Male Sex Work and Society All-in-One Download
Male Sex Work and Society All-in-One Download
Visit the link below to download the full version of this book:
https://medipdf.com/product/male-sex-work-and-society/
E D I T ED BY
Male sex work and society/edited by Victor Minichiello and John Scott
pages cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index
ISBN 978-1-939594-00-6 (hardcover : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-1-939594-01-3 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-1-939594-03-7 (electronic book)
1. Male prostitution. 2. Male prostitutes—Social conditions.
I. Minichiello, Victor.
HQ119.M35 2014
306.74’3—dc23
2014008715
P REFACE VIII
INTRODUC T I ON XII
Reframing Male Sex Work
John Scott and Victor Minichiello
8. Public Health Policy and Practice with Male Sex Workers 198
David S. Bimbi and Juline A. Koken
11. Health and Wellness Services for Male Sex Workers 260
Mary Laing and Justin Gaffney
17. Male Sex Work in the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland 426
Paul J. Maginn and Graham Ellison
CONCLUSION 462
Future Directions in Male Sex Work Research
Victor Minichiello and John Scott
GLOSSARY 476
INDEX 490
P R E FA C E
Every author or volume editor would like to think of his or her work as
timely, and we are no different from every other person who has had
a good idea for a book. However, the idea was not entirely the editors’
own. Back in 2010 we were contacted by an enthusiastic publisher in
New York City about several journal articles we had written on male
sex work. The publisher, Bill Cohen, had cofounded the Haworth Press
in 1978, building it from scratch to carry over 200 academic journals,
including eight in LGBT studies, and several thousand monographs
and textbooks in the behavioral and social sciences, health care, busi-
ness studies, and many other fields. Bill sold the Haworth Press to
Taylor & Francis/Routledge in 2007, but he retained the trademark
to Harrington Park Press, a Haworth imprint, which specialized in
LGBT topics, particularly psychology and health care. After some fur-
ther correspondence with Bill, we agreed to develop this volume, which
we hoped would capture some of the new understandings of male sex
work that have emerged in the 21st century.
Bill had eyed a noticeable gap in a field he knew well, and it is
fair to say that we are fortunate to have a publisher who is as enthusi-
astic about the subject matter as we are. To provide but one example
of his commitment and enthusiasm, a week hardly passed during the
first 12 months of this project when Bill did not forward to us newly
published peer-reviewed journal articles pertaining to male sex work,
as well as several new dissertations. So, while an investigation of the
subject matter is indeed timely, so too were the circumstances that led
to this book’s publication.
Saying something new about male sex work is a challenging task,
as there is only a small handful of scholars researching this topic.
Moreover, as a subject area, researchers tend to dip in and out of male
sex work, thus it often is seen as a sideline in the broader study of sex-
ual health, gender, or sexualities. Providing the sort of comprehensive
coverage of the topic we aspired to was not easy; apart from the paucity
of research to draw from, much of the existing research contained
significant gaps.
VIII PREFACE
Since emerging as a socially troublesome population during the
19th century, men who trade sex for money or other compensation have
assumed many roles in research and popular culture, most notably, as
psycho-pathological agents, vectors of disease, and, most recently, as
sex workers. This is an exciting time to be researching male sex work-
ers (MSWs), as new understandings of male bodies and masculinity
have emerged in recent years that have allowed us to reassess what we
thought we knew about male sex work.
On another level, advances in telecommunications have trans-
formed the way male sex work has been structured and organized
during much of the modern era. Two immediate effects of this trans-
formation are that male sex work is now part of the global economy, and
that the strict demarcation between public and private space—which
had previously structured the sex work environment—has been erod-
ed. However, just as new communications technologies have expanded
the reach of male sex workers, they also have provided new opportuni-
ties for researchers of this stigmatized activity, making it easier to con-
tact a broad range of MSWs and their clients, as well as to disseminate
their research and make contact with each other.
This book is one example of the opportunities new technologies
provide, as it would have been almost impossible to conceive and as-
semble even 20 years ago: the research that forms the backbone of this
book simply did not yet exist. The research at that time focused largely
on the health of street-based sex workers in Western urban settings.
While the research in this book does not ignore that group, it also ex-
plores the other spaces where men sell sex. Moreover, although this
compilation does not ignore the impact sex work has on the health of
MSWs, the contributors are also more broadly interested in how the
health of these men is impacted by contemporary social, cultural, and
environmental forces.
So where to begin with such a book? From the outset we wanted
this book to be distinct from any other writings on male sex work and
sex work more generally. For one, we thought it curious that much of
the literature on male sex work failed to capture the erotic and physical
nature of its subject matter. There seemed to be a near palpable gulf
between the sex-charged popular cultural representations of male sex
work and the drier academic literature, which in striving for objectivity
Acknowledgments
X PREFACE
publisher, working as a team. We greatly appreciate the determination of
both Bill Cohen and senior book editor Richard Koffler to make this book
successful, and one of the most comprehensive on the topic. We leave it to
reviewers and readers to judge whether we have achieved this objective.
We owe special gratitude to the intellectual contributions of all the
authors, whose research has provided numerous contemporary insights
into men’s lives.
We also want to acknowledge the very valuable input of Patrick Ciano,
who designed the book, and various personnel working with Harrington
Park Press, including associate editor Dody Riggs and operations man-
ager Art Lizza, permissions editor Adele Hutchinson, lexicographer
Katherine Isaacs, proofreader Jane Gebhart, and indexer Dan Connolly.
We have included illustrations in the book to highlight the visibility
of the male sex industry in popular culture and to show how we as a so-
ciety portray male escorts. We are grateful to all the public and private
organizations that have given us permission to reproduce these images.
Finally, we have been most fortunate to have the support of our col-
leagues for this project, in particular Denton Callander, Robyn Rogers,
and Sandra Coe.
Thank you all—you have allowed us to produce a book that not only
is timely but has something new to say about a very old topic.
Think of sex workers and one usually thinks of women. Indeed, the
term “prostitute” has remained closely identified with female behavior,
and sex as a commodity for exchange is typically constructed as a het-
erosexual event in which the male client is invisible.* The female sex
worker is ubiquitous in popular culture, appearing frequently in litera-
ture and film. Dennis’s (2008) analysis of 166 research publications on
sex work produced between 2000 and 2007 found only 10 percent to
be exclusively concerned with male sex workers (MSWs). In fact, many
studies cited by Dennis imply that the very idea of a male prostitute or
male sex worker is a linguistic impossibility. Dennis explained this bias
as being grounded in heteronormative assumptions, with male-male
liaisons presenting as aberrations in the wider literature on sex work
(see also Gaffney & Beverley, 2001).
Historically, male sex work has been of significantly less public
concern than female sex work. One reason for this may seem obvi-
ous: promiscuous males in public locations are not as likely to draw
the degree of scrutiny that women do. This relative lack of attention
might also be explained by the smaller numbers of MSWs. Neverthe-
less, male sex work has been present consistently in most societies; in
fact, the number of MSWs at particular historical junctures has been
relatively high.
* We have adopted the term “sex work” throughout this book to describe commercial sexual exchang-
es. We consider the term “prostitute” to be an ideological representation that stigmatizes people
labeled as such. To address this, liberal factions of the feminist movement and sex industry ad-
vocates have sought to counter-construct the prostitute as sex worker, arguing that those involved
in the sex industry are no different from other workers. This industrial or occupational focus
has gained much currency since the 1970s, despite the categorical limitations of the term “sex
worker,” which has become an umbrella concept for a range of behaviors, not all of which would
traditionally be considered prostitution. While we have favored the term “sex worker” in this col-
lection, prostitute/prostitution have been adopted when describing ideological representations of
commercial sexual exchanges or when referring to historical examples. In this respect, we adopt a
constructionist position with regard to the use of terminology.
XII INTRODUCTION
The lack of research on the male sex industry may indicate some-
thing about its size, as the number and geographic distribution of
MSWs is largely unknown. While research data on the size of the male
sex industry are lacking, estimates are that a single sex worker services
approximately 20 different clients per week (Klinnell, 2006). The re-
search also has noted that MSWs comprise about 20 percent of those
arrested in America each year for selling sexual services, and 30 percent
of those in France (Dennis, 2008). Therefore, male sex work is not as
insignificant a social phenomenon as the paucity of research on the
topic suggests. Research from the Netherlands has found that approx-
imately 3 percent of men (and women) in the adult population have
reported receiving money for sex (Vanwesenbeeck, 2013).
Historical evidence indicates that, as early as the 18th century, com-
mercial sexual contact between men occurred frequently in European
metropolitan centers, such as London (Norton, 1992). As Mack Fried-
man’s chapter in this book explains, male prostitution was also found
in ancient and pre-modern cultures. Male brothels existed in Ancient
Greece and Rome, and there was even a Roman public holiday dedi-
cated to male sex workers. However, in the pre-modern period, such
behavior was often conflated with same-sex desire more broadly and
was not recognized as prostitution. As such, male sex work was not
considered a distinct social problem at the time and there was no pub-
lic debate about its causes and consequences, which contrasts with the
attention given female sex work (Weeks, 1992).
Kerwin Kaye, in chapter 2, argues that male sex work caught the
attention of some sexologists in the late 19th and early 20th centu-
ries because it appeared to be a contradictory activity in which het-
erosexual males engaged in homosexual activities. This raised sever-
al questions—Could heterosexual males derive pleasure from same-
sex activities? Was an MSW engaged as an active partner considered
a homosexual?—that continued to influence thinking on male sex
work well into the 20th century. Notable here is the significance of
scientific understandings of sexuality in shaping both research and
the popular discourse associated with male sex work. If much of what
we know about female sex work has been shaped by gender, under-
standings of male sex work have been linked to popular and official
accounts of sexuality.
XIV INTRODUCTION