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Contents
Preface xix
vii
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viii contents
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contents ix
Chapter 7
Part Three
Sampling and Inferential
Statistical Analysis Statistics 160
Instructional Objectives 160
Chapter 6
Descriptive Statistics 112 Sampling 161
Instructional Objectives 112 Rationale of Sampling 161
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x contents
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contents xi
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xii contents
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contents xiii
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xiv contents
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contents xv
Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Analyzing and Reporting Qualitative
Research 512 Action Research 547
Instructional Objectives 547
Instructional Objectives 512
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xvi contents
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contents xvii
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Preface
xix
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xx Preface
Supplements Ac k n o w l e d g e m e n t s
I n s t r u c t o r ’s M a n u a l w i t h Te s t We welcome David A. Walker as a new co-author
Bank and Online ExamView® for the ninth edition. We want to thank Gregg S.
The online Instructor’s Manual, available Geary, Interim University Librarian and Director
through the instructor web site, contains infor- of the Student Success Center at the University of
mation to assist the instructor in designing the Hawaii at Manoa, for his work on updating the
course. For assessment support, the Test Bank chapter on library and Internet resources. We are
offers over 100 questions to assess your stu- grateful to Pearson Education Ltd. on behalf of
dents’ knowledge. the literary executor of the late sir Ronald A.
Also available for download from the instruc- Fisher, F.R.S., and the late Dr. Frank Yates, F.R.S.,
tor web site, ExamView® testing software includes for permission to reprint Tables III, IV, and VII fro
all the test items from the Test Bank in electronic m Statistical Tables for Biological, Agricultural
format, enabling you to create customized tests and Medical Research (6th ed., 1974).
in print or online. We greatly appreciate the assistance of the
staff at Cengage Learning, especially our devel-
opmental editor, Genevieve Allen. In addition,
Powerpoint Slides
we thank Mark Kerr, Executive Editor; Samen
Available for download at the instructor’s web Iqbal, Production Manager; and Greta Lindquist,
site, these ready-to-use Microsoft® PowerPoint® Editorial Assistant.
lecture slides cover content for each chapter of We gratefully acknowledge the contributions
the book. of the following reviewers:
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Chapter 1
The Nature of
Scientific Inquiry
Knowledge
is power.
I n s t ruc t io n a l Ob j ec t i v e s
After studying this chapter, the student will be able to:
1 List five major sources of knowledge and comment on the strengths and
weaknesses of each source.
2 Describe the characteristics of the scientific approach.
3 State the assumptions underlying science and the attitudes expected of
scientists.
4 Specify the purpose and characteristics of scientific theory in the behavioral
sciences.
5 Indicate the limitations involved in the application of the scientific approach in
the social sciences.
6 Define educational research and give examples.
Educators are, by necessity, decision makers. Daily they face the task of deciding how
to plan learning experiences, teach and guide students, organize a school system, and
myriad other matters. Unlike unskilled workers, who are told what to do and how to do
it, professionals must plan for themselves. People assume that professionals have the
knowledge and skills necessary to make valid decisions about what to do and how to
do it. We generally define knowledge as justified true belief. How are educators to know
what is true? How do they acquire reliable information? Although there are other sources
of knowledge, such as experience, authority, and tradition, scientific inquiry into edu-
cational problems provides the most valuable source of knowledge to educators for
decision making. However, education has not always been influenced by the results of
Monica Butnaru/Shutterstock.com
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2 part One Foundations
Sources of Knowledge
Before we further pursue the role of scientific inquiry in education, let us
review some of the ways in which human beings throughout history have
sought knowledge. The major sources of knowledge can be categorized under
five headings: (1) experience, (2) authority, (3) deductive reasoning, (4) induc-
tive reasoning, and (5) the scientific approach.
Experience
Experience is a familiar and well-used source of knowledge. After trying sev-
eral routes from home to work, you learn which route takes the least time or
is the most traffic free or the most scenic. Through personal experience, you
can find answers to many questions that you face. Much wisdom passed from
generation to generation is the result of experience. If people were not able to
profit from experience, progress would be severely retarded. In fact, this abil-
ity to learn from experience is a prime characteristic of intelligent behavior.
Yet for all its usefulness, experience has limitations as a source of knowledge.
How you are affected by an event depends on who you are. Two people will
have very different experiences in the same situation. The same forest that is a
delightful sanctuary to one person may be a menacing wilderness to another.
Two supervisors observing the same classroom at the same time could truthfully
compile very different reports if one focused on and reported the things that
went right and the other focused on and reported the things that went wrong.
Another shortcoming of experience is that you so frequently need to know
things that you as an individual cannot learn by experience. A child turned
loose to discover arithmetic alone might figure out how to add but would be
unlikely to find an efficient way to compute square roots. A teacher could learn
through experience the population of a classroom on a particular day but
could not personally count the population of the United States.
Authority
For things difficult or impossible to know by personal experience, people fre-
quently turn to an authority; that is, they seek knowledge from someone who
has had experience with the problem or has some other source of expertise.
People accept as truth the word of recognized authorities. We go to a physician
with health questions or to a stockbroker with questions about investments. To
learn the size of the U.S. population, we can turn to reports by the U.S. Bureau
of the Census. A student can look up the accepted pronunciation of a word in
a dictionary. A superintendent can consult a lawyer about a legal problem at
school. A beginning teacher asks an experienced one for suggestions and may
try a certain technique for teaching reading because the teacher with experi-
ence suggests that it is effective.
Throughout history you can find examples of reliance on authority for
knowledge, particularly during the Middle Ages when people preferred ancient
scholars such as Plato and Aristotle, and the early Fathers of the Church, as
sources of information—even over direct observation or experience. Although
authority is a very useful source of knowledge, you must always ask, How does
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chapter 1 The Nature of Scientific Inquiry 3
Picture this
Joe Rocco
authority know? In earlier days, people assumed an authority was correct sim-
ply because of the position he or she held, such as king, chief, or high priest.
Today, people are reluctant to rely on an individual as an authority merely
because of position or rank. They are inclined to accept the assertions of an
authority only when that authority is indeed a recognized expert in the area.
Closely related to authority are custom and tradition, on which people
depend for answers to many questions related to professional as well as every-
day problems. In other words, people often ask “How has this been done in the
past?” and then use the answer as a guide for action. Custom and tradition
have been prominent influences in the school setting, where educators often
rely on past practices as a dependable guide. However, an examination of the
history of education reveals that many traditions that prevailed for years were
later found to be erroneous and had to be rejected. For generations, it was
considered good practice to humiliate students who made mistakes with dunce
caps and the like. It is wise to appraise custom and tradition carefully before
you accept them as reliable sources.
Authority is a quick and easy source of knowledge; however, it has short-
comings that you must consider. First, authorities can be wrong. People often
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Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
German Lutheran Church in Conference at Beaver Dam, Wis.,
Assembled.” It appears from this letter that you have assumed to put
your church on record as opposed to the foreign policy of this
government at a time when it was essential that the government
should have the united support of its citizens and to make public
your disapproval in your pastoral capacity, evidently for the purpose
of bringing the President and the representative of your state into
political disfavor with your church.
Now what I have to say in this connection is said in all friendliness to
the members of the Conference, many of whom I personally know
and respect. I acknowledge the right of any man, no matter what his
profession or calling may be, to speak his mind freely on political
matters and to vote as he pleases at elections and consequently
every pastor has a right to express his own personal opinions on any
subject that he may desire to speak upon and, furthermore, he has a
right to express his own opinion without in any way injecting religion
into politics so long as he merely expresses his own personal opinion
and does not attempt to talk for his church or for the purpose, as
pastor, of influencing the people of his church. I wish, however, to
express my opinion that no matter what the merit or excellence of
their motives or principles that may underlie such organizations or
their actions, it will be an unhappy and unfortunate thing for the
country and for the church when churches will be used as political
organizations or utilities and when its pastors will become the heads
of such organizations.
This country is and has been the refuge and the shield of all men
who desire to worship God as they please. This is a country of
freedom of religion as well as freedom of thought. We have been
endeavoring for more than a century to keep our government and
our politics divorced from religion. We have been endeavoring to
permit these to run along parallel lines but at the same time to keep
them separated and prevent them from impinging one upon the
other. The separation of Church and State has been one of the
keynotes in our arch and has thus far done much to strengthen and
sustain our national structure. But in the last few years there has
been a growing tendency to inject religion into politics. I have
always steadfastly and consistently discouraged and criticized such
tendency wherever I could. I consider it a most dangerous tendency
—a tendency which bodes no good either to the nation or to the
church. It is bad indeed to inject the Church into Politics. It is as bad
or worse to inject Politics into the Church. If you inject the Church
into Politics you will brush aside the traditions of our country since
its existence and you will be laying the axe to the very roots of our
government. And if you inject Politics into the Church you will also
be laying the axe to the very roots of your religion. You cannot have
politics in your church without having factions in your church and
when you have factions in your church you will divide your church,
which history shows has ever been the case when governments and
churches mixed. Our Revolutionary fathers wisely profited by the
experience of other nations and by the teachings of history when
they provided that the State and Church should be forever kept
separate. All good citizens will deplore anything that endangers our
country; and all good people, regardless of religion, will deplore
anything that will injure the Church—an institution [which] when
properly separated from the government exercises an infinite
influence for good in this country. For these reasons I hereby
respectfully record my deep regret at the action of the Beaver Dam
Conference because I fear that you may be setting an unwise
precedent fraught with consequences of a dangerous character both
to the Church and to the State in thus, as pastors, using the
influence of your church in the manner attempted.
One thing to me seems certain; if we desire to continue the freedom
of religion in our country, it can only be done by keeping it free from
politics and if we are going to have freedom of politics it can only be
done by keeping it free from religious interference. The one
proposition is interdependent upon the other and the rule cannot be
violated without lasting injury and damage to both Church and
State. I trust that the great Lutheran Church and all of the other
great churches of the country will never put themselves into the
attitude of attempting to control the politics of the country. I most
fervently hope that religious and racial influence and prejudices may
never be permitted by any church or body of men to promote or
prevent the election of any man to public office or to dictate to or to
influence our government in its relations or negotiations with foreign
nations.
Let me conclude by saying that in all of these troublous times we
should remember that we are at peace—that we have been kept out
of this war thus far by a president and an administration which have
dedicated their efforts to promote the public welfare—that they are
doing the very best they can to continue to keep us out of war if this
can be done without loss of national honor or without surrendering
or abandoning our national rights or the rights of our citizens. In this
effort, the government should be sustained by all good citizens,
regardless of race or religion. It is the duty of every citizen to sustain
it! This is the country in which all our interests are centered—the
only country to which we owe any loyalty or allegiance—the country
which safeguards and protects us—the country which we in return
are bound to protect and defend always. It is easy, of course, to be
a good citizen in fair weather but it is in foul weather that the best
citizenship is needed. It is in the storm and stress of national peril
that loyalty and devotion to the public welfare is put to the acid test.
Let us lay aside all of our differences, all of our sympathies, all of
our prejudices, so far as they relate to other countries, and let us
think and speak and act solely with regard to the good of our own
country.
Very respectfully,
Paul O. Husting.
May 19, 1917.
Mr. —— ——,
————, Wisconsin.
My dear Sir:
Yours of May 16th was duly received and contents noted. In reply I
want to say that your letter bears evidence of conscientious thought
and your conclusions are, no doubt, honest. I assume you have
written me not only for the purpose of giving your own views but
also are inviting mine in return. And inasmuch as you have
volunteered a doubt as to whether or not your German ancestry has
colored or biased your judgment in the premises, I take the liberty of
giving you my judgment on that point as I gather it from the context
of this and your previous letter.
I believe your reasonings and your conclusions are from the
German, not the American, standpoint. In other words, you are
holding a brief for Germany and not for the United States. “How
important a part” your “German ancestry plays” in this, it may be
difficult for you to apprehend but your bias will readily be apparent
to anyone who reads your letter. Now, you are an American-born
citizen, I take it. You are an attorney-at-law and a member of the
bar of Wisconsin. You owe a duty to your country which sympathy
for Germany, no matter how genuine it may be, cannot diminish,
much less nullify. Now the premises from which you as an American
must reason are these: This country is at war with Germany. Your
President, my President, our President, backed by a declaration of
your Congress, my Congress, our Congress, has proclaimed that war
exists. This was done for reasons which appeared sufficient to the
President and the Congress to make this declaration imperative. The
loyalty and the fidelity of the President and of Congress to the
people of the nation has never been questioned or challenged and I
do not understand you to challenge or question them now. You are
merely attempting in your letter to set your judgment against theirs.
Germany is now an enemy of the United States which means that
she is your enemy, my enemy, our enemy. Now, it is plain, as the
Vice President remarked in a speech some time ago, that we cannot
have a hundred million presidents or secretaries of state, meaning,
of course, that we can only have one of each at a time and that
when these officers, to whom this power has been delegated, have,
with the aid of Congress, committed this government to a war, that
question to all intents and purposes of the war is settled for all men
who are citizens of the United States. And when the status of our
relations with a foreign country is once fixed as that of war, then the
time for argument has ceased and there is no longer any room for
controversy between citizens upon that question. The question then,
for the time being, that is to say, during the pendency of the war, is
a closed and not an open one. And for the sake of your peace of
mind as well as in justice to yourself as an American citizen who
does not desire his loyalty questioned or to have his honorable
reputation permanently impaired, you should respect, obey, and
support the mandate of your country in the spirit of true and
devoted American citizenship.
Now, I assume you love this country and that you love it because it
is a free country and that you are here practicing your profession
because of your desire to live in and to practice law in a country
where fullest and freest opportunity is afforded you to work out your
own destiny in your own way. In short, I assume that you favor a
republican form of government and that you are devoted to America
and its free institutions. I am sure that you would not have anyone
believe otherwise of you because that would impute to you disloyalty
and moreover it would impute to you a lack of intelligent enterprise
by your remaining in a country that according to your ideas is
improperly governed instead of removing yourself to the jurisdiction
of another country which more nearly squares with your ideas of
good government. So, I repeat that I assume that you are here
because you like to be here under a government that suits you and
which you love better than any other government on earth. Now, it
is evident in your letter that you love and sympathize with Germany
but the question arises in my mind whether your love is for the
German people or for the German government. You can easily put
yourself to the test. If you love the German people then you must
desire them to have as good a government as you enjoy here and it
ought to make you happy that your country, if it prevails in this war,
will make the German people as free and as happy as you are. If, on
the other hand, you are mostly concerned in the success of the
German government, that is to say, if you are mostly concerned in
having the present Hohenzollern dynasty remain in power, then it
would seem to be quite clear that your love is not for the German
people but for the Hohenzollern dynasty and the German autocracy.
In other words, your love would then be of the form and not of the
substance. You cannot love this country and its institutions and at
the same time love the German autocracy. These are incompatible
and repugnant one to the other. They cannot both exist in the same
heart at the same time. Your love for the German people, as is your
love of mankind generally, is entirely compatible with your love of
this country but it must be clear to you, as it must be perfectly clear
to every American, that you cannot love your country and the
German people and mankind generally and at the same time love
the fearful German autocracy which is trying to impose or impress its
system, its frightfulness, and its wish and will upon the world and
which in its mad lust for power silences the promptings of
conscience, scoffs at the weakness of love for human-kind, deafens
its ears to the dictates of humanity, and which in pursuit of its fell
purpose sets at naught all law human and divine. Now let me ask
you to search your heart and see whether your love for the German
fatherland is a love compatible with your duties as an American
citizen—whether it is compatible with your love of liberty and
humanity—whether it is compatible with the principles enunciated in
the Declaration of Independence that all men are entitled to the
right of “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness”! If such love is
compatible with all these then your love for the German fatherland is
a virtue and not a vice. But, if searching deeply into your heart you
find that your love of the fatherland means that you love the
relentless, ruthless, and despotic Hohenzollern dynasty and its
system, pluck it out as you would a cancer, for it is a thing of evil
and you cannot love it and be a good and true American.
You write “The President’s statement to the effect that the War is
not directed against the German people never appealed to me.” For
the reasons I have just given it should appeal to you as an American
and as a lover of liberty and it should appeal to the German people
themselves and their sympathizers in this country. It should appeal
to lovers of liberty the world over—this statement that we are
warring on a Power and not a People. We are warring on the Power
because it has set its hand and might against the world and setting
aside all laws of God and man it has outlawed itself and has no right
to live. But in destroying this Power there is no intent, or disposition,
or wish to destroy the People. The President’s statement means, as I
interpret it, that the one thing that stands between peace and war
with Germany is the Hohenzollern dynasty. Once let that obstacle be
removed either by the German people themselves or by the
arbitrament of arms and our troubles and differences with Germany
are over. Now can an American citizen of German extraction who
puts the welfare and happiness of the people of Germany ahead of
that of the Kaiser or, in other words, ahead of the Hohenzollern
dynasty and the autocratic system which that dynasty embodies and
typifies, enlist himself, his sympathies, his resources, his life, in a
higher and holier cause than to join in emancipating the German
people from the thrall of the Hohenzollern dynasty and to save the
German people whom he professes to love from a doom which an
outraged world has pronounced and sealed against the ruthless and
frightful Hohenzollern system? Now and here is the opportunity for
all who love the German people to give proof of it. Let them all get
back of the President and of their government and to the extent of
their influence, ability, might, and power help to bring to their
brothers in blood across the sea that priceless boon of liberty and
independence which they or their ancestors sailed the perilous seas
to find here in America. Let them make sacrifice and help and fight
to give to their friends and kinsmen across the ocean that which was
given to most of them here without cost or sacrifice on their part.
It is quite apparent to almost everyone that there can be no peace—
no permanent peace—in the world so long as one power seeks to
impose its autocratic straight jacket upon the world. Since the birth
of the American Republic, the world has been marching away from
autocracy and toward universal democracy, gathering irresistible
momentum with the advance of time. All rulers, all statesmen, all
men recognize this fact.
Even in countries autocratically ruled greater liberties and rights
have been accorded the common people and it is only a question of
time when the doctrine of the divinity of kings will become a
tradition and the world will become one vast democracy. I repeat
that the world is turning with irresistible momentum to a world
democracy and the rulers of the world recognize that the logic of
events is bound to substitute governments “of, by and for the
people” in place of “of, by and for” kaisers, czars, and kings. There is
practically one autocracy in the world which still has the power and
efficiency to make that power felt in its attempt, its will and purpose
upon the world; but one power on earth that today constitutes a
menace and obstruction to the onward tread of democracy and that
power is Germany! It is the Hohenzollern dynasty which is illogically,
in indifference and contempt of the world’s sentiment, ignoring the
teachings of history, unheeding the warnings of history with that
fatuousness which always blinds the eyes of those who look only for
their self-aggrandizement, that is trying to turn the world backward.
It is the Hohenzollern dynasty that has thrown itself in the path of
the onward march of liberty and progress, trying not only to stem
the irresistible physical and spiritual forces of the world but actually
trying to rout and drive them back into the dark ages of despotism.
It must be obvious to every thinking man that this attempt will fail.
No man or set of men in this day or age will be permitted to rule the
world. Every ruler, every dynasty which unyieldingly places itself in
the pathway of liberty and progress will be overthrown; every
people, no matter how powerful or great, which blindly and
absolutely places itself behind, follows, and clings to such ruler and
dynasty, will inevitably sooner or later be crushed and utterly
destroyed with it. And so the German autocracy which today
menaces the world and obstructs its progress will be overthrown and
the German people if they continue blindly and absolutely to cling to
their dynasty will inevitably share the same fate. Whether Germany
prevails in this war or not, there will be and can be no lasting peace
until the inevitable end is reached. So that in the end, be it sooner
or later, democracy will be established and autocracy will perish. The
destruction of the autocratic Hohenzollern dynasty would be a
blessing to the world. The destruction of the German people would
be a calamity to the world. I do not believe that the German people
are going to commit national suicide. I do not believe that they are
long going to continue to sacrifice the substance for the form. I do
not believe that they will deem it wise to suffer a national death in
order to uphold the life of a government that is based on error, not
on truth, which the world tried and found wanting, and which is
responsible for the catastrophe which has befallen themselves and
the world at large. It is unthinkable—it is unbelievable—that the
German people are unaffected by the onward movement of
democracy and that they alone will continue to hug the despotism
and the system that is unsuited to the requirements and unworthy of
a modern civilization. Wherefore, it would seem clear to me that all
citizens of German extraction would be quick to realize and
appreciate the force of the President’s declaration that we are not
warring against the German people but against the German
autocracy and would enthusiastically support their own government
in a purpose which means freedom to the German people, and in
thus giving their whole hearted support to their own government
they would be discharging their duty, they would be true to their
allegiance as American citizens, and at the same time they would be
furthering the best interests of the German people and aiding them
in the only way in which they properly can.
I have received a number of letters of the same purport as yours
and I am going to publish my letter to you so that it may serve as an
answer likewise to others who are minded as you are. I know that
there are in our midst a number of serious, well-meaning men who
hold the ideas and sentiments which you have expressed—
sentiments which, it is perfectly clear, are incompatible with the
duties and responsibilities of American citizenship in a crisis like this
as well as incompatible with the intelligence and the character of the
men entertaining them. In the various public speeches I have made
and communications I have published during this crisis, I have
sought to speak only in the furtherance of what I understand and
conceive to be the truth of the matter and the welfare of our
country. I have been animated solely by a purpose to dispel error
and to promote the interests of our country and not by the slightest
ill-feeling or malice toward any man. I have sought to express myself
frankly and without reserve but, at the same time, I hope fairly,
courteously, and without malice or feeling. Having lived amongst
Americans of German extraction all my life and counting amongst
them many of my best and dearest friends, I believe that I know
their processes of thought, their sentiments, their prejudices, and
their intelligence. I know that they would not prefer to remain in
error if once convinced that they are in error. They do not want to be
deceived. They do not want to be flattered into silence or apparent
conviction. They like to hear straight, plain, blunt talk. Loving law
and order and respecting authority, as I know they do, I have always
believed that the great mass of our citizens of German extraction
would never permit themselves to be placed in an attitude of
hostility to the orderly and just administration of the law or permit
their loyalty or fidelity to be suspected or challenged. I know that
when once convinced they are quick to abandon a position once
they see that it is untenable.
And so I have written this letter in the hope that I might be
instrumental in showing you that your position is untenable and in
the hope that you will abandon it for one which will reflect credit on
your patriotism, your judgment, and your citizenship and which at
the same time will afford you the best opportunity for advancing the
interests and welfare of your kinsmen across the sea.
Very truly yours,
Paul O. Husting.
HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS
Did you ever see any reference to this Indian in any place other than
“Wau-Bun”?
Very respectfully,
A. J. Turner.
[132] So given by Mrs. John Kinzie in Wau Bun, The Early Day in the
Northwest, (Caxton Club ed. Chicago, 1901) 252. Isaac T. Smith in
Wisconsin Historical Collections, VI, 424, explains that the Winnebago
name “Koshkonong” meant “the place where we shave.” He adds,
however, that the Potawatomi name for the lake meant “the lake we live
on.” This interpretation is also given by Rev. Alfred Brunson in Wis. Hist.
Colls., I, 118.
[133]This résumé was prepared in response to a recent request received
by the Historical Library for information on the subject.
EDITORIAL
THE NEWSPAPERS[135]
It is the glory of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin that Draper
gathered into its collections the papers of the Ohio Valley migrations,
that Thwaites added the records of the fur trade, and that neither
forgot while pursuing these remote and unique sources to assemble
day after day the current accumulations of the people among whom
they lived. As the latter collector and editor loved to say: The history
for tomorrow is preserved in the waste paper baskets of today. The
society that lays aside the policy of accumulating accessions to
devote itself to the conscious pursuit of particular treasures can
never become more useful than its curators or wiser than its
superintendent. The greatest libraries are those whose growth has
been chiefly in the routine addition, from year to year of all that has
been regarded as worth saving, and of much more whose immediate
value has been doubtful.
The State Historical Society of Wisconsin has for so many years
followed the practice of saving its daily newspapers, and adding to
them as opportunity occurs, that it now owns one of the notable
American collections. From the middle of the last century, when the
state came into being, the development of its people can be traced
in the detail which only the inquisitive county daily can follow. Its
relations to the Northwest and to the rest of the nation can be
checked in the selected files which have ever been cherished.
Through the wise foresight of its founders it owns the great sources
for all of modern history—for in our day the course of the historian is
more and more fundamentally laid among the newspapers.
It has not been altogether easy to build up this collection. A
metropolitan daily of today means twelve large volumes to be
bound, shelved, and housed each year. The cubic contents of the
sources know no limit. There is some room for fear that after they
have been stored away they may rot in their bindings before any
scholar uses them.
But no society which understands the course of modern history can
fail to run the risk of dry-rot or to preserve such records as exist. For
no period before the present is there such a factual reconstruction
possible as we possess. No newspaper can lie and live—very long.
The user must correct for bias, and careless error, and malicious
misstatement, all of which occur in nearly every issue of any paper.
But no student can read a continuous series of files for twenty years
without knowing that he has before him the truth, and more of the
truth than society has known in any earlier period.
In our judgment one of the great functions of any historical society
today is to collect ephemeral literature, beginning with the
newspapers of its immediate region and extending as far as its
money and its shelves permit. No Society should be too poor for the
town dailies and one New York file. Larger societies may take in the
county, or the region, as the area for their collections, and may
increase the selected list of remote journals to be preserved. All will
be judged in the future by the intelligence and patience in this
direction which their shelves may finally reveal. None can be
permanently of greatest use with a policy such as is exposed in the
journal of a sister society:
“The State of * * * has thousands of them [newspapers] in the
Libraries of the State House. Many of them are bound, others are
unbound, tied in bundles and carefully stowed away. Their day is
done; rarely has any one in our knowledge asked to examine any of
these newspapers for any date or facts. History has culled from
them such truths as could point a moral, or hold out a danger signal
to the world of the present time, and they are closed, perhaps never
more to be consulted.”
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