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PART II HEALTH EFFECTS OF EXERCISE AND
PHYSICAL ACTIVITY
5 CARDIORESPIRATORY AND METABOLIC HEALTH
Prevalence of Cardiovascular Disease
Risk Factors for Cardiovascular Disease
Kinesiology and Cardiorespiratory Health
Cardiorespiratory Fitness Assessments
General Recommendations for Cardiorespiratory Health
Prevalence and Economic Costs of Metabolic Disease
Metabolic Disease Risk Factors
Kinesiology and Metabolic Health
Common Tests of Metabolic Function
General Recommendations for Metabolic Health

6 OVERWEIGHT AND OBESITY

Caloric Balance
Prevalence of Obesity and Overweight and Associated Health
Consequences
Obesity and Overweight Risk Factors
Obesity and Overweight Challenges
Kinesiology and Body Weight
Common Assessments of Obesity and Overweight
Physical Activity Guidelines for a Healthy Weight

7 MUSCULOSKELETAL AND FUNCTIONAL HEALTH

Prevalence of Musculoskeletal Disorders and Related Health Challenges
Risk Factors Associated With Musculoskeletal Disorders and Associated
Health Challenges
Kinesiology and Musculoskeletal Health
Common Tests of Musculoskeletal Fitness or Function
Physical Activity and Musculoskeletal Health
Functional Health
Risk Factors for Poor Functional Health
Common Tests of Functional Health
Fitness Recommendations for Functional Health

8 CANCERS
 Prevalence of Cancers
Cancer Risk Factors
Kinesiology and Cancers
Physical Activity Among Cancer Survivors
Physical Activity Guidelines for Cancer Prevention

9 MENTAL HEALTH
Prevalence and Economic Costs of Mental Health Disorders
Common Mental Health Disorders
Risk Factors Associated With Mental Health Disorders
Physical Activity, Exercise, and Mental Health
Exercise, Physical Activity, and Brain Function
Physical Activity Guidelines for Mental Health

10 HEALTH RISKS OF EXERCISE AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY

Musculoskeletal Injuries
Kinesiology and Musculoskeletal Injuries
Sudden Adverse Cardiac Events

PART III STRATEGIES FOR EFFECTIVE PHYSICAL ACTIVITY PROMOTION

11 INFORMATIONAL APPROACHES FOR PROMOTING PHYSICAL ACTIVITY
Understanding the Community Guide
Rationale for Informational Approaches

12 SCHOOL-BASED APPROACHES TO PROMOTING PHYSICAL ACTIVITY

Rationale for School-Based Physical Activity Programs
Kinesiology and Physical Activity Outcomes for Youth
School-Based Physical Activity and Physical Fitness Assessments of
Youth
Physical Activity in Children and Adolescents
School-Based Physical Education
Developmental Considerations for Physical Activity in Youth

13 BEHAVIORAL AND SOCIAL APPROACHES TO PROMOTING PHYSICAL

ACTIVITY
Behavioral Theories and Theoretical Models of Behavior Change
Social Support for Health Behavior Change
 Individually Adapted Health Behavior Change Programs
Social Support Interventions in Community Settings

14 ENVIRONMENTAL AND POLICY APPROACHES TO PROMOTING PHYSICAL

ACTIVITY
Access
Urban Design and Land Use Policies
Measuring the Built and Physical Environment
Physical Activity Policy

15 PROGRAM AND POLICY EVALUATION FOR PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND

PUBLIC HEALTH
Ways to Measure Program and Policy Effectiveness
Logic Models for Physical Activity Promotion and Policies
Evaluation Designs
Data Collection and Analysis
Publishing and Communicating Results

16 PARTNERSHIP DEVELOPMENT AND ADVOCACY

Key Factors in Building Partnerships
Strategies for Physical Activity Advocacy

INDEX
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
PREFACE
Welcome to Foundations of Physical Activity and Public Health. This text is a
collection of the concepts that define the emerging field of physical activity and public
health. Much like the more established fields (i.e., the effects of nutrition and smoking
on public health), physical activity and public health has its roots in the grafting of two
other fields. In this case, public health scientists and exercise scientists have come
together to create a window to improve health through research and promotion of
physical activity. Methods and evidence from the public health sciences (epidemiology,
health promotion, behavioral science, and environmental health) and kinesiology
(exercise physiology, the movement sciences, and sport and exercise psychology),
combined with a necessary eye on health policy, constitute our field. Although nothing
can be substituted for experience, this text offers the background and introduction to
tools needed for the planning, implementation, and evaluation of physical activity
promotion programs. This is the first textbook of its kind designed for a semester-long
course in the field.
Few singular health behaviors can have as broad an impact on the health of
individuals and populations as does physical activity. The scientific base is growing
and solidifying regarding the effects of physical activity on all-cause morbidity and
mortality due to multiple noncommunicable diseases such as heart disease, some
cancers, diabetes, and osteoporosis.
It is a very exciting time of growth in physical activity and public health. The seminal
scientific works of Dr. Jeremy N. Morris and Dr. Ralph S. Paffenbarger Jr. helped set
the stage for what is now a worldwide focus on advancing the science as well as
reducing physical inactivity and promoting the benefits of regular physical activity for
the prevention and treatment of chronic diseases and other health challenges. As the
science and practice advance, physical activity is receiving increased attention from
policy and organizational decision makers worldwide, including governmental
ministers of health. Professional societies have been created to focus on advancing the
research and practice of the field, the scientific literature has expanded dramatically on
multiple fronts, and physical activity and inactivity are becoming parts of health policy
decisions at all levels. An outstanding example is the Toronto Charter for Physical
Activity: A Global Call to Action (www.globalpa.org.uk/charter). This advocacy tool
drives policies worldwide that are supportive of the role of physical activity in
promoting health.
HOW THIS BOOK IS ORGANIZED
Foundations of Physical Activity and Public Health is organized into three parts and
16 chapters.

P ART I: INTRODUCTION TO P HYSICAL ACTIVITY AND P UBLIC HEALTH

Part I introduces concepts of public health, kinesiology, and measurement. The chapters
in this part highlight fundamentals of each and how they have come together.
Chapter 1 introduces the fundamentals of public health and provides information
about the various subdisciplines of public health and how public health differs from
medicine. Finally, there is a discussion about how public health policy is often linked
to the legal and regulatory system as well as discussion of an emerging specialization in
public health.
The fundamentals of kinesiology are discussed in chapter 2. In the past, exercise was
studied and often promoted as a means of enhancing maximal performance rather than
promoting basic health benefits for all. The components of exercise training are
presented as well as the methods for applying them to target populations. The general
health, fitness, and performance effects of physical activity and exercise are discussed.
A final section presents ways to integrate traditional exercise prescription into physical
activity and exercise programs.
Chapter 3 focuses on the emergence of the subdiscipline of physical activity and
public health. Examples of the interdisciplinary interest in the field of physical activity
and public health are reviewed and the knowledge, skills, and aptitudes for careers in
physical activity and public health are provided.
In chapter 4, the importance of measuring physical activity is introduced and the
strengths and weaknesses of various laboratory and field methods are discussed.
Overviews of the following techniques are included: indirect calorimetry, doubly
labeled water, accelerometers, pedometers, direct observation, and self-report
instruments. Observational techniques such as physical activity surveillance and
sources of data-based comparison are also discussed.

P ART II: HEALTH EFFECTS OF EXERCISE AND P HYSICAL ACTIVITY

The scientific base of the health effects of physical activity and inactivity is remarkable
in its size and complexity. It continues to grow each year, and the overwhelming
evidence for the health benefits and risks of physical activity provides much of the
rationale for action.
Cardiovascular and metabolic diseases and their relations to physical activity are
presented in chapter 5. The chapter starts with a discussion of the prevalence and
economic costs of cardiovascular and metabolic diseases. Specific physiological,
biomechanical, and behavioral adaptations to physical activity and exercise are also
identified. Common testing methodologies for predicting and diagnosing metabolic
disease are provided. The evidence for the effect of physical activity on
cardiorespiratory and metabolic disease is discussed.
Chapter 6 contains common definitions for overweight and obesity and a discussion
about the prevalence (U.S. and worldwide) and the economic costs of these conditions.
A discussion of caloric balance is included, and the contributions that physical activity
and exercise have on balance are highlighted. The various risk factors associated with
overweight and obesity are discussed and specific physiological, biomechanical, and
behavioral adaptations to physical activity and exercise are identified. Methods for
assessing body composition are provided. The effects of physical activity on weight
loss, weight maintenance, and weight regain are discussed along with the physical
activity guidelines for achieving caloric balance and a healthy weight.
Chapter 7 focuses on musculoskeletal disorders and functional health. The risk
factors, prevalence, and economic costs of musculoskeletal disorders and disability are
discussed. Specific physiological, biomechanical, and behavioral adaptations to
physical activity and exercise are provided. Common testing methodologies for muscle
function and functional health are included. The evidence for the effect of physical
activity on musculoskeletal disorders and disability in functional health is discussed.
In chapter 8, cancers related to physical inactivity are discussed and the prevalence
of each is highlighted. The mechanism by which physical activity might reduce the risk
of some cancers is included along with a discussion of common risks for cancer.
Specific physiological, biomechanical, and behavioral adaptations to physical activity
and exercise are identified. Included is a discussion of scientific evidence supporting
the benefits of physical activity for cancer survivors as well as evidence for the role of
physical activity in the prevention of cancer.
Chapter 9 examines the effects of physical activity on mental health. The prevalence,
economic costs, and risk factors of mental health disorders are discussed. A framework
for studying mental health problems and their response to physical activity interventions
is provided along with a discussion about the effects of physical activity on brain
function: reaction time, learning tasks, cognitive function, and academic achievement.
The recommendations for physical activity complete the chapter.
In chapter 10, adverse events associated with physical activity are discussed.
Participation in regular physical activity and exercise may increase the risk of
musculoskeletal injuries and sudden cardiac death in some cases. The chapter contains
a discussion about defining adverse events, the prevalence of problems, the risks
associated with injury, and the adaptive processes that may help prevent injury.
P ART III: STRATEGIES FOR EFFECTIVE P HYSICAL ACTIVITY P ROMOTION

The chapters in part III introduce evidence-based strategies for increasing physical
activity in individuals and populations. Public health is characterized by translating
science into action for advancing the health of the population. The strategies presented
in part III have been scientifically demonstrated to increase physical activity and can be
used for action in a variety of settings.
Methods for promoting physical activity are discussed in chapter 11, which opens
with a discussion about the importance of using the Guide to Community Preventive
Services as a resource for identifying physical activity intervention programs that work.
A discussion about the impact of community-wide campaigns on increasing physical
activity is included along with an overview of mass-media campaigns.
In chapter 12, the rationale for school-based physical activity interventions is
presented. The scientific benefits of physical activity in youth are reviewed, and
commonly used physical fitness tests for school settings are discussed. A section that
highlights current U.S. strategies and policies for promoting physical activity via
school-based programs is included. The remainder of the chapter focuses on examples
of evidence-based school physical activity programs.
In chapter 13, the focus is on evidence-based strategies for behavioral and social
approaches to physical activity promotion. The chapter includes a discussion of current
behavioral theories and theoretical models that are used to explain physical activity
behavior in individuals. Social support strategies for physical activity promotion in
communities are defined and highlighted, and examples of both types of approaches are
provided.
In chapter 14, environmental and policy influences on physical activity are reviewed,
as are strategies for change. The ways in which aspects of the physical and built
environment can encourage or inhibit physical activity are reviewed. The role of urban
design for physically active populations and evidence-based strategies for change are
discussed.
In chapter 15, evaluation of physical activity programs is introduced. The chapter
begins with a discussion of the six-step Physical Activity Evaluation Framework
developed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). The concepts of
formative evaluation, process evaluation, outcome evaluation, and cost-effectiveness
evaluation are covered. Logic models are presented. The chapter also contains
discussions about evaluation designs, data collection and analysis, and publishing and
communicating results.
Chapter 16 is the final chapter in the text, which focuses on building effective
partnerships for physical activity programs. Examples of effective partnering include a
state plan (Active Texas 2020), the U.S. National Physical Activity Plan, and the
international Toronto Charter for Physical Activity. Strategies for physical activity
advocacy are included, and models for advocacy and effective leadership conclude the
chapter.

SPECIAL FEATURES
The content and chapter organization of Foundations of Physical Activity and Public
Health is based on contemporary teaching principles to maximize learning
opportunities for students. Following are the features in each chapter:
• Objectives are summaries of take-away messages you should learn by reading and
studying the material.
• Opening questions help you think about how you can use information in the text.
• Highlight boxes are examples of topics covered in the text, which will help you
translate theory into practice.
• Case studies are real-life examples of selected concepts covered in the chapter,
and are found in part III.
• Key leader profiles are mini-biographies of world leaders in physical activity and
public health. Each leader addresses four key questions about his or her work in
the field.
• What you need to know is a bulleted review of the chapter to help you study the
information provided.
• Terms to know are the key terms covered in the text.
• Study questions are general questions that represent all the material covered in the
text.
• E-media are web-based resources that pertain to the material covered in the
chapter.
• Bibliographies are additional published resources for further study.

NOTE TO STUDENTS
As the field of physical activity and public health expands, an increasing number of job
opportunities will be available for those who achieve the core competencies as
endorsed by the National Society of Physical Activity Practitioners, established in
2006 (www.nspapph.org). Coursework that covers concepts of physical activity and
public health will help future graduates in diverse employment settings such as public
health and health care, business and industry, the nonprofit sector, education, mass
media, urban planning and architecture, and parks and recreation. University students in
majors and minors such as kinesiology, athletic training, physical therapy, medicine,
nursing, and nutrition, as well as trainers in public services (fire, police, and military),
rehabilitation specialists, and wellness instructors will find a natural connection
between their professional duties and the need for promotion of physical activity and
public health to colleagues and communities.

NOTE TO INSTRUCTORS
This text is targeted to students in exercise science or public health programs who are
enrolled in elective courses that expand their understanding beyond what is taught in
traditional core courses. The 2008 Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans
(www.health.gov/PAGuidelines), the accompanying Physical Activity Guidelines
Advisory Committee Report (www.health.gov/PAGuidelines/committeereport.aspx),
and the CDC’s Guide to Community Preventive Services
(www.thecommunityguide.org) are valuable resources that provide much of the
framework for the development of this text.
The following free ancillaries are also available to instructors who adopt this
textbook:
• The instructor guide includes syllabus suggestions, teaching tips, and sample class
assignments.
• The test package includes over 300 questions, including multiple choice, true-
false, and fill-in-the-blank questions. The test package can be downloaded in
multiple formats depending on your teaching needs, and can also be modified to
include test questions that you create.
• The image bank includes all of the figures and tables from the text. You can use
these items to create your own Power Point presentations, handouts, or other class
materials.
These resources can be accessed at
www.HumanKinetics.com/FoundationsOfPhysicalActivityAndPublicHealth. The
authors, who have taught courses in physical activity and public health, have helped
develop all of the ancillary materials.
We trust that Foundations of Physical Activity and Public Health will allow you to
develop courses that inspire students to pursue careers in physical activity and public
health.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Because life is a journey with many encounters that continually make us who we are, it
is nearly impossible to acknowledge all those who have influenced and taught me over
the years. Several people do stand out, however. Thom McCurdy and Louis E. Burnett
Jr. sparked and fed my early interest in science. Caroline A. Macera introduced me to
epidemiology and public health. Milton Z. Nichaman made me an epidemiologist.
Steven N. Blair helped me tremendously by showing me how it all fit together and
being the role model that we all should have and be. Thanks to each of these mentors
who have helped to shape my thinking.
My wife, Ann, has been with me throughout the process and has seen my challenges
as no one else can see them. My parents, Harold W. Kohl Jr. and Rose Ann Kohl, gave
me every possible advantage and pushed me to challenge myself every day. Virginia
Michelli assisted me throughout the process. This project would not have happened
without the influence each has had on me.
—HWK

I thank my parents, Bob and Louise Murray, for being role models for active living and
for supporting my academic pursuits. I want to also thank Karen Mitchell for
encouraging my writing efforts and Bill and Ann Kohl for their friendship and wit,
which made the whole process even more worthwhile.
—TDM

We acknowledge Geoffrey P. Whitfield, MS, RCEP, and two anonymous reviewers for
their time and comments, which made this text more focused. Their contributions are
sincerely appreciated. Mariya Grygorenko provided much needed editorial assistance.
At Human Kinetics, several people contributed the right blend of patience, prodding,
and talent to help bring this project to completion. Myles Schrag, Judy Park, and
Brendan Shea in particular were most helpful and a pleasure to work with.
FUNDAMENTALS OF PUBLIC HEALTH

OBJECTIVES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to discuss the following:
» The definition and history of public health
» How public health has become specialized and the five main pillars of public
health
» The five main principles that guide health promotion and health education efforts
in public health
» The 10 essential functions that support the core services of public health
» Why public health policy is often linked to legal and regulatory systems
» The emerging physical activity specialization in public health
OPENING QUESTIONS
What comes to mind when you read the words public health?
Screening children for nutritional deficiencies?
» Quarantine practices to isolate a person with tuberculosis to prevent an outbreak of
the disease?
» Disaster responses to prevent disease transmission during and after a hurricane or
earthquake?
» Prenatal education for expectant mothers?
» Promotion of physical activity to lower the burden of chronic, noncommunicable
diseases such as heart disease and diabetes mellitus?
If you answered yes to any of these questions, you are correct. Public health is all this
and more.

Public health is a field that encompasses many disciplines in an effort to promote and
protect health and prevent disease and disability in defined populations and
communities. Although medicine and medical training are integral to public health,
particularly in understanding the mechanisms of disease transmission, medicine is more
interested in the treatment of and cures for diseases and disabilities in individuals. The
key difference between public health and medicine is that public health traditionally has
focused less on individuals and treatment and more on populations and prevention.
Clearly, then, public health should be focused on problems that affect, or could
affect, a substantial portion of the population. For this reason, rare diseases and
disabilities and seemingly random health events are often less of a concern to public
health than problems that may affect many people in a population. This is not to say that
such situations are not important, particularly to the people afflicted, but rather, that the
focus of public health is on the health of the population as a whole. Overall, the health
of a population is rarely improved by focusing only on rare diseases and health
problems that affect the few.
This first chapter offers an overview of the principles and key areas of public health
and describes the fundamental services of public health. Happily, public health has
grown far beyond its origins and has allowed populations to thrive in the face of new
and emerging health problems.

DEFINING MOMENTS IN PUBLIC HEALTH

Although a complete treatment of the history of public health is beyond the scope of this
chapter (it could, and does, fill whole books), an understanding of some defining
moments in public health is instructive. This understanding helps place the emergence
of physical activity and public health as a separate discipline within public health in
context. Winkelstein (2011) offers a more complete treatment of the history and
evolution of public health.
Although disease and epidemics have occurred for thousands of years, the earliest
roots of organized public health emerged in the mid-14th century. At the time, the Black
Death (bubonic plague) ravaged Europe, killing an estimated 25% of the population. As
we know now, the disease was tied to the black rat, the rat flea (Xenopsylla cheopis)
that lived on the blood of the black rat, and the bacterium Pasteurella pestis that helped
the flea to seek out additional food by biting warm-blooded humans. At the time,
however, an understanding of the germ theory of infection and disease (i.e., that
microorganisms are responsible for sickness and not simply “bad air” or other
nonbiological reasons) was still 400 to 500 years in the future. Advances in
transportation (shipping) around Europe and the Middle East spread the disease to
other geographic areas. Although no one knew when or how the disease would strike,
public health was advanced by the creation of health boards and systems for counting
and collecting the dead. Unknowingly, this was the first attempt at a vital statistics
system, which is now routine in public health organizations throughout the world.

Although the cause of the bubonic plague was unknown in its time, counting the dead was one of the first examples of
creating public health statistics. Can you think of examples of tracking modern diseases to the source?

Another advance in public health grew out of concern about the health of workers
(particularly children) and the deplorable working conditions that were rampant early
in the industrial revolution of the 19th century. Little regulation was in place at the time,
and workplaces were polluted, unsafe, and very conducive to disease and injury. Young
children were working to support families, and the poor and less advantaged were
particularly susceptible. The association between poverty and health was recognized
early in the 19th century, and policies and programs to address such disparities began
to emerge. Edwin Chadwick in Great Britain was an early leader in the cause of
improving sanitation, housing conditions, worker safety, and garbage disposal practices
in poor communities. This is one of the first examples of using policy and legislation to
improve health.
The lens of history points to the early 20th century as another critical period in the
history of public health. With the legitimization of the germ theory of disease
transmission by Robert Koch and Louis Pasteur (working independently) in the late
1800s, new methods for treating (and preventing) disease emerged. Sanitation,
quarantine, and other methods for controlling infectious diseases became standard
practices in cities. Boards of health were developed to deal with health threats to the
community. Vaccines and antibiotics were discovered and quickly resulted in
monumental improvements in disease control.
The 20th century represents a bridge between a focus on infectious (communicable)
diseases and a focus on chronic (noncommunicable) diseases. Once infectious
diseases were becoming less influential, nutritional diseases (due largely to
micronutrient deficiencies) became a priority. Maternal and child health also was a
critical piece of the public health puzzle in the 20th century. The infant mortality rate, as
well as the maternal mortality rate, was abominable. Advances such as mandating
training and licensure of midwives were public health interventions that helped to
control this burden.
Finally, following the decline of infectious diseases and nutritional deficiency
diseases, the mid-to-late portion of the 20th century was witness to the emergence of
chronic diseases (noncommunicable) as those that had the largest population reach and
thus were a substantial public health concern. Heart disease, diabetes mellitus, cancers,
mental health disorders, and musculoskeletal disorders firmly replaced infectious and
nutritional diseases as key causes of death and illness in the world. To be specific, a
2011 report by the World Health Organization (WHO; 2011a) detailed that more than
60% of all deaths worldwide in 2008 were due to chronic diseases (see table 1.1).
Only 150 years in the past, infectious diseases were the leading concern and the
primary cause of sickness and death. Today, diseases influenced by lifestyle and
genetics are the greatest public health concern. This remarkable transition in public
health coincides with the beginning of the physical activity story.
AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION IN PUBLIC HEALTH
An important part of the evolution and history of public health has been the emergence
of training programs and techniques to address public health challenges. The
establishment of the London School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene in the United
Kingdom, and of the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health in the United States, in the
early 20th century were key steps to creating a workforce with the skills necessary for
handling public health problems. Very rapidly following these early efforts, additional
training and certification of academic programs took hold in the United States. In 2011,
the United States and Mexico had 50 accredited schools of public health providing
leadership and training opportunities for master’s and doctoral students. These training
programs have evolved over the years, resulting in widely accepted standards for areas
of training and specialization in public health.
Figure 1.1 illustrates the five broad areas of specialization, or pillars, of public
health, each of which contributes uniquely to the field.

EPIDEMIOLOGY AND DISEASE CONTROL

Epidemiology is the basic science of public health. The word epidemiology comes
from Greek origins: epidemia (“on people”) and -ology (“to study”). Although several
definitions exist, a modern-day definition of epidemiology is “the study of distributions
and determinants of disease and disability in populations” (Mausner and Bahn 1974).
Notable in this definition, and following from the preceding discussion, is the word
populations. Epidemiologists are focused on a defined population and how a disease
or disability affects that population. What causes the spread of the disease or
disability? How can it be prevented? How many people are affected? What types of
people or other organisms are possibly affected more than others? Who is at risk? How
many could be affected in the future? These are all questions that epidemiologists are
trained to answer.

KNOWLEDGE INTO ACTION

Public health science is characterized not just by the accumulation of new knowledge,
but also by the application of that knowledge to improve health. Public health research
must be able to be translated to action for disease prevention, health promotion, or
both.

Epidemiology is a quantitative scientific discipline that relies heavily on statistics

and study design. With the transition in the 20th century to disease burden being
attributed primarily to noncommunicable diseases, epidemiological methods have
evolved to apply not only to infectious disease outbreak investigations, but also to
studies of longer-term chronic disease investigations. For example, much of what we
know about risk factors for heart disease (e.g., poor lipid and lipoprotein profile, high
blood pressure, cigarette smoking, physical inactivity) came from early and ongoing
epidemiological studies of (mostly) men with and without these characteristics.
Researchers used epidemiological methods to compare and contrast study participants
with and without the conditions and then calculated the risk associated with the
occurrence of a disease. These techniques have evolved as the need to address more
complicated analytical questions has increased.

ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH

The environment can be defined as “all that is external to the host organism” (WHO
2011b)—including physical, biological, and cultural influences. Our physical
environment (i.e., where we live, work, and play) has a powerful influence on our
health. The air we breathe, the water we drink, the food we eat, the safety of our work
environment, our exposure to radiation, and the ways we control those environmental
influences can promote or hinder public health. Thus, a large part of public health
addresses environmental health.
Major advances have been made in public health as a result of environmental health
studies. Prohibition of lead-based paint to reduce the risk of learning disabilities in
children, fluoridation of water supplies to reduce dental problems in communities, air
quality regulations for automobile manufacturers and industrial polluters to promote
cleaner air and water, and food safety standards to reduce the risk of food-borne
diseases are all examples of public health initiatives that came about as a result of
environmental health studies. Can you think of others?
Clearly, environmental influences on health have been known for centuries.
Systematic approaches to studying the environmental influences on health, quantifying
these influences, and prioritizing resources and approaches to eliminate the health
hazards have been advanced only relatively recently. We will learn in chapter 14 that
our understanding of the role of the environment in promoting or inhibiting physical
activity has advanced rapidly since the mid-1990s. We can now identify barriers and
correlates in the physical and social and cultural environment that influence physical
activity participation. This has been, and will continue to be, a major growth area in the
field of physical activity and public health.
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Title: An American Diplomat in China

Author: Paul S. Reinsch

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN AMERICAN

DIPLOMAT IN CHINA ***
AN AMERICAN DIPLOMAT
IN CHINA

WRITINGS OF PAUL S. REINSCH

The Common Law in the Early

American Colonies, 1899
World Politics at the End of the
Nineteenth Century As Influenced
by The Oriental Situation, 1900

Colonial Government, 1902

Colonial Administration, 1905
American Legislatures and
Legislative Methods, 1907
Intellectual Currents in the Far
East, 1911
International Unions, 1911
Essentials of Government, 1920
(Published in Chinese)
Secret Diplomacy, 1921
AN AMERICAN DIPLOMAT
IN CHINA
BY

PAUL S. REINSCH
AMERICAN MINISTER TO CHINA
1913-1919

GARDEN CITY, N.Y., AND TORONTO

DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY

1922

COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY

DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF TRANSLATION

INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN

COPYRIGHT, 1921, 1922, BY ASIA PUBLISHING COMPANY IN THE

UNITED STATES AND ENGLAND. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES
AT
 THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS, GARDEN CITY, N.Y.
First Edition

CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
PART I
OLD CHINA AND THE NEW
REPUBLIC
The Dictator-President of
I. 1
China
II. China of Many Persons 8
Old Confucianism in the
III. 23
New China
A Glimpse Behind the
IV. 42
Political Scenes
With Men Who Watch
V. 48
Politics
China of Merchant-
VI. 59
Adventurers
Prompt Proposals for
VII. 70
American Action
VIII. A Little Vision for China 80
IX. "Slow Americans" 95
X. Folk Ways and Officials 108
PART II
THE PASSING OF YUAN SHIH-
KAI
The War: Japan in
XI. 123
Shantung
The Famous Twenty-One
XII. 129
Demands
XIII. Getting Together 150
 XIV. War Days in Peking 161
XV. Emperor Yuan Shih-Kai 171
Downfall and Death of Yuan
XVI. 183
Shih-Kai
XVII. Republicans in the Saddle 198
PART III
THE WAR AND CHINA
American Entrepreneurs in
XVIII. 207
Peking
XIX. Guarding the "Open Door" 217
Diary of Quiet Days.
XX. 230
Autumn of 1916
XXI. China Breaks with Germany 241
China's Bosses Come to
XXII. 260
Peking
XXIII. An Emperor for a Day 272
War With Germany:
XXIV. 286
Readjustments
The Chinese Go A-
XXV. 296
Borrowing
PART IV
LAST YEAR OF WAR AND
AFTERMATH
XXVI. The Lansing-Ishii Notes 307
Amidst Troubles Peking
XXVII. 317
Rejoices
XXVIII. A New World War Coming? 328
XXIX. Japan Shows Her Teeth 339
Bandits, Intriguers, and a
XXX. 347
House Divided
Young Men in Peking, Old
XXXI. 358
Men in Paris
 XXXII. A Nation Strikes and Unites 368
XXXIII. Taking Leave of Peking 375
Index 391

INTRODUCTION
Through recent developments China has been put in the forefront of
international interest. The world is beginning to have an idea of its
importance. Those who have long known it, who have given
attention to its traditions and the sources of its social and industrial
strength, have the conviction that China will become a factor of the
first magnitude in the composition of the world of the twentieth
century. They have penetrated beyond the idea that China is a land
of topsy-turvy, the main function of which is to amuse the outsider
with unexpected social customs, and which, from a political point of
view, is in a state bordering upon chaos. When we ask ourselves
what are the elements which may constitute China's contribution to
the future civilization of the world, what are the characteristics which
render her civilization significant to all of us, we enter upon a subject
that would in itself require a volume merely to present in outline.
From the point of view of social action, there is the widely diffused
sense of popular equity which has enabled Chinese society for these
many centuries to govern itself, to maintain property rights, personal
honour and dignity without recourse to written law or set tribunals,
chiefly through an informal enforcement by society itself acting
through many agencies, of that underlying sense of proportion and
rightness which lives in the hearts of the people. From the point of
view of economic life, China presents the picture of a society in
which work has not been robbed of its joy, in which the satisfaction
of seeing the product of industry grow in the hands of the craftsman
still forms the chief reward of a labour performed with patient toil
but without heartbreaking drudgery. From the point of view of social
organization, China forms an extremely intricate organism in which
the specific relationship between definite individuals counts far more
than any general principles or ideas. Loyalty, piety, a sense of fitness
give meaning to the ceremonial of Chinese social life, which is more
than etiquette as a mere ornament of social intercourse in that it
bodies forth in visible form as every-day observances, the relations
and duties upon which society rests. From the point of view of art,
China stands for a refinement of quality which attests the loving
devotion of generations to the idea of a perfect product; in the
representative arts, calmness of perception has enabled the Chinese
to set a model for the artistic reproduction of the environments of
human life. In their conception of policy and world position, the
Chinese people have ever shown a readiness to base any claim to
ascendancy upon inherent excellence and virtue. They have not
imposed upon their neighbours any artificial authority, though they
have proudly received the homage and admiration due their noble
culture.
At this time, when the Far Eastern question is the chief subject-
matter of international conferences and negotiations, China stands
before the world in the eyes of those who really know her, not as a
bankrupt pleader for indulgence and assistance, but as a great unit
of human tradition and force which, heretofore somewhat over-
disdainful of the things through which other nations had won power
and preference and mechanical mastery, has lived a trifle carelessly
in the assurance that real strength must rest on inner virtue; China
has made no use of the arts of self-advertisement, but has felt
within her the consciousness of a great human force that must
ultimately prevail over petty intrigue and forceful aggression. The
secular persistence of Chinese civilization has given to the Chinese
an inner strength and confidence which make them bear up even
when the aggressiveness of nations more effectively organized for
attack seems to render their position well-nigh desperate. Can the
world fail to realize that if this vast society can continue to live
according to its traditions of peace and useful industry instead of
being made the battleground of contending Imperial interests, the
peace of the world will be more truly advanced than it may be by
any covenants of formal contrivance? Declarations, treaties, and
leagues are all useful instruments, but unless the nations agree
without afterthought to respect the life and civilization of China, all
professions of world betterment would be belied in fact. If China is
to be looked upon as material for the imperialist policies of others,
peace conferences will discuss and resolve in vain.
During the six years of my work in China I was constantly
surrounded by the evidences of the transition of Chinese life to new
methods and aims. In all its complex phases this enormous
transformation passed in review before my eyes, in all its deep
significance, not only for China and the Far East, but for the whole
world. It was this that made life and work in China at this time so
intensely fascinating. A new form of government had been adopted.
As I represented the Republic upon which it had been largely
modeled, whose spirit the Chinese were anxious to follow, it fell to
me to counsel with Chinese leaders as if I had been one of their
number. The experience of a great American commonwealth which
had itself successfully endeavoured to raise its organization to a
higher plane was of unending assistance to me in enabling me to
see the Chinese problems as part of what right-thinking men were
struggling for throughout the world. The most discouraging feature
was, however, that the needs of China so often took the form of
emergencies in which it seemed futile to plan at long range, in which
immediate help was necessary. Where one was coöperating with a
group of men beset by overpowering difficulties of the moment, it
often seemed academic even to think of the general improvement of
political and economic organization, over a longer range of time. The
old elements of the Imperial régime, the traditional methods of
basing authority on something from above, the purely personal
conception of politics with the corruption incident upon the idea that
members of clans must take care of each other—which formerly was
a virtue—all were the sources of the outstanding difficulties that
jutted everywhere into the plans for a more highly and efficiently
organized commonwealth. But it was a pleasure to see the growing
manifestation of a commonwealth spirit, the organization of public
opinion, and the clearer vision of the demands of public service.
Even among the officials the idea that the Government was merely a
taxing and office-holding organization was giving way, especially
among the younger men, to a desire that the functions of
government should be used for developmental purposes, in helping
the people towards better methods in agriculture and industry, in
encouraging improved communications and public works of many
kinds.
International action as seen from Peking during this period did not
have many reassuring qualities. In most cases it was based upon a
desire to lose no technical advantage of position; to yield not a whit,
no matter what general benefit might result through mutual
concessions. Each one was jealously guarding his position in which
he had advanced step by step. Some were willing to make common
cause with others in things that would not always commend
themselves to a sense of equity, in order that they might take still
another step forward. During the major part of this period one
power employed every device of intrigue, intimidation, corruption,
and force in order to gain a position for itself in flagrant disregard of
the rights of the Chinese people itself, and in oblivion of the rights of
others.
As to American policy, the difficulties which I encountered arose
from the fact that a great deal was expected of a country so
powerful, which had declared and always pursued a policy so just to
China. Chinese goodwill and confidence, and the real friendship of
the Chinese people toward America certainly tended to make easier
any task America might be ready to undertake. But America had no
political aims and desired to abstain particularly from anything
verging on political interference, even in behalf of those principles
we so thoroughly believe in. American relationships to China
depended not on governmental action, but on a spontaneous
coöperation between the two peoples in matters of education,
commerce, and industry.
Infinitely complex as were the questions of Chinese internal affairs
and of the privileges and desires of the various powers, yet to my
mind it was not a difficult problem to see what should be done in
order to put matters on a sound foundation. I had learned to have
great confidence in the ability of the Chinese to manage their own
affairs when let alone, particularly in commerce and industry.
That was the first desideratum, to secure for them immunity from
the constant interference, open and secret, on the part of foreign
interests desirous of confusing Chinese affairs and drawing
advantage from such confusion. So far as American diplomatic action
was concerned, its essential task was to prevent such interference,
and to see to it that China could not be closed even by those indirect
methods which often accompany the most vociferous, ardent
declarations in favour of Chinese independence and sovereignty. We
therefore had to keep a close watch and to resist in specific detail
any and all of those innumerable efforts on the part of others to
secure and fortify a position of privilege. That was the negative side
of our action. The positive side, however, was entirely non-political.
Americans sought no position of tutordom or control. Only upon the
free and spontaneous invitation of the Chinese would they come to
counsel and assist.
The important thing was that Americans should continue to take a
hand in the education of China and the upbuilding of Chinese
business and enterprise. They had done this in the past, and would
do it in the future in the spirit of free coöperation, without desire to
exercise a tutelage over others, always rejoicing in any progress the
Chinese themselves made. Such activities must continue and
increase. Sound action in business and constructive work in industry
should be America's contribution to the solution of the specific
difficulties of China. The Chinese people were discouraged,
confused, disillusioned; but every centre, no matter how small, from
which radiate sound influences in education and business, is a
source of strength and progress. If Americans could be stopped from
doing these things, or impeded and obstructed in them, then there
would nothing further remain worth while for Americans to do. But if
they could organize enterprises, great and small, they would in the
most direct and effective manner give the encouragement and
organizing impulse which China needed so urgently. So the simple
principle of American action in China is this: By doing things in
themselves worth while, Americans will contribute most to the true
liberation of the Chinese people.
Never has one nation had a greater opportunity to act as counsellor
and friend to another and to help a vast and lovable people to
realize its striving for a better life. Coöperation freely sought,
unconstrained, spontaneous desire to model on institutions and
methods which are admired—that is the only way in which nations
may mutually influence each other without the coercion of political
power and the cunning of intrigue. That is a feeling which has
existed in the hearts of the Chinese toward America. The American
people does not yet realize what a treasure it possesses in this
confidence.

PART I
OLD CHINA AND THE
NEW REPUBLIC

CHAPTER I
THE DICTATOR-PRESIDENT OF CHINA
"My opponents are disloyal. They would pull down my government."
He who spoke was cordial in his manner as he thus off handedly
epitomized his theory of government.
Yuan Shih-kai, President of the Chinese Republic, was short of
stature and thickset; but his expressive face, his quick gestures, his
powerful neck and bullet head, gave him the appearance of great
energy. His eyes, which were fine and clear, alive with interest and
mobile, were always brightly alert. They fixed themselves on the
visitor with keen penetration, yet never seemed hostile; they were
full always of keen interest. These eyes of his revealed how readily
he followed—or usually anticipated—the trend of the conversation,
though he listened with close attention, seemingly bringing his
judgment to bear on each new detail. Frenchmen saw in him a
resemblance to Clemenceau; and this is born out by his portrait
which appears on the Chinese dollar. In stature, facial expression,
shape of head, contour of features as well as in the manner of
wearing his moustache, he did greatly resemble the Tiger.
I had noted these things when I was first presented to the
President, and I had felt also the almost ruthless power of the man.
Republican in title he was, but an autocrat at heart. All the old
glittering trappings of the empire he had preserved. Even the Chief
of the Military Department of the President's household, General Yin
Chang, whom Yuan had sent to fetch me in Imperial splendour, is a
Manchu and former Imperial commander. His one foreign language
significantly enough was German which he acquired when he was
minister in Berlin. I had passed between files of the huge guardsmen
of Yuan Shih-kai, who had Frederick the Great's fondness for tall
men; and I found him in the showy palace of the great Empress
Dowager, standing in the main throne hall to receive me. He was
flanked by thirty generals of his household, extended in wings at
both sides of him, and their uniforms made it a most impressive
scene.
But that was an occasion of state. Later, at a more informal
interview, accompanied only by Mr. Williams, secretary of the
legation and Mr. Peck, the Chinese secretary, observed Yuan's
character more fully. He had just expelled from parliament the
democratic party (Kuo Min Tang); then he had summarily dismissed
the Parliament itself. Feeling, perhaps, a possible loss of American
goodwill he had sent for me to explain his action.
"It was not a good parliament, for it was made up largely of
inexperienced theorists and young politicians," he began. "They
wished to meddle with the Government as well as to legislate on all
matters. Their real function was to adopt a permanent constitution
for the Republic, but they made no headway with that." And with
much truth he added: "Our traditions are very different from your
Western ones and our affairs are very complex. We cannot safely
apply your abstract ideas of policy."
Of his own work of stirring up, through emissaries, internal and
partisan controversies which prevented the new parliament from
effectively organizing, Yuan of course omitted to speak. Moreover, he
said little of the possibility of more closely coördinating the executive
and the legislative branches; so while he avowed his desire to have
a constitution forthwith, and to reconstitute Parliament by more
careful selections under a new electoral law, I found myself thinking
of his own career. His personal rule, his unscrupulous advancement
to power, with the incidental corruption and cold-blooded executions
that marked it, and his bitter personal feeling against all political
opponents—these were not qualities that make for stable
parliamentary government, which depends on allowing other people
frankly to advocate their opinions in the effort to gain adherents
enough to succeed in turn to political power. The failure to
understand this basic principle of democracy is the vice of Chinese
politics.
"As you see," Yuan beamed eagerly, "the Chinese Republic is a very
young baby. It must be nursed and kept from taking strong meat or
potent medicines like those prescribed by foreign doctors." This
metaphor he repeated with relish, his eyes sparkling as they sought
mine and those of the other listeners to get their expressions of
assent or reserve.
A young baby indeed and childishly cared for! Here, for example, is a
decree published by Yuan Shih-kai on March 8, 1915. It indicates
how faith in his republicanism was penetrating to remote regions,
and how such faith was rewarded by him:
"Ihsihaishun, Prince of the Koersin Banner, reported through the
Board for Mongolia and Tibet that Kuanchuk-chuaimupal, Hutukhtu
of the Banner, has led his followers to support the cause of the
Republic and requested that the said Hutukhtu be rewarded for his
good sentiments. The said Hutukhtu led his followers and vowed
allegiance to the Republic, which action shows that he clearly
understands the good cause. He is hereby allowed to ride in a yellow
canopied carriage to show our appreciation."
This rather naïve emphasis on externals and on display is born of the
old imperialism, a more significant feature of Chinese political life
than it may seem. It colours most of the public ceremonies in China.
The state carriage which the President had sent to convey me to his
official residence in the Imperial City for the presentation of my
credentials, on November 17th, was highly ornate, enamelled in blue
with gold decorations. It was drawn by eight horses, with a cavalry
escort sent by the President and my own guard of mounted marines;
the legation staff of secretaries and attachés accompanied me in
other carriages.
Thus in an old Imperial barouche and with an ex-Imperial military
officer, General Yin, at my side, I rolled on toward the abode of the
republican chief magistrate. We alighted at the monumental gate of
an enclosure that surrounds the lovely South Lake in the western
part of the Imperial City. On an island within this lake arose, tier
above tier, and roofed with bright tiles of blue and yellow, the palace
assigned by the Empress Dowager to Emperor Kwang Hsu; for long
years, until death took him, it was his abode in semi-captivity. This
palace was now the home of President Yuan.
The remote origin of its buildings, their exquisite forms and brilliant
colouring, as contrasted with the sombreness of the lake at that
season, and the stirring events of which they have been the scene,
cannot fail to impress the visitor as he slowly glides across the
Imperial lake in the old-fashioned boat, with its formal little cabin,
curtained and upholstered, and with its lateral planks, up and down
which pass the men who propel the boat with long poles.
Arrived at the palace, everything recalled the colourful court life so
recently departed. I was greeted by the master of ceremonies, Mr.
Lu Cheng-hsiang, and his associate, Mr. Alfred Sze, later Chinese
minister at London and Washington. The former soon after became
Minister for Foreign Affairs, while Mr. Sze was originally sent as
minister to England. These gentlemen escorted me through a series
of courts and halls, all spacious and impressive, until we reached the
old Imperial library, a very jewel of architecture in this remarkable
Eastern world of beauty. The library faces on a clear and deep pool
round which are grouped the court theatre and various throne rooms
and festival halls; all quiet and secluded—a charming place for
distinguished entertainments. The rustle of heavy silks, the play of
iridescent colour, the echoes of song and lute from the theatre—all
that exquisite oriental refinement still seems to linger.
The library itself is the choicest of all these apartments. The perfect
sense of proportion expressed in the architecture, the quiet reserve
in all its decorations, the living literary reminiscence in the verses
written on the paper panels by the Imperial hand, all testify to a
most fastidious taste.
Here we rested for a few minutes while word was carried to the
President, who was to receive my credentials. Then followed our
walk between the files of the huge guardsmen, our entrance to the
large audience chamber in the pretentious modern structure erected
by the Empress Dowager, and the presentation to Yuan Shih-kai, as
he stood in the centre, flanked by his generals.
I was formally presented to the President by Mr. Sun Pao-chi,
Minister of Foreign Affairs; and Dr. Wellington Koo translated my
brief address and the President's reply.
A military dictatorship had succeeded the old imperialism, that was
all. Yuan had made his reputation and gained his power as a military
commander. Yet there was about him nothing of the adventurer, nor
any suggestion of the field of battle. He seemed now to be an
administrator rather than a military captain. Certainly he had won
power through infinite patience, great knowledge of men, political
insight, and, above all, through playing always a safe if unscrupulous
game.
What is meant by governing in a republic he could not know.
Without high literary culture, although with a mind trained and well
informed, he had not seen foreign countries, nor had he any
knowledge of foreign languages. Therefore, he could have only a
remote and vague notion of the foreign institutions which China at
this time was beginning to imitate. He had no real knowledge or
conception of the commonwealth principle of government, nor of the
true use and function of a parliament, and particularly of a
parliamentary opposition. He merely accepted these as necessary
evils to be held within as narrow limits as possible.
During the two and a half years from my coming to Peking until the
time of his death, Yuan Shih-kai left the enclosure of his palace only
twice. This reminds me of the American, with an introduction from
the State Department, who wired me from Shanghai asking me to
arrange for him to take a moving picture of Yuan "proceeding from
his White House to his Capitol." This enterprising Yankee would have
had plenty of time to meditate on the difference between oriental
political customs and our own if he had waited for Yuan Shih-kai to
"proceed" from his political hermitage. The President's seclusion was
usually attributed to fear of assassination, but if such fear was
present in his mind, as well it might have been, there was
undoubtedly also the idea, taken over from the Empire, that the
holder of the highest political power should not appear in public
except on very unusual occasions.
When he received me informally, he doffed the uniform of state and
always wore a long Chinese coat. He had retained the distinction
and refinement of Chinese manners, with a few additions from the
West, such as shaking hands. His cue he had abandoned in 1912,
when he decided to become President of the Republic. In the
building which is now the Foreign Office and where he was then
residing, Yuan asked Admiral Tsai Ting-kan whether his entry into
the new era should not be outwardly expressed by shedding the
traditional adornment of the head which though once a sign of
bondage had become an emblem of nationality. When Admiral Tsai
advised strongly in favour of it, Yuan sent for a big pair of scissors,
and said to him: "It is your advice. You carry it out." The Admiral,
with a vigorous clip, transformed Yuan into a modern man.
But inwardly Yuan Shih-kai was not much changed thereby.

CHAPTER II
CHINA OF MANY PERSONS
Yuan Shih-kai, a ruler whose power was personal, whose theories of
government were those of an absolute monarch, who believed that
in himself lay the hope of his people; China itself a nation of
individualists, among whom there was as yet no unifying national
sense, no inbred love of country, no traditions of personal
responsibility toward their government, no sense that they
themselves shared in the making of the laws which ordered their
lives—these, I think, were the first clear impressions I had of the
land to which I came as envoy in the early days of the Republic.
Even the rivers and cities through which we passed on our way to
Peking seemed to deepen this feeling for me. The houseboats
jammed together in the harbour at Shanghai visualized it. Each of
these boats sheltered a family, who lived and moved and had their
being, for the most part, on its narrow decks. Each family was quite
independent of the people on the next boat. Each was immersed in
the stern business of earning bread. These houseboat people (so it
seemed) had little in common with each other, little in common with
the life of the cities and villages which they regularly visited. As a
class they lived apart; and each family was, for most of the time,
isolated from the others. Their life, I thought, was the civilization of
China in miniature. Of course such a figure applies only roughly. I
mean merely to suggest that the population of this vast country is
not a homogeneous one in a political sense. The unit of society is—
as it has been for many centuries—the family, not the state. This is
changing now, and changing rapidly. The seeds of democracy found
fertile soil in China; but a civilization which has been shaping itself
through eighty centuries cannot be too abruptly attacked. China is,
after all, an ancient monarchy upon which the republican form of
government was rather suddenly imposed. It is still in the period of
adjustment. Such at least were my reactions as we ascended the
Hwang-pu River, on that October day in 1913, and drew into the
harbour basin which lies at the centre of Shanghai.
In one of the hotels of the city we found the "Saturday Lunch Club"
in session. I was not a little surprised that this mid-day gastronomic
forum, which had but lately come into vogue in America, had
become so thoroughly acclimated in this distant port. But despite the
many nationalities represented at this international gathering, the
language was English. As to dress, many of the Chinese at the
luncheon preferred their dignified, long-flowing robes to Western
coats and trousers.
Dr. Wu Ting-fang was present in Chinese costume and a little purple
skull cap, and we sat down to talk together. He related the moves
made by President Yuan against the democratic party (Kuo Min
Tang) in parliament and said: "Yuan Shih-kai's sole aim is to get rid
of parliament. He has no conception of free government, is entirely a
man of personal authority. The air of absolutism surrounds him.
Beware," Dr. Wu admonished, "when you get behind those high
walls of Peking. The atmosphere is stagnant. It seems to overcome
men and make them reactionary. Nobody seems to resist that
power!"
Later I was accosted on a momentous matter by an American
missionary. He was not affiliated with any missionary society, but
had organized a so-called International Institute for a Mission among
the Higher Classes. His mien betrayed overburdening care, ominous
presentiment, and he said he had already submitted a grave matter
to the Department of State. It concerned the Saturday Lunch Club.
Somewhat too precipitately I spoke with gratification of its apparent
success. "But, sir," he interposed, "it was established and set in
motion by the consul-general!"
As still I could not see wherein the difficulty lay, my visitor became
emphatic.
"Do you not realize, sir, that my institute was established to bring
the different nationalities together, and that the formation of such a
club should have been left to me?"
When I expressed my feeling that there was no end of work to be
done in the world in establishing relationships of goodwill; that every
accomplishment of this kind was to be received with gratitude, he
gave me up. I had thought, at first, that he was about to charge the
consul-general, at the very least, with embezzlement.
That afternoon I inspected the student battalion of St. John's
University. This institution is modern, affiliated with the Episcopalian
Church, and many of its alumni are distinguished in public life as
well as in industrial enterprise and commerce. Of these I need only
mention Dr. W.W. Yen, Dr. Wellington Koo, Dr. Alfred Sze, and Dr.
Wang Chung-hui, later Chief Justice of China. Dr. Hawks Pott, the
president, introduced me to the assembled students as an old friend
of China. There I met Dr. Pott's wife, a Chinese lady, and several of
their daughters and sons, two of whom later fought in the Great
War.
A newspaper reporter brought me back abruptly to local matters. He
was the first to interview me in China. "Will you remove the
American marines," he queried, "from the Chienmen Tower?"
A disturbing question! I was cautious, as I had not even known
there were marines posted on that ancient tower. Whether they
ought to be kept there was a matter to look into, along with other
things affecting the destiny of nations.
I could not stop to see Shanghai then, but did so later. If one looks
deeply enough its excellences stand out. The private gardens,
behind high walls, show its charm; acres covered with glorious
plants, shrubs, and bushes; rows and groves of springtime trees
radiant with blossoms; the parks and the verandas of clubs where
people resort of late afternoons to take their tea; the glitter of
Nanking Road at night, its surge of humanity, the swarming life on
river and creeks. This is the real Shanghai, market and meeting
place of the nations.
Nanking came next, visited the 4th of November. Forlorn and woeful
the old capital lay in gray morning light as we entered. The semi-
barbarous troops of Chang Hsun lined its streets. They had sacked
the town, ostensibly suppressing the last vestiges of the
"Revolution." General Chang Hsun, an old imperialist, still clinging to
ancient customs, had espoused the cause of President Yuan. A
rough soldier quite innocent of modernity, he had taken Nanking, not
really for the republican government, but for immediate advantage
to himself, and for his soldiers to loot and burn. There they stood,
huge, black-uniformed, pig-tailed men, "guarding" the streets along
which the native dwellers were slinking sullenly and in fear.
Everywhere charred walls without roofs; the contents of houses
broken and cast on the street; fragments of shrapnel in the walls—
withal a depressing picture of misery.
Nanking, immense and primitive, had reverted partly to agriculture,
and for miles the houses of farmers line extensive fields. Three
Japanese men-of-war rode at anchor in mid-river; they had come to
support the representations of the Japanese consul over an injury
suffered by a Japanese barber during the disturbances. General
Chang Hsun, forced to offer reparation, had among other things to
call ceremoniously on the Japanese consul to express his formal
regrets. This he did, saving his face by arranging to call on all the
foreign consuls the same day.
Another bit of local colour: We were driven to the American
consulate, modestly placed on the edge of the agricultural region of
Nanking, with barns in the offing. The consul being absent on leave,
the official in charge greeted us. His wife related that a few days
before thirty of Chang's braves, armed to the teeth, had come to the
house to see what they might carry off. In her husband's absence
Mrs. Gilbert met them at the door and very quietly talked the matter
over with them as to what unending bother it would occasion
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