonation itself. And
if we extend this line of speculation, the Russians most likely
encountered the same phenomenon in their hydrogen bomb
testing. Moreover, in Kozyrev, they had an astrophysicist who
thought he knew why stars, also implicating thermonuclear
processes, appeared not to be radiating enough neutrinos energy
for the thermonuclear model to be true.
One may reasonably and logically conclude, therefore, that the
1959 Pravda attack on Kozyrev was really a cover story to
denounce his work, to de-legitimize it to anyone in the West who
may have been paying attention to it, while Kozyrev, and his work,
disappeared – as they did – into the highest reaches of
classification within the Soviet Union, for his work provided the
necessary key to understand why H-bombs were returning such
anomalous yields, yields that, moreover, most likely varied with
the time of their detonation. Kozyrev knew why: it was because
the bomb itself became, for that brief brilliant nanosecond of the
initial explosion, a dimensional gateway, a sluice-gate, opening
the spillway to a hyper-dimensional cascade of torsion into the
reaction itself.237

And when one says torsion, one says “rotation”, that is, the geometry of
time itself, with its rotating systems within rotating systems within

237Farrell, The Philosophers’ Stone, pp. 194–195, italicized emphasis in the original,
boldface emphasis added.

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rotating systems, for as Kozyrev throughout his many experiments
demonstrated time and time again, the simplest physical phenomena –
from hydrogen bomb fusion reactions to the simple inertial properties of
gyroscopes and tension balances and scales – varied in their results over
time, i.e., in accordance with the position of celestial bodies in
relationship to the earth, and to the position on the earth and the season
in which an experiment was performed. Kozyrev had in effect
demonstrated that time – the geometrical configuration and alignment of
systems in space at any given moment – was itself a physical force and
factor that gave it breadth and depth and dimensionality. He had given
the effects of so many cycles as compiled by Dewey and Dakin, and even
the sunspot alignments of RCA’s J.H. Nelson, a name: torsion.
In stressing this geometric aspect of time and its “multi-
dimensionality” – its relationship to the ever-changing torsion dynamism
of objects in space, their “template” – Kozyrev could not possibly have
been blind to what he was actually saying, for he was saying also that
there may well be, or have been, long ago, a scientific basis to astrology,
a basis now all but forgotten.
And there is one final point in this torsion tale to consider. The Sun,
while a rotating plasma, is not a plasma that rotates with uniform velocity,
for if one considers various layers of this plasma from its equator north,
or south, as many solar physicists know, the plasma rotates at different
speeds, i.e., the Sun itself is the largest example in our celestial
neighbourhood of the phenomenon of differential rotation of a plasma.
As such, it is the example par excellence of torsion.
A simple analogy will illustrate this point. In numerous discussions
on radio shows I have been asked to illustrate what torsion does to the
fabric of space-time, of the physical medium. The example I always use
is that of emptying an aluminium soda can, and then wringing it like a
dishrag. The analogy is similar to the Bell’s two counter-rotating
cylinders, for the counter-rotation of the wringing motion will spiral,
fold, and pleat the can, which represents space-time. But imagine now
that one is wringing the soda can with both hands going the same
direction, but with one hand going very much faster than the other: the
result will be exactly the same. The can will be spiralled, folded, and
pleated.
Thus, the analogy serves to demonstrate an important point both about
the Nazi Bell research and about Kozyrev’s research, for in both cases
the torsion physics in evidence in plasmas was fully rationalized by both

133
parties. Moreover, in stressing this geometric aspect of time and its
“multi-dimensionality” – its relationship to the ever-changing dynamism
of objects in space – Kozyrev could not possibly have been blind to what
he was actually saying, for he was saying that there may well be, or have
been, a scientific basis to astrology now all but forgotten.
There was, however, one genius in particular, working at the turn of
the nineteenth into the twentieth century, and at the dreadful moment that
the deliberate and heavy hand of suppression of this physics and all its
implications could clearly be seen and felt, who saw it all with a
perspicacity and breathtaking vision, and who inspired the efforts of the
Nazis and Soviets to free themselves from that heavy hand: Nikola Tesla.

B. ALL ROADS LEAD TO TESLA AND MORGAN

One need only consider the conspicuous absence of Tesla’s name

from standard physics textbooks in order to appreciate the fact of the
existence of this hidden physics and its deliberate suppression. It was
evident in the public denunciations of Dr. Ronald Richter and Dr. Nikolai
Kozyrev, and the quiet shuffling of their projects into classified obscurity
and secrecy. But unlike those two geniuses, with Nikola Tesla one was
dealing with an entirely different matter, for the man was not only not an
obscure scientist and engineer working quietly in his laboratories on
secret government projects, but he was a flamboyant and well-known
public figure who delighted in large and expensive dinners in New York
City’s finest restaurants, who literally electrified audiences of the rich
and famous – including such notables such as Mark Twain himself – with
exhilarating public demonstrations of his inventions, and whose fame,
quite literally, spread quickly worldwide with electrifying speed, for he
indeed was the sole man responsible for electrifying the world after an
equally famous contest with Thomas Edison and his financial backer J.P.
Morgan – a contest which Tesla easily and decisively won.
Such a man could not simply be denounced, nor shuffled to the
sidelines. Nor could such a man be dealt with by more “active measures”
without casting a pall of suspicion over the ultimate perpetrators of the
deed.
But why would Tesla pose such a problem to begin with?

134
 1. Colorado Springs
The answer lies in what Tesla discovered during his famous
experiments in Colorado Springs in the late nineteenth century,
experiments which, to this day, few physicists and engineers really
understand, and those few who do question either Tesla’s claims, his
analysis, or both. The reason for the difficulty in understanding among
some scientists, and the questioning attitude and scepticism among
others, lies in the nature of what Tesla himself claimed he had been able
to do. It is necessary to cite his comments at length:

Towards the close of 1898 a systematic research, carried on for a

number of years with the object of perfecting a method of
transmission of electrical energy through the natural medium, led
me to recognize three important necessities: First, to develop a
transmitter of great power; second, to perfect means for
individualizing and isolating the energy transmitted; and third, to
ascertain the laws of propagation of currents through the earth
and the atmosphere.238

The Colorado Springs project was, in other words, the beginning of

Tesla’s now well-known idea of beaming electrical power itself without
wires. This is already a step well beyond radio.
Observe carefully, however, what Tesla states. In order to do this, it
was necessary to

1. construct a kind of transmitter of extraordinary power;

2. to render any wireless transmission of power practical, it was
necessary to be able to send and receive a multitude of individual
signals for the various equipment and localities it was presumably
to serve, and thus, a means had to be found to “individualize and
isolate” the transmitted energy, much as a radio receiver can tune to
various frequencies to receive different signals; and finally, and
most importantly,
3. Tesla clearly states that the “natural medium” itself is to be the
means of propagation of this energy.

238Nikola Tesla, “Transmission of Electrical Energy Without Wires”, Electrical World

and Engineer, March 5, 1904, cited in David Hatcher Childress, ed., The Fantastic
Inventions of Nikola Tesla, pp. 219, 221, emphasis added.

135
But what does he mean by “natural medium”? The interpretation of this
one point is crucial to the understanding of what he was really seeking in
Colorado Springs, and it is this precise point over which the
misunderstandings, arguments, and the sceptical questions, arise.
There are three possible ways to understand Tesla here. The first is to
understand by “natural medium” what Tesla later declares in the same
context: the atmosphere, and the earth itself. In the first instance, the
atmosphere, Tesla is proposing little more than a high-power version of
radio. In the second case, however, it is clear that he is proposing
something radically different, for the earth itself is to be the transmitter.
This interpretation, as we shall discover, is that which clearly will emerge
from the rest of Tesla’s remarks.
However, there is one final interpretation, the most radical of them
all, that will loom ever larger as we proceed. Tesla, like many physicists
and engineers of his day, was an ardent believer in the aether, that is, in
the fact that space-time itself was a kind of ultra-fine matter upon which
electromagnetic waves, and hence energy and power, could ride. Tesla,
however, appears, unlike most physicists and engineers of his time, to
have held the view that this aether had fluid-like properties, i.e., that it
had the ability to be compressed or rarefied, that is, to be stressed. This
will emerge as a clear implication of his Colorado Springs experiments.
To see how, we return to his own remarks, to understand how he
intended to utilize the earth itself as the transmitting antenna for electrical
power:

In the middle of June, while preparations for other work were

going on, I arranged one of my receiving transformers with the
view of determining in a novel manner, experimentally, the
electric potential of the globe and studying the periodic and casual
fluctuations. This formed part of a plan carefully mapped out in
advance. A highly sensitive, self-restorative device, controlling a
recording instrument, was included in the secondary circuit, while
the primary was connected to the ground and an elevated terminal
of adjustable capacity. The variations of potential gave rise to
electric surgings in the primary; these generated secondary
currents, which in turn affected the sensitive device and recorder
in proportion to their intensity. The earth was found to be, literally,

136
 alive with electrical vibrations, and soon I was deeply absorbed in
this investigation.239

On conclusion of these investigations, having discovered that indeed the

earth itself was an electrically dynamic system, Tesla concluded that

not only was it practicable to send telegraphic messages to any

distance without wires, as I recognized long ago, but also to
impress upon the entire globe the faint modulations of the human
voice,

(In other words, Tesla was thinking in terms of radio, but with the entire
earth as his transmitting antenna!)

[but] far more still, to transmit power, in unlimited amounts, to any

terrestrial distance and almost without any loss.240

Tesla then turned to the problem of developing not only a powerful

transmitter, but one that could best be used for all these discrete and
disparate purposes. And it is precisely here that the misunderstandings
begin, for most engineers to this day think that Tesla’s “magnifying
impulse transmitter” was nothing but a Tesla coil beaming powerful bolts
of electricity into the atmosphere.
To see how different was Tesla’s system than any other then being
considered, one must look closer at what he himself describes happened
in Colorado Springs. Noting the typical Colorado thunderstorms which
formed over the mountains and then moved quickly over the plains, Tesla
begins a lengthy description of the events leading to his discovery of the
method of electrically stressing the earth itself:

I never saw fire balls,241 but as a compensation for my

disappointment I succeeded later in determining the mode of their
formation and producing them artificially.

239 Nikola Tesla, “Transmission of Electrical Energy Without Wires”, Electrical World
and Engineer, March 5, 1904, cited in David Hatcher Childress, ed., The Fantastic
Inventions of Nikola Tesla, p. 222, emphasis added.
240 Ibid., pp. 226–227, emphasis added.
241 I.e., Ball lightning.

137
 In the latter part of the same month [June] I noticed several
times that my instruments were affected stronger by discharges
taking place at great distances than by those nearby. This puzzled
me very much. What was the cause? A number of observations
proved that it could not be due to the differences in the intensity
of the individual discharges,242 and I readily ascertained that the
phenomenon was not the result of a varying relation between the
periods of my receiving circuits and those of terrestrial
disturbances….
It was on the third of July – the date I shall never forget – when
I obtained the first decisive experimental evidence of a truth of
overwhelming importance for the advancement of humanity. A
dense mass of strongly charged clouds gathered in the west and
towards the evening a violent storm broke loose which, after
spending much of its fury in the mountains, was driven away with
great velocity over the plains. Heavy and long persisting arcs
formed almost in regular time intervals. … I was able to handle
my instruments quickly and I was prepared. The recording
apparatus being properly adjusted, its indications became fainter
and fainter with the increasing distance of the storm, until they
ceased altogether. I was watching in eager expectation. Surely
enough, in a little while the indications again began, grew
stronger and stronger and, after passing through a maximum,
gradually decreased and ceased once more. Many times, in
regularly recurring intervals, the same actions were repeated until
the storm which, as evident from simple computations, was moving
with nearly constant speed, had retreated to a distance of about
three hundred kilometres. Nor did these strange actions stop then,
but continued to manifest themselves with undiminished force….
No doubt whatever remained: I was observing stationary waves.
…. Impossible as it seemed, this planet, despite its vast extent,
behaved like a conductor of limited dimensions.243

In other words, Tesla, in Dewey- and Dakin-like fashion, had observed a

cycle, and a very interesting one at that, for the cycle he had observed

242I.e., lightning.
243Nikola Tesla, “Transmission of Electrical Energy Without Wires”, Electrical World
and Engineer, March 5, 1904, cited in David Hatcher Childress, ed., The Fantastic
Inventions of Nikola Tesla, pp. 224–225, emphasis added.

138
was a “stationary wave”, or, in modern parlance, a “standing wave”.
When the extremely high-voltage static electrical discharges that we call
lightning strike the earth, if the resonance is right it literally “thumps”
the earth like a kettle drum, sending an impulse all the way around the
planet somewhat like a seismic wave from an earthquake. Like all such
waves, it will eventually fade and die, then grow again until it returns to
the same place and intensity from which it started. And this gave him the
idea for the “wireless transmission” of electrical power.
However, nothing could have been farther from Tesla’s mind than
standard radio. This new circuit is, he noted,

essentially, a circuit of very high self-induction and small

resistance which in its arrangement, mode of excitation and action,
may be said to be the diametrical opposite of a transmitting circuit
typical of telegraphy by Hertzian or electromagnetic radiations….
The electromagnetic radiations being reduced to an insignificant
quantity, and proper conditions of resonance maintained, the
circuit acts like an immense pendulum, storing indefinitely the
energy of the primary exciting impulses and impressions upon the
earth and its conducting atmosphere uniform harmonic
oscillations which, as actual tests have shown, may be pushed so
far as to surpass those attained in the natural displays of static
electricity.244

To unpack what he is saying, one only has to consider the standard radio
transmission arrangement, sending out ordinary radio waves. In this
arrangement, there is an antenna, connected to the ground. The antenna
sends out Hertzian waves into the atmosphere, and the circuit is
completed by its connection to the ground. Hertz waves are similar in
nature to suspending a jump rope loosely between two people and having
one person jerk the rope, sending an “S”-shaped wave slowly to the other
end. Most of the energy of the wave is dissipated in the initial “jerking”
motion, and accordingly, only a fraction of the energy arrives at the other
person, the rest of the energy being dissipated by the up-and-down
motion of the wave itself. In this case, the jump rope represents the

244Nikola Tesla, “Transmission of Electrical Energy Without Wires”, Electrical World

and Engineer, March 5, 1904, cited in David Hatcher Childress, ed., The Fantastic
Inventions of Nikola Tesla, p. 227, emphasis added.

139
earth’s electrically conductive atmosphere, and the wave in the rope
represents the ordinary radio wave.
Recall now what Tesla stated: his circuit parameters were
diametrically the opposite of a standard “radio” arrangement, for in this
instance, the relationship of ground and transmitter were turned on their
heads, the earth, normally the ground in an electrical circuit, became the
transmitter and conductive medium, and the atmosphere, normally the
conductive medium, became the ground.245 Moreover, in this new
arrangement, the waves were not Hertzian at all, but impulses; that is to
say, they were longitudinal waves of stress, of compression and
rarefaction, in the earth itself.
To understand the crucial difference between the two waves, we
repeat our jump rope analogy, only this time, we place a yardstick
between the two persons. One person pushes or pulses the yardstick
repeatedly. Instantaneously, all of the energy of the pulse is transmitted
directly to the other person. In this case, the yardstick represents the
earth, and the pulses the electro-acoustic longitudinal waves Tesla is
sending.
This is, to put it succinctly, a far cry from radio in the standard sense,
for Tesla means not only to transmit signals by this means, but electrical
power itself, without wires, for the earth itself is the wire.246 Note also
what the earth is in this system: it is a highly non-linear medium of almost
infinite electrical “resistance” to a standard electrical current. This will
assume some importance as we proceed.
In any case, once having envisioned this radically different system,
Tesla went on to describe what for all practical purposes amounted to an
“internet”:

The results obtained by me have made my scheme of intelligence

transmission, for which the name of “World Telegraphy” has been
suggested, easily realizable. … Thus, the entire earth will be

245For a fuller consideration of this point, see my Giza Death Star Deployed, pp. 197–
205.
246 Tesla also states that “Simultaneously with these endeavors, the means of

individualization and isolation were gradually improved. Great importance was attached
to this, for it was found that simple tuning was not sufficient to meet the vigorous
practical requirements”. Once again, in other words, standard radio tuning techniques
could not be utilized, since the waves were longitudinal “yardstick” waves of pulses,
rather than Hertzian “jump rope” waves.

140
 converted into a huge brain, as it were, capable of response in every
one of its parts.247

In fact, this is an “internet” beyond anything currently imaginable, for it

has no need of wires, “gateway computers”, or satellites in order to
function. In Tesla’s grand vision, the earth fulfils these functions.

2. Wardenclyffe
When he returned to New York City, Tesla was ready to put the
scheme into commercial testing. And this is where Tesla’s difficulties
began, and where suppression of the physics and engineering his system
represented was clearly evident, for needing funds to build a large-scale
version of his Colorado Springs experimental apparatus, Tesla, as is now
well known, approached the American international banker J. Pierpont
Morgan for a loan. Detailing his plan for a global system of “wireless
telegraphy”, even proposing to send the human voice and actual pictures
by its means in a kind of terrestrial radio and television, Morgan
advanced Tesla the funds. What Tesla did not reveal to Morgan at this
juncture was that he intended to transmit electrical power itself by this
means, making even his own stupendously successful system of
alternating current – the system now in use worldwide – obsolete! Tesla
chose a place on Long Island, purchased land, built a power plant, and a
large tower. He called the place and the project “Wardenclyffe”.
Unfortunately for Tesla and his plans, however, the Italian physicist
and engineer Guigliomo Marconi – using Tesla’s own devices and
inventions to boot! – beat him to the punch by transmitting the first
transatlantic radio signal, using standard radio circuit arrangements and
Hertzian “jump rope” electromagnetic waves while Tesla’s project was
still under construction. Faced with cheaper competition and a
deceptively simpler, but much less flexible, system, Morgan threatened
to pull the financial plug on the scheme. It was then, faced with the
demise of his project, that Tesla revealed his true intentions to Morgan:
he planned to beam power itself through the earth to any point on the
globe. With this revelation, Morgan did pull the plug, and Tesla’s grand
project came to an end, and has never since been publicly revived.

247Nikola Tesla, “Transmission of Electrical Energy Without Wires”, Electrical World

and Engineer, March 5, 1904, cited in David Hatcher Childress, ed., The Fantastic
Inventions of Nikola Tesla, pp. 230, 232, emphasis added.

141
 a. Weaponizing Wardenclyffe and Suppressing the Scalars:
Tesla at Tunguska and Morgan at Mischief
Why would Morgan pull the plug on such a scheme, virtually
suppressing it and the physics it represented? After all, it is simply not
true merely that he “could not meter” it and hence make money, for he
stood to gain a great deal financially off of worldwide royalty and
licensing agreements for the system, even though such a system would,
admittedly, have been much more difficult to financially monitor and
secure. So, while pure and simple greed may very likely have been a
factor in his deliberations, it probably was not the only one.
What those other modifications may have been were hinted at by
Tesla himself, and a curious series of incidents that began when a French
ship, the Iena, mysteriously exploded in 1907, as Tesla’s Wardenclyffe
project was in its financial death throes. In an op-ed piece written that
March to the editor of the New York Times, Tesla hinted at the
weaponization potential of his Colorado Springs discoveries and
Wardenclyffe project:

As to projecting wave-energy to any particular region of the globe,

I have given a clear description of the means in technical
publications. Not only can this be done by the means of my
devices, but the spot at which the desired effect is to be produced
can be calculated very closely, assuming the accepted terrestrial
measurements to be correct. This, of course, is not the case. Up to
this day we do not know a diameter of the globe within one
thousand feet. My wireless plant will enable me to determine it
within fifty feet or less, when it will be possible to rectify many
geodetical data and make such calculations as those referred to
with greater accuracy.248

A year later in 1908, the inventor was less guarded in his words:

When I spoke of future warfare I meant that it should be conducted

by direct application of electrical waves without the use of aerial
engines or other implements of destruction. This means, as I
pointed out, would be ideal, for not only would the energy of war

“Tesla’s Wireless Torpedo: Inventor Says He Did Show that it Worked Perfectly”,
248

New York Times, March 19, 1907.

142
 require no effort for the maintenance of its potentiality, but it
would be productive in times of peace. This is not a dream. Even
now wireless power plants could be constructed by which any
region of the globe might be rendered uninhabitable without
subjecting the population of other parts to serious danger or
inconvenience.249

These words were published in the New York Times on April 28, 1908.
Bear that date in mind, because it will become highly significant in a
moment. In any case, it is also clear that Tesla’s wireless transmission of
power was one and the same technology as a horrible weapon of mass
destruction. And this raises an ominous series of questions: Had J. P.
Morgan pulled his financial backing of the project not out of greed, but,
perhaps motivated by some secret scientific advisor’s cautionary
warnings, had he pulled his financial backing because he did not wish to
see technology with such destructive potential in the private hands of a
scientist well known for very odd and eccentric behaviour? Were
Morgan’s motivations ultimately altruistic? Or, conversely, did he want
to develop the technology for such purposes secretly himself, and by
means of its potential use, establish a world mastery for himself and his
own class?
To put it succinctly, as with the presence of the Mitsubishi bank
economist in the membership roles of the Foundation for the Study of
Cycles, or the peculiar investigations of RCA engineer J.H. Nelson, this
is the third clear instance of a major corporation, secure in its own
monetary temple, showing a clear interest, first in the development of a
deep physics, a radically different physics, and now, the first clear
indication of a deliberate act of financial sabotage of the same physics!
This pattern will only become more and more acute as we proceed
throughout this book.
But in that very same article, Tesla makes clear that he has seen
beyond his own system of using the earth itself as an antenna to an even
deeper underlying physics, a physics he did not disclose at the time to
Morgan but which now, desperate for financial support for his project,
he now disclosed publicly in the pages of the New York Times:

“Mr. Tesla’s Invention: How the Electrician’s Lamp of Aladdin May Construct New
249

Worlds”, New York Times, April 21, 1908.

143
 What I said in regard to the greatest achievement of the man of
science whose mind is bent upon the mastery of the physical
universe, was nothing more than what I stated in one of my
unpublished addresses, from which I quote: “According to an
adopted theory, every ponderable atom is differentiated from a
tenuous fluid, filling all space merely by spinning motion, as a
whirl of water in a calm lake. By being set in movement this fluid,
the ether, becomes gross matter. Its movement arrested, the
primary substance reverts to its normal state. It appears, then,
possible for man through harnessed energy of the medium and
suitable agencies for starting and stopping ether whirls to cause
matter to form and disappear. At his command, almost without
effort on his part, old worlds would vanish and new ones would
spring into being. He could alter the size of this planet, control its
seasons, adjust its distance from the sun, guide it on its eternal
journey along any path he might choose through the depths of the
universe. He could make planets collide and produce his suns and
stars, his heat and light; he could originate life in all its infinite
forms. To cause at will the birth and death of matter would be
man’s grandest deed, which would give him the mastery of
physical creation, make him fulfil his ultimate destiny.250

Note now that by “medium” Tesla no longer means simply the earth
itself, but the aether. And notably, he views atoms themselves as but
vorticular structures – rotating, torsion-based systems – in that aether. If
Morgan had any doubts in 1907 about the potentials – both destructive
and constructive – of Tesla’s system and the physics it embodied, those
doubts were clearly dispelled a year later by Tesla himself in The New
York Times.
Note also that Tesla, by viewing the physical medium in this torsion-
based fashion, has also clearly seen one implication: the aether itself was
a transmutative, alchemical information-creating medium, a medium
which, as information-creating, was in a state of non-equilibrium and
broken symmetry. Thus, with the proper structuring of that “torsion
potential”, by engineering it, one could literally alter the size and mass
of the earth or any other celestial body at will, for those bodies were

“Mr. Tesla’s Invention: How the Electrician’s Lamp of Aladdin May Construct New
250

Worlds”, New York Times, April 21, 1908, emphasis added. Tesla’s letter to the Times
was dated April 19, 1908.

144
themselves “whirls in the aether”. Small wonder then that he, like Drs.
Richter and Kozyrev after him, was creating ball lightning and thereby
studying plasmas and electrical shocks, for like them, he has seen the
much deeper physics of the physical medium itself, and like them, he has
discovered the basic method of manipulating and engineering it through
electrical pulses or longitudinal waves, and through rotation. And like
them and their Nazi and Communist masters, he has seen the full range
of its constructive and destructive implications. In this, and without the
slightest exaggeration, his views of physics gave a solid basis to a very
ancient pseudo-science: alchemy.
But why is the timing of Tesla’s announcement so significant?
One researcher who asked this question was Oliver Nichelson:

The question remains of whether Tesla demonstrated the weapons

application of his power transmission system. Circumstantial
evidence found in the chronology of Tesla’s work and financial
fortunes between 1900 and 1908 points to there having been a test
of this weapon.251

Recall that Tesla’s first veiled hints of the weaponization potential of his
wireless power transmission system were stated in 1907 and clearly
expressed by April 1908. Roughly two months later, on June 30, 1908, a
massive explosion occurred over Tunguska, Russia, in Siberia.

An explosion estimated to be equivalent to 10-15 megatons of

TNT252 flattened 500,000 acres of pine forest near the Stony
Tunguska River in central Siberia. Whole herds of reindeer were
destroyed. The explosion was heard over a radius of 620 miles.
When an expedition was made to the area in 1927 to find evidence
of the meteorite presumed to have caused the blast, no impact
crater was found. When the ground was drilled for pieces of nickel,

251 Oliver Nichelson, “Tesla Wireless Power Transmitter and the Tunguska Explosion of
1908”, prometheus.al.ru/english/phisik/onichelson/tunguska.htm, p. 6. Note that the
website posting Mr. Nichelson’s paper is Russian!
252 America’s first hydrogen bomb, codenamed “Mike”, was estimated to have a yield of

4–6 megatons prior to detonation. When detonated, the explosion ran away to about 10
megatons, approximately the same yield as the minima estimation for the Tunguska
event.

145
 iron, or stone, the main constituents of meteorites, none were
found down to a depth of 118 feet.253
Many explanations have been given for the Tunguska event.
The officially accepted version is that a 100,000-ton fragment of
Encke’s Comet, composed mainly of dust and ice, entered the
atmosphere at 62,000 m.p.h., heated up, and exploded over the
earth’s surface creating a fireball and shock wave but no crater.
Alternative versions of the disaster see a renegade mini-black hole
or an alien space ship crashing into the earth254 with the resulting
release of energy.255

As was already seen, Tesla had two short months earlier spelled out the
weaponization potential of his magnifying transmitter device and its
underlying deep physics very clearly.
Many years later in 1934, according to a letter unearthed by Tesla
biographer Margaret Cheney, the inventor once again wrote J. P.
Morgan:

The flying machine has completely demoralized the world, so

much so that in some cities, as London and Paris, people are in
mortal fear from aerial bombing. The new means I have perfected
affords absolute protection against this and other forms of attack…
These new discoveries I have carried out experimentally on a
limited scale, created a profound impression.256

At this point one might ask, what prompted the letter? Was it
spontaneous on Tesla’s part? Or a reply to an inquiry from the financier?
Whatever lay behind this strange correspondence, occurring years after
the financier had severed his connection with Tesla and all but

253 All this raises the question of why the Soviet Union would mount such an expensive
expedition in the first place to such a remote wilderness area. One possibility, of course,
was they were looking for clues of whether or not the event was a natural one, or
artificially induced and therefore a product of a technology.
254 Always the inept ET incompetently crashing his ships into the earth! All that

technology, and such bad pilots! Don’t they have flight simulators and pilot schools?
After all, we do.
255 Nichelson, op cit., here summarized in different form by David Hatcher Childress,

The Fantastic Inventions of Nikola Tesla, p. 256.

256 Childress, The Fantastic Inventions of Nikola Tesla, p. 256, emphasis added.

146
suppressed the Wardenclyffe wireless power transmission project, the
correspondence is odd to say the least.
Its implications however, are clear. Tesla’s remarks in the New York
Times in 1908, the same year as the event, and his letter years later in
1934 to Morgan, point to a circumstantial case that he indeed tested the
weaponization potential of his wireless power transmission on a remote
wilderness region, a region where there would be sufficient observation
of the event from a distance, but no loss of human life. Indeed, in purely
legal terms, he had “the motive and the means to cause the Tunguska
event. His transmitter could generate energy levels and frequencies
capable of releasing the destructive force of 10 megatons, or more, of
TNT. And the overlooked genius was desperate”.257
But as Nichelson also observes, the nature of the Tunguska explosion
is also entirely consistent with what would happen

with the sudden release of wireless power. No fiery object was

reported in the skies at that time by professional or amateur
astronomers as would be expected when a 200,000,000-pound
object enters the atmosphere at tens of thousands of miles an hour.
Also, the first reporters, from the town of Tomsk, to reach the area
judged the stories about a body falling from the sky was the result
of the imagination of an impressionable people. He noted there was
considerable noise coming from the explosion, but no stones fell.
The absence of an impact crater can be explained by there having
been no material body to impact. An explosion caused by broadcast
power would not leave a crater.
In contrast to the ice comet collision theory, reports of upper-
atmosphere and magnetic disturbances coming from other parts of
the world at the time of and just after the Tunguska event point to
massive changes in earth’s electrical condition. Baxter and Atkins
cite in their study of the explosion, The Fire Came By, that the Times
of London editorialized about “slight, but plainly marked,
disturbances of… magnets” …
In Berlin, the New York Times of July 3rd reported unusual
colours in the evening skies thought to be Northern
Lights…Massive glowing “silvery clouds” covered Siberia and

Oliver Nichelson, “Tesla Wireless Power Transmitter and the Tunguska Explosion of
257

1908”, prometheus.al.ru/english/phisik/onichelson/tunguska.htm, p. 9.

147
 northern Europe. A scientist in Holland told of an “undulating mass”
moving across the northwest horizon. It seemed to him not to be a
cloud, but the “sky itself seemed to undulate”. A woman north of
London wrote the London Times that on midnight of July 1st the sky
glowed so brightly it was possible to read large print inside her
house. A meteorological observer in England recounted on the
nights of June 30th and July 1st: “A strong orange-yellow light
became visible in the north and northeast… causing an undue
prolongation of twilight lasting to daybreak on July 1st… There was
a complete absence of scintillation or flickering, and no tendency
for the formation of streamers, or a luminous arch, characteristic of
auroral phenomena. … Twilight on both of these nights was
prolonged to daybreak, and there was no real darkness”.
…
When Tesla used his high-power transmitter as a directed-energy
weapon he drastically altered the normal electrical condition of the
earth. By making the electrical charge of the planet vibrate in tune
with his transmitter he was able to build up electric fields that
affected compasses and caused the upper atmosphere to behave like
the gas-filled lamps in his laboratory. He had turned the entire globe
into a simple electrical component that he could control.258

But was a “simple” wireless transmission of power all that was involved
in the explosion? After all, we have already found Drs. Richter and
Kozyrev questioning the standard models of thermonuclear fusion, and
Tesla himself by 1908, clearly seeing a deeper physics of the medium
itself, was involved in his own wireless power transmission principles.
More importantly, flattening an area of 500,000 acres is equivalent to
flattening an area of 781.25 square miles, or roughly an area of a square
bounded by sides almost 28 miles long! So, some other mechanism might
be in play, and Tesla has already told us what it might have been: whirls
in the aether itself – torsion, rotation.
However, Tesla had foreseen even further political implications for
his system, and it is worth citing him at length:

258Oliver Nichelson, “Tesla Wireless Power Transmitter and the Tunguska Explosion of
1908”, prometheus.al.ru/english/phisik/onichelson/tunguska.htm, pp. 9–10. it should be
noted that Nichelson thinks that Tesla originally was aiming for the North Pole arctic
region with this demonstration, and by a miscalculation, overshot his target and hit
Siberia instead.

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 Through the universal adoption of this system, ideal conditions for
the maintenance of law and order will be realized, for then the
energy necessary to the enforcement of right and justice will be
normally productive, yet [potentially] and in any moment
available, for attack and defence. The power transmitted need not
be necessarily destructive, for if existence is made to depend upon
it, its withdrawal or supply will bring about the same results as
those now accomplished by force of arms.
But when unavoidable, the same agent may be used to destroy
property and life. The art is already so far developed that great
destructive effects can be produced at any point on the globe,
determined beforehand and with great accuracy. In view of this I
have not thought it hazardous to predict a few years ago that the
wars of the future will not be waged with explosives but with
electrical means.259

In other words, like the “gods” of extremely ancient times,260 Tesla saw
in his technology of wireless power transmission a means of world
mastery and hegemony, whose implied threat of withdrawal of access, or
even worse, the implied threat of its destructive weaponized deployment,
would coerce compliance to whatever world order as possessed,
monopolized, and deployed it. Such statements could hardly have gone
unnoticed by Tesla’s former financial backer, J. P. Morgan.
But whatever Morgan’s interest may have been, foreign nations were
most certainly also watching these statements carefully. As Oliver
Nichelson notes, the American media carried many stories of “death ray”
research being conducted in the wake of Tesla’s statements to the New
York Times in Russia,261 France,262 and Great Britain.263

259 Nikola Tesla, “Tesla’s New Device Like Bolts of Thor: He Seeks to Patent a Wireless
Engine for Destroying Navies by Pulling a Lever; to Shatter Armies Also”, New York
Times, Dec. 8, 1915, p. 8, column 3, emphasis added.
260 For the whole theme of an ancient cosmic war and the use and deployment of such

technologies of “cosmic hegemony”, see my Giza Death Star Deployed, pp. 1–4, and my
The Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts.
261 Oliver Nichelson, “Tesla’s Wireless Power Transmission and the Tunguska Explosion

of 1908”, citing The New York Times, “Suggests Russia Has A ‘Ray’”, May 28, 1924, p.
25.
262 Ibid., citing Current Opinion, “A Violet Ray That Kills”, June 1924, pp. 828–829.
263 Ibid., citing Popular Mechanics, “’Death Ray’ Is Carried by Shafts of Light”, August

1924, pp. 189–192.

149
 In the last instance, Tesla biographer John J. O’Neill noted in an
unpublished chapter to his celebrated biography of the inventor, Prodigal
Genius, that when he queried the engineer about his wireless power
transmission technology and its weaponization potential, Tesla became
very reluctant to speak about it in any detail. But later, Tesla did offer
some interesting information:

Somewhat later I learned the reason for Tesla’s reluctance to

discuss the details. This came shortly after Stanley Baldwin
replaced Neville Chamberlain as Prime Minister of Great Britain.
Tesla revealed that he had carried on negotiations with Prime
Minister Chamberlain for the sale of his ray system to Great
Britain for $30,000,000 on the basis of his presentation that the
device would provide complete protection for the British Isles
against any enemy approaching by sea or air, and would provide
an offensive weapon to which there was no defence. He was
convinced, he declared, of the sincerity of Mr. Chamberlain and
his intent to adopt the device as it would have prevented the
outbreak of the then threatening war, and would have made
possible the continuation – under the duress which this weapon
would have made possible – of the working agreement involving
France, Germany and Britain to maintain the status quo in Europe.
When Chamberlain failed, at the Munich conference, to retain this
state of European equilibrium it was necessary to get rid of
Chamberlain and install a new Prime Minister who could make the
effort to shift one corner of the triangle from Germany to Russia.
Baldwin found no virtue in Tesla’s plan and peremptorily ended
negotiations.264

However, there is a large looming problem hovering over these

assertions, and that is simply the sequence of historical facts.
Neville Chamberlain remained Prime Minister until the Nazi invasion
of the Low Countries and France in May of 1940, and did not, as is
alleged, step aside for Stanley Baldwin to return to Britain’s premiership
after the Munich Conference of 1938. In fact, Chamberlain remained,
even after Churchill had replaced him, on Churchill’s War Cabinet until
his death a few months later from cancer. The entire sequence of events

264 Cited in www.tfcbooks.com/articles/tunguska.htm, pp. 6–7.

150
is wrong, for it was Chamberlain who had replaced Baldwin as prime
minister in 1937. And in any case, it is unlikely that Chamberlain, who
pursued a policy of appeasement with Nazi Germany, would have been
interested in a weapon of mass destruction that, had the Germans caught
wind of the plan as they inevitably would have, would have exacerbated
tensions between the two nations even more.
But need one discard these allegations merely for the presence of this
(admittedly whopping) historical mistake?
Perhaps not, for it is possible that O’Neill is simply recording
accurately what Tesla told him, and Tesla, then already a very old man,
might have not remembered things in their precise sequence, confusing
Chamberlain with Baldwin. On this reading, admittedly only a
possibility, Tesla’s deal was being negotiated with Stanley Baldwin, and
the deal was subsequently scrubbed by Chamberlain on his assumption
of the premiership and in the interests of appeasement.
All this is mentioned because, of course, there is one country
conspicuously absent from the previous roll call of countries involved
with “death ray” research in the 1920s: Germany. However, as researcher
Oliver Nichelson observes, the Germans were indeed working on such a
weapon, for the Chicago Tribune reported the following interesting little
story:

Berlin - That the German Government has an invention of death

rays that will bring down airplanes, halt tanks on the battlefields,
ruin automobile motors, and spread a curtain of death like the gas
clouds of the recent war was the information given to Reichstag
members by Herr Wulle, chief of the militarists in that body. It is
learned that three inventions have been perfected in Germany for
the same purpose and have been patented.265

Self-evidently, such stories abounded in the 1920s in the wake of Tesla’s

pronouncements, but there are sound reasons to take them seriously,
especially in the case of Germany.
Under the terms of the Versailles Treaty, Germany was prohibited
from development of heavy artillery over certain calibres, and absolutely

265Oliver Nichelson, “Tesla’s Wireless Power Transmission and the Tunguska Explosion
of 1908”, citing May 25, 1924 as the date of the Tribune article. The story was also
apparently reported in The New York Times, “Suggests Russia Has A ‘Ray’”, May 28,
1924, p. 25.

151
prohibited from having tanks or even an air force, and its standing army
was limited to a mere 100,000 men. However, the Treaty did not prohibit
development of these types of weapons, and thus it is logical to assume
that Germany in particular would seek to do a technological end-run
around the restrictions of the treaty.266
Even more interesting, however, is the fact that Nichelson reports that
one British researcher allegedly involved in the development of such
systems, J.H. Hamil, observed that the German system was based “on an
entirely different principle” than those in evidence in other reports.267
While Hamil explicitly states that his own “death ray” is based on Tesla’s
Colorado Springs wireless power transmission experiments,268 it is also
interesting that it appears that he misinterpreted the nature of those
experiments, for he built a large Tesla coil and was apparently attempting
to beam power by its means through the atmosphere, the exact opposite,
it will be recalled, of what Tesla was trying to do. This makes his
statements all that much more interesting, for by pursuing “an entirely
different principle” were the Germans in fact using the earth as the
transmitter, and the atmosphere as the ground, as Tesla himself
indicated? We will never know, but it is interesting to note that whatever
they were doing, it was not the same as what everyone else was doing,
according to Hamil.269

266 It is also worth noting that the year is significant – 1924 – for it was the same year that
Nobel laureate physicist Prof. Dr. Walther Gerlach wrote openly in the Frankfurter
Allgemeinezeitung that a large-scale project should be initiated for the investigation of
“alchemical”-like transmutations the Germans were observing in scientific experiments.
Q.v. my SS Brotherhood of the Bell, pp. 272–278. Germany also investigated more
directly related technologies as is alleged here, and this research continued during the
period of the Third Reich: q.v. my Secrets of the Unified Field, pp. 239–248.
267 Oliver Nichelson, “Tesla’s Wireless Power Transmission and the Tunguska Explosion

of 1908”, p. 3.
268 Ibid.
269 Researcher Brian Desborough presents rather interesting, though unsubstantiated,

information concerning the relationship between Morgan and Tesla: “Disturbed by

Tesla’s command of free-energy and antigravity technology, Tesla’s financial backer,
Louis Cass Payseur, ordered his front man J.P. Morgan to withdraw his financial support.
This act financially ruined Tesla through the initiation of false foreclosure proceedings.
“… another added impetus for Morgan’s financial withdrawal was the amorous advances
made toward Tesla by Morgan’s daughter. The manservant previously loaned Tesla by
Morgan was, in reality, an industrial spy who, in collusion with one of Tesla’s staff, a
German engineer named Fritz Lowenstein, stole Tesla’s anti-gravity secrets and assigned
them to various Illuminati secret societies, both in Britain and America”. (Brian
Desborough, They Cast No Shadows [Writers Club Press, 2002], p. 295).

152
 b. Lt. Col. Tom Bearden on Scalar Resonance
But what is precisely the relationship between Tesla’s use of the earth
itself as his transmitter, and the far more dangerous idea he himself
suggests, that such “standing waves” as he observed at Colorado Springs,
could be used as a means of engineering and manipulating the physical
medium itself for whatever purpose, constructive or destructive?
The answers to this question are provided in certain suggestive
statements Tesla made in a trial transcript during a trial in New York
state. Tesla, now in dire financial straits after J.P. Morgan stopped all
further backing of the Wardenclyffe wireless power transmission project,
had given the deed of his Wardenclyffe property to the owner of a hotel
where he resided as security in return for him being allowed to room in
the hotel. When Tesla was unable to pay the hotel bill the owner naturally
enough foreclosed on the property, winning a judgment against Tesla.
Tesla appealed the case, and it is this transcript that contains some
interesting descriptions of the Wardenclyffe property by Tesla, and some
even more interesting allusions to the physics properties he thought to be
behind it. I cite the transcript at length:

By Mr. Hawkins:

Q. Were there any other structures upon the premises other than
that brick factory or laboratory which you have just described?

A. [Tesla speaking] Yes sir, there was the structure which in a

certain sense was the most important structure, because the
power plant was only an accessory to it. That was the tower.

Q. Please describe the tower as to dimensions and material and

method of construction and kind of construction?

Mr. Fordham: We renew our objection, if the Court please. This is

entirely immaterial, irrelevant and incompetent until after they
have succeeded in establishing their contention that the deed is
a mortgage.

The Referee: I will take it.

Mr. Fordham: Exception.

153
A. The tower was 187 feet high from the base to the top. It was
built of special timber and it was built in such a way that every
stick could be taken out at any time and replaced if it was
necessary. The design of the tower was a matter of considerable
difficulty. It was made in the shape of an octagon and
pyramidal form for strength and was supporting what I have
termed in my scientific articles a terminal.

By the Referee:

Q. There was a sort of globe at the top?

A. Yes. That, your Honour, was only the carrying out of a

discovery I made that any amount of electricity within reason
could be stored provided you make it of a certain shape.
Electricians even today do not appreciate that yet. But that
construction enabled me to produce with this small plant many
times the effect that could be produced by an ordinary plant of
a hundred times the size. And this globe, the framework was
all specially shaped, that is the girders had to be bent in shape
and it weighed about 55 tons.

By Mr. Hawkins:

Q. Of what was it constructed?

A. Of steel, all the girders being specially bent into shape.

Q. Was the tower that supported it entirely constructed of wood or

partly of steel?

A. That part alone on top was of steel. The tower was all timbers
and of course the timbers were held together by specially-
shaped steel plates.

The Referee: Braces?

The Witness: Yes, steel plates. I had to construct it this way for
technical reasons.

154
 The Referee: We are not interested in that.

Q. Was the tower enclosed or open?

A. The tower, at the time of the execution of this deed, was open,
but I have photographs to show how it looked exactly and how
it would have looked finished.

Q. After you delivered the deed was the tower ever enclosed?

A. No, it was just open.

Q. Now the dome or terminal at the top, was that enclosed?

A. No sir.

Q. Never enclosed?

A. Never enclosed, no.

Q. Had that structure ever been completed?

A. The structure so far, if I understand the terms right, yes, the

structure was all completed but the accessories were not
placed on it yet. For instance, that globe there was to be
covered with specially pressed plates. These plates —

Q. That had not been done, had it?

A. That had not been done, although I had it all prepared. I had
prepared everything, I had designed and prepared everything,
but it was not done.270

270 This is an important point and argues against Nichelson that Tesla used his
Wardenclyffe project to make a demonstration of its capabilities at Tunguska. Thus,
Tesla would have had to use another facility. However, note that Tesla also indicates that
the basic preparations for the completion of the tower had been completed. We are left
then with a mystery and a question: could the facility have been duplicated somewhere
and by someone else?

155
Q. Was the structure of the tower in any manner connected with
the brick building or power plant?

A. The tower was separate.

Q. I understand, but was there any connection between them?

A. There were of course two channels. One was for

communicating, for bringing into the tower compressed air and
water and such things as I might have needed for operations,
and the other one was to bring in the electric mains.

By the Referee:

Q. In order to do that there was, as a matter of fact, was there not,

a well-like shaft going down right in the middle of the tower
into the ground some 50 or 60 feet?

A. Yes. You see the underground work is one of the most expensive
parts of the tower. In this system that I have invented it is
necessary for the machine to get a grip of the earth, otherwise
it cannot shake the earth. It has to have a grip on the earth so
that the whole of this globe can quiver, and to do that it is
necessary to carry out a very expensive construction. But I
want to say this underground work belongs to the tower.

By Mr. Hawkins:

Q. Anything that was there, tell us about.

A. There was, as your Honour states, a big shaft about ten by

twelve feet, goes about 120 feet and this was first covered with
timber and the inside with steel and in the centre of this there
was a winding stairs going down and in the centre of the stairs
there was a big shaft again through which the current was to
pass, and this shaft was so figured in order to tell exactly where
the nodal point is, so that I could calculate every point of
distance. For instance, I could calculate exactly the size of the

156
 earth or the diameter of the earth and measure it exactly within
four feet with that machine.

Q. And that was a necessary appurtenance to your tower?

A. Absolutely necessary. And then the real expensive work was to

connect that central part with the earth, and there I had special
machines rigged up which would push the iron pipes, one
length after another, and I pushed these iron pipes, I think 16
of them, 300 feet, and then the current through these pipes
takes hold of the earth. Now that was a very expensive part of
the work, but it does not show on the tower, but it belongs to
the tower.
….

Q. Tell the Court generally, not in detail, the purpose of that tower
and the equipment which you have described in connection
with it?

Mr. Fordham: How is that material?

The Referee: I will take it.

Mr. Fordham: We except.

A. Well, the primary purpose of the tower, your Honour, was to

telephone, to send the human voice and likeness around the
globe.
By the Referee:

Q. Through the instrumentality of the earth.

A. Through the instrumentality of the earth. That was my

discovery that I announced in 1893…
….

By Mr. Hawkins:

157
 Q. The purpose then briefly was for wireless communications to
various parts of the world?

A. Yes and the tower was so designed that I could apply to it any
amount of power and I was planning to give a demonstration
in the transmission of power which I have so perfected that
power can be transmitted clear across the globe with a loss of
not more than five per cent, and that plant was to serve as a
practical demonstration…271

Now look what we have:

1. At the same approximate time as Tesla is making these statements

in a trial, he is making statements for the New York Times that
indicate the same technology of wireless power transmission is
capable of using its longitudinal waves to manipulate the physical
medium – not just the earth – itself, either for constructive or
massively destructive purposes;
2. In the transcript itself, Tesla is very careful to state that not only is
his system for communications purposes, but for the express
purpose of the transmission of power in any amount;
3. To do this, Tesla also clearly states in the transcripts that the Tower
structure at Wardenclyffe also had a deep shaft so that his system
could physically and electrically “grip the earth” and “grip the entire
globe” and make it “quiver”; and to do this,
4. Tesla also clearly implied that it was necessary to have as exact a
measurement of the earth’s size, of its geometry, as possible.272 In
other words, the geometrical and non-linear properties of the earth
itself were essential components to the system.

The reason it was essential may be recalled from our previous remarks
with respect to Dr. Harmut Müller’s Global Scaling Theory, namely, that

271 New York State Supreme Court, Appellate Division, Second Department: Clover
Boldt Miles and George C. Boldt, Jr. as Executors of the Last Will and Testament of
George C. Boldt, Decesased, Plaintiffs-Respondents, versus Nikola Tesla, Thomas G,
Shearman, et al. as Defendants-Appellants, 521– 537, pp. 174–179, cited in David
Hatcher Childress, ed., The Fantastic Inventions of Nikola Tesla (Adventures Unlimited
Press), pp. 314–319, all emphasis added.
272 For those really paying attention, q.v. my The Giza Death Star, pp. 239–248, esp. p.

248, and The Giza Death Star Deployed, pp. 149–169.

158
longitudinal pressure waves in the medium itself are responsible for the
local warping of space-time and the clustering of objects near certain
nodal points where such waves overlap. To put it differently, large
masses such as planets or stars are the natural and most efficient
resonators of these waves:

[This] scalar coupling of the solar system provides a major check

on unrestricted use of … large…strategic scalar EM weapon
systems. If significant scalar effects are produced on earth in a
“pulse” mode, pulsed disturbance of the earth-sun and earth-
moon system results. Here a danger exists that one or more natural
resonances of the coupled systems may be excited. If the feedback
stimulation of the Sun is not insignificant, for example, large
sunspot activity may result sometime thereafter, say in a day or
two. If too much or too sharp stimulation occurs on earth, the
coupled resonant response from the sun could be disastrous….
Accordingly, use of huge scalar [electromagnetic] weapons is
a double-edged sword. Unless carefully employed, use of the
weapons could cause a terrible backlash to the user as well as the
victim, and even accidentally cause the destruction of the earth
itself.273

In other words, precise knowledge of local celestial geometries,

including the earth, is at all times essential in such a system as Tesla
envisioned, and this is, perhaps, why he himself ultimately described the
implications of his technology for a deeper physics able to engineer the
physical medium itself destructively or constructively. And note, in
Tesla’s vision, it was quite essential that the system itself be physically
and electrically rooted to the earth, for the earth indeed was a huge
component in a gigantic electrical circuit. Thus, they do greatly err who
would maintain that such a system would more practically be deployable
on satellites in space, for the whole point of such longitudinal waves of
stress in the medium itself is that they are best established by
manipulating their natural resonators: whole planets and stars. To say

273Tom Bearden, Fer De Lance, pp. 209–210, cited in my SS Brotherhood of the Bell,
pp. 219–220.

159
otherwise is entirely to misunderstand the physics.274 The best place for
the deployment of such systems is precisely on the surface of planets.

274 Such, alas, is the case with the recent appearance of the work of a friend of mine, Sesh
Heri, and his Handprint of Atlas. Heri indeed advances and argues a novel and intriguing
hypothesis, namely, that the entire topography and geomorphology of land features and
even the continents themselves are results of such standing waves in the earth. And in a
brilliant insight, he couples this idea with the whole idea of the layout of certain artificial
monuments and constructions around significant naturally occurring geomorphologies.
These brilliant insights remain worthy of consideration, despite my following critique of
his misunderstandings. Heri states in his book the following in reference to my weapon
hypothesis for the Great Pyramid as outlined in my Giza Death Star Trilogy: “Such a
thesis as Farrell develops in his Giza Death Star trilogy is compelling, breathtaking,
chilling, and scientifically convincing in its details, and yet…. “The same critique that I
would apply to Dunn’s electrical power plant thesis, I would also apply in a variant form
to Farrell’s weapon thesis as well. While the Great Pyramid, as a transmitter of
longitudinal electric waves, could certainly be deployed as a weapon, why would it have
been built specifically for the purpose of being used as a weapon? Is a ground-based
longitudinal electrical wave transmitter the ideal way to configure a massively destructive
scalar beam weapon – especially a scalar beam weapon designed for interplanetary war?
I would think that a mobile position in space would be the strategically ideal location for
a scalar beam weapon…. A civilization that could build the Great Pyramid could also
build a giant space platform and mount upon it a longitudinal electric wave transmitter
that could propagate massively powerful scalar beams capable of splitting a planet apart.
Such a space platform would also be capable at an instant’s notice of moving from its
position in space at superluminal speed…. “So why would an advanced civilization build
a weapon that was a “sitting duck”? Much more likely, a facility such as the Great
Pyramid would be an object to be protected by a space platform, not primarily a weapon.
Certainly, the Great Pyramid would have been capable of propagating scalar beams in
defense if it was attacked. But a true predatory weapon would have to be able to move –
and move very quickly”. Before proceeding with the rest of Heri’s critique of my weapon
hypothesis for the Great Pyramid, these critiques must be addressed. As already noted in
the main text, the best natural oscillators of these “scalar” resonances are large masses
such as planets and stars. To miss this point is to miss entirely the point of the physics
involved. Thus, if one were to build a mobile space platform for Heri’s version of such a
weapon, one might accordingly have to do so on an almost planetary scale. Not that it
could not be done, of course, for the types of civilizations as he and I are positing might
be capable of doing so, but the purpose of doing so is not cost-effective, for it is entirely
unnecessary for such a weapon system to be able to move in order to target a specific
object, no matter how distant. The targeting is by resonance and interferometry. The
“point-aim-and-shoot” model he is implying is not necessary and indeed in a certain sense
almost counter to the whole nature of the system. Similarly, such a system would be
defensible precisely on the same basis of exploiting the base planetary system’s geometry
and local resonance. In short, it is not necessary for it to move in order to be either
offensively “predatory” or “defensible” in either case. Heri’s second critique is far more
telling, but suffers from its own shortcomings: “But this strategic flaw is not the most
compelling argument against Farrell’s view that the Great Pyramid was originally

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destined to be a weapon; rather, it is Farrell’s own repeated emphasis that the Great
Pyramid is too “over-engineered” to be anything other than a weapon that draws my
attention. Farrell makes the point several times in his Giza trilogy that the evidence
indicates that the Great Pyramid was able to transmit energy to “Any Possible Receiver
in local space” without requiring a complex receiving apparatus at the load end. And he
presents some very good evidence and arguments that this indeed was the case. But from
this he extrapolates that such a sophisticated device could only be constructed for one
purpose and one purpose only – to be used as a weapon of mass destruction – to decimate
cities and continents – or to blow up planets. But while such a sophisticated device
certainly could be used as a weapon, there is no logical reason that it could only be used
as a weapon. Indeed, the very kind of highly sophisticated and sensitive tuning
characteristics of such a device suggest to me a more likely constructive use than a
destructive one. Sensitive, precise focusing and tuning are the characteristics of careful,
constructive manipulation of material substance, not a sledge-hammer disintegration of
it. A device that could send energy to “Any Possible Receiver” could send much more
than destructive waves – it would have the capacity to send carefully modulated waves
of energy that could communicate, nourish, build, and grow. The extreme precision
evinced by the Great Pyramid strongly suggests that it was designed to be used as a
scalpel, not a sword”. While I am grateful to Heri that he has indeed perceived my
arguments accurately and outlined them fairly to a certain extent, and has not resorted to
the dismissive tactic of some in the alternative community who simply dismiss the whole
hypothesis out of wishful thinking or appeals to “mentors” and “authorities” with access
to a presumed millennia-old unwritten tradition, again Heri fails to see the nature of the
physics involved, for precision tuning of the very finest surgical precision would indeed
be needed – as evidenced by Tesla’s own remarks – especially if it were deployed as a
weapon, precisely in order to avoid the feedback resonance effects noted by Bearden. So,
this cannot be used as an argument against the weapon hypothesis. Similarly, the reverse
argument that Heri implies – that all its scalpel-like precision and fine-tuning evince a
constructive purpose for its construction and primary use also fails, for as the copious
citations of Tesla in the main text I hope make clear, one and the very same physics and
technology can be used for either purpose, that is to say, anyone building any such device
would know as an inevitable implication of the physics employed and involved that one
was building both a “power plant” and a weapon. It is impossible to disentangle the two,
and in Tesla’s own words, in such a system it is necessary to “grip the earth”. I have
merely stated the case in the Giza Death Star Trilogy for the weapon hypothesis as being
the ultimate purpose of the Pyramid’s construction simply because so many wish or
choose to ignore this implication of the physics involved. But it is clearly evident in the
physics. The true purposes of building such a system would, needless to say, probably be
kept secret from the general public at any time, just as Tesla kept the true purpose of
Wardenclyffe hidden from J.P. Morgan, and even after revealing it to him, only later and
in desperation publicly disclosed its weaponization potential. But that potential was
clearly present from the beginning as a logical entailment of the physics, and anyone
building such a system would know that. Therefore, to exclude the possibility of an
intentional construction of a weapon from the motivation or purpose in building such
systems is a logical impossibility. In short, at one and the same time as one is building a
system for all Heri’s wonderful constructive purposes, one is building by the nature of
the case, a weapon, whether one builds it in space or not, and at the very moment that

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 C. CONCLUSIONS

So, at the end of this journey, we have the following things:

1. There clearly exists a physics of open systems in which ever-

changing celestial geometries exercise mutual physical influences;
2. This physics points to a deeper physics of the physical medium
itself, which is manipulable via longitudinal waves of stress within
the medium, which in turn may be accessible via methods of
electrical stress in nonlinear mediums such as the earth, or, in the
case of stars, rotating plasmas;
3. This physics and the ability to incorporate whole planets as
components of a technology clearly existed, and was asserted, as
early as the turn of the last century, in the work and words of Nikola
Tesla, who noted both its benign and malign implications were both
logical and simultaneous entailments of that same physics and
system of technology;
4. As the database of physical science expands with increasing
measurements over a vast and disparate body of knowledge,
correlations between seemingly unrelated systems began to be
noticed, and these correlations included cycles of human economic,
sociological, and emotional activity, suggesting the possibility of a
deep correlation between physics, economics, and celestial
geometries;
5. Significant indicators were also found of discrete but definitive
corporate and financial interest in the discovery of the principles of
these connections between physics and economics, and in the case
of Tesla and Morgan, of efforts to privately develop and later
suppress its instrumentalities.

It is in those last two points – the deep correlation between physics,

economics, and celestial geometries, and the private development and
suppression of its instrumentalities – that we discover a host of questions,
and a very ancient, indeed, “paleoancient” connection…

system becomes operational for all those wonderful and constructive purposes, it also
becomes operational as a weapon. (Quotations from Sesh Heri, The Handprint of Atlas:
The Artificial Axis of the Earth and How it Shaped Human Destiny [Highland, California:
Corvos Books, Lost Continent Library Publishing Co., 2008] pp. 240-241).

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 II

THE TEMPLES, THE STARS, AND THE

BANKSTERS
“…so it was that the temple that should owe fealty to the gods alone,
became a front for the international money creative force of that day and
age; connected closely with the trade in precious metals and slaves as it
must have been”.
— David Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 25.

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 Four

TEMPLES, TEMPLATES, AND TRUSTS

THE ANCIENT ROOTS OF A DEEP RELATIONSHIP

“The determination of the stars to which some of the Egyptian temples,

sacred to a known divinity, were directed, opened a way, as I anticipated,
to a study of the astronomical basis of parts of the mythology”.
— J. Norman Lockyear275

“…to put it in the terse language of Bastiat, society implies exchange, and
exchange, money”.
— Alexander Del Mar276

Paradoxically, the farther back in history one goes, the closer the
relationship between science, magic, and money becomes. Many have
commented upon this relationship, but few have understood its
significance for the type of physics that it implies. The nature of this
relationship, and the conspiratorial implications that it implies, is best
exhibited by examining the relationship of gold mining and slavery in
ancient Egypt. But it is important to begin at the beginning, in order to
see how, and in what manner, the actions of a conspiracy can be
glimpsed. From earliest times, the power to “make and issue money and
regulate the value thereof” (to paraphrase the U.S. Constitution) has been
recognized to be the sole prerogative of the State, or, in more ancient
times, the crown or king.
As the famous nineteenth-century American numismatic scholar
Alexander Del Mar aptly put it, “The right to coin money has always
been and still remains the surest mark and announcement of

275 J. Norman Lockyear, The Dawn of Astronomy: A Study of Temple Worship and
Mythology of the Ancient Egyptians (Dover Publications, 2006), p. xvi.
276 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the Earliest Times

to the Present (Kessinger Publications, reprint of the George Bell and Sons edition,
1885), p. 15.

164
sovereignty”.277 Indeed, it is because it is a sure “mark and announcement
of sovereignty” that one finds the association of the making and
regulation of the legal value of money so intertwined not only with the
sovereignty of the state or crown, but with the sovereignty of God (or, as
the case may be, of the gods) from whom the power of rule in most
ancient societies was invariably perceived to derive, and no better
exemplar of this complex relationship between the state control of money
issuance, of mining, and the close interlock of both with religion can be
found than that of ancient Republican and Imperial Rome.

A. TEMPLES AND TRUSTS

1. The Roman Model

As money in ancient times was primarily – though certainly not
exclusively – thought to reside in precious metals such as gold, copper,
silver, and in some cases even bronze, it inevitably followed that for a
state to maintain its sovereignty over the making, issuance, and
regulation of the value of money, it had to exercise a strict control over
the mining of those metals:

Therefore, the means necessary to secure and maintain such a

money were for the State to monopolize the copper mines, restrict
the commerce in copper, strike copper pieces of high artistic merit,
in order to defeat counterfeiting, stamp them with the mark of the
State, render them the sole legal tenders for the payment of
domestic contracts, taxes, fines, and debts, limit their emission
until their value [from universal demand for them and their
comparative scarcity] rose to more than that of the metal of which
they were composed, and maintain such restriction and over-
valuation as the permanent policy of the State. For foreign trade or
diplomacy, a supply of gold and silver, coined and uncoined, could
be kept in the treasury.
There are ample evidences that means of this character were,
in fact, employed by the Roman Republic; and, therefore, that such
was the system of money it adopted. The copper mines were

277Alexander Del Mar, History of Monetary Systems (Honolulu: University Press of the
Pacific, 2000), p. 66.

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 monopolized by the Roman State, the commerce in copper was
regulated, the bronze nummi were issued by the State, which
strictly monopolized their fabrication, and the designs were of
great beauty, the pieces were stamped “S.C”., or ex senates
consulta….their emission was limited, until the value of the pieces
rose to about five times that of the metal they contained, and they
steadily and for a lengthy period retained this high over-
valuation.278

Thus, we have three interconnected ideas at the outset:

1. The power to coin and regulate the value of money by established

law was a prerogative solely of the state or crown, and not of any
private money- or credit-issuing monopoly;
2. There was no inherent value in “precious metals” as such, but such
value had to be artificially created by the state issuing such money
by two means:
a. the relative scarcity of precious metal money issued, which made
the legal monetary value of money issued exceed the inherent
value of the metal in the coin itself; and,
b. the value was further enhanced by the creation or addition of
artwork to the coins issued; and,
3. Because the issuance of money was connected to precious metals
such as copper, silver, and gold, the state or crown had to maintain
a monopoly over the mining and stockpiling of such metals.

a. The Bullion Trust and the Temple

But in ancient Rome, there is a further factor at work, and it is best to
allow Del Mar himself to state what it is: “It is impossible to resist the
conviction”, he states, “that the superior value of gold in the West was
created by means of legal and, perhaps, also sacerdotal ordinances. This
method of fixing the ratio may even have originated in the Orient”.279 In
other words, in fixing the value of gold at a ratio of certain units of value
– expressed in terms of other metals – per unit of gold, gold’s value as
the ultimate precious metal was established largely through religious
ordinances. Moreover, Del Mar suggests this practice originated in “the

278 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Monetary Systems, pp. 21–22.

279 Ibid., p. 87, emphasis added.

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Orient”, which could mean, as far as Rome was concerned, the Middle
East or even the East as far away as India. So, one now must add, to the
above list, a fourth connection:

4) The value of gold was fixed largely by “sacerdotal ordinance”, in

other words, there is a deep and profound connection between the
issuance of money, its fixation of value in law in terms of precious
metals whose value in turn is defined by ratios per unit of gold on
the one hand, and religion on the other. In short, one is in the
presence of the deep connection of ancient conceptions of money,
and religion, or as I put it in the chapter title, between “temples” and
“trusts”.

But why call such a relationship, on the monetary side of things, a trust
at all?
Del Mar provides a significant clue in a statement that, on first glance,
seems to evidence nothing more than a difference in monetary and metals
policies on the part of Occidental and Oriental societies. He states that
“The governments of Persia, Assyria, Egypt, Greece and Rome made a
profit on the coinage by raising the value of gold, while those of India,
China, and perhaps also Japan, made their profit by maintaining, or
enhancing, the value of silver”.280 In other words, for the societies of the
Occident – Egypt, Assyria (and presumably Babylon), Persia, Greece,
and Rome – artificially defined gold as being the metal of highest value
in terms of its convertibility into more units of other metals, while,
conversely, the governments of the Orient – India and China – pursued
the reverse policy, of making silver the highest valued metal in terms of
its convertibility into other metals. Thus, trade could be carried out
between these two disparate parts of the world; the policies were in a
certain sense an inevitable consequence of that trade. However, a closer
examination reveals a hidden player, for such trade will inevitably create
the rise of an international trading class, one which, moreover, will create
its wealth precisely by trade in these precious metals, metals that are
easier to transport than finished goods, and which can be exchanged in
any place for such goods. In short, what is being created, from earliest
times, is an international financial class of “bullion brokers”, or as we
would call them now, bankers. A significant question now occurs: Is it

280 Alexander Del Mar, History of Monetary Systems, p. 89.

167
possible that, rather than such a class having emerged as a consequence
of such governmental policies and trade, that the converse is true? Is it
possible that there existed such a class of “international bullion brokers”
who created these policies in various parts of the world, policies which
would enhance their own power and wealth? If so, then how did they
achieve and orchestrate this?
The answer to that question will consume us in the remaining chapters
of this book, but in order to answer it, we must once again turn to the
unusual fixation of the value of gold and silver in the Occidental cultures:
Greece, Egypt, the Mesopotamian civilizations, and Rome. Why was
gold – which was much easier and less costly to mine than silver – valued
more highly than silver?
Del Mar has already suggested the answer; it was because in some
measure, gold was regarded as sacred, as being under the special
jurisdiction of the gods:

The sacerdotal character conferred upon gold, or the coinage of

gold, was not a novelty of the Julian constitution [of Rome]; rather
was it an ancient myth put to new political use…A similar belief
is to be noticed among the ancient Greeks, whose coinages, except
during the republican era, were conducted in the temples and under
the supervision of priests. Upon these issues were stamped the
symbolism and religion of the State, and as only the priesthood
could correctly illustrate these mysteries of their own creation, the
coinage – at least that of the more precious pieces – naturally
became a prerogative of their order.281

But this raises as many questions as it resolves. For example, Del Mar
has clearly indicated that the prerogative of the issuance of money and
the regulation of its value was seen by ancient societies to reside clearly
with the state or crown. Yet, he has now admitted that insofar as one
precious metal was concerned, the issuance of money in connection with
it was less a prerogative of the state or crown than it was of a religious
monopoly.
Additionally, it has already been suggested that the differences in
monetary policies between the Occident and Orient could serve in the
long run not only to contribute to the rise of an “international class of

281 Alexander Del Mar, History of Monetary Systems, pp. 80, 81, emphasis added.

168
bullion brokers”, but also that the creation of such policies might even
be due to the pre-existence of that class, its international extent, and its
ability to manipulate the respective policies of Occidental and Oriental
governments. And insofar as that ability to manipulate their respective
policies is concerned, when it comes to the high sacredness of gold, at
least within Occidental cultures, this implies also the ability to
manipulate their religions. Succinctly stated: the bullion trust and the
temple are at the minimum allies, and at the maximum, the one has
infiltrated and taken over the other. Or in Del Mar’s apt observation, one
now seen to be pregnant with meaning and significance just beneath its
surface, the sacredness of gold “was an ancient myth put to new political
use”.282

b. A Fascinating Tangent: Byzantium, Religion, and the

Money Power
A fascinating glimpse into the strength of this association between the
money-issuing prerogative of the state or crown on the one hand, and
religion on the other, is afforded by the Eastern Roman or Byzantine
Empire, whose power and influence throughout Christian Europe during
the Middle Ages extended far beyond its ever-shifting borders. That
power and influence was due precisely because of the strength of this
relationship, and its hold over the cultural imagination of the Christian
Middle Ages, because for all their claimed “divine prerogatives”, not
even the Roman popes understood their power to include the ability to
make and issue money and regulate its value. That prerogative was
understood to reside still with the Roman emperor in Constantinople.
Noting that the very “moment when these people became Christians, or
were conquered or brought under the control of the Roman hierarchy,
their gold mines began to be abandoned and closed”.283 Various
numismatic scholars had long proffered various unsatisfactory
explanations. But, states Del Mar,

all such futile explanations are effectually answered by the

common use of Byzantine gold coins throughout Christendom. In
England, for example, the exchequer rolls relating to the
mediaeval ages, collated by Madox, prove that payments in gold

282 Alexander Del Mar, History of Monetary Systems, p. 80.

283 Ibid., p. 72.

169
 besants284 were made every day, and that gold coins, as compared
with silver ones, were as common then as now. If metal had been
wanted for making English gold coins, it was to be had in
sufficiency and at once. All that was necessary was to throw the
besants into the English melting-pot. As for the feeble suggestion
that for five hundred years no Christian princes wished to coin
gold so long as the Basileus285 was willing to coin for them, when
the coinage of gold was the universally recognized mark of
sovereignty, and when, also, the profit… was one hundred per
cent, it is scarcely worth answering….
The true reason why gold money was always used but never
coined by the princes of the mediaeval empire relates… to that
hierarchical constitution of pagan Rome, which afterwards with
modifications became the constitution of Christian Rome. Under
this constitution, and from the epoch of Julius to that of Alexis, the
mining and coinage of gold was a prerogative attached to the office
of the sovereign-pontiff, and was, therefore, an article of the
Roman constitution and of the Roman religion.286

Thus, as Del Mar notes, prior to the Latin Crusade which attacked and
successfully occupied Constantinople in 1204, no Christian prince in
Europe dared coin his own gold coins prior to that event, but after it, all
of them did.287 And thus, the hidden motivation for the attack of the
Christian West on the Christian East in 1204 is revealed:

it was to acquire the legal authority, under the Roman constitution,

to make and coin gold money. Thereafter, the money-issuing
prerogative devolved to the lesser crowned heads of Europe. Prior

284 Besant: the unit of money of the Eastern Roman or Byzantine Empire.
285 Basileus: from the Greek βασιλευς, meaning “king”. The official title of the Emperor
in Constantinople was βασιλευς Ροµαιων or “King/Emperor of the Romans”. In earlier
documents, the term βασιλευς Ροµαιων was used to translate the Latin term Imperator
Romanorum, Emperor of the Romans. While Byzantine imperial constitutional practice
could and often did acknowledge “co-emperors”, or Caesars (καισηρ or “kaisers”), the
term “emperor of the Romans” was exclusively reserved for the sovereign resident in
Constantinople. For the implications of this little-noticed fact for the proper interpretation
of events in mediaeval history, see Fr. John Romanides, Franks, Feudalism, and
Doctrine.
286 Alexander Del Mar, History of Monetary Systems, pp. 72–73.
287 Ibid., p. 70.

170
 to that point, however, it would have been sacrilege to give
currency to any other [gold coinage]; hence no other Christian
prince, not even the pope of Rome, nor the sovereign of the
Western or Mediaeval ‘empire’, attempted to coin gold while the
ancient Empire survived”.288 Such monies were, quite literally,
viewed as “heretical money”.289

Hence, we have yet another possible explanation for the preoccupation

of the crowned heads of mediaeval Western Europe with alchemy during
the Middle Ages.290 Alchemy’s claim was, of course, to be able to take
base metals and transform them into gold. Thus, by taking imitation coins
of the gold besant, coins that could not be deemed counterfeit, since they
were not circulated nor coined by anyone in gold, and transmuting them
into gold, an alchemical end run around Byzantium’s money monopoly
could be achieved.

2. The Egyptian Model: Mining, Slavery, Mercenaries,

and Implications

a. Nubia and Egypt

The connections thus far exhibited between the money-coining
prerogative of the state, the international “bullion brokers’ trust”, the
temple, and now alchemy, leads one inexorably further back into history,
and to the even tighter relationships between them that are exhibited in
Egypt. It is here that one begins to see more clearly the sinister outlines
of that international bullion brokers’ trust emerging, and of its deep
relationship not only to the temple, but to the deeper physics that the
temple, and money, portended. Egypt is also significant for another
reason, as we shall see, in that it is a symbol of the relationship of the
bullion trust to the temple, a relationship that also occurs in other states
and civilizations of the period.
Egypt was probably the largest gold-mining and producing state in
the ancient world. The reason is simple: the Nile. As Alexander Del Mar
puts it, “Gold has been found in nearly every region tributary to the Nile,

288 Alexander Del Mar, History of Monetary Systems, p. 75.

289 Ibid.
290 For more on this subject, see my The Philosophers’ Stone (Feral House, 2009),

chapters one and two.

171
from the Equator to the First Cataract”.291 But no region was more
connected to gold mining than was the region of Nubia, bordering
modern-day southern Egypt and the Sudan. The term Nubia itself
“appears to have originated in Egypt, where Nob or Nub signifies gold,
hence Nubia, the land of gold”.292 Beneath the foothills of Nubia lies a
vast gravel-and-sand expanse of desert, washed during the flood season
by numerous streams and gullies. This region is known as the Bisharee
or Bishara, the Great Nubian Desert.293 Del Mar notes that

next to the mines of the Altai mountains of India, the Bisharee

mines of Egypt are probably the oldest in the world; and in view
of the Indian origin of the Egyptians, and the distant researches
and conquests which have been made by the leading nations for
the acquisition of gold, it seems not at all improbable that there
existed a close connection between the discovery of the Egyptian
mines and the original settlement of the country by Asiatic
races.294

So rich were the Bisharee mines in antiquity that it is worth having a

closer look at them, for it is in that closer look that we shall discern a
pattern beginning to emerge.

b. Quartz, Gold, and Slavery

The Bisharee mines, as noted above, are among the oldest known in
antiquity, and some of the most extensive. Additionally, the fields, like
many gold mines, are also known for their abundant deposits of quartz:

291 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the Earliest Times
to the Present (Kessinger Publications, reprint of the George Bell and Sons edition,
London, 1885), p. 133.
292 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the Earliest Times

to the Present, p. 131.

293 Ibid., pp. 131–132.
294 Ibid., p. 138. Del Mar’s mention of Egypt’s possible derivation from India merits

some comment of its own. This forms, as far as Del Mar is concerned, a component of
the vast migrations of the Aryan peoples from the subcontinent westward into the Middle
East and later Europe. But the motivation that Del Mar gives for this migration-expansion
is rather different than most: “At a very remote date we find bodies of men – Lydians,
Phrygians, Phoenicians, Greeks, and others belonging to Aryan races – pushing out in all
directions into the desert wilds of aboriginal Europe in search of gold, silver, and copper”.
(p. 126). In other words, the migration was driven by monetary considerations.

172
 If conjecture be admitted where dates are… confused, it appears
likely that the Bisharee mines were worked as early as the era of
Menes, which is variously assigned to from twenty-nine to thirty-
nine centuries BC; for in the time of that monarch or lawgiver, the
Nile was diked, and from the character of this river and its
surroundings there could have been no necessity to dike it until
mining had surcharged its waters with sediment.
The supposed antiquity of these mines derives support from the
fact that even at the period of Menes gold had been used for money
in India; that Menes was an Indian conqueror and lawgiver; that
the Indian Code of Manou, still extant, and assigned variously to
from the fifteenth to the thirty-first century BC, is evidently re-
compiled from a much-older code, now lost; that commerce
between India and Egypt existed from the remotest times
mentioned in history or derived from archaeological remains; that
an Egyptian expedition to India is attributed to Sesostris, 2000 BC,
and from other considerations.
However this may be, the Bisharee mines are known to have
been worked for quartz so long ago as the twelfth dynasty, which
Lepsius assigns to the period 2830 BC. From the fact, understood
by every miner, that quartz is never worked so long as the placers
contain the smallest practical quantity of metal, and judging from
the experience of Italy, Spain, and Brazil – where extensive placer
deposits were worked, as in Egypt, by the hand labour of slaves –
the Bisharee places mines were at least two hundred years old
when the quartz was worked under the twelfth dynasty of the
Pharaohs.295

Note the presence of two new factors that will loom larger and larger as
we proceed: first, the presence of precious or semi-precious stones, in
this case, quartz, and the working of such mines by slaves.

c. Diodorus Siculus and the Bishara Mines

It is the presence of slaves at the Bisharee mines that affords us our
first significant clue into the minds and mentality of the ancient bullion
brokers, and why they and their activities were so often associated with

295 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the Earliest Times
to the Present, pp. 138–139, emphasis added.

173
temples. It requires a closer look, which is afforded by the classical writer
Diodorus Siculus. Del Mar notes that Diodorus visited the mines in 50
BC. After the visit, he recorded his impressions of the mines:

On the confines of Egypt and the neighbouring countries there are

regions full of gold mines, whence, with the costs and pains of
many labourers, much gold is dug. The soil is naturally black, but
in the body of the earth there are many veins of shining white
quartz, glittering with all sorts of bright metals, out of which those
appointed to be overseers cause the gold to be dug by the labour
of a vast multitude of people. For the kings of Egypt condemn to
these mines not only notorious criminals, captives taken in war,
persons accused of false dealings, and those with whom the kind
is offended, but also all the kindred and relatives of the latter.
These are sent to this work, either as a punishment, or that the
profit and gain of the king may be increased by their labours.
There are thus infinite numbers thrown into these mines, all
bound in fetters, kept at work night and day, and so strictly
surrounded that there is no possibility of their effecting an escape.
They are guarded by mercenary soldiers of various barbarous
nations, whose language is foreign to them and to each other, so
that there are no means either of forming conspiracies or of
corrupting those who are set to watch them. They are kept to
incessant work by the rod of the overseer, who often lashes them
severely. Not the least care is taken of the bodies of these poor
creatures; they have not a rag to cover their nakedness; and
whoever sees them must compassionate their melancholy and
deplorable condition, for though they may be sick or maimed or
lame, no rest nor any intermission of labour is allowed them.
Neither the weakness of old age, nor the infirmities of females,
excuse any from the work, to which all are driven by blows and
cudgels; until, borne down by the intolerable weight of their
misery, many fall dead in the midst of their insufferable labours.
Deprived of all hope, these miserable creatures expect each day to
be worse than the last, and long for death to end their griefs.296

296Diodorus Siculus, The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian, trans. G. Booth,
London, 1814, cited in Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the
Earliest Times to the Present, p. 141, emphasis added.

174
While the passage is one to move any decent human being to compassion
and pity for the poor wretches condemned to work the mines, there are
two things that should be noted. First, given the antiquity of the mines of
Bisharee and the stability of Egyptian society and culture, it is reasonable
to assume that the conditions at the mines had not changed throughout
the several centuries that they were worked. Thus, secondly, the presence
of an international contingent of mercenary guards of the mines might
well be a practice dating back for centuries. The reasons for such an
international contingent Diodorus makes clear: it was to deny the
condemned any opportunity of bribing a sufficient contingent of guards
to effect an escape.
But mercenaries might signal something else, and that is a certain
collusion between the Egyptian kings and those able to supply such a
large and disparate group of mercenaries. To put it succinctly, the
mercenary guard contingent subtly implies the existence of an
international money power. But implication is not yet proof.

d. Money, Kings, Temples and Counterfeiters

There is, however, another indication that something more than mere
coincidence is involved in the use of mercenaries at the Bisharee mines.
Another clue lies in the widespread association of ancient temples with
the issuance of precious metal monies:

The archaic Chinese and Indian, as well as the early Greek coins,
were often marked with emblems, which in the former cases are
supposed to be, and in the latter case are known to be, religious.
The mints were in the temples, and the priests monopolized, or
tried to monopolize, the secrets of metallurgy. This custom may
have arisen either from the cupidity of the priesthood to reap the
profits of coinage, or solicitude on the part of the sovereign to
prevent counterfeiting or to render it the more heinous.297

This fact, plus the fact of international contingents of mercenaries at

Bisharee, has now amassed a significant series of questions:

297 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the Earliest Times
to the Present, pp. 11–12.

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 1. Why were ancient mints in temples, especially if, as Del Mar has
conceded and as we have already examined, the prerogative of
money issuance and value regulation was solely a state or crown
prerogative? Part of the answer, of course, lies in the fact that in
most ancient cultures, particularly those of the Middle East, the
King was in fact also the chief or high priest, and the priesthood
itself often fulfilled the function of the state bureaucracy.
Nonetheless the question remains, why associate money issuance
with temples?
2. The widespread practice of this association in such disparate
cultures as China, India, and Greece, itself must be explained. Does
it lie, once again, merely in the close association of the crown
prerogative with the priesthood in ancient societies, or is there
something else involved, something perhaps signalled by the
presence of international mercenary contingents at Bisharee?

We have already suggested that the peculiar policies of Rome vis-à-vis

the Orient in the regulation of gold and silver valuation suggested a
certain amount of collusion between the states so affected, a collusion
suggesting an international coordination of such policies. Now, we find
at the Bisharee mines yet another suggestion of such international
collusion in the presence of mercenaries from various cultures. The
question is, then, who is doing it, and why?
Part of the answer is suggested by a passing observation made by Del
Mar:

The Egyptians… possessing the most extensive and productive

gold mines which are known to have been worked at any certain
period of antiquity…furnished to other nations, including the
Indians, the material out of which they too could make money.298

This is the surest testament of the fact that we are now in the presence of
an international bullion brokers’ conspiracy, for why would India need
Egyptian gold to issue money? Why could the Indian kings and princes
not have issued some other money based on some other commodity
which it had in abundance, and require its acceptance by law? Such was

298 Alexander Del Mar, A History of Money in Ancient Countries from the Earliest Times
to the Present, p. 143, emphasis added.

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their prerogative. So why rely on imports of gold? The argument that an
internationally recognized medium of exchange was needed falls to the
ground, for as already noted, India and China preferred during the Roman
era to value silver higher than gold, while the Occident preferred the
reverse. Moreover, by diplomatic agreement and treaty, other
mechanisms of exchange could have been agreed upon by various heads
of state.
In any case, we now have assembled three discrete types of evidence
that point to the possible existence of an international money power, or
“bullion brokers” as we have called them, in ancient times:

1. The unusual bullion policies of Rome vis-à-vis the Orient, which

policies were virtual opposites of each other with respect to the
relative valuation of silver and gold bullion. Such reciprocal policies
could, of course, highly benefit an international money power with
bases of operations in both places, for by transferring gold to the
east and converting it to silver, and reaping the fees thereof, and then
silver to the west and converting again to gold, vast profits could be
accumulated;
2. The almost universal association of temples with minting, from the
Middle East to China and India; and,
3. The presence of an international contingent of mercenaries from
various countries and states at one of antiquity’s largest gold mines
at Bisharee, mines which in turn are worked by slaves and prisoners
of war.

There is, however, a distinctly different association of temples in ancient

times, besides that of minting and money issuance…

B. TEMPLES AND TEMPLATES: ASTRONOMY,

ASTROLOGY, AND THE ALCHEMY OF MONEY

1. The Temples and the Stars

…that association is with time and its measurement, in short, with
astrology and astronomy.
Today, of course, it is widely accepted that ancient temples and
megalithic sites were oriented to this or that astronomical event or
alignment: the solstices, the precession of the equinoxes, and so on.

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Societies and civilizations such as Sumer and Babylonia were well-
known for their strong astronomical and astrological skills, having left
literally thousands of clay tablets recording their observations. But until
comparatively recently in the nineteenth century, Egypt was the
exception to this rule, until a British astronomer, J. Norman Lockyear,
demonstrated that the same held true for Egypt’s temples as well, and
from the most ancient times. Lockyear’s book The Dawn of Astronomy:
A Study of Temple Worship and Mythology of the Ancient Egyptians
began a cycle that continues to this day, with alternative Egyptologists
such as Andrew Collins, Graham Hancock and Robert Bauval
demonstrating the astronomical layouts and alignments of the site most
people associate with ancient Egypt: the pyramids and temples of Giza.
One might thus well view Lockyear as one of the first modern
“paleophysicists”, i.e., a modern scientist looking at ancient myths
seriously, and attempting to reconstruct from them an underlying
scientific basis.299
Lockyear notes that ancient civilizations’ astronomical and
astrological records go back almost to the very edges of known antiquity:

We go back in Egypt for a period, as estimated by various authors,

of something like 6,000 or 7,000 years. In Babylonia inscribed
tablets carry us into the dim past for a period of certainly 5,000
years; but the so-called “omen” tablets indicate that observations
of eclipses and other astronomical phenomena had been made for
some thousands of years before this period. In China and India,
we go back as certainly to more than 4,000 years ago.300

299 I coined the term “paleophysics” in the books of my Giza Death Star trilogy to refer
to this effort to examine ancient texts and monuments for their modern-day scientific
analogues in an attempt to reconstruct aspects of a much more sophisticated lost physics.
This examination emerged as a methodological assumption from the supposition that
there once existed a very sophisticated Very High Civilization predating ancient classical
civilizations in Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, and China, civilizations that were
declined legacies of that precursor. In Lockyear’s hands no such assumption is made, so
his effort does not attempt a reconstruction of that lost science.
300 J. Norman Lockyear, The Dawn of Astronomy: A Study of the Temple Worship and

Mythology of the Ancient Egyptians (Dover, 2006), p. 2, emphasis added. I have noted
elsewhere the antiquity of astronomical observations in Egypt and Babylon, q.v. my The
Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts (Adventures
Unlimited Press, 2007), pp. 241–243.

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Indeed, in Babylon’s case, if one is to take the assertions of the “omen
tablets” seriously, these observations comprised a database assiduously
compiled for hundreds of thousands of years!301
Decoding the association of various Egyptian temples to various
gods, and the association of the latter in turn with various celestial bodies,
Lockyear states his main thesis toward the end of his book, calling it his
“working hypothesis”:

1. The first civilisation as yet glimpsed, so far as temple building

goes, in Northern Egypt, represented by that at Annu or
Heliopolis, was a civilisation with a non-equinoctial solar
worship, combined with the cult of a northern star.
2. Memphis (possibly also Sais, Bubastis, Tanis and other cities
with east and west walls) and the great pyramids were built by a
new invading race, representing an advance in astronomical
thought. The northern stars were worshipped possibly on the
meridian, and a star rising in the east was worshipped at each
equinox.
3. The subsequent blank in Egyptian history was associated with
conflicts between these and other races; which were ended by the
victory of the representatives of the old worship of Annu,
reinforced from the south, as if north-star and south-star cults
had combined against the equinoctial cult.

After these conflicts, east and west pyramid building practically

ceased, Memphis takes second place, and Thebes, a southern
Annu, so far as the form of solar worship and the cult of Sit are
concerned, comes upon the scene as the seat of the twelfth dynasty.

4. The subsequent historical events were largely due to conflicts

with intruding races from the north-east. The intruders
established themselves in cities with east and west walls, and
were on each occasion driven out by solstitial worshippers who
founded dynasties [eighteenth and twenty-fifth] at Thebes.302

301 See my The Cosmic War, p. 241.

302 Lockyear, The Dawn of Astronomy, pp. 330-331.

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We shall not concern ourselves with the lengthy arguments that Lockyear
presented in order to arrive at these conclusions, but note only that the
various conflicts in Egypt – given Lockyear’s astronomical premise for
temple orientation – were in a certain sense as much about physics as
they were about religion. Given the fact that Babylonian temples were
well known to be associated with various deities and celestial bodies, and
that Egypt’s demonstrably were as well, as Lockyear argued, we now
note the peculiar fact that temples, for a reason as yet unknown, were
closely associated both with celestial alignments and the minting and
issuance of bullion-based monies.
One possible reason for the association, however, is suggested by
well-known space anomalies researcher Richard C. Hoagland. We may
approach Hoagland’s remarks by noting a curious fact observed by
Lockyear: “…In Lower Egypt the temples are pointed to rising stars near
the north point of the horizon or setting north of west. In Upper Egypt
we deal chiefly with temples directed to stars rising in the south-east or
setting low in the south-west”.303 The fact that so many ancient temples
show evidence both of a profound association with the stars through their
astrological alignments, and also of international banking through the
prominent association of moneychangers with those temples, is an
indicator that at a deep and profound level – perhaps as a legacy of the
Very High Civilization from which they sprang – these classical
civilizations through their marriage of banking and astrology preserved
the dim memory of a lost science that unified physics, economics, and
finance.
Hoagland made the following interesting series of observations in
1992 during his presentation of the Mars anomalies evidence during a
briefing at the United Nations:

Or take the Sun itself. For the last several years, scientists have
been looking for nuclear particles supposedly coming from the
centre of the Sun because of its thermonuclear reactions, a kind of
‘chained H-bomb’ model. But for the last 20 years, they haven’t
found anywhere near as many of these particles as models would
predict; in fact, the Soviets and the Japanese, who have recently
brought on line experiments to measure fundamental particles,

303J. Norman Lockyear, The Dawn of Astronomy: A Study of Temple Worship and
Mythology of the Ancient Egyptians (Mineola, New York: Dover Publications, Inc.,
2006), p. 341.

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 have found none. Is it possible that at the very centre of our solar
system, this incredible blazing ball of gas, around which all the
worlds in this system orbit, is in fact fuelled from another source?
…Well, this opens up remarkable possibilities which, when we
look back at our cultures on this planet, and their attention to the
Sun, others may have also noticed.
When we look at the stars, at the sky at night, we’re not seeing
chained and imprisoned H-bombs, we’re seeing portals to another
dimension. And the portals are glowing windows through which
we can peer and glimpse the fragments of a physics from another
side. What is stunning is when you take that metaphor, and you go
back and you read the actual Egyptian descriptions in the
hieroglyphs for Sirius, the brightest star in the sky, the description
is [that] Sirius is a doorway. Now what did they know? What did
they know?
Now, looking at that as a twentieth-century Egyptologist, or as
a modern anthropologist, or as any of the academics looking at
the history of man and archaeology, the obvious answer is: ‘They
didn’t know anything. It was all primitive superstition’. … [But]
we can now buttress with specific mathematical linkages, which
indicate strongly [that] the Egyptians, among others, were
profoundly aware that the night sky and all of reality is somehow
circumscribed by the physics behind the circumscribed geometry
given to us now by the Monuments of Mars. And that of course is
an amazing statement to be able to make.
But there’s another, because the thought occurred then, after
we had figured this part out – the potential, the possibility – that
if in fact the Sun is a ‘gate’ to another dimension, and [that] the
energy we see is merely a lower-level transformation of a higher-
level force or energy or process, it may be possible to harness such
a process on earth and to create an actual hyper-dimensional
technology. What could one do…?304

What, indeed, did ancient Egypt, and by implication, all other ancient
cultures, with their persistent and consistent association of stars with
deities or “higher intelligences” and other dimensions, know? Was there

304Richard C. Hoagland, DVD of Hoagland’s Mars: Vol. 2: The United Nations Briefing:
(UFO TV), at 37:13–40:01 in the presentation. Hoagland made his remarks at the U.N.
in February 1992, emphasis added.

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indeed a deeper physics behind their astrological obsessions? And what
could one do with that physics? Hoagland has also suggested something
else as well, and that is that there is a physics connection with the ancient
fixation on “sacred geometry” and the positioning of various temples and
buildings on sites that embody such geometries, in this case, on Mars.
And why does one find moneychangers invariably associated with these
temples? One answer is hinted at by Lockyear.

2. The Peculiar Resemblance of Pantheons Between

Cultures
Lockyear makes yet another pertinent observation relevant to our
purposes. To understand its significance, one need only consider the fact
that if temples are associated with various gods – whether in Egypt or
Mesopotamia – and various gods in turn are associated with various
celestial bodies, then there should be considerable parallel between the
pantheons of various civilizations, since, in a word, the underlying
astronomical data are the same. This, he observes, is in fact what one
actually sees. There is a peculiar parallel between the Egypt god Annu or
An, and the Babylonian Anu.305 More to the point, on an astrological-
astronomical reading, the gods blend into each other. For example, the
chief god of the Mesopotamian city of Eridu was Ea, a.k.a. Enki, a.k.a.
Oannes, “symbolized as a goat-fish”.306 This Ea or Enki sired a son,
Tammuz, who was “in some way associated with Asari”, who, notes
Lockyear, has a name suspiciously similar to the Egyptian Osiris.307 The
god Tammuz in turn ultimately becomes the notoriously murderous god
Nergal in Chaldaea.308 Nergal by similar astronomical conversions
eventually actually becomes “the Spring Sun Marduk” of Babylon
itself.309 In other words, lurking behind all these transformations and
pantheonic parallels is the association of Enki with Nergal and Marduk,
and via Tammuz, with the Egyptian Osiris. Such pantheonic parallels are,
once again, inevitable if, as Lockyear shows, the gods themselves are
associated with various celestial bodies. The patterns of the heavens, as
it were, formed a template with which to associate certain gods and their
activities.

305 Lockyear, The Dawn of Astronomy, p. 363.

306 Ibid., p. 372.
307 Ibid.,
308 Ibid.
309 Ibid., p. 373.

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 However, given the fact that we now have the close association of
temples not only with astronomy and astrology, but with money issuance
and therefore with mining, and given the fact that we have discovered
three significant indicators that we may also be looking at the discrete
and subtle actions of an ancient international “bullion brokers” power,
the similarity of pantheons may have other than just astronomical causes.
It may indeed be a product of the deliberate manipulation of those
pantheons by an entity that has every appearance of being international
in extent and influence in ancient times. But to what purpose? The
answer to that question must unfortunately await the next chapter, as
there is a further association of gods, gold and temples to be explored.

3. Gold, Gods, and Gems

That other association is with precious and semi-precious gems. It is
a peculiar fact, notes researcher George Frederick Kunz, that

from the earliest times in man’s history gems and precious stones
have been held in great esteem. They have been found in the
monuments of prehistoric peoples, and not alone the civilization
of the Pharaohs, of the Incas, or of the Montezumas invested these
brilliant things from Nature’s jewel casket with a significance
beyond the mere suggestion of their intrinsic properties.310

But why give such items a significance beyond “their intrinsic

properties”? One answer might lie in their well-known association with
astrology from ancient times:

The magi, the wise men, the seers, the astrologers of the ages gone
by found much in the matter of gems that we have nearly come to
forgetting. With them each gem possessed certain planetary
attractions peculiar to itself, certain affinities with the various
virtues, and a zodiacal concordance with the seasons of the year.
Moreover, these early sages were firm believers in the influence
of gems in one’s nativity – that the evil in the world could be kept
from contaminating a child properly protected by wearing the
appropriate talismanic, natal, and zodiacal gems.311

310 George Frederick Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones (Dover, 1971), p. 1,
emphasis added.
311 Ibid.

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That is to say, gems, since they were associated with certain celestial
alignments, planetary bodies, and houses of the zodiac, could quite
literally, on the ancient view, draw down (or ward off!) the influences of
those bodies and alignments. But why did such a belief originate? What
is its underlying cause?
Search as one might for the answer to those questions amid ancient
texts and tomes,312 one always comes up empty-handed, being met with
the bare and naked assertion that it is so, with perhaps now and then an
attempt – usually unconvincing – as to why it is so. Kunz even notes that
during the Renaissance “an effort was made to find a reason of some sort
for the traditional beliefs”.313 Nor is he above suggesting that eventually,
science itself might suggest the reasons, or rather, re-discover them.314

a. The Traditional Powers Associated with Gems

Leaving aside the speculative scientific case for this association to a
later chapter, we shall catalogue here but a few of their alleged powers
and virtues attributed to them by ancient lore. One almost universal
property attributed to them is the ability to heal various maladies and
infirmities.315 Oftentimes these were associated specifically to their
various colours and relative luminescence.316 In one case, a Hindu
tradition even describes diamonds as “Indra’s weapon”.317 There are, in
the Sumerian tradition, stones of “love” and “hate”, or, as the Sumerian
literally has it, “un-love”.318 And as readers of my book The Cosmic War
know, one Sumerian epic, The Epic of Ninurta, is nothing but a rather
dull inventory-taking of some extraordinary stones that were captured
after a gruesome war, shades of the imaginary scenario with which we
began this book!319
And there are even some rather special cases of powers attributed to
gemstones that merit closer attention.

312 Kunz draws upon several sources, from ancient and Hindu (The Curious Lore of
Precious Stones, pp. 13–14), to mediaeval (pp. 14–15), Hermetic (p. 16), and even
Christian patristic sources (p. 16).
313 Ibid, pp. 1–2.
314 Ibid., p. 2.
315 Ibid., pp. 6, 28.
316 Ibid., p. 28.
317 Ibid., p. 343.
318 Ibid., p. 35.
319 Farrell, The Cosmic War, pp. 204–233.

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 (1) Special Case Number One: Invisibility
Kuns cites a passage from the 1659 treatise “The Faithful Lapidary”
by Thomas Nicols that is worth mentioning here. Nicols begins by
enumerating a typical list of the reputed and assumed powers of precious
gems:

Perfectionem effectus contineri in causa. But it cannot truly be so

spoken of gemms [sic] and pretious [sic] stones, the effects of
which, by Lapirists are said to be, the making of men rich and
eloquent, to preserve men from thunder and lightning, from
plagues and diseases, to move dreams, to procure sleep, to foretell
things to come, to make men wise, to strengthen memory, to
procure honours, to hinder fascinations and witchcrafts, to hinder
slothfulness, to put courage into men, to keep men chaste, to
increase friendship, to hinder difference and dissention…

This is a fairly standard list, and one can even understand the attribution
of the power “to foretell things to come” to stones, for given their
astrological associations, it stands to reason that the predictive properties
of astrology should be associated with gemstones. But then comes a
rather unusual statement:

… and to make men invisible, as is … affirmed by Albertus and

others… and many other strange things are affirmed of them and
ascribed to them, which are contrary to the natures of gemms.320

One wonders just what other “strange things” could possibly be

attributed to the powers of gemstones beyond conferring invisibility!
The belief that some stones could confer invisibility was echoed by a
fourteenth-century alchemist, Pierre de Boniface, who claimed that
diamonds could make the wearer invisible.321 Given that an alchemist is
making these claims, one might be justified in drawing the speculative
conclusion that this operation could only occur at certain times and under
certain conditions, given the well-established fact that most alchemists
claimed their operations had to be performed at certain times in order for
them to work.

320Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, p. 7, emphasis added.

321Ibid., p. 72. Additionally, Kunz notes that Arab and Persian authors believed diamonds
could also confer invincibility.

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(2) Special Case Number Two: Magnetic Levitation, or Anti-
Gravity
An even more stunning claim is made in a Viennese print of 1709 and
an accompanying text of Valentini, “Museum museorum oder die
vollständige Schau-Bühne”, an obscure manuscript published in
Frankfurt-am-Main in 1714:

According to the text accompanying a curious print published in

Vienna in 1709, the attractive qualities of the so-called coral-agate
were to be utilized in an air ship, the invention of a Brazilian priest.
Over the head of the aviator, as he sat in the air-ship, there was a
network of iron to which large coral-agates were attached. These
were expected to help in drawing up the ship, when, through the
heat of the sun’s rays, the stones had acquired magnetic power.
The main lifting force was provided by powerful magnets
enclosed in two metal spheres; how the magnets themselves were
to be raised is not explained.322

Here it is evident that, for whatever obscure reason, coral-agate was

thought to somehow amplify the effects of magnets in conjunction with
exposure to the rays of the sun!

(3) Special Case Number Three: Light-Absorbing and

Emitting Stones
A much more serious special case is mentioned by Kunz in
connection with the peculiar properties of Brazilian diamonds:

The power of absorbing sunlight or artificial light and then giving

it off in the dark is only possessed by certain diamonds. These are
Brazilian stones, slightly milky in tint, or blue-white as they are
often termed, and it is an included substance and not the diamond
itself giving it out. Willemite, kunzite, sphalerite (sulphide of zinc)
and some other minerals possess the same power. Their peculiar
property may be due to the presence of a slight quantity of
manganese or to that of some of the uranium salts. That it is only
the ultra-violet rays that are thus absorbed by these diamonds is
proved by the fact that the phenomenon is not observable when a

322 Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, pp. 52–53.

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 thin plate of glass is interposed between the sunlight of artificial
light and the diamond, as glass is not traversed by these rays….
On the other hand, all diamonds phosphoresce when exposed
to the rays of radium, polonium, or actinium, even when glass is
interposed. Treating of some of the aspects of phosphorescence in
diamonds, Sir William Crookes says:
“In a vacuum, exposed to a high-tension current of electricity,
diamonds phosphoresce of different colours, most South African
diamonds shining with a bluish light. Diamonds from other
localities emit bright blue, apricot, pale blue, red, yellowish-green,
orange, and pale green light. The most phosphorescent diamonds
are those which are fluorescent in the sun. One beautiful green
diamond in my collection, when phosphorescing in a good
vacuum, gives almost as much light as a candle, and you can easily
read by its rays. But the time has hardly come when diamonds can
be used as domestic illuminants!”323

This is a rather interesting comment by Crookes, for archaeologists have

long puzzled how the ancient Egyptians managed to see inside their
temples. If one grants the proposition that they may have known of and
used electricity or other sources of phosphorescence, then might they
perhaps have discovered this quality of diamonds or other stones?
In answer to this question, Kunz makes an interesting observation:

An old treatise in Greek, said in its title to come from “the

sanctuary of the temple”, and containing material, partly of
Egyptian origin, may help us to understand something of the
processes employed by a temple priest to impress the common
people by the sight of luminous gems. The writer of the treatise
declares that for the production of “the carbuncle that shines in the
night” use was made of certain parts (he says “the bile”) of marine
animals whose entrails, scales and bones exhibited the
phenomenon of phosphorescence. If properly treated, precious
stones (preferably carbuncles) would glow so brightly at night

323 Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, pp. 171–172, emphasis added. This is a
rather interesting comment by Crookes, for archaeologists have long puzzled how the
ancient Egyptians managed to see inside their temples. If one grants the proposition that
they may have known of and used electricity, then might they perhaps have discovered
this quality of diamonds? Or was such knowledge another legacy bequeathed to Egypt?

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 “that anyone owning such a stone could read or write by its light
as well as he could by daylight”.324

Note that the source for this assertion comes from ancient Greek
alchemical texts. And alchemy is, of course, invariably associated with
Egypt and its temples. We may reasonably assume, then, that such
properties, if known to the ancient Egyptian temple priesthoods, were
among their most closely guarded secrets.

b. Gemstones, the Zodiac, and the Hebrew High-Priest’s

Ephod, or Breastplate
Perhaps the most familiar association of precious gemstones with the
temple and religion in Western culture is the breastplate, or ephod, of the
Hebrew high priests described in the Old Testament of the Bible, so it is
worth pausing, before concluding this chapter, to take stock of the
various associations of the breastplate in Jewish lore. Kunz observes that
in Rabbinical legend “it is related that four precious stones were given
by God to King Solomon; one of these was the emerald. The possession
of the four stones is said to have endowed the wise king with power over
all creation”.325 This is a rather breathtaking claim for the power of these
stones, whatever else they were in addition to the emerald.
In my book The Cosmic War I noted that similar claims were made
for the Sumerian “Tablets of Destiny”, stones which allegedly conferred
“all the power of the universe” on their possessors, making them a
technology highly prized – and fought over – by the various Sumerian
gods.326 Here we encounter a similar claim, from a much later period,
and in a different culture. Solomon, of course, is known not only for his
legendary wisdom and wealth, but is also associated with the building of
a magnificent temple.
It is possible, if such stones existed, that the celebrated Hebrew king
wore them in a royal version of the priestly breastplate or ephod, for there
do exist Assyrian versions of the breastplate, composed of seven gems –
one for each of the seven planets of Mesopotamian astrology – and to be
worn by the king:

324 Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, pp. 173–174, citing Collection des
anciens alchemists grecs”, ed. M. Berthelot, trans. (Paris, 1887, 1888), pp. 336–338,
351–352.
325 Ibid., p. 78, citing Weil, Biblische Legenden, p. 225.
326 Q.v. my The Cosmic War, pp. 204–232.

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 Among the Assyrian texts giving the formulae for incantations and
various magical operations, there is one which treats of an
ornament composed of seven brilliant stones, to be worn on the
breast of the king as an amulet; indeed, so great was the virtue of
these stones that they were supposed to constitute an ornament for
the gods also. The text, as rendered by Fossey, is as follows:
“Incantation. The splendid stones! The splendid stones! The
stones of abundance and joy.
“Made resplendent for the flesh of the gods.
“The hulalini stone, the sirgarru stone, the hulalu stone, the
sandu stone, the uknu stone.
“The dushu stone, the precious stone elmeshu, perfect in
celestial beauty.
“The stone of which the pingu is set in gold.
“Placed upon the shining breast of the king as an ornament.
“Azagsud, high-priest of Bel, make them shine, make them
sparkle!
“Let the evil one keep aloof from the dwelling!”327

Note carefully the reference to the Assyrian high priest, exhorting him to
make the stones shine and sparkle, suggesting that not only did Egyptian
temple priests have a secret of making gemstones phosphoresce, but that
their Mesopotamian counterparts did as well.
Similar breastplates were associated with Babylon and even the king
of Tyre as well.328 So what of the Hebrew high priest’s breastplate? Here
there is a rich rabbinical, and even Muslim, tradition. The 12 stones of
the high priest’s breastplate are first associated with the 12 angels who
“guard the gates of Paradise”.329 The Jewish historian Flavius Josephus,
moreover, records a tradition in which the high priest’s garments were
also fastened at the shoulders with phosphorescing stones.330 Moreover,
each of the 12 stones of the breastplate was engraved with the names of
each of the 12 tribes.331 Josephus further associates the 12 stones of the

327 Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, p. 230, citing Fossey, La Magie
Assyrienne (Paris, 1902), p. 301, emphasis added.
328
Ibid., p. 231.
329 Ibid., pp. 275–276.
330 Ibid., p. 277.
331 Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, pp. 277–278.

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ephod to the 12 months of the year,332 and to the zodiac as well.333 By
mediaeval times, Jewish tradition definitely associated the 12 tribes to
the signs of the zodiac in the following correspondence:

Judah Aries
Issachar Taurus
Zebulun Gemini
Reuben Cancer
Simeon Leo
Gad Virgo
Ephraim Libra
Manasseh Scorpio
Benjamin Sagittarius
Dan Capricorn
Naphtali Aquarius
Asher Pisces334
The breastplate, like the Ark of the Covenant, is one of those objects of
historical and religious power from the Jewish temple that, after the fall

332 Ibid., p. 309.

333 Ibid., p. 310.
334 Ibid., p. 314. Kunz also notes that the wearing of a breastplate consisting of 12

ornaments is unique to the Hebrews and to Egypt: “That an Egyptian origin should be
sought seems most probable. A breast ornament worn by the high priest of Memphis, as
figured in an Egyptian relief, consists of twelve small balls, or crosses, intended to
represent Egyptian hieroglyphics. As it cannot be determined that these figures were cut
from precious stones, the only definite connection with the Hebrew ornament is the
number of figures; this suggests, but fails to prove, a common origin. The monuments
show that the high priest of Memphis wore this ornament as early as the fourth Dynasty,
or, approximately 4000 BC” (p. 282) Kunz also notes that after the Babylonian captivity
a second breastplate was most likely made. (p. 280). It is possible that the Hebrew
association of the 12 stones of the breastplate and of the 12 tribes to the 12 zodiacal signs
received an impetus from Babylonian preoccupations with astrology and the associations
of gemstones with celestial bodies and their influences.

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of Jerusalem to the Roman armies in AD 70, seems to disappear from
history. Where did the ephod with its precious gems go?
Kunz’s answer is worth citing extensively:

[T]he treasures of the temple were carried off to Rome, and we

learn from Josephus that the breastplate was deposited in the
Temple of Concord, which had been erected by Vespasian. Here
it is believed to have been at the time of the sacking of Rome by
the Vandals under Genseric, in 455, although Rev. C.W. King
thinks it is not improbable that Alaric, king of the Visigoths, when
he sacked Rome in AD 410, might have secured this treasure.
However, the express statement of Procopius that “the vessels of
the Jews” were carried through the streets of Constantinople, on
the occasion of the Vandalic triumph of Belisarius, in 534, may be
taken as a confirmation of the conjecture that the Vandals had
secured possession of the breastplate and its jewels.
It must, however, be carefully noted that Procopius nowhere
mentions the breastplate and that it need not have been included
among “the vessels of the Jews”. It appears that this part of the
spoils of Belisarius was placed by Justinian (483–565) in the
sacristy of the church of St. Sophia. Some time later, the emperor
is said to have heard of the saying of a certain Jew to the effect
that, until the treasures of the Temple were restored to Jerusalem,
they would bring misfortune upon any place where they might be
kept. If this story be true, Justinian may have felt that the fate of
Rome was a lesson for him, and that Constantinople must be saved
from a like disaster. Moved by such considerations, he is said to
have sent the “sacred vessels” to Jerusalem, and they were placed
in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.
This brings us to the last two events which can even be
plausibly connected with the mystic 12 gems – namely, the capture
and sack of Jerusalem by the Sassanian Persian king, Khusrau II,
in 615, and the overthrow of the Sassanian Empire by the
Mohammedan Arabs, and the capture and sack of Ctesiphon, in
637. If we admit that Khusrau took the sacred relics of the Temple
with him to Persia, we may be reasonably sure that they were
included among the spoils secured by the Arab conquerors,
although King, who has ingeniously endeavoured to trace out the
history of the breastplate jewels after the fall of Jerusalem in AD

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 70, believes that they may be still “buried in some unknown
treasure-chamber of one of the old Persian capitals”.
A fact which had generally been overlooked by those who have
embarked on the sea of conjecture relative to the fate of the
breastplate stones is that a large Jewish contingent, numbering
some twenty-six thousand men, formed part of the force with
which the Sassanian Persians captured Jerusalem, and they might
well lay claim to any Jewish vessels of jewels that may have been
secured by the conquerors. In this case, however, it is still probable
that these precious objects fell into the hands of the
Mohammedans who captured Jerusalem in the same year in which
they took Ctesiphon.335

Contrary to all those who believe that the Ark and breastplate ended up
in the West in the hands of the Vandals and Visigoths, Kunz is correct,
for by injecting the East Roman Empire back into the equation, he is
clearly saying, “Look east rather than west” if one wishes to discover the
whereabouts of the old Jewish temple treasure.336

C. CONCLUSIONS

The following constellation of relationships, and implications, has

been exhibited in this chapter:
1. There are at least three disparate and significant clues to the
existence of an international money power in ancient times, and to
its reliance upon precious metal bullion as a medium of monetary
exchange:
a. The unusual bullion policies of Rome vis-à-vis the Orient,
which policies were virtual opposites of each other with respect
to the relative valuation of silver and gold bullion. Such
reciprocal policies could, of course, highly benefit an
international money power with bases of operations in both
places, for by transferring gold to the east and converting it to

335Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, pp. 283–285, emphasis added.
336 An important consideration in this regard is that the Emperor Justinian, who made it
his deliberate and conscious goal to restore Roman rule over Rome itself, would most
likely, through his brilliant military mastermind Belisarius, have exacted from the
Vandals the return of all treasure they took from the Western Rome.

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 silver, and reaping the fees thereof, and then silver to the west
and converting again to gold, vast profits could be
accumulated;
b. The almost universal association of temples with minting, from
the Middle East to China and India; and,
c. The presence of an international contingent of mercenaries
from various countries and states at one of antiquity’s largest
gold mines at Bisharee, mines which in turn are worked by
slaves and prisoners of war.
2. In addition to the association of temples with the minting and
issuance of money, and therefore with mining activity, these
temples are also associated with astronomy and astrology;
3. Additionally, astrology and astronomy are in turn associated with
precious gemstones, each type of which is associated with various
planetary bodies and their influences;
4. The various gods of the pantheons of the Middle East, since they
can at one level be decoded as celestial bodies, are parallel, that is
to say, the various pantheons themselves show remarkable parallels
due to their similar astrological derivation. At this juncture, a
significant question was implied:
a. Could the parallelism of various pantheons be due not only to
their astronomical derivation, but also because of the activity
of that class of international bullion brokers that appears to be
associated with the temple in all lands, and influencing the
bullion policy to its advantage in several states?
b. If so, then is there a deeper reason for their association with the
practice of astrology in the temples? If there is, then what is it?
And what is the connection between all this, and precious
gemstones?
c. These gemstones were seen in turn by the ancients and in
esoteric tradition to have certain powers; among these we note
the following:
i) They possessed the power to heal;
ii) They possessed the power to predict the future;
iii) They could phosphoresce under certain conditions, and
this was most likely a closely held secret of the temple
priesthoods in various civilizations;
iv) They conferred invisibility;
v) They conferred the power to levitate;

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 vi) In Solomon’s case, certain stones conferred power over
creation.

We are thus in the presence of a complex dynamic, and making sense of

it will not be easy, but before we can address this issue, we must assemble
more data by taking a closer look at the activities of this ancient “bullion
brokers’ international”, for those activities will disclose the common
thread and clue: alchemy.

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 Five

MONEY, MONOTHEISM, MONARCHIES AND

MILITARIES

THE THESIS OF DAVID ASTLE

“They are but pudgy and sly little men as much overwhelmed by the
monster they have raised, as are the foolish nations that permitted them
to do so”.
— David Astle337

A. THE STATE OF EVIDENCE AND THE NEED FOR

SPECULATION

David Astle is a researcher who has assembled a massive database

and well-argued case for the existence, in ancient times, of an
international bullion brokers’ trust, allied with the temple, manipulating
governments, religions, pantheons and policies behind the scenes for its
own benefit and agenda. As such our examination here can only be a
brief review of his work. It is to be emphasized that this review is but a
small sampling of the types of evidence and analyses that Astle
provides.338
This being said, Astle himself provides a strong cautionary note on
the difficult state of the evidence, and the need for speculation. Noting
that all ancient societies had a system of state warehouses connected with
its money coining and regulating power, Astle states that

in almost all of the works of the great archaeologists and scholars

specializing in the ancient civilizations, there is a virtual silence

337 David Astle, The Babylonian Woe, www.jrbooksonline.com/PDF_Books/the

_babylonian_woe.pdf, p. 92.
338 I should also stress that I do not share all of Astle’s theological or spiritual leanings,

though these do not detract or interfere with the main argument of his book.

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 on that all-important matter, the system of distribution of food
surpluses, and surpluses of all those items needed towards the
maintenance of a good and continuing life so far as were required
by climate and custom.
In all the writings of these great and practical scholars, the
workings of that mighty engine which injects the unit of exchange
amongst the peoples, and without which no civilization as we
know it can come to be, is only indicated by a profound silence.
Of the system of exchanges, of the unit of exchange and its issue
by private individuals, as distinct from its issue by the authority of
sovereign rule, on this all-important matter governing in such
totality the conditions of progression into the future of these
peoples, not a word to speak of.339

There is a related question, and Astle is quick to perceive it: not only is
there a paucity of evidence relating how such an international bullion
brokers’ class might have arisen nor evidence as to “what created
them”,340 it is the pervasive and almost universal absence of such
evidence that “borders on the mystifying”. Additionally, there is in
scholarly literature on ancient international monetary policy a “complete
failure to speculate on those most important matters at all”. But most
importantly, Astle observes, there is a complete absence of speculation
on “the true nature of the energy source by which such machinery was
driven”.341
While Astle clearly throughout his work believes that energy source
to be the widespread practice of slavery in ancient times, and while we
tend to agree with him insofar as that goes, there is a deeper question that
Astle’s comments disclose: was there another and deeper energy source
that existed in, or was being sought by, those ancient “bullion brokers”
fraternities besides slavery?
In any case, it is this perplexing silence on such crucial matters that
calls for, indeed almost compels, speculation to fill the void.

Practically no information seems to exist of the growth of private

money creation in the days of the ancient city states of
Mesopotamia of which, because of their records being preserved

339 David Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 3, emphasis added.

340 Ibid.
341 Ibid., emphasis added.

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 on fire-baked clay, more is known than of more recent
civilizations; and the gap must necessarily be filled by a certain
amount of speculation. Little is known of the beginnings of the
fraudulent issuance by private persons of the unit of exchange, as
in opposition to the law of the gods from whom kings in ancient
times claimed to derive their divine origin.342

Thus, we now encounter a new dynamic: if the assumption of the

existence of a private international bullion brokers’ power has merit, then
there is a conflict between its private money-creating powers and that of
the various states within which it exists. There are thus two operating
units of exchange according to Astle: on the one hand, one has the
circulation of coins of bullion as a unit of exchange, which coins were
issued by temples and their allies, the bullion brokers, those who
controlled the mines and slaves. On the other hand, one has the issuance
– in Mesopotamia – of clay units of exchange, issued by the state power
itself in conjunction with the temple, which units were backed by the
surpluses of the state warehouses.343

1. Ancient and Modern Banking Conspiracy

Notwithstanding all this, Astle admits, largely on the types of
considerations advanced in the previous chapter here, that there are
significant indicators within ancient societies of

…[t]he existence of a far-reaching conspiracy in respect to

monetary issuance influencing the progression of man’s history in
the earliest times of which written records exists. It is also
outstandingly clear that it was parent to that acknowledged and
most obvious conspiracy such as exists today.344

There is, in other words, more or less a continuity between ancient times
and modern ones. The question is: what is the nature of that continuity?
Is it merely conceptual, rooted in the similarities of goals, methods, and
beliefs of the people engaged in such activities? Or is the continuity
deeper? Does it extend to actual descent of certain families and groups
down through history? As will be seen in this chapter, one can answer at

342 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 5, emphasis added.

343 Ibid.
344 Ibid., p. 10.

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least the first question with a resounding affirmative. And as will be seen
momentarily, there are also significant indicators that the second
question may be affirmatively answered in some cases as well.

B. THE MEDIUM OF EXCHANGE AND BULLION AS AN

ORDER ON STATE WAREHOUSES

Astle’s argument, while profound, is not always easily seen, scattered

as it is throughout his book. Care is required in noticing its steps and
taking due account of them in order that its transparency may be fully
exhibited. We have already noted in the previous chapter, and in this one,
the following things:

1. The regulation of the value of money was established by law and

regulated by the state or crown, whose sole prerogative was the
issuance and regulation of such units of money;
2. There was a deep and profound relationship between the minting
and issuance of such money in the form of bullion-based coins by
the crown or state power, and the temple;
3. Prior to this period, however, in Mesopotamia, the units of
exchange, as noted by Astle, were simply clay tablets of credit
against the surplus in the state warehouse.

It is at this last point that the story, and Astle’s argument, really begins.
The reason is easily seen, for if one were to conduct trade between
states, the issuances of money in the form of letters of credit against a
given state’s warehouse surplus would inhibit, rather than aid, such trade.
Another mechanism was required that would not require a diplomatic
negotiation between states for each and every trade. Thus, at one and the
same time as a medium of international exchange is more or less agreed
upon, there also arises an international class of merchants conducting
such trade and exercising sweeping influence over those units of
exchange. Astle states it with his characteristic sharpness and concision:

Through stealthy issue of precious metal commodity money into

circulation amongst the peoples, replacing that money which
represented the fiat of will of the god of the city and which was
merely an order on the state warehouses through his scribes, this

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 internationally-minded group from the secrecy of their chambers
were able to make a mockery of the faith and belief of the simple
people.345

In other words, at a certain juncture and by the nature of the case, there
will be two monies in circulation, one created by a private group and
based on bullion commodity money issued as a facsimile of the state
money for which it can be traded and substituted, and the second, the
original state-issued money. It should be noted that this situation is
almost exactly paralleled in modern times by the issuance of state money
and private notes both in England and in the United States.346 In both the
ancient and modern instances, the privately-issued money gradually and
with inexorable inevitability replaces the state issuance, and with that
occurrence, the power of the private issuers of such monies is established
over a society.
But how was this substitution actually made? What was the stratagem
that made it possible for ancient bullion brokers to achieve this
extraordinary and sweeping influence over ancient states? The answers
to these questions require an even closer look.

1. The Control of Mining and Bullion

The issuance of bullion-based monies implies something very
significant, and Astle is quick to perceive it:

The whole notion of the institution of precious metals by weight

as common denominator of exchanges, internationally and
nationally, cannot but have been disseminated by a conspiratorial
organization fully aware of the extent of the power to which it
would accede, could it but maintain control over bullion supplies
and the mining which brought them into being in the first place.347

345 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 9.

346 Consider only the fact that in the United States, since the establishment of the Federal
Reserve system, there were initially several types of paper notes in circulation: the state’s
silver and gold certificates and United States bills, and the private bank’s “Federal
Reserve notes”. It should also be noted that it is now all but impossible to find any of the
former notes in general circulation, since the Federal Reserve makes it a policy to pull
and destroy any bills that are not the interest-bearing debt notes it does not issue privately,
and since collectors, knowing this, themselves often pull such notes for their collections
or to sell to other collectors.
347 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 10, emphasis added.

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We have already seen how Egypt’s Bisharee mines, with their contingent
of international mercenary guards, implies the existence of such an
international class of merchants and bullion brokers.
As an inevitable consequence of such activity, “the law of the ruler
previously exercised towards the well-being of the people in that might
live a good and honourable life accordingly became corrupted”,348 since
that crown power was inevitably in collusion with the very class
undermining its power. This fact is attested by the rise of laws of
punishment condemning lawbreakers to a lifetime of slavery working the
semi-private mines which supplied both the state and the merchants with
the medium of exchange that created their profits. Again, the situation is
almost exactly paralleled by modern times, where one again encounters
a private monied class in collusion with the state power for the expansion
of their powers over the great masses of people.
A further implication falls out from this, and again, one perceives
instantly the modern parallel:

Kings largely became the mouthpiece and sword arm of those

semi-secret societies that controlled the material of money as its
outward and visible symbols came to be restricted to gold, silver,
and copper… The fiat of the god in heaven which had been the
decisive force behind that which brought about an equitable
exchange, was replaced by the will of those classes controlling the
undertones of civilization, leaders of the world of slave drivers,
caravaners, outcasts and criminals generally, such as was to be
discerned on the edges of the ancient city civilizations. … The
instrument of this will was precious metal, whose supply was
controlled by the leaders of these classes through their control of
the slave trade, since mining was rarely profitable in the case of
the precious metals, except with slave labour…349

In support of this contention, Astle notes that prior to the fourth century
BC, the institution of slavery “had been more in the nature of a benign
custom similar to the custom of the bonded servant or apprentice of the
18th and 19th centuries in Northern Europe”.350 After that period,
however, it became an extensive and international trade, complete with

348 Ibid., p. 8.
349 Ibid.
350 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 29.

200
whips and chains and all the imagery of human suffering one associates
with the institution.
Thus, we now have an increasingly expanded, and interesting,
constellation of relationships:

1. A relationship between priest-kings, the temple, money minting and

issuance, and a private class of international bullion brokers;
2. A relationship of the latter class with the slave trade necessary to
conduct profitable mining to circulate bullion as a medium of
exchange;
3. A relationship of the temple with money minting and issuance on
behalf of that private class of bullion brokers and slave traders; and
finally,
4. A relationship of the temple to astrology and all its associated
accoutrements: gems, sacred geometry, earth grid locations for
temples, priest-magicians, forecasters, and so on.

The relationship between this private class and the temples in various
states exercised a correspondingly corrupting influence on their
priesthoods:

…[I]t is clear that with the growth of silver in circulation between

private persons, and between private persons and states, as now
would become an inevitability, that which had been total economic
control from the gods through his servants in the Ziggurat, was
bypassed, and merchants were not able to deal privately using their
credit, or powers of abstract money creation. They were also able,
through their control of distant mining operations, to afflict a
previously dedicated priesthood with thought of personal
possession, and through the control of manufacture of weapons in
distant places, they were able to arm warlike peoples towards the
destruction of whosoever they might choose.351

Notice the dynamic subtly suggested here, for through its associations
with the various temple priesthoods such a class also influences war

351 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, pp. 14–15.

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policies of the various states under its influence, and these as might be
expected could often be in the guise of religious conflicts.352
Citing scholar T.B.L. Webster, Astle comments at length on this
dynamic:

“The Alalakh tablets also record copper distributed to smiths, but

not in addition it is to be used for making baskets or arrowheads;
and the King of Assyria sent copper to Mari to be made into nails
by the local craftsmen. A Report from Pylos that the woodcutters
in two places are delivering 150 axles and 150 spars for the chariot
factory may be compared with the Ugartic texts on the delivery of
wood for the making of arms, and a note of wood delivered to the
carpenters for the construction of wagons in Alalakh. We made
here also from Pylos a list of wooden objects made, a list of vessels
received by men (perhaps Mayors) in various places and a note of
pieces of ivory; to set beside this rather slender evidence of
Mycenaean manufacture, Alalakh provides a record of sixty-four
business houses and their produce; they include smiths, leather
workers, joiners, and cartwrights”.353
Thus, it seems that where the conception of money as to a silver
standard existed as at Ugarit and Alalakh, so also existed
organized industry, including outstandingly the private
manufacture of arms under methods that appear to be those of
semi-mass productions. It is not without significance that this
early era of privately issued money (such as was silver money),
and consequent private industry, particularly that which was
devoted to arms manufacture, was in certain areas so coincidental
with the massive movements of warlike peoples, and the collapse
of ancient empires that had lived long under the pattern of life
known as that of the Ancient Orient. Conquering peoples needed
the best of arms. It seems that the best of arms were obtainable
from private industry; and private industry in its turn needed silver
or gold or labour, which was slaves, in payment. Both were
obtainable as the result of war. Therefore parallel, though not
entirely the same as in today, the more war, the more industry, and
the more the need for the products of the money creators’ ledgers.

352 Again, it should be recalled that Lockyear proposed that the astronomical bases of
various Egyptian temples could also be a basis of these religious conflicts.
353 Citing T.B.L. Webster, From Mycenaean Homer, p. 22.

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 Hence became the more absolute the control of that which most of
all designs industry and its accompanying slavery in one form or
another, namely, the private money creative power.354

In other words, the clues have been there all along, it is just that no
one has noticed them, for the great war-making empires of Mesopotamia
were involved with private arms manufacture and private money
issuance. This fact will loom only larger as we proceed.
But such large manufacturing and monetary concerns only lead
inexorably back to the relationship between crown and temple. The
renowned historian Christopher Dawson outlines the relationship with a
simplicity pregnant for implications:

Originally the state and the temple corporations were the only
bodies which possessed the necessary stability and resources for
establishing widespread commercial relations. Temple servants
were sent on distant missions, provided with letters of credit which
enabled them to obtain supplies in other cities. Moreover, the
temple was the bank of the community through which money
could be lent at interest and advances made to the farmer on the
security of his crop. Thus, in the course of the 3rd millennium
there grew up in Mesopotamia a regular money economy based on
precious metals as standards of exchange, which stimulated
private wealth and enterprise and led to real capitalist
development. The temple and the palace remained the centres of
the economic life of the community but by their side and under
their shelter there developed a many-sided activity which found
expression in the guilds of the free craftsmen and the merchants,
and the private enterprise of the individual capitalist.355

To put it simply, the fact of the existence of this class is not disputed by
reputable historians. And the international extent of this trade should not
be overlooked, for trade was known to extend from the city of Ur “over
the whole known world which certainly reached as far afield as Europe,
being carried on by means of letters of credit, bills of exchange and
‘promises to pay’ (cheques), made out in terms of staple necessities; of

354 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 39.

355 Christopher Dawson, The Age of the Gods (London, 1928), p. 130, emphasis added.

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life expressed in terms of silver at valuation of barley (probably at a
given season of the year)”.356 This state of affairs clearly implies an
international extent to some banking and merchant class, in alliance with
the temples of various states. But how would such a class arise and usurp
the crown prerogative of money minting, value regulation, and issuance?

2. Ancient Babylon and Egypt

The answer to this question requires a closer scrutiny of the two major
military and financial powers of that age: Egypt and Babylon. As noted
so far, Babylonian money initially consisted of circulating clay-tablet
letters of credit drawn on the surpluses of the state warehouses, and
therefore its issuance as money was strictly controlled by the crown. But
as also noted immediately above, at some juncture – as early as the third
or fourth century BC, in fact357 – these existed alongside these clay tablets
circulating silver of private issuance, whose value was also fixed in terms
of barley or other staples in the state warehouses. In fact, so widespread
was the use of the Babylonian system, which also included the use of
actual checks, that one finds Babylonians at work in the temples and
minting shops of some Greek cities after the Assyrian assault on
Babylonia itself.358 In other words, assaults on Babylon only served to
disperse its merchant banking class in other countries, and with that
dispersal, the expansion of Babylonian business and banking practices.

a. Early Egypt’s Independence from the Babylonian Money

Power
It is in this context, then, that the Egyptian money power should be
examined, for as has already been noted, Egypt controlled the largest and
most productive gold mines – the Bisharee mines – in the ancient world.
Here too one notes a parallel development and all its implications:

According to Breasted, gold and copper rings of a fixed weight

circulated in large scale business in the time of the “Old
Kingdom”, and (significantly enough to the student of “banking”,
or private money creation and regulation, as it might better be
known) “stone weights were already marked with their

356 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, pp. 13–14, emphasis added, citing Sir Charles Woolley,
Abraham (London, 1936), pp. 124–125.
357 Astle, op. cit., p. 12.
358 Ibid., p. 55.

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 equivalence in such rings”. The circulation as money of these
“promises to pay” recorded on stone, pointedly suggests the
likelihood of the activities of a secret fraternity whose hereditary
trade was private money creation.359

Indeed, the parallel with Babylon is almost identical, since the latter used
clay tablets as units of exchange, while Egypt used stone weights marked
with their equivalent value in precious bullion. But there is likewise a
significant difference as well, for in Babylon’s case those clay tablets
circulated as money prior to the issuance of bullion-based monies, and
the value of such monies was stated in terms of stores in the state
warehouse. But with Egypt, one finds a later stage of development, for
the value of the stones is expressed, not in terms of the surplus stores in
a warehouse, but in terms of bullion itself. In short, the concept of money
has been degraded, and with it, there is almost no visible connection to
the state and crown prerogative of money regulation and issuance, not to
mention anything of practical value as the result of industry or creativity,
i.e., goods.
And this degradation of money in Egypt, i.e., the fact that its promises
to pay are expressed in valuation of bullion, rather than bullion being
expressed in valuation of real goods, plus the fact of the existence of
Egypt’s Bisharee mines with their international contingent of mercenary
guards, points to a very significant and – because of its subtlety – often
overlooked point:

As a result, although the Egyptian empire in the earliest years

might very well be described as a common market existing
independent of the Babylonian money power, and deriving its
strength from the will to be of a dedicated and instructed Ruler,
the sequence of events shows that through those concessions it
obtained for its best services in war, it was not long before
international money power re-penetrated the substructure of
Egyptian life and established its usual behind-the-scenes
influence, if not control, as in the earlier time that denoted the
collapse of the “Old Kingdom”. It may safely be considered to
have reassumed the position of hidden power it had held a

359Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 36, citing James H. Breasted, A History of Egypt, pp.
97–98.

205
 thousand years before during the closing years of the 6th dynasty,
a period in which the stone weights indicating equivalence in
metal money circulated in much the same way as clay facsimiles
of contemporary coinages circulated…360

To put it differently, Egypt, once under the influence of that international

bullion brokers’ power, had managed to throw off that influence, only to
have it restored nearly a millennium later.

3. The Conspirators at Work

a. Economic and Military Autarchy and Modern

Analogues: Sparta and the Greek Tyrants
But how, exactly, does one know that such an international money
power existed in ancient times? Astle’s answer is as surprising as it is
both contemporary and simple: one had only to look at certain ancient
wars in conjunction with a look at the economic activity and policies of
various states to discern a hidden hand at work. And the best example of
this war between a money power and a state determined to maintain its
independence from it, its autarchy, are the Peloponnesian Wars between
Athens and its allies, and Sparta. It is worth citing Astle and his sources
at length:

Of the tyrants of Greece and Asia Minor in ancient times, the

learned Professor Heichelheim wrote:
“These tyrants were for the most part members of the nobility
themselves who had made the grade using the new political and
economic possibilities of their time to overthrow their own equals
and to subdue their whole state temporarily. The tyrants were often
compelled to introduce the coin economy pattern into the area over
which they ruled, or at least to promote its development officially,
in order to gain the upper hand over their enemies…

(One wonders: Compelled by whom?)

…to stabilize the position of the peasantry on the land, and to

expand and rebuild state economy, a central distribution of money

360 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 43.

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 and goods in kind partly directed towards mercenaries,
bodyguards and various political friends and partly indirectly to
the masses of poor people in the form of wages paid for extensive
building operations and improvements, is characteristic of tyrant
economy…361

Astle comments as follows:

The above remarks of Professor Heichelheim indicate there were

“new political and economic possibilities: in that period 650-500
BC when the tyrannies most of all flourished… The question then
becomes, what were these “new political and economic
possibilities”?... The answer is arrived at readily: they derived
from the activities of the agents of the international silver bullion
brokers who, from ports such as Argos, Athens, and Aegina where
King Pheidon struck the first Greek silver coinage ca. 680 BC,
promoted the luxury traders who sold their wares from wigs to
harlots as against the new silver coinage or promise thereof. The
opportunities clearly were for those who assisted in the
monetization of the city, and all its activities and possessions, and
its population…362

The result of this “monetization” of the city-state – and of the reduction

of each member of its population to the status of a mere “human
resource” (to use the modern term) – was, according to Professor
Heichelheim, entirely predictable, and eerily reminiscent of the “free
trade” agreements of the late 1980s and 1990s and of their disastrous
effects on the industrialized societies that adopted them (and remember,
Heichelheim was writing in the 1940s, long before such agreements were
in the offing, and was speaking of ancient times!):

The aristocracies refused equality to the landless traders and

manufacturers, the peasants were oppressed by the rich and
encouraged to get into debt and then were reduced to slavery and
exile; slaves began to compete with free labour. Ambitious
individuals capitalized this discontent to overthrow the constituted

361 Citing Encyclopedia of World History (Houghton Mifflin, publishers, Boston, 1940),
p. 48, cited in Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 96, emphasis added by me.
362 Astle, op. cit., p. 96, emphasis added.

207
 government and establish themselves as tyrants in all the Greek
cities with the notable exception of Sparta.363

So, what is so significant about Sparta that the rest of the Greek city-
states went to war with her?
Astle puts it “country simple”:

…[T]he state that rejected international money power, as did

Sparta and Rome in ancient times, and Russia in modern times,
had to be prepared to establish total military self-sufficiency.364

One might add Nazi Germany to Astle’s list, for like Russia and ancient
Sparta, the regime of the Third Reich had determined not only to restore
the issuance of money to the State, but had embarked on a program of
military and energy autarchy as well.365
So what, exactly, had Sparta done that so infuriated the rest of the
Greek city-states? The answer is complex, and requires a brief detour.
Both Plato366 and Aristotle367 were clear that money had value only
insofar as it was defined by the law of the state; in other words, they both
obliquely recognized that the power of issuing and regulating the value
of money was a state, not a private, prerogative, and this in spite of the
fact that by their time, the private issuance of money was well-
established practice.368 Thus, when one turns to the city-states of the
tyrants, and to their silver-coin issuances, one discerns a clear, though
carefully disguised, hidden hand:

The evidence that the earliest coinages in Greece had essentially a

local circulation in no way alters the picture previously outlined of
silver money as being part of an international conspiracy. All
Greek states apart from Athens and Samos, Siphnos and Corcyra,
and possible one or two others, had to obtain silver bullion for their
coinage from abroad, which necessarily obliged them to deal with

363 Citing Encyclopedia of World History (Houghton Mifflin, publishers, Boston, 1940),
p. 48, cited in Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 96, emphasis added by me.
364 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 40.
365 For the aspect of energy autarchy and the allied military technologies, see my The SS

Brotherhood of the Bell, Secrets of the Unified Field, and The Nazi International.
366 Astle, op. cit., p. 139.
367 Ibid., pp. 139–140.
368 Ibid., p. 140.

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 those traders who specialized in dealing in bullion. Such trade in
bullion had to be in the hands of a small and highly secretive
group, as much on account of the sources of supply being
relatively few and scattered as it were out to the ends of the earth,
as on account of the fact that it would be only such a group that
could also control those supplies of slave labour and their purchase
from triumphant peoples whose warlike activities, as likely as not,
they had instigated themselves; slave labour so necessary to the
success of their mining operations.369

Once the course had been determined in various Greek city-states to issue
bullion-based money, which bullion they had in scarce supply, those
city-states came increasingly under the influence and sway of the bullion
brokers themselves. All except one, which refused to issue bullion-based
coinage: Sparta.
Hence one has now a basis of understanding for Sparta’s well-known
harshness and the military discipline it imposed on her whole population,
for if she were to maintain her independence of the money power
infecting the other Greek city-states, her military had to be the best. Thus,
there is a hidden, and much more real, purpose to the infamous
Peloponnesian War – a war that neither Athens nor Sparta “had won and
neither one had lost”. The war left both powerful Greek city-states
“exhausted, and over their prostrate bodies the servants of this same
sardonic Money power drew the chains of their slavery”.370 That real
underlying purpose of the Peloponnesian War “was to establish private
common money market across the Greek world totally controlled by the
trapezitae or bankers in modern terminology”.371 Consequently,
“judging by Sparta…and later by Rome itself, it seems that in ancient
times there was some considerable understanding of the power inherent
in precious metal money to destroy, by lending itself to manipulation, the
status quo of any race or state”.372

b. Babylon, Persia, and Money Creation

Yet another, and even more persuasive, example of the actions and
hidden directions of a money power on the international scene is afforded

369 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 140.

370 Ibid., p. 143.
371 Ibid.
372 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 144.

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by the case of Babylon and Persia. It is worth citing Astle at length once
again:

It is not until the Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian, and Persian eras that

clear evidence can be traced of the total degeneration of kingly
power and of kings and so-called emperors as quite often being
little more than gloriously be-medalled front men for private
money creative power striving to create world-wide hegemony…
They still continued to be needed principally as a point towards
which the eyes of the people might be diverted in order that the
people might not realize that all was not well in that direction
towards which their loyalties naturally leaned, nor glimpse the
destructive forces that were gnawing at the roots of the Tree of
Life itself. Even as far back as 2500 BC Sargon of Akkad
proceeded into Anatolia to chastise the city of Ganes on account
of the commercial community of Mesopotamia; probably to
enforce the payment of interest on loans, or repayment of
principal… One of the reasons of the success of Cyrus, though but
a petty Persian prince formerly to 550 BC when he deposed his
sovereign, Astyages the Mede, is clear from the circumstances of
his victory over Croesus of Lydia in 546 BC.
Croesus had offended the international money powers by
seizure of their treasure held by their agent Sadyattes, and by the
total assumption of monetary issue by the state. Example had to
be made of him to deter other princes from similar action, and the
eager and ambitious Cyrus was obviously the one chosen for this
purpose. According to the article on Babylonia in the
Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition, by Professor Sayce, Croesus
had rashly joined battle with Cyrus without waiting for the arrival
of his Babylonian allies under Nabu-Nahua the father of
Belshazzar of the Book of Daniel. It is more than likely however,
that a truer reading of these events would be that international
money power, patron of the rise of Cyrus both through
organization of his supplies of mercenary soldiers, and of the best
of weapons, had been the principal influence in these events as in
other enterprises of Cyrus, such as the siege of Babylon 14 years
later. Thanks to his influence, while the progress of Nabu-Nahua
towards junction with the forces of Croesus would have been

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 sabotaged, Croesus himself would have been misinformed of the
intentions and strength of both Cyrus and Nabu-Nahua.
Cyrus won the day, and Croesus was totally humbled. Having
thus proven his “suitability”, and his readiness to promote the
policies of his financial backers, the relatively easy conquest of
Babylon was arranged for Cyrus some fourteen years later.373

Who arranged for the easy conquest of Babylon? More importantly, who
financed the vast Persian war machine?
The answer, according to Astle, is a biblical one. “It is interesting to
note”, he observes,

that shortly after the entry of the Persian forces into the city, the
“Children of Israel” were permitted to return to that which they
considered their homeland, and every assistance was given them
towards renewal of their national life and the rebuilding of their
temple, which, of course, was its heart…. The special concessions
made by Cyrus to the Hebrew almost on entry into the city of
Babylon, would certainly suggest that he had received their
substantial assistance, perhaps through financing towards the
purchase of the finest of military accoutrements such as would be
obtainable only through the good graces of the Babylonian
commercial and banking houses, or through that information with
which the Hebrew may have kept him constantly supplied such as
the state of military preparedness within the city, etc.
It may reasonably be assumed that the Babylonian money
power was completely international in outlook, whatever its
outward profession, and totally unsympathetic towards the ancient
faith of the Ziggurat and the worship of Marduk, and towards the
intended effects of the restoration of the Ziggurat at Ur, at that
time, by Nebuchadnezzar. If in earlier Assyrian times such money
power certainly was not the Hebrew, though possibly linked
thereto through members of the latter Israelitish Confederacy…
the fact of the existence of powerful Hebrew influence in
international finance in Neo-Babylonian times seems a reasonable
supposition.

373 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 71.

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 The Hebrew…may have risen to especially privileged position
in the Babylonian money industry, if that is what it can be called,
and may have come to learn at that time those secret practices of
the money changers’ craft, which he was certainly forbidden in his
native land, according to the Laws [of] Moses.374

Indeed, as Astle points out, the Hebrews returning to Palestine were

compelled, under Ezra’s edict, to divorce their foreign wives. While
certainly explainable as a religious ordinance designed to restore
doctrinal and racial purity, Astle notes that the practice of intermarriage
is itself the hallmark of the international banking class to this day, and
thus, Ezra’s ordinance may itself be an indicator that the Hebrews had
indeed penetrated the international money power during the Babylonian
captivity.375 There is yet another indicator of this “babylonization” of
Hebrew religion and practice, and that is the existence of the Talmud and
the rabbinate itself, and the adopted symbol of the Hebrews and Jewish
people to this day, the so-called Mogen David or Star of David: . This
symbol is itself of Babylonian, not Hebrew, origin, and as we shall see
in the next chapter, it is an apt symbol of a fraternity that is “keeping
secrets”.

C. HOW THE CONSPIRACY WORKED

It is perhaps in the actual history of the development of the private

issuance of bullion-based monies in ancient times and in various
civilizations that one most clearly discerns the evident hand of a hidden
international class of bullion-brokers, war merchants, slave traders, and
mining operators, for almost invariably, the pattern is the same.

1. The First Stage: Penetrate and Ally with the Temple

As noted repeatedly throughout the previous pages, from Greece to
Rome to Egypt and the Mesopotamian civilizations of Sumer, Babylon,
and Assyria, there is a clear association of banking activities, and of
minting itself, with the temple. The reason for this association, at least as
far as banking and finance go, are easy to rationalize:

374 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 76. See also p. 129.

375 Ibid., pp. 76–77.

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 These persons had conducted their business in the shade of the temple
courtyards from ancient days as, and if they could, in order that the power
or mystery as locally was held in awe, might give sanctity to their
activities which so often were exercised against the wellbeing of the
people who sheltered them….
These agents would have lurked as only faintly discernible shadows
behind the temple façade, although they instigated much of what came to
pass in those days, if themselves so little seen. Of first concern to them
would have been the reputation of their masters, the priesthood, for piety,
probity, and godliness, in so far as appearance went. For by maintaining
the position of the priesthood, they maintained themselves and their
secret power; yet for whatever they brought about, especially if of evil, it
may safely be assumed, a nevertheless inviolate priesthood would be held
responsible.
With the sanctity of the temple as a shelter and cloak of their
activities, this bullion brokers’ class could then engage in the next stage
of their activity.

2. The Second Stage: Issue False Receipts

That second stage is to issue counterfeit or false receipts against the
credit or surpluses of the state warehouse, and thereby to increase the
money supply itself: the principal device at this stage “may be assumed
to be the secret and private expansion of the total money supply effected
primarily by the issuance into circulation of false receipts for …
valuables supposedly being held on deposit in thief-proof vaults, or
otherwise, for safe custody”.376 Such issuance would be relatively easy
to come by, for by penetration of and close association with the temples
of various states, they would have had access to the seals and other
devices used to authenticate letters of credit by the temple priesthoods.

3. The Third Stage: Substitute Bullion for Letters of Credit as a

Measure Against False Receipts
This brings us inevitably to the third stage, for once a sufficient
number of such false receipts were in circulation, it would become
apparent both to the crown and to members of the temple itself that there
were simply too many false receipts in circulation, and that a monetary
reform was necessary. At this juncture, in step the bullion brokers with

376 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 13.

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the solution: holding a virtual monopoly on mining, they propose the
substitution of bullion-based coinage, whose value is initially defined by
a certain amount of actual goods – barley, as we saw in the case of
Mesopotamia – for the actual state-issued letters of credit. Once any
crown and temple alliance within any given state accepts this
arrangement, it will become increasingly hostage to the need for bullion
and for the merchants, slave traders, and mining-mercenaries that can
supply it, and that have the technology to mine and melt and mint it.377

4. The Fourth Stage: Then Create a Facsimile of Money

Having artificially stimulated and increased the value of bullion, this
class then creates the final step: it issues new letters of credit against the
supply of bullion rather than against the warehouse surplus, and defines
those letters of credit as valuation in terms of weight of some precious
bullion. Thus, we arrive back at the state of issuing false receipts, only in
this instance, these receipts are neither false nor counterfeit, they are
simply privately created notes or promises to pay a certain amount of
bullion (which they also control). Thus, once again the money supply is
not only expanded, but the use of such instruments actually served to
allow the bullion brokers to circulate more of such notes than they had
actual bullion to redeem. The key, once again, was the sanctifying
probity that the temple association gave them. With this step, their power
and influence over the various states which they penetrated was almost
complete, for it gave these ancient bankers, like their modern
counterparts, the ability to expand or contract a state’s money supply,
and to control their economies to create boom or bust. The final step, in
other words, was to create a clay or stone (or in modern times, paper or
plastic) facsimile of the facsimile of state-issued money (the bullion-
based monies, also of their own creation)!

377 See Astle’s discussion on pp. 15ff, The Babylonian Woe.

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 D. THE PARALLEL TO THE AFTERMATHS OF THE COSMIC
WAR, AND WORLD WAR II: THE GLOBALIST AGENDA
AND MONEY, MONARCHIES, MONOTHEISM, AND
MILITARIES

But there is a final piece to this ancient story and plot, and it is one of
the most breathtaking of them all. The effect of the alliance of this bullion
brokers’ class with the temple throughout the ancient world would have
brought to their attention the fact that the pantheons of various
civilizations, and even the stories and acts associated with various gods,
were all remarkably similar. As a result of this realization, the bullion
brokers would also come

to realize that they could actually create that which functioned as

money with but the record incised by the stylus on the clay tablet
promising metal or money. Obviously, as a result of this discovery
which depended on the confidence they were able to create in the
minds of the peoples of their integrity, provided they banded
themselves together with an absolute secrecy that excluded all
other than their proven brethren, they could replace the god of the
city himself as the giver of all. If so be they could institute a
conception of a one god, their god, a special god of the world, a
god above all gods, then not merely the city, be it Ur or Kish or
Lagash or Uruk, but the world itself could be theirs, and all that
in it was.378

In other words, behind the creation of the vast empires of Persia, and later
the Macedonian-Greek empire of Alexander the Great, there lies the
activity of a powerful financial interest, striving to create an ancient
“New World Order” with a central state and unified religio-cultural
world.379 And the mechanism by which to foster this religious worldview
would be to gradually point out, and inculcate the idea in popular
imagination, that all local religions were but the same thing, various

378 Astle, The Babylonian Woe, p. 15, italicized emphasis added, boldface emphasis in
the original.
379 See also Astle, op. cit., p. 192.

215
“names” for the “same gods”.380 Thus, the whole weight of their combine
and cabal would have been thrown behind the promotion of a
monarchical front, representative of the new empire and the new
monotheism, and backed by the latest in military hardware.
But there is another possibility, one suggested by the scenario of a
cosmic war outlined in the first chapter,381 and that is, if the survivors of
a once scientifically sophisticated civilization were ever to reach the
pinnacle of scientific power and achievement that would have made an
interplanetary war possible, if, that is, they were ever to reconstruct the
destructive technologies of their hegemony and extend themselves again
into space, then they would have quite literally to draw on the full
resources of the entire world, and to create the wars and conflicts that
drove technological achievement forward at a faster-than-normal pace of
development. In this case, they would develop not only secret
associations for this purpose, but money, and a close association with the
temples, would be the easiest and least technologically sophisticated
method to do it. And the political goal would be the same: ever-larger
empires, eventually to encompass the entire globe itself.
This association of money creation with the temples, and with the
goal to create a unified world order, for the purpose of reconstructing a
lost technology of hegemony, is where the story gets really interesting.
As they say, the plot is about to thicken….

380 In this regard, one need only consider the modern parallel, with Rockefeller financing
of liberal Protestantism and various ecumenical agencies and schemes.
381 The whole Cosmic War scenario I have outlined in The Cosmic War: Interplanetary

Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2007).

216
 Six

ALCHEMY UPSETS THE APPLECART

THE TRANSMUTATIVE MEDIUM AND THE

ALCHEMY OF THE STARS AND BANKSTERS

“Further support for the hypothesis that a transnational interrelationship

existed between ancient Mystery Schools, was the discovery of the
Gunderstrup Cauldron – a superb example of the silversmith’s art. This
bowl, which was discovered in a Jutland peat bog, is decorated with pan-
cultural deities”.
— Brian Desborough382

So once again, what possible connection could there be between all

these things? Why do we find a J. P. Morgan suppressing Tesla? Why in
turn do we find a Tesla preoccupied with “gripping the earth” to make
his “wireless transmission of power” work? Why do we find a startling
ancient connection between banking and physics (in the form of
astrology, astronomy, and even – as Hoagland has hinted – sacred
geometry)? Why do we find an RCA engineer named Nelson drawing up
planetary charts that look for all the world like astrological charts? Why
do we encounter a government economist like Edward Dewey devoting
a lifetime of work to the study of cycles of all sorts? And why do we find
him making conscious and deliberate reference between economic
activity and physics? And why do we find, not just in ancient times, but
in modern ones as well, the presence of bankers on the peripheries of
such investigations?

382Brian Desborough, They Cast No Shadows: A Collection of Essays on the Illuminati,

Revisionist History, and Suppressed Technologies (San Jose, California: Writers Club
Press, 2002), p. 175.

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 A. ECONOPHYSICS

1. Physicists Invade Finance: The Modern Model as a Key to

the Paleoancient Past
The answer lies in part in modern times, and in order to begin to peel
back the onion skin layers of this vast, intricate, and ancient relationship,
one must look at the rise of a new discipline – “econophysics” – and at
what happened in modern times as physicists entered the world of high
finance, bringing their techniques and tools of applied mathematics and
analysis with them.
The term “econophysics” was actually coined in the mid-1990s by H.
Eugene Stanley383 to reflect two things: first, it was designed to reflect
the vast influx of degreed physicists into the financial sector itself, as that
sector often provided a higher salary base and opportunities to employ
the tools of applied mathematical analysis than was possible in actual
standard academic or experimental careers, and secondly, it was
reflective of the fascination that physicists had acquired for the
application of the techniques of statistical analysis they had developed in
quantum mechanics to the problems of economic and financial analysis
itself.
As such, econophysics “is an interdisciplinary research field,
applying theories and methods originally developed by physicists in
order to solve problems in economics, usually those including
uncertainty or stochastic processes and nonlinear dynamics”.384 What
spurred this interest was in part, according to the article in Wikipedia, the
“availability of huge amounts of financial data, starting in the 1980s”.385
Of course, as has been noted, this is not exactly true, since there was a
vast amount of data available from the Department of Commerce and
from other sources and countries dating much further back, a database
utilized by Edward and the Foundation for the Study of Cycles, and a
database known to its members, some of whom included economists
from major international banks.
One thing in particular that attracted physicists to this study of the
application of their techniques to financial and economic systems was
precisely that in economics, more often than not, there prevailed a

383 “Econophysics”, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Econophysics, p. 1.

384 Ibid.
385 Ibid.

218
general condition of non-equilibrium,386 that is, one was never dealing
with systems where there was a uniform distribution of resources,
wealth, and so on. As physicists and chemists had only recently – in the
1960s – begun to study non-equilibrium physical systems and their
remarkable ability to self-organize, the motivation for their study of
economics becomes clear: physicists thought that by studying the most
notoriously non-equilibrium systems known to mankind – economic
systems – their models of the ability of such systems in the physical
world could be applied with some success to model self-organization in
economic systems, and to make valuable predictions on that basis. As
will be seen in a few moments, this is an important clue to the possible
deeper physics involved in economic systems.
To put it succinctly, quantum mechanics had invaded economics, and
the reason why is relatively easy to perceive, because since economic
activity was “the result of the interaction among many heterogeneous
agents, there is an analogy with statistical mechanics, where many
particles interact”.387 And the key tool in this new interdisciplinary
endeavour was quantum physics’ use of the “path integral formulation of
statistical mechanics”.388
But what exactly does this mean?
The first implication is that one may use the influx of physicists into
economic study in modern times as an analogy of what happened in
ancient times, and assume that something like this happened as well in
ancient times, as those with the “high knowledge” of a deeper physics
penetrated the world of high finance, that is to say, the temple, seeking a
better standard of living and personal wealth, like their modern
descendants. And once inside those hallowed pavilions and chambers,
they allied with the bankers of their day, the “bullion brokers”. It was a
necessary détente in the aftermath of that great Cosmic War, for if the
lost science and technology were ever to be reconstructed, it would
require lots of money, and lots of scientific expertise, and both resided in
ancient times in the temple.
The second implication requires a closer look at quantum mechanics
itself.

386 Ibid.
387 Ibid., p. 2.
388 “Econophysics”, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Econophysics, p. 2.

219
 2. Quantum Mechanics, Ancient Astrology, and the
Statistical Approach
One may gain an appreciation of the statistical nature of quantum
mechanics by considering its foundational principle, the Heisenberg
Uncertainty Principle, itself. Briefly stated, the Uncertainty Principle
holds that if one measures the velocity of an electron, one cannot measure
its position, and conversely, if one measures its position, it is impossible
to measure its velocity. Thus, quantum mechanics, when considering the
behaviour of several particles all at once, had to rely upon observation
and the compilation of statistical probabilities in order to model that
behaviour.
The same holds true, if one takes the ancient texts at face value, for
astrology as well, for there is an exact modern analogy with quantum
mechanics and its countless and untold observations made diligently over
time, and with its statistical approach to that vast number of interactions,
for this is precisely what one encounters in ancient times as well. In fact,
as previously noted, the Babylonian “omen tablets” indicate that
astronomical observations of planetary alignments and corresponding
earthly activities and effects – a combination we now call astrology –
were made over hundreds of thousands of years ago. This is therefore yet
another sign that there is some other hidden influence at work in the
temples besides that of the bullion brokers, and that influence is that of
the ancient astrologers-astronomers themselves, compiling their lists of
observations. From the previous chapters it is evident that the ancient
international “bullion brokers” were in league with the various temple
priesthoods-astrologers.

3. Dr. Li’s Gaussian Copula and a Physics Analogue: The

Multibody Problem
Quantum mechanics’ statistical approach, and that implied by the
millennia of ancient astronomical and astrological observation, is
directly connected to Dr. David Li’s Gaussian copula formula via a rather
interesting route: the multibody problem. The problem is an exact
analogue to the difficulty of modelling the behaviour of mass aggregates
of particles. The only way to do so was through careful and countless
observations and a statistical model of probabilities of their behaviour.
But the problem becomes more acute as the size of bodies being
modelled grows.

220
 Imagine one is trying to model not the aggregate behaviour of several
particles, but of several planets and stars. It is relatively easy to model
the force of gravitational attraction between two moving masses or
planets, and to predict their behaviour. But as one adds more and more
moving masses to the system to be modelled, the ability of mathematics
to handle and accurately predict the behaviour of a total dynamic system
or any of the individual components within it progressively breaks down,
and margins of error increase. Dr. Li, of course, solved his “multibody
problem” of correlations of economic activity by, predictably enough, a
statistical approach, which introduced the problem of random
probabilities into economic activity.
But what if the randomness of quantum mechanics was itself the
result of a deeper physics? And, if that be so, and since “econophysics”
was but the importation into economics of physical models, would that
deeper physics also be a deeper physics of economic activity?

4. The Deeper Physics:

a. David Bohm’s Hidden Variable Quantum Mechanics

and The Implicate Order
The deeper physics implied by this question may be readily perceived
by a review of one of its most famous expositors, the well-known plasma
and quantum physicist David Bohm. Bohm is best known, in fact, for his
“hidden variable” version of quantum mechanical theory, in which the
“randomness” of quantum mechanics observed and measured by
physicists (Bohm’s “explicate order”) is understood to point to a deeper
and more ordered hyper-dimensional reality (Bohm’s “implicate order”).
Bohm outlined these views in a popularized treatment in a book entitled
Wholeness and the Implicate Order, and it is this book that will be the
basis of our review of his ideas.
For Bohm, the whole development of quantum mechanics pointed to
the real existence of this hyper-dimensional “implicate order”:

One discovers … both from consideration of the meaning of the

mathematical equations and from the results of the actual
experiments, that the various particles have to be taken literally as

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 projections of a higher-dimensional reality which cannot be
accounted for in terms of any force of interaction between them.389

In other words, Bohm is saying almost exactly the same thing as was
Richard C. Hoagland at the beginning of this chapter: particles, as
rotating masses, and whose behaviour when measured as a statistical
aggregate, are portals that “gate” a hyper-dimensional reality into our
own world. While Hoagland, however, was concerned with the hyper-
dimensional implications of the physics of very large masses, i.e., stars,
Bohm is concerned with the hyper-dimensional implications of the
physics of the very small. This is an indicator that the physics involved
is scale-invariant, that is, applicable over the whole range of scales of
objects with which physics deals.
Bohm’s apt analogy of the interaction of this hyper-dimensional
world with our own is that of a projection. “Let us begin”, he says, “with
a rectangular tank full of water, with transparent walls”.390 He then
reproduces a diagram of a fish tank, with two television cameras, one
pointed at one side of the tank, and the other at the side perpendicular to
each. Each camera, “A” and “B” respectively, is attached to one
television monitor. As the fish swims around, the images from the two
cameras are sent to the monitors. Bohm then comments as follows:

What we will see there is a certain relationship between the images

appearing on the two screens. For example, on screen A we may
see an image of a fish, and on screen B we will see another such
image. At any given moment each image will generally look
different from the other. Nevertheless, the differences will be
related, in the sense that when one image is seen to execute certain
movements, the other will be seen to execute corresponding
movements. Moreover, content that is mainly on one screen will
pass into the other, and vice versa (e.g., when a fish initially facing
camera A turns through a right angle, the image that was on A is
now to be found on B). Thus, at all times the image content on the
other screen will correlate with and reflect that of the other.391

389 David Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order (London: Routledge, 1999), pp.
186f.
390 David Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order, p. 187.
391 Ibid.

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In other words, our three-dimensional world acts as a sort of “prism” to
break up a singular hyper-dimensional object into a fragmented thing,
perceived from different angles but with correlated movements.
Bohm summarizes this view of our three-dimensional reality as a
projection from a high-dimensional reality, and its effect on perceptions
of quantum mechanics and its underlying implicate order, with words
eerily evocative of Hoagland’s comments about stars at the beginning of
this chapter:

…[W]e may regard each of the “particles” constituting a system

as a projection of a “higher-dimensional” reality, rather than as a
separate particle, existing together with all the others in a common
three-dimensional space. For example, in the experiment of
Einstein, Podolsky and Rosen, which we have mentioned earlier,
each of two atoms that initially combine to form a single molecule
are to be regarded as three-dimensional projections of a six-
dimensional reality.392

However, it is when Bohm turns to a consideration of the implications of

this view that the full scope of the possibilities of this deeper physics
springs into full view, and with them, the reason for the association of
banksters with temples in ancient times – not to mention modern times!
– becomes a little clearer.
To make these implications manifest, Bohm begins by noting that

…[W]hen the quantum theory is applied to fields… it is found that

the possible states of energy of this field are discrete (or
quantized). Such a state of the field is, in some respects, a wavelike
excitation spreading out over a broad region of space.
Nevertheless, it also has somehow a discrete quantum of energy
(and momentum) proportional to its frequency, so that, in other
respects it is like a particle [e.g. a photon]. However, if one
considers the electromagnetic field in empty space, for example,
one finds from the quantum theory that each such “wave-particle”
mode of excitation of the field has what is called a “zero-point”
energy, below which it cannot go, even when its energy falls to the
minimum that is possible. If one were to add up the energies of all

392 Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order, p. 188.

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 the “wave-particle” modes of excitation in any region of space, the
result would be infinite, because an infinite number of
wavelengths is present.393

Before we can proceed, it is necessary to pause and consider how Bohm

has characterized the zero-point energy. For Bohm, as the passage just
quoted makes clear, this energy is a result of the quantized nature of
space itself, and of the fact that this quantization is the result of wavelike
structures – of areas of compression and rarefaction – within it.
Why this is so requires only a moment’s reflection. When a physicist
suggests that space itself is quantized, what he means is simply that it is
not an infinitely divisible continuum, capable of being divided into ever
smaller units or cells ad infinitum. The reason is, according to Bohm, that
if space itself is the result of wavelike structures of compression and
rarefaction, then such wavelike structures will inevitably induce cells
within it. What appears to be an infinitely divisible continuum, therefore,
is really so only because of the infinite number of wavelengths present
at any given point of vacuum space.
This conception leads Bohm to posit the next step toward the
quantization of space itself:

…[T]here is good reason to suppose that one need not keep on

adding the energies corresponding to shorter and shorter
wavelengths. There may be a certain shortest possible wavelength,
so that the total number of modes of excitation, and therefore the
energy, would be finite.394

We will refer to this “shortest possible wavelength” as the “Bohm

wavelength”.
This “Bohm wavelength” – the idea that wavelike phenomena are
themselves quantized – has profound and huge implications for the type
of “deeper physics” being explored here. For one thing, this unknown
wavelength sounds very much like the “lost word” of Masonic tradition,
or the “lost chord” of the esoteric doctrine of the harmony of the spheres,
the lost chord being the frequency which somehow binds all of physical

393 Ibid., p. 190.

394 Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order, p. 190, emphasis added.

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creation together, since the latter is but a harmonic or overtone series of
it.
This conception turns out to have huge implications for the possible
unification of the physics of the very large with the physics of the very
small:

Indeed, if one applies the rules of quantum theory to the currently

accepted general theory of relativity, one finds that the
gravitational field is also constituted of such “wave-particle”
modes, each having a minimum “zero-point” energy. As a result,
the gravitational field, and therefore the definition of what is to be
meant by distance, cease to be completely defined. As we keep on
adding excitations corresponding to shorter and shorter
wavelengths to the gravitational field, we come to a certain length
at which the measurement of space and time becomes totally
undefinable. Beyond this, the whole notion of space and time as
we know it would face out, into something that is at present
unspecifiable. So, it would be reasonable to suppose, at least
provisionally, that this is the shortest wavelength that should be
considered as contributing to the “zero-point” energy of space.395

In short, find that wavelength and one will find the ability to engineer
space-time and all that is in it. One would be able to tap into a virtually
inexhaustible source of energy and utilize it for whatever purpose one
desired. Additionally, Bohm’s remarks also suggest that finding this
frequency would also be a step on the road to the manipulation of gravity
itself.
Bohm, moreover, clearly sees this implication of engineerability, for
he sees the clear implication of his view for the very “construction and
constitution” of matter itself. Indeed, he even goes so far as to give an
approximation of the very frequency that constitutes the “Bohm
wavelength”!

When this length is estimated it turns out to be about 10-33 cm. This
is much shorter than anything thus far probed in physical
experiments (which have got down to about 10-17 cm or so). If one
computes the amount of energy that would be in one cubic

395 Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order, p. 190, emphasis added.

225
 centimetre of space, with this shortest possible wavelength, it turns
out to be very far beyond the total energy of all the matter in the
known universe.
What is implied by this proposal is that what we call empty
space contains an immense background of energy, and that matter
as we know it is a small, “quantized” wavelike excitation on top of
this background, rather like a tiny ripple on a vast sea.396
Before pondering the implications of all this further, it is worth citing
Bohm on the awesome power implied in such a view:

It is being suggested here, then, that what we perceive through the

senses as empty space is actually the plenum, which is the ground
for the existence of everything, including ourselves. The things
that appear to our senses are derivative forms and their true
meaning can be seen only when we consider the plenum, in which
they are generated and sustained, and into which they must
ultimately vanish.
…
In our approach (the) “big bang” is to be regarded as actually
just a “little ripple”. An interesting image is obtained by
considering that in the middle of the actual ocean (i.e., on the
surface of the Earth) myriads of small waves occasionally come
together fortuitously with such phase relationships that they end
up in a certain small region of space, suddenly to produce a very
high wave which just appears as if from nowhere and out of
nothing. Perhaps something like this could happen in the immense
ocean of cosmic energy, creating a sudden wave pulse, from which
our “universe” would be born.397

Observe quite carefully what Bohm has just stated, for it is crucial to all
that follows: matter itself, in all its variegated forms, is the result of an
interferometry – of the “mixing” – of several waves of various
wavelengths, all of them in turn harmonics or overtones of the “Bohm
wavelength”. It is the very technology of the creation ex nihilo, of the
ability of the physical medium to create information and systems by
wave-mixing. It is the technology of creation from nothing: alchemy. And

396 Ibid., pp. 190-191, emphasis added.

397 Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order, pp. 191–192, emphasis added.

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there is one final consequence of Bohm’s views, and that is that in order
to give relative system stability to such waves, or rather to the systems
that such waves generate, the easiest way to do so is via rotation.
A consequence inevitably follows from this view, and that is that
rotating material systems – whether stars or particles – are thus natural
resonators of such waves, and hence to understand the pattern of
interference of such waves, one had therefore to monitor the geometrical
positions of significant objects in local space-time. In short, Bohm, with
his view that matter is a “portal” and a glimpse into this higher-
dimensional reality and its energies, has provided a rationale for two
things: the ancient preoccupation with astrology, and the ancient
preoccupation with alchemy, for both are manifestations of one and the
same physics. Matter, to put it succinctly, is but a standing wave of
interferometry of other waves; matter itself is a grid or template of
interference of such waves. This forms the link to alchemy, for as such,
matter emerges as information within the field of the physical medium.
To put it succinctly, matter is mutable, or in the language of alchemy,
transmutable, since the physical medium itself, the Philosophers’ Stone
par excellence, transmutes itself into the diversity of the material
creation. This idea of matter as a template of the interferometry of such
waves will play a key role when we turn to examine the placement of
sacred temples along a certain earth grid in the next chapter, and an even
more crucial role as a connecting concept typing together all the disparate
data points in this book upon its conclusion.

b. The Foundation for the Study of Cycles Notices a Similar

Thing
Oddly enough, the Foundation for the Study of Cycles noticed a very
similar thing. We have already encountered the fact that the Foundation’s
founder, Edward Dewey, compared the many cycles in its database to
wave forms, and noticed the fact that various waves of cycles could be
“averaged” together, like sound waves.
Ray Tomes, a member of the Foundation, wrote an interesting paper
presented at the Foundation’s February 1990 conference. The paper’s
title is pregnant with implications: “Towards a Unified Theory of
Cycles”. In it, Tomes pursues Dewey’s and Dakin’s sound wave analogy
to a breathtaking conclusion:

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 Eventually I realised that the pattern of frequencies present in …
corn prices was the same as the arrangement of frequencies of the
white notes on a piano… This was peculiar, and going back to my
early common economic cycles study I realised that the ratios
4:5:6:8 were exactly those of a major chord in music! Why are
economic series playing major chords and scales in very slow
motion?
Research showed that such patterns had been observed and
reported before by several contributors to Cycles magazine.398 One
of these was D.S. Castle (1956) who found that stock market
cycles fit the musical scale. The pattern found ranged over three
octaves, and all seven white notes plus one black note were present
in at least one octave.399

Tomes’ suggestion, in other words, is simply one and the same as that of
David Bohm, namely, that one might find “the ultimate wavelength” or
frequency of all types of cycles of which all others are but harmonics or
derivations from it.

c. The Well-Tempered Clavier: The First Physical Unification

The suggestion is not as far removed from physical reality as it might
at first seem, for the modern Western musical scale with its 12
equidistant “notes” are in fact the example of the first unification in
physics. In order to see how, one may perform a simple exercise. If one
sits at an acoustic piano and silently presses the note “C”, and then hits
the same note “C” an octave lower, one will hear the strings of the
silently pressed note vibrating sympathetically with the struck note. The
reason is simplicity itself. Each string on the piano vibrates not only with
the entire length of the string, but simultaneously also vibrates in various
fractions of that length. Thus, each note has an “overtone” or “harmonic”
series of notes. Therefore, one can then press silently the next note in
“C’s” harmonic series, the note “G”, and hit the same “C” as before.
Once again, one will hear the silently pressed note “G” vibrating

398I.e., the Foundation’s private magazine.

399 Ray Tomes, “Towards a Unified Theory of Cycles”, paper presented at The
Foundation for the Study of Cycles conference proceedings February 1990,
www.cyclesresearchinstitute.org, p. 4, italicized emphasis added, boldface emphasis in
the original.

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sympathetically with the struck “C”. The next note in the harmonic series
above “G” is again the note “C”, then the note “E”, and so on. If one is
sitting at the piano keyboard performing this simple experiment, one will
notice that the intervals of each harmonic overtone of the original “C”
are growing shorter, first the octave (the first silently pressed “C”), then
a fifth, the note “G”, then again another “C” above that, which is a fourth,
then the note “E”, which is a third, and so on. But eventually one will
arrive, in the naturally occurring harmonic series, at a note that lies
somewhere in the “crack” between the notes “A” and “B flat” on the
piano keyboard.
But why does the piano (or any other keyboard instrument, for that
matter) not have that note? The answer is simple. If that note were
present, then it would be impossible to play a piece that continually
changed keys. One would only be able to play a very limited series of
chords. To change keys from, say, “C” to “D”, one would literally have
to stop and retune the whole keyboard. So, what has happened?
What happened was that between the stylistic change in music
between the Renaissance and the Baroque, musicians learned to “tweak”
the harmonic series, to tamper with it, or, as they liked to say, to “temper”
it, by a slight mathematical adjustment of the natural overtone series, that
would in turn create 12 equidistant notes, each one a harmonic of all
others, and thus music could change through as many keys as it wished
in the course of a piece, without having to stop and retune the whole
instrument. In this way, each harmonic series of each note on the
keyboard, which originally and naturally did not overlap completely,
were engineered to do so, and thus were unified.400
In short, and bearing this analogy in mind, what physicist David
Bohm is actually suggesting, as a way forward into the deeper physics of
engineering the medium itself, is that there is a frequency of which all
others – from sound to electromagnetic waves even to gravitational
waves – are harmonics. He is proposing, in effect, a very ancient idea,
that of the music of the spheres, a well-tempered clavier of the universe
itself. He is proposing a modern physics analogue to the “lost word” and
“lost chord” of esoteric lore.

400For the subject of the engineering approach to physics unification, rather than a
theoretical approach to such unification, see my The Giza Death Star (Adventures
Unlimited Press, 2001).

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 d. Nikolai Kozyrev’s Causal Mechanics and Precursor
Engineering
If David Bohm clearly implied a direct engineerability of the physical
medium along the lines of a “well-tempered” harmonic unification of
physics, then Russian astrophysicist Dr. Nikolai Kozyrev went one step
further by implying the ability to engineer not effects, but causes directly.
Such an ability implies that Kozyrev had a rather more
unconventional view of time than does standard physics. For Kozyrev,
time was not a mere duration, a passive stage on which physical events
were enacted;401 rather, time itself was an actor on the stage that, like
space, had a multi-dimensional character and quality. An analogy will be
useful to illustrate this point. Ordinarily physics tends to think of time in
terms of the future, the present, and the past, i.e., as simple duration.402
But human natural languages view time in a much subtler, deeper, and
“qualitative” sense, with a variety of verb tenses and voices: future
perfect, pluperfect, past perfect, active and passive voices, and so on. In
a sense, natural languages therefore view time and the correlations
between systems in a much deeper and more sophisticated manner than
does physics.
It was this subtlety that Kozyrev intended to explore, and to render
into the formally explicit language of mathematics. This complexity and
subtlety of interrelationships Kozyrev located in the “rotation moment”
of a given system, that is, the subtleties of time and of the interactions of
systems could be modelled as a series of interlocking, and interfering,
systems of rotation, or “dynamic torsion”.403 Time itself could impart its
own intensity – Kozyrev’s word for “compression”, implying its
opposite, rarefaction – to a system, as well as impart a spin orientation to
a system.404 Through a series of extremely subtle experiments with
gyroscopes, balances, and in some cases, even telescopes, Kozyrev was
able to determine that prior to the inception of any physical action, a kind
of “pre-action” would be recorded by his measuring equipment, almost
as if the equipment was “anticipating” the physical action itself.405
“Cause” and “effect” were therefore themselves the result of a lower-
dimensional fracture or breaking of a higher-dimensional unity and

401 Q.v. my The Philosophers’ Stone (Feral House, 2009), pp. 164–65.
402 Ibid., pp. 151–169.
403 Farrell, The Philosophers’ Stone, pp. 166–167.
404 Ibid., pp. 176–178.
405 Ibid., p. 179.

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symmetry, much like Bohm’s projection analogy. By noting the temporal
conditions under which these “pre-actions” or “precursors” occurred, one
could eventually engineer the precursors to any physical action.
Thus, bearing in mind Kozyrev’s “precursor engineering”, and to
return to Bohm’s analysis of matter itself as a set of waves in the medium
that are interfered upon one another, producing what Dewey and Dakin
would call an “averaged” wave, then one may imagine a horrific
possibility, namely, the exact mirror image of such a wave which,
interfered upon the original, would sum to zero, or exactly cancel it out,
making the “something” a nothing again. The ultimate in “precursor”
engineering was the power to erase an effect of a physical action
altogether, by eradicating its cause.
Furthermore, Bohm’s and Kozryev’s deeper physics behind the
apparently stochastic processes of quantum mechanics implies a similar
deeper physics behind the apparently stochastic processes of
econophysics as well. Indeed, if one can, pace Kozyrev, engineer the
precursors of effects – if one can actually engineer causes – then this
implies that one could indeed engineer the precursors of economic
activity, since the means to do so, direct engineering of the physical
medium itself, is implied in both cases.
Consequently, one now has a speculative basis upon which to advance
the reasons for the close association of the banking class throughout
history with the temple, that is to say, with that element or class within
human society that has at least some grasp on this deeper physics:
banking is in effect an alchemical operation of creating information out
of nothing, in this case the information of credit and debt, for the latter is
but a dim and pale technological reflection in the realm of finance of the
analogous, but deeper, operations in physics. And it is similarly likely
that this relationship was formed precisely so that by utilizing the latter,
the former technology and deeper physics might ultimately be recovered.
In short, were such a physics to be recovered, an alliance with as many
temple priesthoods was altogether necessary, for each most likely
preserved some fragment of it, which when appropriately assembled
would be once more accessible. It provides also a rationale for their
obsessive interest, since ancient times, in “world unification and
domination”, for on the one hand, it is likely that vast financial resources
– resources transcending the wealth of any one civilization in ancient or
modern times – would be needed to reconstruct such a deeper physics,
and on the other hand, a world extent is needed in order to maintain the

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suppression of any independent development or recovery of such a
technology by potential rivals.

B. ECONOMICS, ASTROLOGY, AND ASTROPHYSICS

There are two streams of data that now converge to exhibit a probable
deeper physics to economic activity: on the one hand, the vast database
of wave-like forms from the Foundation for the Study of Cycles, and on
the other, the implications of David Bohm’s implicate order, where
matter itself is the result, and hence a natural resonator, of such waves.
As noted in chapter two, one of the implications of the Foundation for
the Study of Cycles’ database was that economic cycles, precisely
because they seemed to have some sort of underlying physics basis –
recall Dewey’s and Dakin’s sound wave analogy once again – were to
that extent and in a certain sense “beyond the total rule of man’s
conscious will”.406 But there is another kind of database that Dewey and
Dakin did not consult, but it too suggests a profoundly deep physics to
economic activity.
And that database is astrology.
Astrologers have, of course, been casting “mundane horoscopes” for
various nations for decades, if not centuries and millennia, and more
recently, many have noticed the odd correlations of certain recurrent
planetary alignments and periods of economic boom or bust. One to do
so is Robert Gover in a recent, and fascinating, book called Time and
Money: The Economy and the Planets. He begins by noting the fact that
Saturn orbits the sun every 28–30 earth years, Uranus 84 years, Neptune
165 years, and Pluto 248 years.407 He then notes the importance of these
outer planets for astrological economic observation: since the other
planets – Jupiter, Mars, the Earth, Venus, and Mercury – all move too
rapidly around the Sun, they cannot be used “to mark years or decades
of major economic cycles”.408 He then states his main thesis, one more
or less well-known to astrologers, but not well-known outside such
circles:

406 Dewey and Dakin, Cycles: The Science of Prediction, p. 191.

407 Robert Gover, Time and Money: The Economy and the Planets (Hopewell
Publications, 2005), p. 2.
408 Ibid.

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 Every time the USA has gone through a great depression, the
outermost, slowest moving planets have formed what astrologers
call a grand cross with the USA’s natal Sun and Saturn. Every time
Uranus has returned to early Gemini where it was when the USA
was “born” July 4, 1776, America has experienced its worst wars.
Every time Uranus and Pluto have moved into conjunctions or 90-
degree squares and simultaneously come conjunct, opposite of
square sensitive points in the U.S. birth chart, America has
experienced social changes or upheavals…
Other wars occur when the U.S. natal Uranus is “afflicted” by
transiting planets, as happened when the World Trade Center and
Pentagon were attacked. Saturn and Pluto form 180-degree
oppositions three times a century, the latest being in effect on
September 11, 2001. The previous Saturn-Pluto opposition
coincided with the tempestuous period we now call the Sixties, the
one before that with what we now call The Great Depression.409

Gover then explains what four of the most significant conjunctions or

alignments are. We shall focus on only two of them:

A Grand Cross aspect is created when four planets form

simultaneous squares and oppositions to each other. This is a rare
aspect which brings obstructions, tensions, frustrations, i.e. a
grand cross to the U.S. Sun-Saturn square has formed each time
the USA has fallen into a great depression.
A Grand Trine aspect is also rare, and is formed by a triangle
of three planets 120 degrees from each other, creating harmonious
flows of energy, good fortune and opportunities.410

It is odd that the Grand Cross conjunction bears such a strange

resemblance to the planetary positions charts of RCA engineer Nelson.
Grand Crosses form such a common feature to U.S. depressions that
Gover actually formulates it as a kind of astrological law: “No grand
cross, no great depression”.411 However, Gover notes that in this respect,
astrological “prediction” is not to be misconstrued:

409 Gover, Time and Money, pp. 2–3.

410 Ibid., p. 10, emphases in the original.
411 Ibid., p. 51.

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 If we view the planets around us in our solar system as a huge
celestial clock, the first thing history teaches us is that the celestial
clock is not mechanically precise like our earthly clocks. Although
we can discern from history when like economic events are due,
clock-like prediction isn’t possible. Certain planetary patterns
create seasons when certain types of events can be expected. But
the planets cannot tell us specifically how events will unfold, nor
how we will respond. We know when winter is nigh but not how
cold it will get. Some hurricane seasons bring great devastation,
others are less severe.412

With this said, a glance at Gover’s charts is in order.

The first American Great Depression occurred in the 1780s. His chart
looks like this:

Robert Gover’s Astrological Chart for the American Great Depression of

the 1780s413

412 Gover, Time and Money, p. 70, emphasis added.

413 Ibid., p. 41.

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 If one takes the time to decipher the planetary symbols, then one finds
“Saturn was at 15 degrees Capricorn which puts it opposite the U.S. natal
Sun at 13 Cancer; meanwhile, Mars at 21 Aries is within orb or an
opposition to (the U.S.A’.s) natal Saturn at 15 degrees of Libra”.414 In
short, a Grand Cross was formed between the planetary positions during
the 1780s great depression, and that of their positions at the time of the
U.S.A’.s birth.415
Similarly, a Grand Cross is formed during the Great Depression of
the 1870s.416

Robert Gover’s Astrological Chart for the American Great Depression of

the 1930s417

414 Ibid., p. 40.

415 Gover, Time and Money, p. 44.
416 Ibid.
417 Gover, Time and Money, p. 45.

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 This chart chows a Grand Cross between Saturn, at 13 degrees
Capricorn square with Uranus at 11 degrees Aries, and opposite (i.e., at
180 degrees) with the U.S.A’.s natal Sun and Saturn.418
That these Grand Crosses have a malign influence would seem, at
least as a prima facie case, to be a given. But is there any real-world
physics correlation?
The answer to this question is as easy as reproducing one of Nelson’s
charts from his RCA study of planetary alignments and radio signal
propagation.

Nelson’s Chart of Venus-Jupiter Opposition419

418
Ibid., p. 47.
James Nelson, “Shortwave Radio Propagation Correlation with Planetary Positions”.
419

Conference paper presented to the AIEE Subcommittee on Energy Sources, AIEE

General Winter Meeting, January 1952.

236
Note the similarity is once again that planets, in this case the inner
planets, are in certain relationships to each other, relations of 90 degrees
or some harmonic thereof, i.e., 180 or 270 degrees.420
Thus, if the Foundation for the Study of Cycles’ database and Gover’s
(and other astrologers’) charts are any indicator, then we can now draw
even closer to an understanding of the relationship that was seen to exist
between banking and the temple in ancient times, for the astrological
data of economic boom and bust would have been known by them from
ancient times, and it would have been crucial for the “financial powers
in the know” to have such data available, in order to exacerbate or damp
the overall trend of boom or bust within a cycle.
With this in mind, a glance at the evidence gathered by Ellen Hodgson
Brown, whose book was mentioned in the Prologue, is in order, for a
comparison of the activities of banksters relative to Gover’s astrological
charts is quite revealing.

C. ELLEN HODGSON BROWN

1. The Depression of the 1780s and the Banksters

Brown points out something that most modern Americans do not
know, and that is, that prior to the American Revolution, most of the
colonies printed their own paper money – debt-free – and actually made
loans to farmers and businessmen. The result was a booming economy
and almost full employment. When Benjamin Franklin went to England
prior to the revolution, he was asked about the source of this prosperity
“by the directors of the Bank of England”, and Franklin responded that
the colonies “issued paper money ‘in proper proportion to the demands
of trade and industry’”.421 But what was the “backing” of this money?

420 Ibid. The dissimilarities should also be noted, for Gover’s focus is on the outer planets,
namely, the gas giants and Pluto (recently demoted from planetary status). Additionally,
Gover, in classical astrological fashion, notes which zodiacal house the planets are in,
whereas Nelson does not.
421 Ellen Hodgson Brown, Web of Debt: The Shocking Truth about Our Money System

and How We Can Break Free (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Third Millennium, 2008), p. 39.
If there is one book the reader should read about the history of privately-issued debt
money versus state-issued credit money, this book is it. It is thoroughly documented and
well-written. Brown especially excels at exposing the fallacious assumptions of many
that a mere return to the “gold standard” would resolve the problem. As we have already
seen, bullion itself is subject to manipulation by the “bullion brokers” or banksters.

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The colonies, however, had little silver and gold with which to back their
issues of paper currency. With what, then, was it backed? The then
famous Protestant minister in New England, Cotton Mather, made clear
what the backing of this colonial scrip was by asking a pointed series of
questions:

Is a Bond or Bill of Exchange for (one thousand pounds), other

than paper? And yet it is not as valuable as so much Silver or Gold,
supposing the security of Payment is sufficient? Now what is the
security of your Paper-money less than the Credit of the whole
Country?422

As Brown notes, “Mather had redefined money. What it represented was

not a sum of gold or silver. It was credit: ‘the credit of the whole
country’”.423 Within the context of the evidence presented thus far, and
in particular, the analysis of David Astle reviewed in chapter five, what
Mather had really done is return to the very ancient conception of money
prior to the rise of the international bankster class of bullion brokers in
ancient times; what he had done was to return to the idea of money as a
credit bill against the surpluses of the state warehouse, and not an
interest-bearing note of private issuance.

Franklin stated this conception somewhat differently: “The riches of a

country are to be valued by the quantity of labour its inhabitants are able
to purchase and not by the quantity of gold and silver they possess”.424
The difference is striking, for

when gold was the medium of exchange, money determined

production rather than production determining the money supply.
When gold was plentiful, things got produced. When it was scarce,
men were out of work and people knew want. The virtue of
government-issued paper scrip was that it could grow along with
productivity, allowing potential to become real wealth.425

422 Brown, op. cit., p. 37.

423 Ibid.
424 Ibid.
425 Ibid., emphasis added.

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Franklin elaborated on the source of colonial prosperity to his English
hosts, and his words are worth taking to heart, for in them one discerns
the clear difference between a closed system of “debt-as-money” or
monetized debt, and an open system of money as a medium of exchange
of production and credit:

In the colonies we issue our own money. It is called Colonial

Scrip. We issue it to pay the government’s approved expenses and
charities. We make sure it is issued in proper proportions to make
the goods pass easily from the producers to the consumers…. In
this manner, creating for ourselves our own paper money, we
control its purchasing power, and we have no interest to pay to
anyone. You see, a legitimate government can both spend and lend
money into circulation, while banks can only lend significant
amounts of their promissory bank notes, for they can neither give
away nor spend but a tiny fraction of the money people need. Thus,
when your banks here in England place money in circulation, there
is always a debt principal to be returned and usury to be paid. The
result is that you have always too little credit in circulation to give
the workers full employment. You do not have too many workers,
you have too little money in circulation, and that which circulates,
all bears the endless burden of unpayable debt and usury.426

Franklin has seen the essential criminality and fraud that is central
banking, for the governments pursuing a policy of “monetizing the debt”
only means that they are beholden to a private monopoly, which issues
“debt as money”, whereas the colonial experience – and the very ancient
experience – was that true money was credit on the productive surplus
of the state, and hence, only the state could issue it.
Needless to say, England’s banksters were not about to allow this
situation to continue, allowing the colonists to gain prosperity without
enriching their own parasitic coffers. Thus, the Bank of England parlayed
its influence in Parliament to get the 1764 Currency Act passed, which
made it illegal for the colonies to issue their own money. And
predictably, as Franklin observed, a year later the streets of the colonies
were filled with the unemployed and beggars.427 And it was this

426
Brown, op. cit., pp. 40-41, italicized emphasis in the original, boldface emphasis
added.
427 Ibid., p. 41.

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substitution of debt as money, the replacement of real money by the
facsimile of money that, according to Franklin, was the real cause of the
Revolution.428
When the Revolutionary War finally came, the Continental Congress
financed the entire endeavour by once again resorting to the expedient of
issuing its own paper scrip as a circulating debt note of the state to be
redeemed by coinage at a future date.429 Of course, the Continental
Congress issued too much of this scrip, some two hundred million
dollars’ worth, so that by the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, the
scrip was basically worthless.
But the real lesson was not in the dangers of a state hyper-inflating its
state-issued credit notes. The real lesson was that the Continental
Congress’ scrip

still evoked the wonder and admiration of foreign observers,

because it allowed the colonists to do something that had never
been done before. They succeeded in financing a war against a
major power, with virtually no “hard” currency of their own,
without taxing the people. Franklin wrote … during the war, “the
whole is a mystery even the politicians, how we could pay with
paper that had no previously fixed fund appropriated specifically
to redeem it. This currency as we manage it is a wonderful
machine. Thomas Paine called it a “corner stone” of the
Revolution: “Every stone in the Bridge, that has carried us over,
seems to have claim upon our esteem. But this was a corner stone,
and its usefulness cannot be forgotten”.430

Alas, it is a lesson the American people and the two political parties that
supposedly “represent” them seems all but forgotten in modern times.
Of course, the British were fully aware of how their rebellious
colonies were funding their Revolution, and purposed to crash the
currency by the time-tested tactic of counterfeiting. One British general
cited by Brown in her book noted that every art of counterfeiting had
been tried, but, to his chagrin, “still the currency has not failed”.431 It was
only after the successful Revolution that the Continental Scrip failed, as

428 Ibid.
429 Brown, op. cit., p. 43.
430 Ibid., emphasis in the original.
431 Ibid., p. 44.

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the very same Founding Fathers grew understandably disillusioned with
the resulting devaluation that inflation of the supply – not to mention the
counterfeit scrip in circulation – caused. The result of this deliberate
speculation against the American Continental Scrip was predictable, for
the Founding Fathers rebelled against the very paper money-as-credit
against the state’s future productive surplus after the war by stating that
Congress had the power to make “and coin” money. In other words, the
Continental Congress had fallen into the old trap of the issuance of the
facsimile of money, of money as debt, even if that debt were the credit
against a future surplus of the state.

The notes represented debt, and the debt had now come due. The
bearers expected to get their gold, and the gold was not to be had.
There was insufficient supply of money for conducting trade.
Tightening the money supply by limiting it to coins had quickly
precipitated another depression. In 1786, a farmers’ rebellion
broke out in Massachusetts, led by Daniel Shays. Farmers
brandishing pitchforks complained of going heavily into debt
when paper money was plentiful. When it was no longer available
and debts had to be repaid in the much scarcer “hard” coin of the
British bankers, some farmer lost their farms.432

The immediate result of this First American “Great Depression” then,

was of course the call for a stronger central government and a means for
it to create “an expandable money supply”, and the convocation of the
assembly that eventually led to the draft of the current American
Constitution.433
At this juncture, it is worth citing Ellen Brown’s comments
extensively:

The solution of Treasury Secretary Hamilton was to “monetize”

the national debt, by turning it into a source of money for the
country. He proposed that a national bank be authorized to print
up banknotes and swap them for the government’s bonds. The
government would pay regular interest on the debt, using import
duties and money from the sale of public land. Opponents said that

432 Brown, op. cit., p. 47, emphasis added.

433 Ibid.

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 acknowledging the government’s debt at face value would unfairly
reward the speculators who had bought up the country’s I.O.U.s
for a pittance from the soldiers, farmers and small businessmen
who had actually earned them; but Hamilton argued that the
speculators had earned this windfall for their “faith in the
country”. He thought the government needed to enlist the support
of the speculators, or they would do to the new country’s money
what they had done to the Continental….
Jefferson, Hamilton’s chief political opponent, feared that
giving private wealthy citizens an ownership interest in the bank
would link their interests too closely within it. The government
would be turned into an oligarchy, a government of the rich at war
with the working classes. A bank owned by private stockholders,
whose driving motive was profit, would be less likely to be
responsive to the needs of the public than one that was owned by
the public and subject to public oversight. Stockholders of a
private bank would make their financial decisions behind closed
doors, without public knowledge or control.
But Hamilton’s plan had other strategic advantages, and it won
the day. Besides neatly disposing of a crippling federal debt and
winning over the “men of wealth”, it secured the loyalty of the
individual States by making their debts too exchangeable for stock
in the new Bank. The move was controversial; but by stabilizing
the States’ shaky finances, Hamilton got the States on board,
thwarting the plans of the pro-British faction that hoped to split
them up and establish a Northern Confederacy.434

It is worth pausing at this juncture to observe, in the context of Gover’s

astrological chart of the Great Depression of the 1780s, what we have:

1. The Continental Congress’ scrip was essentially not the same thing
as Colonial scrip, in that it was debt money issued against a future
promise to pay, some of which was a promise to pay in bullion
which the colonies did not have in abundance. Hence, the
Continental Scrip inevitably opened itself to speculation and
counterfeiting by the very European and British banksters who held
a virtual monopoly on bullion supplies;

434 Brown, op. cit., pp. 47–48, emphasis added.

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 2. The inevitable result, as the value of the Continental plunged after
the Revolution and the money supply contracted to reflect the scarce
bullion supply, was that the post-Revolutionary states could not pay
their debt, and an inevitable depression occurred as the supply of
money contracted and private debt-holders were not able to service
that debt;
3. the result of this sequence of events led to the calling of the
Constitutional convention, the formulation of the current American
constitutional system, and the first chartered private central bank of
the United States which issued the facsimile of money based on
monetized debt;
4. The alternative fear, which Hamilton voiced, was that “private
speculators” would manipulate any new American currency via
speculation and counterfeiting, driving it to similar worthlessness,
and splitting the new American nation if they themselves were not
given some stake in the new currency as a vested class interest.

In short, almost from the beginning of the current constitutional system

of America, an uneasy compromise – a détente – was struck with the
banksters to allow the new nation to survive, and enrich that class in the
process. And during all this period, as Gover noted, the planets were in
certain alignments….

2. The Depression of the 1870s and the Banksters

The American depression of the 1870s again followed yet another war
in American history, the War Between the States. And like the American
Revolution, at least one of the leaders of the belligerent parties, as is now
well-known, chose to finance his side of the war by issuing state-created
debt-free money, i.e., money as credit on the productive output of the
nation. His name, of course, was Abraham Lincoln, and the fiscal lessons
of his presidency and its immediate aftermath are once again worth
rehearsing in some detail.
German Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck wrote a curious thing in 1876
about the fiscal policies of the Lincoln Administration:

I know of absolute certainty, that the division of the United States

into federations of equal force was decided long before the Civil
War by the high financial powers of Europe. These bankers were
afraid that the United States, if they remained in one block and as

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 one nation, would attain economic and financial independence,
which would upset their financial domination over Europe and the
world. Of course, in the ‘inner circle’ of Finance, the voice of the
Rothschilds prevailed. They saw an opportunity for prodigious
booty if they could substitute two feeble democracies burdened
with debt to the financiers… in place of a vigorous Republic
sufficient unto herself. Therefore, they sent their emissaries into
the field to exploit the question of slavery and to drive a wedge
between the two parts of the Union…. The rupture between the
North and the South became inevitable; the masters of European
finance employed all their forces to bring it about and to turn it to
their advantage.435

There was just one problem. President Lincoln refused to go into debt to
the private class of banksters to fund the Northern effort in the Civil War.
Chancellor Bismarck’s comment is worth citing:

The Government and the nation escaped the plots of the foreign
financiers. They understood at once, that the United States would
escape their grip. The death of Lincoln was resolved upon.436

Bismarck, in other words, in his customary direct way, was simply

stating that the “inner circle of European financiers” led by the
Rothschilds had had Lincoln murdered as a punishment and message to
those who dare presume to challenge their power.
While Lincoln was busily issuing his Greenback debt-free scrip,
however, the banksters were busily hatching a scheme of their own in
Congress through their own faction. Once again, it is essential to cite
Ellen Brown extensively in order to appreciate what the scam was, and
how it was effected:

While one faction in Congress was busy getting the Greenbacks

issued to fund the war, another faction was preparing a National
Banking Act that would deliver a monopoly over the power to
create the nation’s money supply to the Wall Street bankers and
their European affiliates. The National Banking Act was promoted

435 Brown, op. cit., pp. 89–90, emphasis added by Brown.

436 Ibid., p. 91.

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as establishing safeguards for the new national banking system;
but while it was an important first step toward a truly national
bank, it was only a compromise with the bankers, and buried in
the fine print, it gave them exactly what they wanted. A private
communication from a Rothschild investment house in London to
an associate banking firm in New York dated June 25, 1863,
confided:
“The few who understand the system will either be so
interested in its profits or so dependent upon its favours that there
will be no opposition from that class, while, on the other hand, the
great body of people, mentally incapable of comprehending …
will bear its burdens without complaint”.
The Act looked good on its face. It established a Comptroller
of the Currency, whose authority was required before a National
Banking Association could start business. It laid down regulations
covering minimum capitalization, reserve requirements, bad
debts, and reporting. The Comptroller could at any time appoint
investigators to look into the affairs of any national bank. Every
bank director had to be an American citizen, and three-quarters of
the directors had to be residents of the state in which the bank did
business. Interest rates were limited by State usury laws; and if no
laws were in effect, then to 7 percent. Banks could not hold real
estate for more than five years, except for bank buildings. National
banks were not allowed to circulate notes they printed themselves.
Instead, they had to deposit U.S. bonds with the Treasury in a sum
equal to at least one-third of their capital. They got government-
printed notes in return.
So, what was the problem? Although the new national
banknotes were technically issued by the Comptroller of the
Currency, this was just a formality, like the printing of Federal
Reserve Notes by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing today. The
currency bore the name of the bank posting the bonds, and it was
issued at the bank’s request. In effect, the National Banking Act
authorized the bankers to issue and lend their own paper money.
The banks “deposited” the bonds with the Treasury, but they still
owned the bonds; and they immediately got their money back in
the form of their own banknotes. Topping it off, the National
Banking Act effectively removed the competition to these
banknotes. It imposed a heavy tax on the notes of the state-

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 chartered banks, essentially abolishing them. It also curtailed
competition from the Greenbacks, which were limited to specific
issues while the bankers’ notes could be issued at will. Treasury
Secretary Salmon P. Chase and others complained that the
bankers were buying up the Greenbacks with their own
banknotes.437

In other words, what the National Banking Act really did was allow the
banksters effectively to outproduce the government Greenbacks in issues
of their own debt-bearing banknotes, which the banksters then used to
buy Greenbacks and take them out of circulation!
The banksters followed this up in 1873 with the so-called Act that
became known popularly as the “Crime of ’73”, an act which effectively
forbade the coinage of silver as legal tender, effectively placing America
on the gold standard once again. Predictably, the Act led to a vastly
shrunken money supply, unemployment, and the Depression of the
1870s. The result was similar to the bankster-engineered Depression of
the 1780s, for it led to a political “revolt” of powerful farmers who
formed the appropriately named Greenback Party, calling for the
issuance of state-created debt-free money directly, which money was to
be used putting people back to work improving the infrastructure of the
country.438 While the Greenbacks never succeeded in placing a national
candidate of their own into the White House, their message was heard,
and in 1881 James Garfield became President of the United States of
America. Garfield proclaimed:

Whosoever controls the volume of money in any country is the

absolute master of all industry and commerce…And when you
realize that the entire system is very easily controlled, one way or
another, by a few powerful men at the top, you will not have to be
told how periods of inflation and depression originate.439

As Brown notes, “Garfield was murdered not long after releasing this
statement, when he was less than four months into his presidency”.440 We
shall have occasion to return to a consideration of President Garfield’s

437 Brown, op. cit., pp. 91–92, emphasis added.

438 See Brown’s discussion on pp. 93–95.
439 Ibid., p. 94, emphasis added.
440 Ibid.

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remarks in a moment, but for now, be it noted, that he has clearly
insinuated that the cycles of boom and bust are artificially created by the
banksters, whereas the cycles data assembled by Edward Dewey, and the
astrological data assembled by Gover, clearly indicate that such things
appear to have much deeper causes than just human actions, and are, to
a certain extent, inevitable. So … what is really going on?
A hint is perhaps gained by the fact that

1. in the cases of both depressions examined thus far, both occurred

after a major war; and,
2. both occurred after the government in each case decided to fund the
war by issuance of debt-free money, bypassing the banksters
completely; and,
3. the banksters retaliated against that currency by unleashing various
forms of speculation and manipulation against it, through
counterfeiting, or by otherwise removing the government’s
currency from circulation; and
4. in each instance thus far, this resulted in the deliberate tightening of
the money supply and a corresponding loss of jobs, production, and
an economic depression.

These patterns reach the nadir of their expression in the greatest

Depression of them all, the Great Depression of the 1930s.

3. The Great Depression of the 1930s and the Banksters

By the time of the Great Depression, the great struggle between the
federal government of the United States of America and the private
banksters had finally been won by the latter with the creation of the
privately owned Federal Reserve Bank in 1913, and its thinly-disguised
police force agency, the Internal Revenue Service, the agency
responsible for gathering the newly created federal income tax that was
designed specifically to pay the regular interest payments to the
banksters loaning money at interest to the government. Then began the
deliberately and quietly orchestrated run-up to the Great Depression:

The problem began in the Roaring Twenties, when the Fed made
money plentiful by keeping interest rates low. Money seemed to
be plentiful, but what was actually flowing freely was “credit” or
“debt”. Production was up more than wages were up, so more

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 goods were available than the money to pay for them; but people
could borrow. By the end of the 1920s, major consumer purchases
such as cars and radios (which were then large pieces of furniture
that sat on the floor) were bought mainly on credit. Money was so
easy to get that people were borrowing just to invest, taking out
short-term, low-interest loans that were readily available from the
banks.
The stock market held little interest for most people until the
Robber Barons started promoting it, after amassing large stock
holdings very cheaply themselves. They sold the public on the idea
that it was possible to get rich quick by buying stock on “margin”
(or on credit). The investor could put a down payment on the stock
and pay off the balance after its price went up, reaping a hefty
profit. This investment strategy turned the stock market into a
speculative pyramid scheme, in which most of the money invested
did not actually exist. … The public went wild over this scheme.
In a speculative fever, many people literally “bet the farm”. …
Homesteads that had been owned free and clear were mortgaged
to the bankers, who fanned the fever by offering favourable credit
terms and interest rates. The Federal Reserve made these
favourable terms possible by substantially lowering the discount
rate – the interest rate member banks paid to borrow from the Fed.
The Fed thus made it easy for the banks to acquire additional
reserves, against which they could expand the money supply by
many multiples with loans.441

But why, asks Ellen Brown, would the Federal Reserve want to swamp
the U.S. economy with an inflated supply of borrowed “dollars” of
Federal Reserve notes?
The answer is chilling.
“The evidence”, says Brown, “points to a scheme between Benjamin
Strong, then Governor of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, and
Montagu Norman, head of the Bank of England, to deliver control of the
financial systems of the world to a small group of private central
bankers”.442 The reason, according to Dr. Carroll Quigley of the
Georgetown School of International Relations, and himself an “insider”

441 Brown, op. cit., p. 140.

442 Ibid.

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with access to the banksters’ plans, was that during the 1920s, the
privately-owned central banks were determined “to use the financial
power of Britain and the United States to force all the major countries of
the world to go on the gold standard and to operate it through central
banks free from all political control…”443 In other words, the scheme, by
forcing money to be a reflection of the world’s gold supplies, was one of
drastically curtailing the amount of money in circulation as debt, thus
setting off a Depression.
The plan was indeed ingenious for its cold calculation and cunning:

Norman, as head of the Bank of England, was determined to keep

the British pound convertible to gold at pre- [World War I] levels,
although the pound had lost substantial value as against gold
during World War I. The result was a major drain of British gold
reserves. To keep gold from flowing out of England into the
United States, the Federal Reserve, led by Strong, supported the
Bank of England by keeping U.S. interest rates low, inflating the
U.S. dollar. The higher interest rates in London made it a more
attractive place for investors to put their gold, drawing it from the
United States to England; but the lower rates in the United States
caused an inflation bubble, which soon got out of hand. The
meetings between Norman and Strong were very secretive, but the
evidence suggests that in February 1929, they concluded that a
collapse in the market was inevitable and that the best course was
to let it correct “naturally” (naturally, that is, with a little help
from the Fed). They sent advisory warnings to lists of preferred
customers… telling them to get out of the market. Then the Fed
began selling government securities in the open market, reducing
the money supply by reducing the reserves available for backing
them. The bank-loan rate was also increased, causing rates on
brokers’ loans to jump to 20 percent.
The result was a huge liquidity squeeze – a lack of available
money. Short-term loans suddenly became available only at much
higher interest rates, making buying stock on margin much less
attractive. As fewer people bought, stock prices fell, removing the
incentive for new buyers to purchase stocks bought by earlier
buyers on margin. Many investors were forced to sell at a loss by

443 Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 326.

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 “margin calls” (calls by brokers for investors to bring the cash in
their margin accounts up to a certain level after the value of their
stocks had fallen). The panic was on, as investors rushed to dump
their stocks for whatever they could get for them. The stock market
crashed overnight. People withdrew their savings from the banks
and foreigners withdrew their gold, further depleting the reserves
on which the money stock was built. … It was dramatic evidence
of the dangers of delegating the power to control the money supply
to a single autocratic head of an autonomous agency.444

Once again, one has, if one compares this evidence with Gover, that as
the planets entered certain alignments, certain policies were pursued by
the banksters, first, to artificially inflate the money supply, extending
easy credit and debt, and then suddenly contracting it, allowing stock
prices to fall, and allowing the banksters to snap up real assets for a
substantially lower price.
Of course, as all of this was going on, Herbert Hoover was President,
and as we have already seen, he quietly commissioned Commerce
Department economist Edward Dewey to study the reasons for all these
Depressions.

4. Implications
So now let us return to the statements of President James Garfield
cited previously, and to the questions they raised.
Recall that he clearly insinuated that the cycles of boom and bust are
artificially created by the banksters, whereas the cycles data assembled
by Edward Dewey, and the astrological data assembled by Gover,
clearly indicate that such things appear to have much deeper causes than
just human actions, and are, to a certain extent, inevitable. So, … what
is really going on? In each case thus far examined, as these planetary
alignments were occurring, or, more importantly, as a glance at Dewey’s
cyclic data would indicate, each downturn, and particularly that of the
Great Depression of the 1930s, came at a moment when the data
suggested that this was more or less inevitable, regardless of what actions
might have been taken by various governments or banksters.
So, let us now make two assumptions, based on the assembled data:

444
Brown, op. cit., pp. 141–142, all italicized and boldface emphases added.

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 1. The cyclic data of Dewey suggested that a downturn was inevitable
precisely during the time of the 1930s Depression, and the
cosmological data assembled by Gover suggested a similar
inevitability for other depressions in American history; and,
2. The presence, since ancient times, of the close association between
the “temple” with its astrological associations and the “banking
class” continued unabated into modern times, a point readily
suggested by the presence of economists of major banks in Dewey’s
own Foundation. Gover’s astrological data, moreover, would be
available to any astrologer capable of casting a mundane horoscope,
and hence, readily available to anyone so inclined to assemble such
charts for comparison with the historical evidences of booms and
busts in various economies.

Thus, one is led to an astonished, and rather breathtaking conclusion: it

would appear that anyone in possession of such knowledge as Dewey’s
cycles or astrological data similar to Gover’s would be in a position,
through careful policy manipulation and the contraction of a money
supply based on the facsimile of money-as-circulating-debt, to
dramatically exacerbate and capitalize on the overall upward or
downward trend of such a cycle. Moreover, this appears to be exactly
what happened in the cases of the three great depressions in American
history.
The exact mechanism for these deeper physics influences on human
behaviour is not here in view, however. It may be the case that certain
alignments cause certain types of behaviour to emerge in the aggregate,
which in turn create conditions apt to favour one policy or course of
action over another. Or conversely, it may be that certain types of
influences block the aggregate ability of humans to perceive the subtle
manipulations of these would-be master manipulators, which other types
of influences may magnify human perceptual abilities and discretion. We
simply do not know how this works. But what we do know is that this
astrological component and its connection to the banking classes is as
old as the civilization with which astrology is associated: Babylon itself.
It is an association as old as that of the ancient priesthoods and temples
not only with the stars, but with the bullion brokers. It is interesting to

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note, then, that some allege that the Rothschild family secretly traces its
family dynasty back to the Sumerian tyrant Nimrod.445

D. IMPLICATIONS OF ENGINEERABILITY: THE ANCIENT

ALCHEMICAL CONNECTION

All this implies an “engineerability” to economic trends, even if one

does not possess the technology or means to engineer the physical
medium or thus its cycles themselves, for if one possessed a sufficient
database to know in advance the inevitable cycles of boom and bust, one
may not be able to reverse those cycles, but one could considerably
exacerbate or alleviate their overall effect.
The keystone in the arch linking together all these disparate concepts
– econophysics, astrology, astronomy, Bohm’s and Kozyrev’s precursor
engineering of causation itself, the bullion brokers, the ancient temples –
is alchemy, which in its exoteric aspect is the ability to confect the
Philosophers’ Stone, a substance that can turn base metals into gold, and
in its esoteric aspect is the ability to draw upon the transmutative,
information-creating properties of the physical medium itself for the
power to create or destroy. In its exoteric aspect, therefore, it would be
of immediate concern to the bullion brokers to command such a
technology, to prevent any outside force or faction from utilizing such a
technology to collapse the artificially-created value of their bullion, and
hence ruining their private money-creating power. Similarly, it would be
of immediate interest to those wishing to break that bullion brokers’
monopoly to command that technology. By the same token, the bullion
brokers, by controlling the exoteric aspects of alchemy, would see in it a
means to the vastly expanded powers of its esoteric aspect, the ability to
manipulate and engineer the physical medium itself, thus including even
the cycles of aggregate human behaviour and activity. Once that power
was restored to them, their iron grip on power would be complete.

445 Fritz Springmeier, Bloodlines of the Illuminati, p. 237. Springmeier states that
“According to their own secret family genealogy, which is recorded in a sacred secret
book, the Rothschilds are descended from Nimrod, the great Babylonian warrior leader”.
Of course, a “secret sacred book” means that there is no substantiation of these claims.
However, as will be seen in a subsequent chapter, there is a case that can be made of a
generalized contextual nature in which such claims may be interpreted, and in which they
find a more or less very loose corroboration.

252
 So, notice the stages which have been observed throughout the
previous chapters:

1. In the first stage, the bullion brokers resort to a kind of false

alchemy, i.e., the private creation of credit (and interest debt) by the
fiction of ledger credit entry. This is the financiers’ alchemical
charlatanism, for something has quite literally been created out of
nothing, but that “something” only continues to be something of
value so long as wider society accredits it as such. It is not genuine
information, for it is in fact, in its interest debt creation, the creation
of “negative information”, a black hole of financial entropy that
inevitably must suck all creative production into it and let nothing
escape; it is a financial cancer that inevitably will consume its host,
creating its own death. Lose that confidence, and the value is gone.
Thus, the way to sanctify and ensure that “negative value” was to
associate their money minting and issuing activities with the
sanctity and probity of the various temple priesthoods in each
civilization;
2. In the second stage, alchemy is pursued for its own sake, not only
to increase or expand the supply of bullion, but also to monopolize
that technology lest the too-rapid increase of that supply ruin the
value of the privately-created money which they themselves have
implemented. In short, they must monopolize this technology lest
their money monopoly be challenged by kings intent upon restoring
their crown prerogative of money issuance based upon the creative
production of their state and subjects. And in order to monopolize
it, they must quite literally infiltrate every society and civilization
which appears likely to develop it. It is, perforce, and by the nature
of the case, an international conspiracy, for it must have an
international reach in order to ensure that the economic system
remains closed.
3. In the third stage, which is always the ultimate goal, the bullion
brokers seek to develop the highest alchemical technology of them
all: the ability to engineer the physical medium and its cycles
directly. Since alchemy in its exoteric aspect is based upon its
esoteric aspect, i.e., upon the idea of the physical medium as an
information-creating and transmutative medium, this technology
too must likewise be monopolized, since any rival gaining access to
it could successfully challenge their monopoly of money issuance

253
 and, more importantly, would have the power to overturn them by
force if necessary.

From Morgan’s suppression of Tesla, to Tesla’s own possible

independent use of his wireless impulse transmitter technology in a
weaponized fashion at Tunguska, to Nazi Germany’s restoration of state-
created, debt-free money and to its investigation of this deeper “torsion”-
based physics with its Bell project, to ancient Sparta’s and Rome’s
attempts to restore economic autarchy and Rome’s burning of Egyptian
alchemical books, the pattern is the same:
Wherever there is a private monopoly on the creation of money, there
too one finds the inevitable and covert alliance with the temple of
science, and a mutual interest in the secret development of the deep
alchemical physics of the medium, for that, far beyond the shadowy
imitations of international banksters creating ledger credit entries, is the
ultimate power to create or destroy.
That alliance with the temple gave the ancient bullion brokers yet
another clue on the road to recovering the lost and unified physics: the
placement of such temples on the surface of the Earth itself, and the
repetitive occurrence within those structures of a sacred geometry known
to its priests and initiates…

254
 III.

THE MONSTERS IN THE MACHINE

“In their drive to advance the global empire, corporations, banks, and
governments (collectively the corporatocracy) use their financial and
political muscle to ensure that our schools, business, and media support
both the fallacious concept and its corollary. They have brought us to a
point where our global culture is a monstrous machine that requires
exponentially increasing amounts of fuel and maintenance, so much so
that in the end it will have consumed everything in sight and will be left
with no choice but to devour itself”.
— John Perkins, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, p. xv.

255
 Seven

SACRED SITES AND SCALAR TEMPLES

THE EARTH GRID AND THE TRANSMUTATIVE

MEDIUM

“The modern banking system manufactures money out of nothing. The

process is perhaps the most astounding piece of sleight of hand that was
ever invented… If you want to be slaves of the bankers, and pay the cost
of your own slavery, then let the banks create money”.
— Lord Josiah Stemp, former Director of the Bank of England446

“The deep attitude of the global, mostly male, corporate gang was
expressed by David Rockefeller at the June 1991 Bilderberg meeting in
Baden-Baden, Germany, where he argued for ‘supranational sovereignty
of an intellectual elite and world bankers, which is surely preferable to
the national auto determination practiced in the past centuries’”.
— Daniel Estulin, citing David Rockefeller447

There is little doubt that many ancient temples – from Giza to

Stonehenge to Teotihuacan in Mexico – are aligned to astronomical
phenomena or particular stars or constellations. However, it is equally
true, as noted in chapter four, that many of these temples are aligned, or
rather, situated, to something else, and that is their peculiar siting on the
surface of planet Earth herself. Many researchers, noticing this peculiar
placement, have been able to demonstrate that these sites, if viewed as a
total system, constitute a kind of “gridwork” or imaginary lattice
stretched across the face of the globe. Moreover, these structures, from
the Great Pyramid of Giza to the Parthenon in Athens, to the vast and
ancient pyramids of Mexico, appear to incorporate measures in their
dimensions comprising constants of a “sacred geometry”.

446
Cited in Robert Gover, Time and Money: The Economy and the Planets, p. 4.
447
Daniel Estulin, The True Story of the Bilderberg Group, p. 61.

256
 Consequently, in order to grasp the intricate relationships of deep
physics and deep finance, one must go yet another step further, for if
there was, as has been already seen, a deep and ancient connection
between the ancient temples, their priesthoods, and astrology on the one
hand and the “bullion brokers” on the other, and if, as has been argued,
this connection evinced a hidden motivation on the part of the latter to
know and manipulate the physics this portended, then the alignment of
these sites and temples, and indeed, their very dimensions, may form yet
another clue and data point to be considered. Indeed, researcher Brian
Desborough makes some astonishing assertions in this respect:

Sacred geometry, which comprised the core teaching of any

genuine Mystery School of antiquity, was incorporated into the
design of buildings that enabled them to function as resonant
cavities, which were attuned to the dynamic energies that pervade
the cosmos. This is the same energy continuum that was harnessed
some two thousand years later by Nikola Tesla and other scientific
pioneers, who elected to conduct their research beyond the
stultifying confines of academia.
The basic tenets of sacred geometry were taught in ancient
Mystery Schools, in countries as geographically diverse as India,
Britain, and Egypt. This strongly suggests that such institutions
functioned not as individual entities, but rather as a transnational
network. Such a suggestion implies that the more esoterically-
oriented … sects operated not as individual religious communities,
but were in communication with the Mystery Schools of other
nations.448

As has been seen, the rise of an international class of bullion brokers

closely associated with such temples in ancient times provides a ready
mechanism to explain this transnational character of the Mystery
Schools, and may have been instrumental in the dispersion of such ideas.
More importantly, however, Desborough clearly alludes to an
occulted physics purpose that motivated the incorporation of these
geometries into ancient temples, for these were, in his words, designed
to function as “resonant cavities” or, in a physicist’s language, as

448Brian Desborough, They Cast No Shadows: A Collection of Essays on the Illuminati,

Revisionist History, and Suppressed Technologies (San Jose, California: Writers Club
Press, 2002), p. 174, emphasis added.

257
“coupled harmonic oscillators” to those “dynamic energies that pervade
the cosmos”. In this last statement, Desborough is correct, for as has also
been seen, the deeper physics suggested by Kozyrev and Bohm in the
perpetual dynamism of the cosmos, with its rotating systems within
rotating systems, implies that matter itself arises as a gridwork or
interference pattern of the waves produced in the physical medium. As
such, matter is a natural resonating cavity of such waves, and in certain
geometrical alignments and dimensions, that resonance can conceivably
be made to function more efficiently. Desborough’s insight is keen, but
unfortunately, neither argued nor substantiated.
So inevitably the question occurs: is there such a gridwork of sites
upon the Earth? And do temples in fact evidence a geometry in their very
construction that would enable them to function as such resonators?

A. THE MODERN RISE OF EARTH GRID THEORIES

1. Ivan Sanderson
One does not have to read too far into the area of Earth Grid theories
to find a veritable overgrowth of wild speculations and fanciful ideas.
But the actual modern growth of the theory may best be attributed to the
scientific research of some Russian chemists, and a Western scientist
interested in “anomalous phenomena”, the famous Fortean researcher
Ivan Sanderson. Sanderson was in fact a professional biologist by
academic training and background. But in 1972 he published an article
for Saga magazine entitled “The Twelve Devil’s Graveyards Around the
World”.
What Sanderson did was to compile a database of “Bermuda
Triangle”-like phenomena of ship and plane disappearances worldwide,
and, using modern techniques of communications and geophysical
tabulation, plotted these on a map of the globe. These correlated to 12
areas on the globe where magnetic anomalies “and other energy
phenomena were linked to a full spectrum of strange physical
phenomena”.449 Plotting these strange occurrences on a map yielded 12
regions where such phenomena occurred with a greater statistical
occurrence than usual:

449 www.vortexmaps.com/devils-triangle.php

258
 Ivan Sanderson’s Map Showing the 12 “Vile Vortices”

2. The Russians Get into the Game

Sanderson’s findings spurred a veritable flurry of activity, as other
researchers, notably the engineer and mathematician Carl Munck,
quickly noticed that virtually all ancient sites were laid out according to
a scheme incorporating some sort of “Earth Grid” including the tenets of
sacred geometry and ancient units of measurement such as the
“megalithic yard”. No less than the Soviet Academy of Sciences became
involved in this effort, when an article, “Is the Earth a Large Crystal?”
appeared in its journal Khimiya I Zhizn (Chemistry and Life), authored
by a trio of very unlikely collaborators.
One of them, Nikolai Goncharov, was an historian fascinated by the
ancient world and its history. Goncharov plotted on a map of the world
all the “centres of earliest human culture”.450 Goncharov then met a
construction engineer, Vyacheslav Morozov, and Vaelry Makarov, an
electronics researcher. Pooling their resources, the trio, following the
lead of some Soviet scientists, suggested the Earth actually began as a
crystal “with angular dimension” that only after “millennia of motion and
the actions of many forces did the crystal round itself into a ball”.
Moreover, because of this, hidden beneath the surface of the Earth, the
edges of that crystalline structure were buried and possibly still faintly
visible.451
Later, researchers Bill Becker and Bethe Hagens expanded on the
Russian article with their own version. Hagens described her own
reaction to the Russian research, and its implications, as follows:

450
www.vortexmaps.com/grid-history.php
451
www.vortexmaps.com/grid-history.php, pp. 1–2.

259
 I found a picture of the world with a funny lattice work on it. It
looked as if someone had put one of Buckminster Fuller’s domes
over the planet, and the design caught my eye. As I read the
accompanying article … I learned that was indeed what had been
done. Three Russians (an engineer, a historian, and a linguist) had
found that the dome-like geometric pattern could be aligned on the
Earth in such a way that the struts of the dome mapped out major
geologic features (such as mountain ranges and river systems), and
the connecting points for the struts fell at the sites of important
ancient civilizations.452

Hagens and Becker then expanded on the Russian concept, and produced
the following interesting map, which indeed looks like some bizarre
creation of Buckminster Fuller:

The Original Russian “Earth Crystal”

Flattening the projection, and adding Becker’s and Hagen’s research

to it, yields their Earth grid map:

452
Ibid., p. 2.

260
 The Becker-Hagens Earth Grid Map of 1983

Looking at this map carefully discloses some rather interesting features.

For one thing, the convergence of several lines in the southern Pacific
Ocean west of Latin America is, once again, close to Easter Island and
its megalithic stone statues. Yet another line runs due north and south
through England, close to the celebrated structure of Stonehenge. Yet
another node of convergences occurs in Florida, near the well-known
Coral Castle, constructed – no one knows exactly how – by Edward
Leedskalnin. Finally, yet another node occurs at almost the exact location
of the Giza plateau in Egypt. And lest one think this was the fanciful
creation of New Age dabblers and cranks, let it be noted that William
Becker was a professor of industrial design at the University of Illinois,
while Bethe Hagens was a professor of anthropology at the Governors
State University of Illinois.453
The mention of Buckminster Fuller affords a significant clue into
what might be going on with this Earth Grid system. In a series of
unusual experiments, Fuller decided to test what sorts of wave patterns

453 www.soulsofdistortion.nl/SOD_chapter7.html, p. 1

261
might emerge within spheres when subjected to acoustic stress, that is,
when subjected to stress of longitudinal waves. Fuller painted the
surfaces of balloons, immersed them in water, and then pulsed the water
with sound waves of varying frequencies. Fuller discovered that as the
spheres vibrated, they set up standing waves on the surfaces of the
balloons such that the paint would begin to collect and form lines and
grid-like patterns on the surface.454
With this one has the conceptual link to the ideas of Kozyrev, Bohm,
and others, for if matter is the result of the inference pattern of such
“longitudinal waves in the medium” (or, as some have called them,
“scalar” waves”) and as such is therefore a natural resonator of them,
then it stands to reason that as a resonator, such waves will be perpetually
established within any planetary body, producing such a gridwork. Small
wonder then that Tesla, in his scheme for the beaming of wireless power
to any part of the globe, found it necessary to “grip the earth”, for such
waves, resonating with the ever-changing dynamism of the planets
themselves, would be a virtually inexhaustible supply of energy. And
small wonder too, that J.P. Morgan, with his own deep connections to
the oil industry and its understanding of energy as a non-renewable
closed system of a scarce resource, eventually shut Tesla down.

3. Back to the Nazis

But lest it be forgotten, the first major world power to show an interest
in Earth grid theories was not Soviet Russia, but Nazi Germany. As
detailed in my previous book The Philosophers’ Stone, “Himmler’s
Rasputin”, Karl Maria Wiligut, introduced Himmler to the geomantic
ideas of Günther Kirchhoff, who believed that there was such a world
grid of ancient sites laid out on power points designed to draw energy
from the earth itself.455

454 Similar experiments were conducted by the physician Hans Jenny using a vibrating
plate and ordinary sand, with several beautiful structures resulting in a grid-like structure
of standing waves. These pictures and the basis of Jenny’s study form the subject of a
fascinating book, Cymatics.
455 Joseph P. Farrell, The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for

Exotic Matter, pp. 254–255.

262
B. DR. KONSTANTIN MEYL’S PALEOPHYSICAL INTERPRETATION
OF ANCIENT TEMPLES AS SCALAR RESONATORS

If the conception of matter itself, as a “template” or gridwork of the

interference of such longitudinal standing waves in the medium
rationalizes, is capable of rationalizing the placement of certain ancient
temples on the surface of the Earth, what about the incorporation of
sacred geometry into their very dimensions?
One scientist who tackled this problem very directly is German
physicist and engineer Prof. Dr.-Ing. Konstantin Meyl. Meyl is the author
of probably the only comprehensive – and highly mathematical –
textbook treatment of the production of such scalar or longitudinal waves
in the medium. The title of Meyl’s book, all 654 pages of it, is Scalar
Waves: From an Extended Vortex and Field Theory to a Technical,
Biological, and Historical Use of Longitudinal Waves.456 For the
technically and mathematically minded, this book is a thorough
introduction to the theory and practice of scalar waves, if one can get
through the sometimes shaky English translation.
Meyl is a scientist who very deliberately and consciously sets out to
reconstruct an underlying physics basis – what I have called
“paleophysics” in my various books on ancient history and texts – from
ancient myths, texts, and temples. And his program, as outlined in the
final pages of his book, is a total one.
For example, he reproduces the following table as a summary of his
particular way of “decoding” the ancient temples and mysteries:457

Ancient temple = short wave station

Dedicated to one god = fixing of the frequency
Supreme god Zeus, = range of the short wave
Father of all gods = all short-wave bands
Priest, Representative of the god = amateur radio operator with license to
transmit
High priest = chief intendant

456 Villingen-Schwennigen, Germany, 2003.

457 Prof. Dr.-Ing. Konstantin Meyl, Scalar Waves, pp. 608, 610.

263
Pontifex Maximus, “topmost = Chairman of the authority and the
bridge builder” telegraph offices
Oracle = telegraphy receiver
Runes, cuneiform writing = telegraphy symbols
Metre, hexameter = increase of redundancy
Oracle priest = telegraphy interpreter
Tripod = reception key, electro-acoustical
converter
Looking at intestines, Rite of = reading off convulsions, electro-optical
sacrificing converter
Temple books = news notes
Seer, who looks into the God world = amateur radio operator, at telegraphy
reception
Homer = Ancient radio operator
Godology = high-frequency technology
God name = RDS, station identification
Members of a family of gods = broadcasting studios of a broadcasting
company
•••
Earth radiation = power supply
Homage of a weekday = time restriction of the operation of the
station
Zeus forges “thunderbolts” = electrostatic blows, when a Temple is
oscillating
Ritual act = technical provision for transmission and
reception
Cella (marrow of temple) = tuned cavity
Obelisk = antenna rod

264
While this table of comparisons and decodings might at first glance seem
highly implausible if not downright bizarre, Meyl minces no words in the
explanatory text accompanying this table:

It shall be proven that already in antiquity radio engineering based

on scalar waves has been used. The proof starts with a thesis.
The temples in antiquity were all short-wave broadcasting
stations. And energy from the field served as an energy source, so
e.g. the earth radiation in the case of temples of terrestrial gods. In
the case of the solar god the radiation of the Sun was used, whereas
for the temples, which were dedicated to the planetary gods, the
neutrino radiation arriving from the planets served as an energy
source.458

Meyl’s program, in other words, is a total one. In terms of the context of

the hypothetical scenario with which we opened this book in chapter one,
however, it is also an intriguing one, for given the close association of
the ancient bullion brokers with the temples, they, like their modern
counterparts, would have need of a vast communications network, one,
moreover like their modern counterparts, that would be faster than those
communications available to the common masses. So Meyl’s thesis, from
one standpoint, fits the needs of the situation perfectly.
It is, however, when Meyl turns to a consideration of the sacred
geometry in these temples that his thesis takes on its breathtaking
significance. In order to buttress his thesis, Meyl reproduces the
diagrams of the floor plans, and in some cases, side views and cutaways,
of several ancient temples. We do so here in order to illustrate his thesis,
and to set his remarks and commentary into their proper context. Meyl
first reproduces the floor plan and front view of the Temple of Zeus in
Olympia, showing its use of the Golden Ratio, or Phi (φ = 0.61818…):

458 Ibid., p. 609.

265
 The Temple of Zeus at Olympia, with Meyl’s Calculation of its Resonant
Frequency459

Note Meyl’s calculations of the resonant frequency of the Temple on

the lower left of his diagram: 5 MHz or 5 Megahertz. On the right, notice
how the various dimensions of the Temple reflect the harmonics of the
width of the Temple, with the width being designated by L, and the

459 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 612.

266
various harmonics of that fundamental being L/2, and φ-L, in a kind of
stone chamber version of Dewey’s organ pipes from chapter two. This
analogy is not as haphazard as it might at first be seen, but in order to
appreciate why this is so, more of Meyl’s diagrams need to be examined.
The next temple Meyl reproduces is a frontal floor plan and side view
of the Temple of Athena Alea, ca. 350 BC:

Temple of Athena Alea, 350 BC460

460 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 614.

267
 Note again that the Temple is laid out on redundant harmonic
relationships of a fundamental, L, representing the width of the Temple,
again with the harmonic φ-L being a prominent feature of the structure.
Note also Meyl’s calculations of the resonant wavelength of the structure
being 40 meters, with a “transmitter frequency” of 7.5 Megahertz. He
reproduces a similar diagram for the Hera Temple of Selinunt, ca. 460
BC:

Hera Temple of Selinunt, ca. 460 BC461⁴⁶¹

and the Temple of Apollo at Corinth:

461

268
 Apollo Temple at Corinth462

Similar harmonic relationships also held true for later Roman

temples, such as the temple of Venus and Roma at Rome, ca. AD 136:

462 Ibid.

269
 Temple of Venus and Roma, ca. AD 137463

And finally, of course, there was the temple of temples, the Roman
Pantheon itself:

463 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 620.

270
 The Pantheon in Rome464

Looking carefully at the floor plan of the Pantheon, however, Meyl

noticed something that, to his engineer’s eye, looked extraordinarily
familiar, and a breathtaking confirmation of his thesis that ancient
temples may have been deliberately designed as transmitters and
receivers of scalar “radio” waves.

464 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 624.

271
 Deciding to see if there were other similar floor plans, Meyl went in
search of them, and soon found them, one in the floor plan of a temple in
the palace of the Emperor Diocletian:

Floor Plan of the Temple in the Palace of Emperor Diocletian465

465 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 622.

272
and yet another example in the floor plan of the Temple of Minerva
Medica in Rome, built ca. AD 320:

Temple of Minerva Medica in Rome, ca. AD 320.466

What precisely was so amazing about these floor plans of late Roman
temples?
It was their suspicious resemblance to a modern device – crucial in
the operation of radios and radars – called a magnetron:

466 Ibid.

273
 A Modern Magnetron467

Meyl’s commentary accompanying these diagrams is now worth

citing, for it shows how strong the case actually is that some of these
ancient temples, a good many in fact, may have been covertly designed
for the precise purposes of long-range communication, using some very
advanced notions of physics:

Let’s to some extent proceed from the knowledge of textbook

physics currently present in high frequency engineering and give
a well-trained engineer the following task, which he should solve
systematically and like an engineer. He should build a transmitter
with maximum range at minimum transmitting power, thus a
classic of optimization. Doing so, the material expenditure doesn’t
play a role!
After mature deliberation the engineer will hit upon it that only
one solution exists. He decides on a telegraphy transmitter at the
long wave end of the short-wave band, at f=3 MHz, which
corresponds to a wavelength of λ=100m. There less than 1 Watt
transmitting power is enough for radio communication once
around the earth….
And he optimizes further. Next the engineer remembers that at
high frequencies, e.g. for microwave radiators, not cables but

467 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 622.

274
 waveguides are used, since these make possible a considerable
better degree of effectiveness. In the case of the waveguide the
stray fields are reduced by alignment and concentration of the
fields in the inside of the conductor. In the case of antennas
however the fields scatter to the outside and cause considerable
stray losses. He draws the conclusion that his transmitter should
be built as a tuned cavity and not as an antenna!
As a result, the engineer puts a building without windows in
the countryside with the enormous dimensions of 50 m length
(=λ/2) and 25 m (=λ/4) respectively 12.5 mm (=λ/8) width. The
height he calculates according to the Golden Proportion to
increase the scalar wave part. Those approximately are the
dimensions of the Cella without windows of Greek temples.
For the operation of such a transmitter in antiquity apparently
the noise power of the cosmic radiation was sufficient, which
arrived at the earth starting from the sun and the planets. By
increasing the floor space also, the collected field energy and the
transmitting power could be increased, so that also from the
perspective of the power supply the temple with the largest
possible wavelength at the same time promised the largest
transmitting power, so at least in antiquity.
Our engineer further determines that he will switch the carrier
frequency on and off at a predetermined clock pulse. Thus, he
decides for radiotelegraphy. The advantage of this technique is a
maximum of the increase of the reception range. For that the
signals at the transmitter have to be coded and at the receiver again
deciphered. By means of the encryption of the contents these are
accessible only to the “insiders”, who know the code; prerequisite
for the emerging of hermeticism and eventually a question of
power!468

This leads Meyl to his next bit of evidence, or rather to the next stage of
his decoding of the ancient data pointing to the existence of a genuine
technology at work: ancient texts.
Meyl, having demonstrated the peculiar transmitter-receiver
properties of many ancient temples, then uses the existence of this
technology to decipher a baffling mystery concerning ancient texts:

468 Meyl, Scalar Waves, emphasis added, p. 613.

275
 Direct evidence is present as well. It can be found in ancient texts.
But it is questionable if historical texts concerning ancient radio
engineering have been translated correctly. The talk is about
oracles, mystery cult and earth prophecy if the receiver is meant.
The predominantly technically uneducated historians attest (that)
the Romans (possessed) a defective sense of time, because their
couriers surely could not cover the long ways across the Roman
empire so fast at all, if the read in the Latin texts: “They sent by
courier to the emperor in Rome, and got for answer…”. The
answer of the emperor namely already arrived at the squad at the
latest in the following night. The correct translation should read:
“they cabled” or “they broadcasted to the emperor in Rome and
got for answer…”
Such a big empire as the Roman Empire actually only could be
reigned by means of an efficient communication. Cicero coined
the word: “We have conquered the peoples of the earth owing to
our broadcasting technology…”! The term broadcasting
technology from ignorance is translated with piety. If engineers
however rework the incorrect translations, then one will discover
that numerous texts tell of the broadcasting technology, that thus
correspondingly much direct evidence exists concerning the
practical use of this technology.
For the Roman military transmitters, which formed the
backbone of the administration of the empire, the reading off of
the information from observations of nature like the bird flight or
from felt signals of a geomanter was too unreliable. They read off
the information from the rhythm of the convulsions of the
intestines of freshly slaughtered animals. In the case of the dead
animals on the altar every extrinsic influence was excluded. But
the enormous need of slaughter cattle was a disadvantage. Who
wanted to have information first of all had to bring along an
animal, which then was “sacrificed” to the god, or better say,
which was abused as a receiver of a particular transmitter. Thereby
the innards served as a biosensor and as a receiver for the news.469

469 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 615.

276
In other words, an extraordinarily sensitive membrane had to be found to
be able to sense and record the very subtle pulses of such transmissions
and telegraphy, for they were by the nature of the case, very weak.
Whatever one makes of these speculations of Meyl, he is, however,
correct in his basic premise that the design of ancient temples is too
coincidentally peculiar to the engineering requirements of transmitting
weak radio signals. Nor should the material used to construct such
temples be overlooked, for many of them were constructed from
limestone, granite, and other crystal-bearing rock, and the ability of
crystals in receiving radio signals is common knowledge.
But why does he invoke the scalar component in his argument that
such temples were, in fact, tuned resonant cavities? The key lies with
what seems to be the most absurd component of his reconstruction,
namely, the use of the membranes of an animal’s intestines to record the
pulses, for the pulses being received are not ordinary Hertzian “jump
rope” waves, but the “yardstick” waves of longitudinal or scalar waves:

The argumentation has to be made on mathematical-physical

foundation. The prerequisite for that are the 29 chapters of
before.470 The following points could be demonstrated and
derived:

1. The wave equation (inhomogeneous Laplace equation)

describes the sum of two wave parts, where
2. every antenna emits both parts.
3. The transverse part, known as electromagnetic wave
(Hertzian wave)
4. and the longitudinal part (Tesla radiation) termed scalar
wave by the discoverer, better known as antenna noise.
5. The wave equation mathematically describes the
connection of both wave parts in general and the conversion
of one part into the other in particular, thus
6. the rolling up and unrolling of waves in field vortices
(measurable as noise).
7. The transition takes place proportionally to the Golden
Proportion, as resulted from the derivation (chapter 29.7–
29.9).

470
In other words, the entirety of his book which preceded this concluding section!

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 With the last point the electrotechnical problem becomes a
geometrical problem, if it concerns the use of scalar waves. The
geometry of the antenna is crucial. Thereby the Golden Proportion
provides the necessary direction for construction.
That justifies the assumption that the buildings in antiquity,
which were built according to the Golden Proportion, were
technical facilities for scalar waves. Maybe the builders had
specifications that had physical reasons and could mathematically
be proven.
At this place here result completely new aspects for judging
and interpreting buildings especially from antiquity through the
derivation of the Golden Proportion from the fundamental field
equation. If we have understood their way of functioning, then we
will be able to learn much from that for our own future and for the
future construction of scalar wave devices.
As a further prerequisite for the ancient broadcasting
technology enough field energy should be at disposal. We proceed
from the assumption that

1. the earth magnetism and the cosmic neutrino radiation are

tightly banding together by the processes in the earth’s core,
2. the earth magnetism in antiquity verifiably was
(approximately a) thousand-fold stronger than today
(proven by gauging of pieces of broken pot),
3. as a consequence, the neutrino radiation in antiquity as well
must have been (a) thousand-fold strong and
4. the cosmic neutrino radiation has served the transmitting
plants of antiquity as an energy carrier.

Any thought is absurd to reject the technical function of a

temple only because it today can’t be reproduced anymore. The
artistic and aesthetical viewpoints, which are put into the
foreground by art historians because of ignorance about the true
function, rather are secondary.471

471 Meyl, Scalar Waves, p. 611.

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And with those rather breathtaking statements, Meyl’s case for the
ancient temple as being a broadcast technology based on longitudinal
pulses or scalar waves is concluded.
However, in view of my own speculative analysis of the Earth grid
itself as being the result of its natural properties of being a resonator of
such standing longitudinal waves, one is inevitably led to the conclusion
that both the use of “sacred geometry” in the construction of such
temples, and the placement of some of these temples over precise nodal
points on that gridwork was for the explicit and precise purpose of
making these structures as efficient resonating cavities as possible. When
one adds to this the fact that the resulting template or interference pattern
of such longitudinal waves, produced by all such resonators, such as the
planets, vary with time according to their positions relative to each other,
and to the cosmic backdrop of the galaxy, one again finds a physics
reason why so many of these very same temples were oriented to
astronomical points or events.
To put it succinctly, it is beginning to look an awfully lot like that
Very High and Very Ancient Civilization, having blown itself apart by
means of those very same technologies, moved quickly and effectively
to preserve as much of that technology as it could in the establishment
and propagation of the ancient temples and mystery schools, and moved
equally quickly to ensure that its legacy civilizations knew and
understood the necessity – if there was to be any kind of civilization at
all – for there to be a medium of exchange based upon the creative and
productive output of the physical medium itself, and of its derived and
differentiated creatures: man. Little wonder, too, that those who sought
to reconstruct that technology in order to gain mastery and hegemony
over their fellow man quickly allied themselves with those temples and
mystery schools, and begin to pervert that physics in a financial and false
alchemy that created the exact opposite: “negative information” in the
form of money-as-debt interest, for by means of that closed system of
finance, they purposed to reconstruct that open system of physics for
themselves, to ensure their power and hegemony.
For with living organisms – as Dr. Meyl himself alluded to – and more
importantly, mankind, one arrives at the final component and resonant
cavity of this form of energy: human DNA, and its own remarkable
embodiment of the very same “Sacred Geometries”.

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 Eight

TEMPLATES, GENOMES, AND BANKSTERS OR, WHY DO

THEY ALL SEEM TO MARRY COUSINS AND END UP WITH
COLOSSALLY STUPID KIDS?

“Inbreeding in European royal families has declined slightly in relation

to the past. This is likely due to clear scientific evidence of genetic
degeneration”.
— “Inbreeding”, Wikipedia472

Both in ancient and in modern times we have discerned the persistent

outline of an association of an international class of banksters with those
engaged in advanced scientific research, and we have also seen that this
class has endeavoured to monopolize not only the false alchemical power
of the issuance of debt as a facsimile of money, but also to monopolize
the genuine alchemical power of the physics of the transmutative
physical medium itself. But what about the period between these two
widely separated historical poles? Did that class continue to exist? And
if so, what were they doing? Is there evidence to suggest that it continued
as a class in more or less uninterrupted continuity from ancient times?
And is there evidence to suggest that it continued its close association
and monitoring of scientific achievement?
Moreover, it was seen that some allege that the Rothschild family
secretly traces their family origins back to the Sumerian conqueror
Nimrod. Is there any truth to, or for that matter, any broad corroboration
of, these allegations?

A. ANCIENT ROME

To answer these questions, a closer look at ancient Rome is in order.

Professor Tenney Frank was a professor at Johns Hopkins University
at the turn of the last century, and was the author of a well-known treatise,
An Economic History of Rome. This work became such a standard in the

472 “Inbreeding “, Wikipedia, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inbreeding , p. 4.

280
field that it became the basis for entries in the Cambridge Ancient History
and the Oxford History of Rome.
In the course of his researches, Professor Frank discovered an
interesting thing about the population of ancient Rome during the period
between the Republic and the final emergence of the empire, and that is
that the population was not Roman or Latin at all, but – in a word and
without much exaggeration – Babylonian. In an article written for the
American Historical Review, Frank begins by noting how the problem of
the ancient Roman race came to his attention. Visiting the ancient tombs
of Rome, Frank observes that the historian will notice a curious and even
peculiar thing:

…he finds prenomen and nomen promising enough, but the

cognomina all seem awry. L. Lucretius Pamphilus, A. Aemilius
Alexa, M. Clodius Philostoasgas do not smack of freshman Latin.
And he will not readily find in the Roman writers now extant an
answer to the questions that these inscriptions invariably raise. Do
these names imply that the Roman stock was completely
changed after Cicero’s day, and was the satirist (Juvenal)
recording a fact when he wailed that the Tiber had captured
the waters of the Syrian Orantes? If so, are these foreigners
ordinary immigrants, or did Rome become a nation of ex-slaves
and their offspring?473

Frank’s tentative answers are even more unsettling than the original
questions he asks. Studying almost 14,000 names, Professor Frank
discovered that between 300 BC and AD 300, the population of Italian
Rome underwent a drastic change in ethnicity, such that by the end of the
period, the vast majority of the Italian Roman population had Greek
surnames, and not Latin at all:

For reasons which will presently appear I have accepted the

Greek cognomen as a true indication of recent foreign extraction,
and since the citizens of native stock did not as a rule unite in
marriage with (freemen), a Greek cognomen in a child or one
parent is sufficient of status (i.e., was foreign).474

473
Tenney Frank, The American Historical Review, Vol. 21, July 21, 1916, p. 689,
italicized emphasis in the original, boldface emphasis added.
474 Tenney Frank, The American Historical Review, Vol. 21, July 21, 1916, p. 681.

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Professor Frank quickly dispatches the idea that this was simply due to a
“popularity” craze of certain names:

On the other hand, the question has been raised whether a man
with a Greek cognomen must invariably be of foreign stock. Could
it not be that Greek names became so popular that, like Biblical
and classical names today, they were accepted by the Romans of
native stock? In the last days of the empire this may have been the
case, but the inscriptions prove that the Greek cognomen was not
in good repute. I have tested this matter by classifying all the
instances in the 13,900 inscriptions where the names of both father
and son appear. Form this it appears that fathers with Greek names
are very prone to give Latin names to their children, whereas the
reverse is not true.475

Thus, the conclusion for Professor Frank was rather obvious:

Clearly the Greek name was considered as a sign of dubious origin

among the Roman plebeians, and the freedman family that rose to
any social ambitions made short shrift of it. For these reasons,
therefore, I consider that the presence of a Greek name in the
immediately family is good evidence that the subject of the
inscription is of servile or foreign stock. The conclusion of our
pros and cons must be that nearly ninety per cent of the
Roman-born folk represented in the abovementioned
sepulchral inscriptions are of foreign extraction.476

But this posed a rather large problem, and to see what it is and how
Professor Frank dealt with it, we need to recall a bit of obvious history.
The problem is the mere presence of a Greek surname on tomb
inscriptions does not necessarily mean the occupant is Greek. The simple
reason for this is that after Alexander the Great’s conquest of
Mesopotamia, Persia, and Egypt, the Greek language spread far and
wide, and became something of an “international” language, much as
English or French is today. Thus, a Greek surname on a tomb does not
necessarily imply that all these Roman tombs had Greek occupants. But

475 Ibid., pp. 692–693.

476 Ibid., p. 693, italicized emphasis original, boldface emphasis added.

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this raises a far larger and more significant question. If they were not
necessarily Greek, then what were they? What was the predominant
ethnic stock they represented? Frank minces no words:

Who are these Romans of the new type and whence do they come?
How many are immigrants, and how many are of servile
extraction? Of what race are they?477

Frank’s method of dealing with this question is to take Rome’s classical

authors and satirists at their word, and from this, an important and very
significant fact emerges.
Noting that “most of the sociological and political data of the empire
are provided by satirists”, Frank then reasons himself to a rather
astonishing conclusion:

When Tacitus informs us that in Nero’s day a great many of

Rome’s senators and knights were descendants of slaves and that
the native stock had dwindled to surprisingly small proportions,
we are not sure whether we are not to take it as an exaggerated
thrust by an indignant Roman of the old stock…. To discover some
new light upon these fundamental questions of Roman history, I
have tried to gather such fragmentary data as the corpus of
inscriptions might afford. The evidence is never decisive in its
purport, and it is always, by the very nature of the material, partial
in its scope, but at any rate it may help us to interpret our literary
sources to some extent. It has at least convinced me that Juvenal
and Tacitus were not exaggerating. It is probably that when these
men wrote a very small percentage of the free plebeians on the
streets of Rome could prove inmixed Italian descent. By far the
larger part, perhaps ninety percent, had Oriental blood in their
veins.478

One has only to read a bit between the lines to see what Professor Frank
is implying, for Juvenal, let it be recalled, had complained of the Syrian
“Orantes” river “flowing into the Tiber”, a metaphor for people of
Chaldean – i.e., Babylonian – extraction having “flowed” into the

477 Tenney Frank, The American Historical Review, Vol. 21, July 21, 1916, p. 693.
478 Ibid., pp. 689–690, emphasis added.

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bloodlines of the ancient Roman stock: “These dregs call themselves
Greeks”, he complains, “but how small a portion is from Greece; the
River Orantes has long flowed into the Tiber”.479

The basic historical outlines are now clear, for as Roman conquests
spread into the eastern Mediterranean and eventually conquered the old
Seleucid Empire – i.e., the portion of Alexander’s empire based in
Mesopotamia with its capital at Babylon – many of these peoples made
their way back to the Italian peninsula as slaves, and, following the
relatively lenient Roman custom of manumission of slaves upon the
death of their owner, these later became freemen and the backbone of the
Roman economy in the very lap of the Empire itself.

1. The Change in Roman Racial Stock and Imperial Policy

This brings us to the economics and finance part of the story, the part
that is for our purposes, the most significant part:

There are other questions that enter into the problem of change of
race at Rome, for the solution of which it is even more difficult to
obtain statistics. For instance, one asks, without hope of a
sufficient answer, why the native stock did not better hold its own.
Yet there are at hand not a few reasons. We know for instance that
when Italy had been devastated by Hannibal and a large part of its
population put to the sword, immense bodies of slaves were
brought up in the East to fill the void; and that during the second
century BC, when the plantation system with its slave service was
coming into vogue, the natives were pushed out of the small farms
and many disappeared to the province of the ever-expanding
empire. Thus, during the thirty years before Tiberius Gracchus, the
census statistics show no increase. During the first century BC, the
importation of captives and slaves continued, while the free-born
citizens were being wasted in the social, Sullan, and civil wars.
Augustus affirms that he had had a half a million citizens under
arms, one-eighth of Rome’s citizens, and at that the most vigorous
part. During the early empire, twenty to thirty legions, drawn of
course from the best free stock, spent their twenty years of vigour

479 Juvenal, Satires, III: 62.

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 in garrison duty while the slaves, exempt from such services, lived
at home and increased in numbers. In other words, the native stock
was supported by less than a normal birth-rate, whereas the stock
of foreign extraction had not only a fairly normal birth-rate, but a
liberal quota of manumissions to its advantage.480

The result of this combination of bad policy, wars, and heavy reliance on
slaves, was that the original Roman race – at least on the Italian peninsula
– “went under”.481
However, there were two significant things that this importation of
Mesopotamian slaves accomplished. First, these slaves brought with
them, of course, their culture and religion. Secondly, they brought with
them their “Babylonian” business and banking practices. Thus, even
when this population were slaves, the great majority of the normal
practical day-to-day commerce of Rome – farming, construction,
instruction, and so on – was conducted by slaves. And when freed, not
only did their religion and culture penetrate Roman society to a
significant degree, but this group gradually penetrated the highest
reaches of the Roman imperial government itself.482 The result, in short,
was that the Mesopotamian and Syrian merchants effectively colonized
Rome’s provinces bordering the Mediterranean Sea, Roman banking was
all but monopolized in their hands as the influence of Mesopotamian
mystery cults extended throughout the Empire, and the activities of the
temple continued to be associated with commerce. In a certain limited
sense, then, the Roman Empire may be viewed as but the latest imperial
front for that ancient class of “bullion brokers”, and this change of the
ethnic stock in the heart of the Empire, the Italian peninsula itself, finally,
explains why the bullion exchange policies of Rome vis-à-vis the Far
East appear to be the product of deliberate manipulation.

2. The Next Stage: Venice and Banking

A quick glance at the subsequent history of this class will show the
connections to modern time, for the next stage in this connective history
was provided by Attila the Hun who, ravaging the Italian peninsula and
even Rome itself, forced many of these mercantile families to flee
northward to the protective lagoons and marshes of what would later

480 Tenney Frank, The American Historical Review, Vol. 21, July 21, 1916, p. 703.
481 Ibid., p. 704.
482 See the Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. X, p, 727.

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become the Middle Ages’ centre of commerce and banking in western
Europe: Venice. In the very early ninth century, Venice was formally
recognized as a part of the Eastern Roman Empire, and thus began its
rise as a financial power, for it was granted special trading and tax
exemptions throughout the Empire.
But the pattern, a mercantile and banking class operating behind
special imperial privileges, remained the same. As noted in chapter four,
however, the Fourth Crusade eventually captured Constantinople, and
with that, the Empire’s monopoly on the right to coin gold was broken,
and western European monarchs began to coin such money. But it was
Venice that had funded the mercenary army of French knights that
captured Constantinople, and it was the Venetian Doge, Enrico Dandolo,
that imposed a puppet Latin government on the ancient Eastern Empire.
By this point, the great Venetian oligarchical families and their family
fondi or fortunes (literally, “funds”), were in place: the Cornaro, the
Dandolo, the Contarini, Morosini, Sorzi and Tron fortunes.

3. On to Amsterdam, London, the Reformation, and the

Wars of Religion
Researcher Webster Tarpley, in three short paragraphs, outlines the
connection of Venetian banking and politics in subsequent European
history during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, and the period
up to the English “Glorious Revolution”:

Why are the British liberal imperialists called the Venetian Party?
Well, for one thing, they call themselves the Venetian Party. The
future prime minister Benjamin Disraeli will write in his novel
Conningsby that the Whig aristocrats of 1688 wanted “to establish
in England a high aristocratic republic on the model of Venice,
making the kings into doges, and with a ‘Venetian constitution’”.
During the War of the League of Cambria of 1509–17, an
alliance of virtually every power in Europe threatened to wipe out
the Venetian oligarchy. The Venetians knew that France or Spain
could crush them like so many flies. The Venetians responded by
launching the Protestant Reformation with three proto-stooges –
Luther, Calvin, and Henry VIII. At the same time, (Cardinal)
Contarini and his Jesuits made Aristotle a central component of
the Catholic Counter-Reformation and the Council of Trent, and
put Dante and Piccolomini on the Index of Prohibited Books. The

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 result was a century and a half of wars of religion, and a “little
dark age”, culminating in the Great Crisis of the seventeenth
century.
Venice was a cancer consciously planning its own metastasis.
From their lagoon, the Venetians chose a swamp and an island
facing the North Atlantic: Holland and the British Isles. Here the
hegemonic Giovanni party would relocate their family fortunes,
their fondi, and their characteristic epistemology. France was also
colonized, but the main bets were placed further north. First,
(Cardinal) Contarini’s relative and neighbour Francesco Zorzi was
sent to serve as a sex advisor to Henry VIII, whose raging libido
would be the key to Venetian hopes. Zorzi brought Rosicrucian
mysticism and Freemasonry to a land that Venetian bankers had
been looting for centuries…483

Reading between the lines, one notes again the familiar and shadowy
pattern of the ancient bullion brokers’ alliance with the temple, in this
case, the temple of Renaissance Catholicism and nascent Protestantism,
for one and the same financial power is behind both, and manipulating a
conflict for its own profit. More importantly, one notes another sinister
and familiar pattern, that of David Rockefeller’s “republic” of a global
elite of intellectuals and bankers at the apex of a pyramid of power.

B. THE MYTH OF THE ROTHSCHILD DESCENT FROM NIMROD:

A SECOND LOOK

All this provides an interesting context in which to view the

allegations that the Rothschild dynasty secretly traces its family origins
back to Nimrod, the conqueror of the Old Testament closely associated
with the Tower of Babel incident.484 The careful reader will have

483 Webster Tarpley, “Lord Palmerston’s Multicultural Human Zoo”, www.mail-

archive.com/ ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg17357.html, p. 4. See also Tarpley, “Venice’s
War Against Western Civilization”, www.schillerinstitute.org/fid_91-
96/952_venice.html, pp. 5–7, for a more detailed discussion, particularly of the role of
Gasparo Cardinal Contarini in these machinations.
484 For this connection, see my Giza Death Star Destroyed (2006), pp. 77–78, and The

Cosmic War (2007), pp. 311–318. See also David Rohl, The Lost Testament (2002), pp.
73–76. Rohl clearly identifies the Mesopotamian god Ninurta with Nimrod, based on
various considerations. In doing so, he clearly highlights the massive chronological

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observed throughout this and preceding chapters that there are at least
three different types of historical continuity operating:

1. The alleged continuity of a bloodline or family, as is alleged for the

Rothschilds and their secret family descent from Nimrod, and
hence, from the Babylonian “bullion brokers”;
2. The continuity of methods: alliance with and operation through the
temple, cultivation of science and suppression of certain scientific
and technological advancement, the promotion of the facsimile of
money as circulating privately-created debt, and the policy of such
families to intermarry within their own class and, in some cases,
their own bloodlines; and,
3. The continuity of class, culture, family fortunes, and even – in the
obvious descent of Venetian banking from the Oriental stock of
slaves imported to Rome – of ethnic stock.

Viewing this list, it is evident that so far as the Rothschild Nimrod

allegation is concerned, there is a broad corroboration of the pattern as is
evident from points 2 and 3. But is there anything more specific that
would tend to corroborate point 1, or at least, suggest that it might be
true?
Indeed, there is.
The famous register of nobility in Britain, Burkes’ Peerage, records
numerous instances of members of the European Rothschild clan
marrying each other. For example, it records that Evelina de Rothschild,
daughter of Lionel Nathan Baron de Rothschild and Charlotte de
Rothschild, married Ferdinand James Anselm Rothschild, who was the
son of Anselm Salomon Rothschild and Charlotte Rothschild.485
Salomon Albert Anselm Rothschild was son of Anselm Salomon and
Charlotte Rothschild, and married Bettina Caroline de Rothschild,

problems that I alluded to in the Preface to The Cosmic War, for the archaeological
record, as Rohl notes, would not support a very ancient dating for the event, such as I
implied in that book. Contrariwise, as I also noted, if one takes the ancient texts
themselves seriously, and reads them in the backdrop of the Exploded Planet Hypothesis,
then such extreme ancientness is indicated. I believe the way out of this impasse is once
again to recognize that the ancient texts and myths of Sumeria and other cultures may
have been deliberately contrived to function on a multitude of levels – including
chronological ones – simultaneously.
485 www.thepeerage.com/p19533.htm, p. 1.

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daughter of Mayer Alphonse de Rothschild and Leonora de
Rothschild.486
But interestingly enough, in the midst of this consanguineous
interbreeding warren, Alphonse Mayer Rothschild and Clarice Sebag-
Montefiore had a son, born in 1922, to whom they gave the peculiarly
Jewish-Christian-“Babylonian” name of Albert Anselm Salomon
Nimrod Rothschild.487 The child died only 16 years later, in 1938.
Of course, one male heir in all of the proliferating Rothschild warren
is hardly conclusive, but it is suggestive that the name had some
significance for the clan known only to itself. But there is something else
that suggests that the allegation must be taken seriously. Among the
banking clan’s vast financial network, there is one financial group that
raises the eyebrows, and this is the “Rothschild Nemrod Diversified
Holdings” group.488 The name “Nemrod” is of course yet another
phoneticization of the name “Nimrod”, since the biblical character’s
name, in ancient Hebrew, was written without vowels as simply NMRD.
It can thus be phoneticized as Nimrod, Nimrud, Nemrod, Nemrud, and
so on. The use of the biblical conqueror’s name for a mutual fund
investment group thus connotes aggressiveness, risk-taking, and an
intention to dominate and conquer (by financial means, of course).
By why the evident obsession of such families – witness the
Rothschild dynasty – with marrying distant relatives and members of
their own clans and classes? The answer to that question requires a closer
look at human DNA, at its own remarkable connections to sacred
geometries and the alchemical physics of the medium, and at the family
tree of Nimrod himself.

C. HUMAN DNA AND THE HERMETIC CODE

1. The I Ching
Ancient esoteric doctrine held that mankind was a “microcosm”, a
“little universe” who mirrored in his very constitution – i.e. his size,
shape, makeup, and most importantly, in his unique combination of a
corporeal component (a body) and a spiritual, or if one prefers, “hyper-

486 Ibid.
487 Ibid., p. 2.
488 www.trustnetoffshore.com/Factsheets/Factsheet.aspx?fundCode=R1F58&univ=DC.

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dimensional”, component (his soul and personhood)489 – the larger
universe.490 British researcher Michael Hayes, taking this doctrine
seriously, decided to examine it more closely, and as a result, found a
breathtaking connection between the code of sacred geometry and the
fascination with certain numbers, and human DNA.

In order to give myself a kind of visual aid, an image of the code

in action, I had drawn up a diagram incorporating the key numbers
of the biochemical components involved in the process. These
were 4, 3, 64, and 22. That is, there are four kinds of chemical
bases. It takes three of them to make what is known as a triplet
codon, an amino acid template, of which there are exactly sixty-
four variations. Each of these codons correspond to one or another
of twenty-two more complex components, namely, the twenty
amino acids and the two coded instructions for starting and
stopping the process of synthesis. In my diagram, the number 64,
the number of triplet-codon combinations (4 × 4 × 4), was
represented by a square grid, eight divisions across and eight
down, like a chessboard.491

Once he had done this, however, Hayes noticed a very odd and striking
connection to one of esotericism’s oldest systems of divination – the
Chinese I Ching: “I realized, in fact, that the whole diagram echoed the
format of the famous Chinese work known as the I Ching (Yi King),
whose sixty-four basic texts are each identified with a six-line symbol
called a hexagram”.492
But how does Hayes’ table and its numbers of 4, 3, 64, and 22,
resemble the I Ching in particular, and the Hermetic Code of sacred
geometry in general? Hayes explains:

The I Ching … was intended for use as an oracle: you pose a

question, toss three coins, and note the way they fall. A

489 “Soul and personhood”, this phrasing is not redundant, but is meant to express the
author’s opinion that “soul” and “person” are two very distinct things. How they came to
be equated in the popular mind of many Westerners would require a tome in its own right.
490 For a brief survey of this doctrine in the context of other paleophysical themes, see

my Giza Death Star Destroyed, chapter 3.

491 Michael Hayes, The Hermetic Code in DNA: The Sacred Principles in the Ordering

of the Universe, pp. 13, 15.

492 Ibid., p. 15.

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 preponderance of heads gives an unbroken line – “yang”, positive;
tails a broken line, “yin”, negative …

The results are written down as a solid or dashed line.

Repeat the action six times and you have called up one of the
hexagrams. The accompanying text supplies your answer.493

In other words, repeating the action six times and writing down each
result – a broken or solid line – one above another will produce a picture
of solid and broken lines (of which there are only 64 possible results).
The pictogram or hexagram is then looked up in a book which has a text
explaining the divinatory properties of each hexagram.
But where do the other numbers – 4, 3, and 22 – fit into this pattern?

Let’s begin with the number 4, the number of fundamental

chemical bases in the genetic code (adenine, thymine, guanine,
and cytosine) upon which the whole process of amino-acid
synthesis depends. The I Ching, I discovered, embodies exactly
the same principle. The sixty-four hexagrams are actually
constructed from four, basic, two-line symbols known as the
Hsiang. These in turn were derived from the two fundamental
lines, one broken and one unbroken, known respectively as yin and
yang.
Next, the number 3. The genetic code, as was evident, obeyed
the law of three forces, which is why only triplet codons are
evident in the process of creation. The three forces are initially
represented in the Book of Changes by the two original yin
(negative, female), yang (positive, male) and neutral, the third,
invisible, or “mystical” ingredient: the tao…494

Hayes recalls his reaction to this discovery:

By this time, having recognized so many similarities between the

I Ching and the genetic code, I was convinced that I was on to
something of profound importance, and my emotional state

493 Ibid.
494 Hayes, The Hermetic Code in DNA, pp. 15–16.

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 reflected this: I was highly charged. No way, I thought, could the
identical features of these two apparently disparate systems be the
product of mere coincidence, for they were not only identical in
structure, it seemed that they each had a common purpose, which
was to facilitate the process of evolution.495

So far, so good.
But what about the number 22? Was there some correspondence
between the I Ching and DNA involving this number? Hayes puts the
problem this way:

Now these hexagrams, as I said earlier, just like the biochemical

hexagrams of the genetic code, each consist of two trigrams, two
three-line symbols, one above, one below. The trigrams, eight in
number, were derived from the four Hsiang, by successively
placing over each of them the two original broken and unbroken
lines. When these same two lines are placed over the eight
trigrams, the result is sixteen figures of four lines. Repeat the
process once again and you get thirty-two figures of five lines, and
a final similar movement produces the sixty-four hexagrams.
Unlike the four- and five-line figures, the eight trigrams,
known as the kua, are given particular prominence in the system.
I mused over these for a long time, juggling with their numbers.
Eight threes. Three eights. Twenty-four. I needed twenty-two.
Close, but not close enough. Certainly, the number 8 was an
integral part of the overall symmetry, being the square root of that
magical 64; but why did the sum of the trigrams not conform to
the twenty-two codon signals of the genetic code? Why twenty-
four? Why eight?496

The answer came when Hayes recalled that the numbers 4, 3, 64, 8 and
22 were significant components to the Hermetic Code and sacred
geometries of the West, and more particularly, had a direct connection to
music.
The number 22 was a key number of the Pythagorean system
“principally because of its musical aspect”.497 What it represented was in

495 Ibid., p. 16.

496 Hayes, The Hermetic Code in DNA, p. 17.
497 Ibid., p. 18.

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fact “three octaves of vibrations, or notes, three sets of eight – twenty-
four components”.498 But where does 22 come in?
The answer is very simple. If one sits at a keyboard instrument, and
begins with the note “C”, and goes upward eight notes using only the
white keys, one will arrive back at “C” an octave higher, exactly eight
notes later. Repeat the process again, and at the sixteenth note above the
original, one arrives back at “C”, and again a third time, and one arrives
back on the twenty-fourth note, which is once again “C”. But since two
of these “C”s are but repetitions of the original “C”, one might think of
the three octaves as embodying the number 22, as well as 24.499
The implications of this were enormous, and Hayes was quick to
perceive what they were:

From that time onward, the summer of 1984, I spent several years
exploring the mazelike annals of history. I automatically assumed
that, if the Chinese and the Greeks were “tuned in” to this ancient
science… then it was probably that so were some of the other
traditions and civilizations. … As it turned out, the evidence was
overwhelming. Everywhere I looked I saw musical symbols
beaming back at me: every known major religion and esoteric
tradition in recorded history had embraced this science. … Here in
fact, was the missing common factor I had long felt existed, that
magical ingredient that had given religious movements the power
to affect the minds and hearts of billions in such a profound and
extraordinary way. They were all unerringly based on the principle
of harmony, a harmony that it echoed in, literally, every single cell
of our bodies, in our DNA and in the genetic code. This is,
therefore, a natural harmony…500

In other words, the numbers of the Hermetic Code or Sacred Geometry

appeared to be a legacy of a long-lost civilization, predating all the high
civilizations of the classical era – the Sumerian, the Egyptian, the
Mesopotamian, the Chinese – and the essence of that code was not only
musical, but genetic. It was, as Hayes concluded, a “natural harmony”,
and DNA itself was a natural resonator and transducer of it.

498 Ibid.
499 Ibid., p. 19.
500 Hayes, The Hermetic Code in DNA, pp. 19–20.

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 2. The Well-Tempered Cosmos
But with the idea that it represents a “natural harmony”, one also
encounters yet another problem, a problem which reveals exactly how
extraordinarily sophisticated the ancient Hermetic Code actually was. As
I noted in my first book on alternative science and history, The Giza
Death Star, the naturally occurring harmonic series is not what one
encounters on a keyboard. To see what the problem is, we have to
perform a simple experiment to demonstrate what physicists (and
musicians!) know as the harmonic series.
Let us imagine one is sitting at the keyboard of an acoustic piano.
Press down the note “C” silently with one hand, then strike the same note
“C” an octave or two lower with the other hand. One will hear the open
strings of the silently pressed note “C” vibrating sympathetically with the
silently pressed note. This “Octave” is called the first harmonic or
“overtone” of the fundamental “C” (the struck note). Now, repeat the
experiment, only this time, press down the note “G” silently, but strike
the note “C” an octave or two below it. Again, one will hear the note “G”
vibrating sympathetically with the struck “C”. G is the second overtone
or harmonic of the fundamental “C”, and, one notes that the interval has
decreased, “G” being what musicians know as the interval of the fifth
from C (counting up five notes from C, with C as “1”, gives G as the
fifth). If one keeps repeating the experiment, with the intervals growing
smaller and smaller, then the next overtone will be a fourth up from G,
which is another “C”. The next interval is a major third, the note “E”,
then the next interval is a minor third, the note “G”. But now we
encounter the problem, for the next interval, which occurs naturally, is
not present on the keyboard, for it is the interval between the minor third
and the major second, or in other words a note lying between B flat and
A natural, or lying “in the cracks” on the keyboard between those two
notes.
This interval was known to the ancients, and in fact is called the
“Pythagorean Comma”, for the Pythagoreans were well aware of it. Yet,
as Hayes has pointed out, the analogy between ancient esoteric schools
and modern science only works on a modern keyboard. So, what’s going
on here?
Briefly – and a thorough explanation of this relationship would
require a book in its own right – what happened within Western music,
precisely as a result of the rediscovery of the esoteric tradition during
the Renaissance, was that that tradition was applied to music and to the

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tuning of musical instruments, particularly keyboards, so that the
naturally occurring harmonic series was deliberately tampered with, and
a slight mathematical adjustment was made to the notes of the musical
scale, so that each note was exactly an equal interval apart, allowing all
notes to function as overtones of all other notes, and thus allowing a piece
of music to change keys during a piece to the most distant keys without
having to stop and retune the whole instrument! This “tampered
keyboard” ushered in the era of modern Western music, beginning with
Vivaldi, Scarlatti, Rameau and J.S. Bach, who even celebrated its arrival
by composing a piece of music called The Well-Tempered Clavier, or to
put it bluntly, “The Well-TAMPERED-WITH Keyboard”. Rather than
each note now having its own unique harmonic series which did not
overlap with other notes, each note now could function as any harmonic
of any other note. This, and not Maxwell’s electromagnetic theory, was
the first unification in physics, for now, rather than an infinite number of
“notes” each with their own unique harmonic series, one had only 12
notes, each of which could function as harmonics of all the others. The
modern system of music had originated, in other words, with a slight
adjustment in the system of measurement of musical intervals.
This little musical detour now exhibits a profound implication, for
what it really implies is that the ancients knew of this musical system,
and, moreover, knew that it held some connection to DNA itself. This is
a profound indicator that the esoteric and Hermetic Code is a legacy of a
very sophisticated scientific, and musical, culture.
Hayes is quick to appreciate the implications of these considerations
in terms of modern quantum mechanics and its view of quantum reality
as being a non-local, interconnected universe. Not surprisingly, the
physicist whom he chooses as an example to illustrate this harmonic
interconnectedness of systems in a very deep, non-local hyper-
dimensional reality, is David Bohm!

In an attempt to explain the principle of nonlocality and the idea

of a vast web of interconnectedness permeating the whole
universe, the University of London physicist David Bohm posited
the existence of what he called quantum potential. He saw this as
a new kind of energy field that, like gravity, pervades the whole
universe, but whose influence does not weaken with distance.
Bohm first recognized a possible indication of this quantum
potential through his work on plasmas, gases comprising a high

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 density of electrons and positive ions (atoms with a positive
charge). He noticed that the electrons, once they were in plasma,
began to act in concert, as if they were all part of a greater,
interconnected whole. For example, if any impurities were present
in the plasma, it would always realign itself and trap all foreign
bodies in an exclusion zone – just as a living organism might
encase poison in a boil. Bohm observed also a similar, orchestrated
mass movement of electrons in metals and superconductors, with
each one acting as if it “knew” what countless billions of others
were about to do. According to Bohm, particles act in this way
through the influence of the quantum potential, a subquantum
force matrix that somehow coordinates the movement of the
whole.
It appears that when plasmas are rejecting impure substances
and regenerating themselves, they look very similar to swirling
masses of well-organized protoplasm. This curious “organic”
quality led Bohm to comment that he often had the impression that
the electron sea was, in a sense, “alive”. He possibly did not intend
this to be taken too literally, that the electron mass was living in
the same way as an amoeba, but the evident highly coordinated
symmetries of the plasma convinced him that the electrons were
responding to one of many “intelligent” orders implicit in the
fabric of the universe.501

Hayes comments on these observations and their implications, drawing

attention to the “interlocking” nature of all phenomena via the property
of resonance:

The whole universe is perpetually in motion and all wave/particles

are continuously interacting and separating, which means that the
nonlocal aspect of quantum systems in a general characteristic of
nature. Clearly this represents, in the physical world, a harmony
of the highest possible order. It is one thing to say that the universe
is a harmonious entity because it is constructed entirely upon the
eightfold chromodynamic and atomic matrices, but nonlocality
suggests that there exists a far deeper interconnecting harmony
underlying all physical phenomena, where everything is

501 Hayes, The Hermetic Code in DNA, p. 93.

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 resonating at the very same subquantum frequency, everything is
“in tune” with every other thing,502 exactly as if it were one of the
“notes” on a well-tempered cosmic keyboard, functioning as an
overtone to all other notes in a vast and interconnected harmonic
series.

And here, DNA enters the picture, for as Hayes has demonstrated, DNA
would appear to be, in some sense, a “well-tempered” clavier for the
whole system, or, exactly as the ancients understood mankind, a
“microcosm”. But is there any correlation between modern science and
this ancient esoteric doctrine?
Indeed, there is.
In my book The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret
Research for Exotic Matter, I referred to a scientific paper by Freeman
W. Cope entitled “Evidence from Activation Energies for Super-
Conductive Tunnelling in Biological Systems at Physiological
Temperatures”, a title guaranteed to make the eyes glaze over, unless one
considers the profound implications hidden behind the dull scientific
prose. But first, the dull scientific prose:

In the present paper, evidence for another class of solid-state

biological process is given. It is suggested that single-electron
tunnelling between superconductive regions may rate-limit
various nerve and growth processes. This implies that micro-
regions of superconductivity exist in cells at physiological
temperatures, which supports theoretical predictions of high
temperature organic super-conduction.
Super-conduction is the passage of electron current without
generation of heat and hence with zero electrical resistance. Such
behaviour has been observed only in inorganic materials and only
at temperatures below approximately 20°K, although theory
predicts that super-conduction might occur in organic materials at
room temperatures. The conduction of electrons across interfaces
between adjacent super-conductive layers behaves differently
from current across ordinary solid junctions. Electron-tunnelling
currents across interfaces between superconductive layers or

502 Ibid., p. 159.

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 regions have been predicted and demonstrated to have a particular
form of temperature dependence…
…Little…has suggested DNA as the sort of biological molecule
along which electrons might superconduct…503

In The Philosophers’ Stone, my focus was on the enormous implications

of DNA super-conductivity, but here, our interest is on the other aspect
of the phenomenon noticed by Cope: electron tunnelling.
The quantum tunnelling phenomenon may be briefly understood by
an illustration of what actually happens in quantum tunnelling. Imagine
one has an impermeable and impenetrable barrier, such as the wall of a
biological cell, or a thick wall between two rooms, or even imagine the
barrier as being the medium of space-time itself. Now, imagine a packet
of waves approaching this barrier, like the interference pattern of two
radar beams being bounced off the barrier and reflected back to the radar
sets that generated the packet. But according to the wave equations of
quantum mechanics, at the exact moment that this packet hits the barrier
and is reflected back to the sets, a faint “echo” of that oncoming wave
packet actually emerges on the other side of the barrier at the same
instant, and travels away from the barrier; in short, the oncoming signal
“tunnels” through the barrier – in almost wormhole-like fashion – and its
“echo” emerges on the other side and travels away from the barrier, 180
degrees opposite of the reflected signal traveling back to our radar sets.
And, as Cope notes in the section of the article cited above, DNA acts as
exactly the sort of organic molecule that is able to accomplish this feat!
It is as if an organic life form was a complex system being held together
by superconductivity and quantum tunnelling, a vast biological “non-
local network” of tunnelling nerve impulses. If so, then this might
explain the basis of paranormal phenomena such as remote viewing, for
DNA as such would interact directly with the information content within
the field of the local physical medium.504

503 Freeman W. Cope, “Evidence from Activation Energies for Super-conductive

Tunneling in Biological Systems at Physiological Temperatures”, Physiological
Chemistry and Physics 3 (1971), 403–410, pp. 403–404, emphasis added.
504 It would, moreover, explain the fact that I first pointed out in my book The Cosmic

War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts, why the alleged high
technology of the ancient gods appeared to be activated only in close proximity or actual
physical contact with their owners. See chapters 8 and 9 of that work.

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 With this, then, we have the final component of that ancient
technology and science – the genetic and biological – and with it, we
return once again to the banksters, and why they seem inordinately
interested in learning its secrets.

D. THE ANCIENT CONTACT: THE ROTHSCHILD NIMROD MYTH

IN A WIDER CONTEXT

If DNA is such a resonator and transducer of the information content

in the local field of the physical medium, it stands to reason that some
specific genotypes will be more efficient resonators of it than others. We
are told in countless ancient texts, from the Bible to the Sumerian epics
to the Hindu epics of India to the legends of the Japanese “Yamato”
peoples to the legends of Mesoamerican Indians, that at some point of
time lost in the mists of “prehistory”, the “gods” came down and mingled
with men, siring children of human women. In many of these legends,
moreover, these ancient “civilizing gods” were self-evidently white
Caucasians; again, this is a common feature of such myths from
Mesoamerica, to the South American Incans, and even ancient Japanese
legends.
Whatever the truthfulness of these claims might be, we have seen that,
since ancient times, an international banking class has consistently
aligned itself with the temple, both with a view to giving their financial
activities the sanction of the probity of the temple and thereby cloaking
their actions, but also with a view to accessing the residues of that lost
science and technology and potentially reconstructing and reconstituting
it. And one such component, since the times of ancient Sumer and
Babylonia, is surely their Sumerian epics’ insistence that at least some of
humanity descends from such “divine” ancestors and their intermarriages
with humans. And given the laws of genetics, it is possible that, with a
broad enough database, the outlines of such a genetic intermingling
might eventually be discovered.
Such a database is, finally, within modern man’s grasp, with the
Human Genome Project. While many researchers point out the obvious
and deadly potential that such a project entails for the design and
engineering of race-specific bio-weapons, I am bold to suggest that there
might be yet another hidden purpose, namely, to find and isolate those
genotypes within humanity that point to a possible “extra-terrestrial”

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connection. Again, the myth of the Rothschild descent from Nimrod –
himself a product of such intermarriages if one consults the Sumerian
records – suggests that one such banking dynasty is aware of this
connection.
And indeed, as researchers Glen Yeadon and John Hawkins have
noted, there is a deep connection between the Human Genome Project
and the hidden hand of the Anglo-American international bankster class,
and a deeper connection to the American eugenics movement with its
own white-supremacist overtones:

Currently, [the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory] is a leader in the

human genome project. While the genome project will
undoubtedly provide many future medical benefits, it could
equally provide weapons of mass destruction, such as bioweapons
or even more evil genome-specific bioweapons. The Project for
the New American Century [PNAC] describes genome-specific
weapons as politically useful tools. PNAC serves as the blueprint
for the George W. Bush administration, with many members
closely associated with PNAC.
With the Bush administration’s disregard for human rights and
the ban on nuclear testing, it is cause for alarm to find Cold Spring
Harbor firmly controlled by the same families involved in the
American eugenics movement. Current directors William Gerry
and Allen Dulles Jebsen are the grandsons of Averill Harriman
and Allen Dulles, respectively. When such policies and
organizations slip under the control of families like the Bushes and
Rockefellers they can be used as modern-day weapons of
genocide.505

While the close association of “the same old families” with the
genome project is a cause of concern, and for the same reasons Yeadon
and Hawkins suggest, within the wider context of this book the close
association of these families with the project calls forth concern for more
than the reason they elicit, for it would appear that, once again, these
families are trying their best, through all the vast network of foundations,
grants, corporations and other fronts at their disposal, to learn and

505Glen Yeadon and John Hawkins, The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of
a Century (Progressive Press, 2008), p. 173, emphasis added.

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reconstruct as much of that ancient science, and perhaps of their own
family history, as possible.
With DNA, we have the last component of the physics puzzle, the
other pieces being, as was seen, the data of recurrent economic cycles,
the peculiar correspondence of astrological alignments with economic
depressions, the idea of a deep connection between the physics of the
medium and the false alchemy of the banksters. We have seen the
persistent efforts of some nations to free themselves from the influence
of that class, and, in Nazi Germany’s case, the attempt also to crash
develop the paradigms of a new – and very old – physics. We have seen
the persistent association of the banksters with religion, with the temple,
and in turn, the persistent association of the ancient temple with
astronomical alignments, with positioning on a global grid, and with the
peculiar incorporation of “scalar physics” into the very design and
dimensions of ancient temples.
So now, it is time to assemble the pieces together, and explain what’s
going on, and to offer a speculative explanation of why it’s going on…

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 Nine

THE BANKSTERS’ REAL BUSINESS THE PATTERN OF

WAR, SCARCITY, SUPPRESSION, SLAVERY AND
MONOPOLIZATION

“In the course of the next several decades, a functioning structure of

global cooperation, based on geopolitical realities, could thus emerge
and gradually assume the mantle of the world’s current “regent”, which
has for the time being assumed the burden of responsibility for world
stability and peace. Geostrategic success in that cause would represent a
fitting legacy of America’s role as the first, only, and last truly global
superpower”.
— Zbigniew Brzezinski506

The fact that so many ancient temples heretofore surveyed show

evidence not only of a profound association with the stars through their
astrological alignments, and with the physics of the medium through
their incorporation of sacred geometries and their location on an “earth
grid” over nodal points of standing waves within local space, but also
with international banking through the prominent association of
moneychangers with those temples, is an indicator that at a deep and
profound level – perhaps as a legacy of the Very High Civilization from
which they sprang – these classical civilizations through their marriage
of banking and astrology preserved the dim memory of a lost science that
unified physics, economics, and finance.

A. THE HISTORICAL PATTERNS OF SUPPRESSION

1. Of the Financial Alchemy of Money-as-Credit of the

Nation
Moreover, we have presented evidence that this class existed in more
or less unbroken continuity, both racially and ethnically, and, in terms of

506Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its

Geostrategic Imperatives (Basic Books, 1997), p. 215.

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the methods and policies it has pursued throughout history. Additionally,
suggestive allegations were presented that at least one member family of
this class – the Rothschilds – trace their lineage directly back to one of
the Sumerian elite, Nimrod.
In this, at least the methods surveyed have been consistent:

1. The basic methodology of the banksters, both in ancient and in

modern times, has been to substitute one notion of money for
another, and thereby to usurp the power of the state to create and
issue money and substitute a private monopoly for its creation. In
the former instance, the idea of money is that of a receipt for goods
and services on the productive output of the state itself. In other
words, money is “real” money and is a unit of information, of
exchange, based on the creative activity of a whole state. It is thus
issued by the state itself, and free of any interest-bearing debt. In the
latter case, money is “false” money, or what we have called a
facsimile of money, issued by a private monopoly and bearing debt
interest, and circulated as money. The facsimile of money, in other
words, is a debt-bearing note, and debt, under such a system, can
only increase and never be repaid. In the first instance, it is to be
noted, money represents the creation of information, i.e., units of
exchange, issued in proportion to the productive output of a state,
and as such, the unit of exchange represents real information in the
physical world. In this instance, the connection between finance and
physics is direct and overt, and easily perceived. It is therefore an
analogue of the actual alchemical and transmutative properties,
ultimately, of the physical medium itself. In the second instance,
however, money represents almost the exact opposite, since it
represents not production but an interest-bearing debt, a kind of
“negative information” that can only and must inevitably grow at a
rate exponentially faster than the productive output of the state. It
bears, in other words, no relation to physical reality. It is a kind of
false alchemy, a financial black hole into which the productive
output of a state is inevitably sucked, and from which it can never
emerge, unless the very underlying idea of the facsimile of money is
clearly repudiated and rejected. The system of the facsimile of
money is, in other words, deliberately designed to enhance and
enrich only those who control its issuance, and can never serve the
broader public good because it is not designed to do so.

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a. In the methods pursued to replace money by the facsimile of
money, the bankster class, as we have seen, has invariably and
throughout the centuries consistently followed a well-worn
playbook, namely, the creation or counterfeiting of the real
money of a state to undermine public confidence in it, or, in some
cases, it has purchased the state’s money issuance and taken it
out of circulation, leaving only its own debt-bearing notes to
circulate as a medium of exchange.
b. As we have seen from the historical examples presented in
preceding pages, whenever a leader or a state has attempted to
reject the principle of the facsimile of money, the international
bankster class has mobilized those states it does control through
that practice to make war against such “breakaway” states, or
alternatively, the leaders of states advocating such policies of
return to state-issued money as credit, are curiously murdered
with a consistency that belies mere coincidence. In this respect,
the following exemplars were mentioned in previous pages

1. In modern times:
a. The manipulation of the collapse of the issuances of the
Continental Congress during the 1780s by a return to the
“gold” or “bullion” standard, which greatly contracted
the American money supply, causing a depression,
during a period when planetary alignments always seem
to suggest economic collapse or contraction;
b. The assassination of President Abraham Lincoln for
issuing debt-free Greenbacks to finance the northern
effort during the American War Between the States, and
the subsequent National currency act following a similar
manipulated depression, which itself occurred during
similar planetary alignments;
c. The assassination of President James Garfield mere
months into his presidency, after he had suggested his
willingness to return to state-created and -issued debt-
free money;
d. The manipulation of the American money supply prior
to and during the Great Depression, first by vastly
expanding credit, and then by vastly contracting the
money supply, again at a juncture when planetary

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 alignments indicated economic turmoil, and, as was
seen, when Commerce Department data supplied by
Edward Dewey indicated an inevitable cyclic downturn.
e. Some researchers, as was seen in the previous pages,
implied that the war against Nazi Germany had a secret
purpose, for the banking elite of the West, having aided
Adolf Hitler’s and the Nazis’ rise to power, were quickly
alarmed by Nazi Germany’s deliberate moves to restore
state-issued debt-free money and by her efforts to
explore alternative paradigms of physics that would lead
to her energy independence and self-sufficiency;
f. Finally, and as many researchers have noted, President
John F. Kennedy was murdered a mere five months after
his issuance of an executive order authorizing the U.S.
Treasury to print $4,000,000,000 worth of debt-free
United States Notes, bypassing the privately owned and
controlled Federal Reserve Bank completely.

2. Similarly, in ancient times, the following was noted:

a. the policies of Rome vis-à-vis its trading partners in the
East regarding the value of gold and silver bullion
strongly indicated manipulation at both ends of the
trading routes, manipulation ultimately favourable to
any class controlling bullion supplies;
b. Similar policies of issuance of false receipts or
counterfeits of government currencies were noted, with
the ultimate issuance of debt-bearing bullion-backed
notes of debt by a private monopoly, particularly in the
case of ancient Babylonia.
c. In the case of Sparta, it was also noted that it alone of all
the ancient Greek city-states resisted this financial
policy, a fact which led ultimately to the Peloponnesian
War and to the eventual succumbing of Sparta to these
policies and the class behind them.

2. Of the Physical Alchemy of Energy from the Medium

2. Similarly, both in ancient times and in modern ones, we have noted
a persistent association of the banking class with the following
things:

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 a. In ancient times, with religion, i.e., the temple. The
temple, in ancient times, was in turn associated with the
following things:

1. With astronomy and astrology, i.e., with the

“science” of forecasting human events;
2. With sacred geometries, embodied both in the
dimensions of the structure, and in their placements
and alignments on an earth grid;
3. With the issuance of money, both in the forms of real
money, and its facsimile as interest-bearing debt;
4. With slavery.
b. In modern times, with not only religion, but with science
and scientists determined to break out of the paradigm of
energy scarcity being based on non-renewable
resources, and who were seeking to develop new physics
paradigms, with new energy technologies.
c. And in modern times, we saw evidence of corporate and
banking interest in the vast database indicating a
correlation and correspondence between economic
cycles, and cycles of purely physical activity, cycles that,
in Dewey’s estimation, were inevitable because they
were due to deeper underlying physical reasons and not
simply the result of policy or aggregate human action.

But the question, highlighted in this fashion, only remains: Why are they
persistently associated with these things? Why does one find banksters
manipulating such drastic curtailings of money supply when both cyclic
data and astrological lore would indicate that such downturns were
inevitable?
The answer to these questions requires that we now assemble all the
physics pieces of the puzzle, outlined in the preceding pages, into a single
catalogue, determine their underlying principles, and then correlate these
with the above patterns of bankster activities and policies. Only then does
the disturbing answer and picture of their motivations and possible
agenda emerge.

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 B. THE PHYSICS, THE FINANCIAL ALCHEMY, AND THE
BANKSTERS

1. Assembling the Pieces

Looking back over the assembled physics and financial data of
previous chapters, the following salient features emerge:

1. According to Dewey and Dakin and the Foundation for the Study of
Cycles, economic activity occurs in cycles of boom and bust, and
these cycles are exact analogues to physical longitudinal waves of
sound, i.e., of compression and rarefaction. As such, these cycles
are in a certain sense inevitable and impervious to human action, but
the overall downward and upward trend of a cycle can be dampened
or exacerbated by human policy and activity;
2. Dewey and Dakin also posit that a deeper physics may lie behind
such economic cycles, a fact loosely corroborated by Nelson’s study
of the variations in radio signal propagation and planetary
alignments, and by Gover’s study of American depressions which
seem to occur near astrological alignments called grand crosses. It
was also noted that the grand cross pattern mentioned by Gover also
closely corresponded to the type of planetary alignments noted by
Nelson in his RCA study;
3. All of this was further corroborated by the Global Scaling Theory
of Dr. Harmut Müller, who noticed that physical objects themselves
– including human social and demographic activity – clustered
around certain nodal points of standing waves in logarithmic space.
Müller went on to posit that these nodal points may indicate a real
physics of the physical medium, i.e., that such clustering was due to
the interference of longitudinal waves in the physical medium itself.
On this view, Müller’s theory is very close to the views of ancient
alchemy which posits that the physical medium is a transmutative
medium, creating information in its differentiations which in turn
become the physical objects of creation. As was noted, Müller’s
theory came to the attention of the German Institute for Space
Energy Research, which applied his theories to note the deep
physics behind human social action and organization;
4. Similar views of matter as a template or interference pattern of such
waves were expressed by quantum and plasma physicist David
Bohm;

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 5. Since in these views matter is the result of a template or interference
pattern of such waves in the medium, large masses such as planets
and stars are natural resonators of such waves. Stars in particular
are resonators of such waves, since, as rotating balls of plasma
(which in turn, according to David Bohm, exhibit phenomena of
“self-organization” and response to the “intelligent” instructions of
the physical medium) they act as efficient natural resonators of the
medium. As Richard C. Hoagland noted, it appears that the ancient
societies, with their emphasis on stars as “portals” or “gates” to
higher dimensions, preserved a legacy of this deep physics;
6. As natural resonators of these standing waves in the medium, it was
also noted that planets set up within themselves a gridwork or
template of such wave interference patterns on their surfaces, which,
it was posited, may be the physical basis for the evidence of an
“earth grid”, and of the placement of ancient sites and temples over
these nodal points. A similar claim was made by Tesla for his
wireless transmission of power facility on Long Island called
Wardenclyffe. According to Tesla, in order for his system to work,
it was necessary for it to “grip the earth”;
7. As Dr. Konstantin Meyl also noted, many such temples themselves
appear to be constructed in their dimensions to be natural resonators
of such waves. Meyl posited that such temples actually functioned
as a means of instantaneous radio communications by means of
scalar waves, using the sensitive membranes of slaughtered animals
to register and measure the pulses of such waves; and finally,
8. As noted by British researcher Hayes, DNA appears to be designed
along the same lines and principles of sacred geometry and the
hermetic code. As such, DNA itself would seem to be a natural
resonator of such waves.

2. The Underlying Principle

Examining each of these eight points, an obvious underlying physical
principle of action is implied, which may be reduced to three
components:

1. All action within the physical medium of space-time itself is

constituted of longitudinal waves of compression and rarefaction
within it;

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 2. These in turn give rise to matter, which in the form of planets and
more importantly, stars (or rotating plasma), are natural transducers
of such waves; and,
3. A system of such masses – i.e., a solar system – will, in its constantly
changing dynamics, both resonate to and in turn give off an ever-
changing dynamic and interference pattern or template of such
waves, forming, perhaps, the ultimate and now lost scientific basis
of astrology. In this, since DNA would seem to be a natural
resonator of such interference patterns or templates, through long
process of observation – the precise claim made for astrology in
ancient Sumeria – it may have been possible to predict human
response, via DNA, to such patterns in the aggregate, as Dewey and
Dakin suggested, and as the influx of physicists with their analytical
methods into economics and finance in the latter half of the
twentieth century implies.507

a. The Reasons for the Banksters’ Ancient Associations with

the Temple
We are now, at last, in a position to see why at least in ancient times
one finds the persistent pattern of the presence of “bullion brokers” or
“banksters” with the temple, for with the astrological and oracular
preoccupations of those temples, this would give such a class immediate
access to

1. prediction, i.e., advance knowledge of cycles of human activity and

emotional responses;
2. communication, for if Meyl’s hypothesis should be borne out by
subsequent scientific investigation and experiment, access to the
temple would have given them access to a means of virtually
instantaneous communication across a great part of the world’s
surface;
3. This in turn would have thus afforded them a means to concerted
and coordinated activity and social manipulation, a coordination we

507 This would, perforce, imply an astonishing thing, namely, that Dr. Li’s Gaussian
copula formula failed for yet another reason than those advanced in the Prologue, and
that the failure was due to not recognizing a deeper physics in play. The data compiled
by the Foundation for the Study of Cycles, as well as other data presented here, would
seem to indicate also that at least some in the international finance “community” are fully
aware of this hypothesis, and plan their actions accordingly.

309
 saw was strongly suggested by the bullion policies of ancient Rome
vis-à-vis the Far East; and finally,
4. If one assumes the truthfulness of the scenario of an ancient and
cosmic war outlined at the beginning of chapter one, access to the
residues of this lost science via a close association with the ancient
temple would have also given the banksters the means, ultimately,
to recover and reconstruct the technologies of hegemony and mass
destruction that are implied by that scenario, technologies which in
turn are based on exactly the same type or paradigm of physics.

It will be evident from the foregoing list that this pattern has persisted
into modern times; witness only the close association of Morgan with
Tesla, and Morgan’s eventual suppression of Tesla. There are countless
other such examples, of course: ITT’s suppression of Philo Farnsworth’s
successful plasma fusion experiments, the suppression of Dr. Ronald
Richter’s “fusion” experiments in Argentina,508 and on and on the list
could go. The same pattern holds, as well, during the “interim” period
between ancient and modern times, for during that period, one finds the
persistent interest of the royal houses in Europe in alchemy, the ability to
transmute base metals into gold. The reasons are now evident, for the
private issuance of the facsimile of money as an interest-bearing debt
note took from them the most ancient prerogative of governments and
kings: the issuance of debt-free money on the productive output of the
state.
The motivations are clear enough from the physics, for at one and the
same time the banksters were trying to recover that ancient physics, and
with it, the genuine financial alchemy of state-created money. The
banksters, for their part, are also found during the interim period, and at
both the modern and ancient poles of the story, resorting to a kind of false
alchemy of debt, a kind of “negative financial information”, while they
are simultaneously and very quietly funding certain scientists who hold
the promise of unlocking that ancient physics. Witness only Isaac
Newton’s preoccupations with alchemy, his membership in the
Masonically controlled and inspired Royal Society, and the close
connection of all these parties with the Dutch bankers that quietly and
quickly assumed control of England’s money.509

508
See my Nazi International, chapters 8 and 9.
509For the complete story of how this was accomplished, see Alexander Del Mar’s
Barbara Villiers: A History of Monetary Crimes.

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 3. The Possible Agenda
The careful reader will have noticed an immediate implication of the
previous considerations, and that is that, as far back as ancient times, the
persistent agenda of the bankster class, the international “bullion
brokers”, has been coordinated action that aimed at a global reach, with
ever larger and larger empires being created, provoking ever more wars,
and ever more business for themselves. And thus, we end where we
began, in modern times, and the persistent and consistent evidence that
this class is truly after a global hegemony. As David Astle pointed out
and as was reviewed in chapter five, this hegemony quickly, and very
early in its history, realized that all ancient pantheons and myths were
more or less identical, and thus that religion itself not only held profound
clues to the reconstruction of the lost science they sought to recover, but
that it could function as a powerful tool of social manipulation to assist
in that agenda. Not for nothing does one find a Rockefeller dynasty
supporting the work and agenda of the World Council of Churches from
its inception, or of various seminaries with a “suitable” social agenda,
nor a Rothschild dynasty sponsoring various similar work. In this,
“monotheism” really masks as a front for their own designs, with the
claims of the three great monotheistic religions – Christianity, Judaism,
and Islam – seemingly tailor-made for the manipulation and exploitation
of conflict.
But to what end all this machination?
While many have guessed at the motivations for this vast and ancient
conspiracy, no one seems to have approached anything like a final
answer. I certainly cannot claim to have done so either. But an answer
does suggest itself from the preceding pages, namely, that they are indeed
trying to reconstruct a lost mythical past: a global “golden age” with a
supremely sophisticated science with which they can dominate and
subjugate the earth. But to reconstruct it, on the scale required and
implied by their enterprise itself, will require that virtually the entire
planet and its resources must be at their disposal.
What they intend to do after that is beyond the scope and purpose of
this essay, but an answer does suggest itself, for if, as was seen, at least
one of these banking dynasties – the Rothschilds – are alleged to trace
their lineage back to Nimrod, half-human half-divine offspring of the
“gods” who once descended to earth and sired children of human
mothers, then perhaps they seek, ultimately, to return to the stars.
But….

311
 …tracing that lineage, and that motivation, is a whole other story…
For this story, however, the lesson is clear: the false alchemy of the
banksters and their issuance of the facsimile of money can only mean
that money is based on scarcity and debt, on non-renewable energy
sources, and on a paradigm of physics and energy, and a system that must
ultimately consume itself in endless slavery and wars.
It is high time to have done with them.

312
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