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 Contents vii

4.9 Numerical Methods for Systems of Linear

Differential Equations 288
4.10 The Exponential Matrix and Diagonalization 300
Review Exercises 310
Projects 311

Chapter 5 Laplace Transforms 317

5.1 Introduction 317

5.2 Laplace Transform Pairs 329
5.3 The Method of Partial Fractions 344
5.4 Laplace Transforms of Periodic Functions
and System Transfer Functions 350
5.5 Solving Systems of Differential Equations 359
5.6 Convolution 368
5.7 The Delta Function and Impulse Response 377
Projects 385

Chapter 6 Nonlinear Systems 391

6.1 Introduction 391

6.2 Equilibrium Solutions and Direction Fields 400
6.3 Conservative Systems 413
6.4 Stability 424
6.5 Linearization and the Local Picture 433
6.6 Two-Dimensional Linear Systems 448
6.7 Predator-Prey Population Models 458
Projects 466
viii Contents

Chapter 7 Numerical Methods 471

7.1 Introduction 471

7.2 Euler’s Method, Heun’s Method, and the
Modified Euler’s Method 473
7.3 Taylor Series Methods 479
7.4 Runge-Kutta Methods 493
Appendix 1: Convergence of One-Step Methods 506
Appendix 2: Stability of One-Step Methods 507
Projects 510

Chapter 8 Series Solutions of Linear

Differential Equations 515

8.1 Introduction 515

8.2 Series Solutions Near an Ordinary Point 527
8.3 The Euler Equation 536
8.4 Solutions Near a Regular Singular Point and the
Method of Frobenius 542
8.5 The Method of Frobenius Continued: Special Cases
and a Summary 550
Projects 561

Chapter 9 Second Order Partial Differential

Equations and Fourier Series 565

9.1 Introduction 565

9.2 Heat Flow in a Thin Bar; Separation of Variables 570
9.3 Series Solutions 580
9.4 Calculating the Solution 589
9.5 Fourier Series 600
9.6 The Wave Equation 616
9.7 Laplace’s Equation 628
 Contents ix

9.8 Higher-Dimensional Problems;

Nonhomogeneous Equations 641
Project 655

Chapter 10 First Order Partial Differential

Equations and the Method of
Characteristics 659

10.1 Introduction 659

10.2 The Cauchy Problem 662
10.3 Existence and Uniqueness 668
10.4 The Method of Characteristics 671
Projects 679

Chapter 11 Linear Two-Point Boundary

Value Problems 681

11.1 Introduction 681

11.2 Existence and Uniqueness 682
11.3 Two-Point Boundary Value Problems for Linear Systems 693
11.4 Sturm-Liouville Boundary Value Problems 705
Project 715

Answers A-1
Index I-1
This page intentionally left blank
Preface
This book is designed for the undergraduate differential equations course taken
by students majoring in science and engineering. A year of calculus is the pre-
requisite.
The main goal of the text is to help students integrate the underlying theory,
solution procedures, and computational aspects of differential equations as
seamlessly as possible. Since we want the text to be easy to read and understand,
we discuss the theory as simply as possible and emphasize how to use it. When
developing models, we try to guide the reader carefully through the physical
principles underlying the mathematical model.
We also emphasize the importance of common sense, intuition, and “back
of the envelope’’ checks. When solving problems, we remind the student to ask
“Does my answer make sense?’’ Where appropriate, examples and exercises
ask the student to anticipate and subsequently interpret the physical content
of their solution. (For example, “Should an equilibrium solution exist for this
application? If so, why? What should its value be?’’) We believe that developing
this mind-set is particularly important in resisting the temptation to accept
almost any computer-generated output as correct.
Chapters 9, 10, and 11, dealing with partial differential equations and
boundary value problems, are self-contained; they can be covered in any order.

New Features
As in the first edition, we have made a determined effort to write a text that
is easy to understand. In response to the suggestions of first edition users and
reviewers, this second edition offers even more support for both students and
instructors.

• We have followed the advice of our reviewers to provide a more concise

presentation. First order differential equations (linear and nonlinear) are
now discussed in a single chapter, Chapter 2. Similarly, second order and
higher order linear equations are discussed in one chapter, Chapter 3. The
bulk of Chapter 3 develops the theory for the second order equations; the last
three sections extend these ideas to higher order linear equations.
• The introductory discussion for linear systems (Chapter 4) has been stream-
lined to reach the computational aspects of the theory as quickly as possible.
• Chapter 11 has been shortened to focus solely on linear two-point boundary
value problems (for second order scalar equations and systems).
• We have included a review of core material in the form of a set of review
exercises at the end of Chapters 2, 3, and 4. These exercises, consisting of
initial value problems for first order equations, higher order linear equations,
and first order linear systems, respectively, require the student to select as
well as apply the appropriate solution technique developed in the chapter.

xi
xii Preface

• We have added a number of new exercises, ranging from routine drill exer-
cises to those with applications to a variety of different disciplines. Answers
to the odd-numbered exercises are again given at the back of the text.
• A brief look at boundary value problems appears as a project at the end of
Chapter 3. This brief introductory overview of linear two-point boundary
value problems highlights how these problems differ from their initial-value
counterparts.
• We have added projects. There are now short projects at the end of each
chapter. Some of these are challenging applications. Others are intended to
expand the student’s mathematical horizons, showing how the material in
the chapter can be generalized. In certain applications, such as food process-
ing, the project exposes the student to the mathematics aspects of current
research.

A Multilevel Development of Certain Topics

Numerical Methods. The basic ideas underlying numerical methods and their
use in applications are presented early for both scalar problems and systems.
In Chapters 2 and 4, after Euler’s method is developed, the route to more accu-
rate algorithms is briefly outlined. The Runge-Kutta algorithm is then offered
as an example of such an improved algorithm; accompanying exercises allow
the student to apply the algorithm and experience its increased accuracy at
an introductory level. Chapter 7 subsequently builds upon this introduction,
developing a comprehensive treatment of one-step methods.

Phase Plane. An introduction to the phase plane is provided in Chapter 4 as

the different solutions of the homogeneous constant coefficient linear system
are developed. These ideas are then revisited and extended in the Chapter 6
discussion of autonomous nonlinear systems.

Boundary Value Problems. As previously mentioned, the brief introductory ex-

posure to linear two-point boundary value problems is presented at the end of
Chapter 3. The purpose here is to make the student aware of such problems and
to point out how they differ from initial value problems. Chapter 11 provides
a more thorough study of these problems.

Supplements
The Student’s Solutions Manual (0-321-28837-8) contains detailed solutions to
the odd-numbered problems.

The Instructor’s Solutions Manual (0-321-28838-6) contains detailed solutions

to most problems.

The Online Technology Resource Manual includes suggestions for how to use
a computer algebra system with the text. Specific instructions are given for
MATLAB and Mathematica. It is available at http://www.aw-bc.com/kohler/.
 Preface xiii

Acknowledgments
Many people helped and encouraged us in this effort. Besides the support pro-
vided by our families, we are especially thankful for the editorial and develop-
mental assistance of William Hoffman, our editor at Pearson Addison-Wesley.
We are very grateful to our reviewers, who made many insightful sugges-
tions that improved the text:

John Baxley Wake Forest University

William Beckner University of Texas at Austin
Jerry L. Bona University of Illinois, Chicago
Thomas Branson University of Iowa
Dennis Brewer University of Arkansas
Peter Brinkmann University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Almut Burchard University of Virginia
Donatella Danielli Purdue University
Charles Friedman University of Texas at Austin
Moses Glasner Pennsylvania State University—University Park
Weimin Han University of Iowa
Harumi Hattori West Virginia University
Jason Huffman Georgia College & State University
Gregor Kovacic Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
Yang Kuang Arizona State University
Zhiqin Lu University of California—Irvine
Peter Mucha Georgia Institute of Technology
John Neuberger Northern Arizona University
Lei Ni University of California—San Diego
Joan Remski University of Michigan—Dearborn
Sinai Robins Temple University
Robert Snider Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University
A. Shadi Tahvildar-Zadeh Rutgers University
Jason Whitt Rhodes College
Tamas Wiandt Rochester Institute of Technology
Jennifer Zhao University of Michigan—Dearborn
Fangyang Zheng Ohio State University
Kehe Zhu State University of New York at Albany

Special thanks are due to Peter Mucha. His ongoing interest and construc-
tive feedback helped us greatly during the revision process. Our good friend and
colleague George Flick continued to provide us with examples of applications
from the life sciences; we greatly appreciate his encouragement and assistance.
Tiri Chinyoka and Ermira Cami helped us at Virginia Tech with proofreading
and problem-checking. We also thank Jeremy Bourdon and our Virginia Tech
colleague Terri Bourdon for revising the solutions manuals.
We are very grateful for the professional expertise provided by the personnel
at Addison-Wesley. Christine O’Brien was our project manager, and she made
certain that we maintained our schedule. We are grateful to Peggy McMahon,
our Production Supervisor, to Barbara Atkinson for the design of the text, to
Jeanne Yost for her careful copyediting, to Rena Lam at Techsetters, Inc. for
superb typesetting, and to Sally Lifland at Lifland et al., Bookmakers for her
careful oversight and coordination of the revision process.
This page intentionally left blank
ELEMENTARY
DIFFERENTIAL
EQUATIONS
with Boundary Value Problems
This page intentionally left blank
 C H A P T E R
1
Introduction
to Differential Equations

CHAPTER OVERVIEW
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Examples of Differential Equations
1.3 Direction Fields

1.1 Introduction
Scientists and engineers develop mathematical models for physical processes
as an aid to understanding and predicting the behavior of the processes. In
this book we discuss mathematical models that help us understand, among
other things, decay of radioactive substances, electrical networks, population
dynamics, dispersion of pollutants, and trajectories of moving objects. Model-
ing a physical process often leads to equations that involve not only the physical
quantity of interest but also some of its derivatives. Such equations are referred
to as differential equations.
In Section 1.2, we give some simple examples that show how mathemat-
ical models are derived. We also begin our study of differential equations by
introducing the corresponding terminology and by presenting some concrete
examples of differential equations. Section 1.3 introduces the idea of a direc-
tion field for a differential equation. The concept of direction fields allows us to
visualize, in geometric terms, the graphs of solutions of differential equations.

1.2 Examples of Differential Equations

When we apply Newton’s second law of motion, ma = f , to an object moving
in a straight line, we obtain a differential equation of the form
my (t) = f (t, y(t), y (t)). (1)

1
2 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Differential Equations

In equation (1), y(t) represents the position, at time t, of the object. As expressed
in equation (1), the product of mass m and acceleration y (t) is equal to the sum
of the applied forces. The applied forces [the right-hand side of equation (1)]
often depend on time t, position y(t), and velocity y (t).

E X A M P L E
One of the simplest examples of linear motion is an object falling under the
1 influence of gravity. Let y(t) represent the height of the object above the surface
of the earth, and let g denote the constant acceleration due to gravity (32 ft/sec2
or 9.8 m/s2 ). See Figure 1.1.

– mg

y(t)

FIGURE 1.1
The only force acting on the falling body is its weight. The body’s position,
y(t), is governed by the differential equation y = −g.

Since the only force acting on the body is assumed to be its weight, W = mg,
equation (1) reduces to my (t) = −mg, or
y (t) = −g. (2)

The negative sign appears on the right-hand side of the equation because the
acceleration due to gravity is positive downward, while we assumed y to be
positive in the upward direction. (Again, see Figure 1.1.)
Equation (2) is solved easily by taking successive antiderivatives. The first
antiderivative gives the object’s velocity,
y (t) = −gt + C1 .
Another antidifferentiation gives the object’s position,
y(t) = − 12 gt2 + C1 t + C2 .
Here, C1 and C2 represent arbitrary constants of integration. ❖

Notice in Example 1 that the solution involves two undetermined constants.

This means that, by itself, differential equation (2) does not completely specify
the solution y(t). This makes sense physically since, to completely determine the
motion, we also need some information about the initial state of the object. The
arbitrary constants of integration that arise are often specified by prescribing
velocity and position at some initial time, say t = 0. For example, if the object’s
 1.2 Examples of Differential Equations 3

initial velocity is y (0) = v 0 and its initial position is y(0) = y0 , then we obtain
a complete description of velocity and position:
y (t) = −gt + v 0 , y(t) = − 12 gt2 + v 0 t + y0 .
Unless an application suggests otherwise, we normally use t to represent
the independent variable and y to represent the dependent variable. Thus, in a
typical differential equation, we are searching for a solution y(t).
As is common in a mathematics text, we use a variety of notations to denote
derivatives. For instance, we may use d2 y/dt2 instead of y (t) or d4 y/dt4 instead
of y(4) (t). In addition, we often suppress the independent variable t and simply
write y and y instead of y(t) and y (t). An example using this notation is the
differential equation
1 
y + y + t3 y = 5.
t

E X A M P L E
Scientists have observed that radioactive materials have an instantaneous rate
2 of decay (that is, a rate of decrease) that is proportional to the amount of
material present. If Q(t) represents the amount of material present at time t,
then dQ/dt is proportional to Q(t); that is,
dQ
= −kQ, k > 0. (3)
dt
The negative sign in equation (3) arises because Q is both positive and decreas-
ing; that is, Q(t) > 0 and Q (t) < 0.
Unlike equation (2), differential equation (3) cannot be solved by integrat-
ing the right-hand side, −kQ(t), because Q(t) is not known. Instead, equation
(3) requires that we somehow find a function Q(t) whose derivative, Q (t), is a
constant multiple of Q(t).
Recall that the exponential function has a derivative that is a constant mul-
tiple of itself. For example, if y = Ce−kt , then y = −kCe−kt = −ky. Therefore, we
see that a solution of equation (3) is
Q(t) = Ce−kt , (4)

where C can be any constant. ❖

As in Example 1, the differential equation by itself does not completely

specify the solution. But setting t = 0 in (4) leads to Q(0) = C. Therefore, the
quantity Q(t) given in equation (4) is completely determined once the amount
of material initially present is specified.

The Form of an nth Order Differential Equation

We now state the formal definition of a differential equation and point to some
issues that need to be addressed. An equation of the form
y(n) = f (t, y, y , . . . , y(n−1) ) (5)

is called an nth order ordinary differential equation.

4 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Differential Equations

In equation (5), t is the independent variable, while y is the dependent

variable. A solution of the differential equation (5) is any function y(t) that
satisfies the equation on our t-interval of interest. For instance, Example 2
showed that Q(t) = Ce−kt is a solution of Q = −kQ for any value of the constant
C; the t-interval of interest for Example 2 is typically the interval 0 ≤ t < ∞.
The order of a differential equation is the order of the highest derivative
that appears in the equation. For example, y = −g is a second order differential
equation. Similarly, Q = −kQ is a first order differential equation.
The form of the nth order ordinary differential equation (5) is not the most
general one. In particular, an nth order ordinary differential equation is any
equation of the form
G(t, y, y , y , . . . , y(n) ) = 0.
For example, the following equation is classified as a second order ordinary
differential equation:
t2 sin y + y ln y = 1.
Notice that it is not possible to rewrite this equation in the explicit form
y = f (t, y, y ).
In our study, however, we usually consider only equations of the form
y(n) = f (t, y, y , y , . . . , y(n−1) ),
where the nth derivative is given explicitly in terms of t, y, and lower order
derivatives of y.
Differential equation (5) is called ordinary because the equation involves
just a single independent variable, t. This is in contrast to other equations called
partial differential equations, which involve two or more independent vari-
ables. An example of a partial differential equation is the one-dimensional wave
equation
∂ 2 u(x, t) ∂ 2 u(x, t)
− = 0.
∂x2 ∂t2
Here, the dependent variable u is a function of two independent variables, the
spatial coordinate x and time t.

Initial Value Problems

What we have seen about differential equations thus far raises some impor-
tant questions that we will address throughout this book. One such question
is “What constitutes a properly formulated problem?” Examples 1 and 2 illus-
trate that auxiliary initial conditions are required if the differential equation is
to have a unique solution. The differential equation, together with the proper
number of initial conditions, constitutes what is known as an initial value
problem.
For instance, an initial value problem associated with the falling object in
Example 1 consists of the differential equation together with initial conditions
specifying the object’s initial position and velocity:
d2 y
= −g, y(0) = y0 , y (0) = v 0 .
dt2
 1.2 Examples of Differential Equations 5

Similarly, an initial value problem associated with the radioactive decay process
in Example 2 consists of the differential equation together with a specification
of the initial amount of the substance:
dQ
= −kQ, Q(0) = Q0 .
dt
These examples suggest that the number of initial conditions we need to specify
must be equal to the order of the differential equation. When we address the
question of properly formulating problems, it will be apparent that this is the
case. Once we understand how to properly formulate the problem to be solved,
the obvious next question is “How do we go about solving this problem?” An-
swering the two questions

1. How do we properly formulate the problem?

2. How do we solve the problem?

is central to the study of differential equations.

Solving Initial Value Problems

As Chapters 2, 3, and 4 show, certain special types of differential equations
have formulas for the general solution. The general solution is an expression
containing arbitrary constants (or parameters) that can be adjusted so as to give
every solution of the equation. Finding the general solution is often the first step
in solving an initial value problem. The next example illustrates this idea.
E X A M P L E
Consider the initial value problem
3
y + 3y = 6t + 5, y(0) = 3. (6)

(a) Show, for any constant C, that

y = Ce−3t + 2t + 1 (7)

is a solution of the differential equation y + 3y = 6t + 5.
(b) Use expression (7) to solve the initial value problem (6).

Solution:
(a) Inserting expression (7) into the differential equation y + 3y = 6t + 5, we
find
y + 3y = (Ce−3t + 2t + 1) + 3(Ce−3t + 2t + 1)
= (−3Ce−3t + 2) + (3Ce−3t + 6t + 3)
= 6t + 5.
Therefore, for any value C, y = Ce−3t + 2t + 1 is a solution of
y + 3y = 6t + 5.
(b) Imposing the constraint y(0) = 3 on y(t) = Ce−3t + 2t + 1 leads to
y(0) = C + 1 = 3. Therefore, C = 2, and a solution of the initial value prob-
lem is
y = 2e−3t + 2t + 1. ❖
6 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Differential Equations

We will show later that y = Ce−3t + 2t + 1 is the general solution of the

differential equation in Example 3. A geometric interpretation is given in Figure
1.2, which shows graphs of the general solution for representative values of C.
The solution whose graph passes through the point (t, y) = (0, 3) is the one that
solves the initial value problem posed in Example 3.
y
C=3
6
C=2
4

(0, 3) 2

C=0
t
0.5 1 1.5 2
–2
C = –1
–4

C = –3

FIGURE 1.2
For any constant C, y = Ce + 2t + 1 is a solution of y + 3y = 6t + 5.
−3t

Solution curves are displayed for several values of C. For C = 2, the curve
passes through the point (t, y) = (0, 3); this is the solution of the initial
value problem posed in Example 3.

EXERCISES
Exercises 1–4:
What is the order of the differential equation?
1. y + 3ty3 = 1 2. t4 y + y sin t = 6
t2
3. ( y )3 + t5 sin y = y4 4. ( y )4 −  4
=0
(y ) + 4
Exercises 5–8:
For what value(s) of the constant k, if any, is y(t) a solution of the given differential
equation?
5. y + 2y = 0, y(t) = ekt 6. y − y = 0, y(t) = ekt
7. y + (sin 2t)y = 0, y(t) = ek cos 2t 8. y + y = 0, y(t) = ke−t
2
9. (a) Show that y(t) = Cet is a solution of y − 2ty = 0 for any value of the constant C.
(b) Determine the value of C needed for this solution to satisfy the initial condition
y(1) = 2.
10. Solve the differential equation y = 2 by computing successive antiderivatives.
What is the order of this differential equation? How many arbitrary constants arise
in the antidifferentiation solution process?
11. (a) Show that y(t) = C1 sin 2t + C2 cos 2t is a solution of the differential equation
y + 4y = 0, where C1 and C2 are arbitrary constants.
(b) Find values of the constants C1 and C2 so that the solution satisfies the initial
conditions y(π/4) = 3, y (π/4) = −2.
 1.2 Examples of Differential Equations 7

12. Suppose y(t) = 2e−4t is the solution of the initial value problem y + ky = 0, y(0) = y0 .
What are the constants k and y0 ?
13. Consider t > 0. For what value(s) of the constant c, if any, is y(t) = c/t a solution of
the differential equation y + y2 = 0?
14. Let y(t) = −e−t + sin t be a solution of the initial value problem y + y = g(t),
y(0) = y0 . What must the function g(t) and the constant y0 be?
15. Consider t > 0. For what value(s) of the constant r, if any, is y(t) = tr a solution of
the differential equation t2 y − 2ty + 2y = 0?
16. Show that y(t) = C1 e2t + C2 e−2t is a solution of the differential equation y − 4y = 0,
where C1 and C2 are arbitrary constants.

Exercises 17–18:
Use the result of Exercise 16 to solve the initial value problem.
17. y − 4y = 0, y(0) = 2, y (0) = 0 18. y − 4y = 0, y(0) = 1, y (0) = 2

Exercises 19–20:
Use the result of Exercise 16 to find a function y(t) that satisfies the given conditions.
19. y − 4y = 0, y(0) = 3, lim y(t) = 0
t→∞

20. y − 4y = 0, y(0) = 10, lim y(t) = 0
t→−∞

Exercises 21–22:
The graph shows the solution of the given initial value problem. In each case, m is an in-
teger. In Exercise 21, determine m, y0 , and y(t). In Exercise 22, determine m, t0 , and y(t).

21. y (t) = m + 1, y(1) = y0 22. y (t) = mt, y(t0 ) = −1

y y

2.5 2.5

2 2

1.5 1.5

1 1

0.5 0.5

t t
–0.5 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 –0.5 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
–0.5 –0.5

Figure for Exercise 21 Figure for Exercise 22

23. At time t = 0, an object having mass m is released from rest at a height y0 above the
ground. Let g represent the (constant) gravitational acceleration. Derive an expres-
sion for the impact time (the time at which the object strikes the ground). What
is the velocity with which the object strikes the ground? (Express your answers in
terms of the initial height y0 and the gravitational acceleration g.)
24. A car, initially at rest, begins moving at time t = 0 with a constant acceleration down
a straight track. If the car achieves a speed of 60 mph (88 ft/sec) at time t = 8 sec,
what is the car’s acceleration? How far down the track will the car have traveled
when its speed reaches 60 mph?
8 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Differential Equations

1.3 Direction Fields

Before beginning a systematic study of differential equations, we consider a
geometric entity called a direction field, which will assist in understanding the
first order differential equation
y = f (t, y).
A direction field is a way of predicting the qualitative behavior of solutions
of a differential equation. A good way to understand the idea of a direction field
is to recall the “iron filings” experiment that is often done in science classes to
illustrate magnetism. In this experiment, iron filings (minute filaments of iron)
are sprinkled on a sheet of cardboard, beneath which two magnets of opposite
polarity are positioned. When the cardboard sheet is gently tapped, the iron
filings align themselves so that their axes are tangent to the magnetic field
lines. At a given point on the sheet, the orientation of an iron filing indicates
the direction of the magnetic field line. The totality of oriented iron filings gives
a good picture of the flow of magnetic field lines connecting the two magnetic
poles. Figure 1.3 illustrates this experiment.

Iron filings
Cardboard sheet

Bar magnet

FIGURE 1.3
The orientation of iron filings gives a good picture of the flow of magnetic
field lines connecting two magnetic poles.

The Direction Field for a Differential Equation

What is the connection between the iron filings experiment illustrated in Figure
1.3 and a qualitative understanding of differential equations? From calculus we
know that if we graph a differentiable function y(t), the slope of the curve at
the point (t, y(t)) is y (t). If y(t) is a solution of a differential equation y = f (t, y),
then we can calculate this slope by simply evaluating the right-hand side f (t, y)
at the point (t, y(t)).
For example, suppose y(t) is a solution of the equation
y = 1 + 2ty (1)

and suppose the graph of y(t) passes through the point (t, y) = (2, y(2)) = (2, −1).
For differential equation (1), the right-hand side is f (t, y) = 1 + 2ty. Thus, we
find
y (2) = f (2, y(2)) = f (2, −1) = 1 + 2(2)(−1) = −3.
Even though we have not solved y = 1 + 2ty, the preceding calculation
has taught us something about the specific solution y(t) passing through
(t, y) = (2, −1): it is decreasing (with slope equal to −3) when it passes through
the point (t, y) = (2, −1).
Another Random Scribd Document
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serve as agents of the magician, in carrying out the bidding of his magic. We shall return
to the subject presently. Here it will be enough to notice that the only instance of such a
spell we have come across—that is, the invocation of the tokway—has its concomitant
offering made only as a sort of compensation for having chased him out, or as a means
of persuading him to go. Probably it is the first rather than the second, because the
tokway has no free choice left, after he has been exorcised. He must obey the bidding of
the magician.

This survey shows clearly that the virtue, the force, the effective principle of magic lies
in the spell. We saw that in many cases, the spell is quite sufficient, if directly breathed
upon the object. Again, in what may be called the prevalent type of ritual, the action
which accompanies the utterance of the formula serves only to direct and condense the
spell upon the object. In all such cases the rite lacks all independent significance, all
autonomous function. In some cases, the rite introduces a substance which is used for
magical purposes only. As a rule, the substance then intensifies, through a parallel action,
the meaning of the spell. On the whole, it may be said that the main creative power of
magic resides in the formula; that the rite serves to convey, or transfer it to the object, in
certain cases emphasising the meaning of the spell through the nature of the transferring
medium, as well as through the manner in which it is finally applied. It is hardly
necessary to state that in the Trobriand magic, there are no rites performed without the
spell.

It is also evident in studying the manner in which the force of the spell is conveyed to
the object, that the voice of the reciter transfers the virtue. Indeed, as has been repeatedly
pointed out, in quoting the formulæ, and as we shall have to discuss later still, the
magical words are, so to speak, rubbed in by constant repetition to the substance. To
understand this better we must inquire into the natives’ conceptions of psycho-
physiology. The mind, nanola, by which term intelligence, power of discrimination,
capacity for learning magical formulæ, and all forms of non-manual skill are described,
as well as moral qualities, resides somewhere in the larynx. The natives will always
point to the organs of speech, where the nanola resides. The man who cannot speak
through any defect of his organs, is identified in name (tonagowa) and in treatment with
all those mentally deficient. The memory, however, the store of formulæ and traditions
learned by heart, resides deeper, in the belly. A man will be said to have a good nanola,
when he can acquire many formulæ, but though they enter through the larynx, naturally,
as he learns them, repeating word for word, he has to stow them away in a bigger and
more commodious receptacle; they sink down right to the bottom of his abdomen. I
made the discovery of this anatomical truth, while collecting war magic, from
Kanukubusi, the last office holder of the long succession of war magicians to the chiefs
of Omarakana. Kanukubusi is an old man, with a big head, a broad, high forehead, a
stumpy nose, and no chin, the meekest and most docile of my informants, with a
permanently puzzled and frightened expression on his honest countenance (see Plate
LVIII). I found this mild old man very trustworthy and accurate, an excellent informant
indeed, within the narrow sphere of his speciality, which he and his predecessors had
used to make ‘anger flare up in the nanola’ of Omarakana men, to make the enemy fly in
terror, pursued and slaughtered by the victorious warriors. I paid him well for the few
formulæ he gave me, and inquired at the end of our first session, whether he had any
more magic to produce. With pride, he struck his belly several times, and answered:
“Plenty more lies there!” I at once checked his statement by an independent informant,
and learned that everybody carries his magic in his abdomen.

There exist also certain ideas about stratification of magic, namely, that certain forms of
magic have to be learnt first, so that they sink down, while others come on top. But these
ideas are vague and contradictory, whereas the main idea, that magic rests in the belly, is
clear and definite. This fact gives us a new insight into native ideas about magic. The
force of magic, crystallised in the magical formulæ, is carried by men of the present
generation in their bodies. They are the depositories of this most valuable legacy of the
past. The force of magic does not reside in the things; it resides within man and can
escape only through his voice.

VI

So far, we only spoke of the relation between spell and rite. The last point, however,
brings us to the problem of the condition of the performer. His belly is a tabernacle of
magical force. Such a privilege carries its dangers and obligations. It is clear that you
cannot stuff foreign matter indiscriminately into a place, where extremely valuable
possessions are kept. Food restrictions, therefore, become imperative. Many of them are
directly determined by the contents of the spell. We saw some examples of this, as when
red fish, invoked in magic, is tabooed to the performer; or the dog, spoken about in the
Ka’ubanai spell, may not be heard howling while the man eats. In other cases, the object
which is the aim of the magic, cannot be partaken by the magician. This is the rule in the
case of shark fishing, kalala fishing, and other forms of fishing magic. The garden
magician is also debarred from partaking of new crops, up to a certain period. There is
hardly any clear doctrine, as to why things mentioned in magical formulæ, whether they
are the aims of the magic or only cooperating factors, should not be eaten. There is just
the general apprehension that the formula would be damaged by it. There are other
taboos, binding the magician, some of them permanent, some of them temporary, during
the season of his magical performance. We saw some permanent ones, as in the case of
the man who knows Kayga’u magic, and is not allowed to eat while children make
noises. The temporary ones, such as the sexual abstinence during the first rites of the
Kula, could be supplemented by numerous examples from other forms of magic. Thus,
in order to bring about rain, the magician paints himself black and has to remain
unwashed and unkempt for some time. The shark magician has to keep his house open,
to remove his pubic leaf and to sit with his legs apart, while the fishing and the magic
last, “so that the shark’s mouth might remain gaping.” But we cannot enter too much
into enumeration of these taboos and observances, and have only to make it clear that the
proper behaviour of the magician is one of the essentials of magic, and that in many
cases this behaviour is dictated by the contents of the spell.

The taboos and observances are not the only conditions which a man must fulfil in order
to carry out certain forms of magic. In many cases the most important condition is his
membership in a social group, for many forms of magic are strictly local, and must be
performed by one, who is the descendant of the mythical, original owner of the magic.
Thus in every case of garden magic, a magic which to the natives ranks first among all
the other types of beneficent magic, the performer must be genealogically related to the
first ancestor, who locally emerged from the hole. Certain exceptions to this rule are to
be found only in cases where a family of high rank has come and usurped the
headmanship of the group, but these exceptions are rare. In the case of the several
systems of local fishing magic, the office of magician is hereditary, and associated with
the locality. The important rain and sun magic which have been ‘born’ in Kasana’i, can
only be performed by the chiefs of that spot, who have usurped this important privilege
from the original local headman. The succession, is of course, always matrilineal. A man
may make a gift of such a magic to his son, but this latter may be obliged to relinquish
the privilege at his father’s death, and he never will be allowed to hand it over to his son,
unless this latter belongs again to the local group, through cross-cousin marriage. Even
in transactions where magic is sold or given away from one clan to another, the prestige
of certain local groups as main specialists and experts in a branch of magic still remain.
For instance, the black magic, though practised all over the place and no more localised,
is still believed to be best known in the villages of Ba’u and Bwoytalu, where the
original crab fell down from the skies, and brought with him the magic. The Kula magic
is also spread over the whole district, yet it is still associated with definite localities.

To summarise these sociological observations, We may say that, where the local
character of magic is still maintained, the magician has to belong to the dala (sub-clan or
local group) of the mythical ancestor. In all other cases, the local character of magic is
still recognised, even though it does not influence the sociology of the magician.
The traditional character of magic and the magical filiation of the performer find their
expression in another important feature of the spells. In some of them, as we have seen,
references to mythical events are made, or names of mythical ancestors are uttered. Even
more often, we find a whole list of names, beginning with the mythical founder of the
magic, and ending with the name of the immediate predecessor, that is, of the man from
whom the magic was obtained by the actual performer. Such a list links up the present
magician by a sort of magical pedigree with all those, who had previously been using
this formula. In other formulæ again, the magician identifies himself with some mythical
individual, and utters the latter’s name in the first person. Thus, in the spell uttered
whilst plucking the mint plant, we found the phrase: “I, Kwoyregu, with my father, we
cut the sulumwoya of Laba’i.” Both the actual genealogical descent of the magician from
the mythical ancestors, and the magical filiation expressed in the formulæ show again
the paramount importance of tradition, in this case acting on the sociological
determination of the performer. He is placed in a definite social group of those, who by
birth, or what could be called ‘magical adoption’, have had the right of performing this
magic. In the very act of uttering the spell, the magician bears testimony to his
indebtedness to the past by the enumeration of magical names, and by references to myth
and mythical events. Both the sociological restrictions, wherever they still exist, and the
magical filiation confirm once more the dependence of magic on tradition. On the other
hand, both show, as also do the taboos, that the obligations imposed on the magician and
the conditions he has to fulfil, are largely derived from the spell.

VII

Closely connected with the questions discussed in the preceding division, is the subject
of the systems of magic and the distinction between ‘systematic’ and ‘independent’
magical rites and formulæ. As we saw in the beginning of this chapter, the whole body of
magic naturally falls into several big divisions, each of them corresponding to a
department of nature, such as wind or weather; to some activity of man, such as
gardening, fishing, hunting or warfare; or to some real or imaginary force, such as
artistic inspiration, witchcraft, personal charm or prowess.

There is, however, an important distinction to be made within each such division of
magic; some of the rites and spells are isolated and independent, they can be used by
themselves, whenever the need arises. Such are almost all the incantations of wind
magic; some spells of individual garden magic; formulæ against toothache, and minor
ailments; some spells of hunting and food collecting; a few rites of love magic and of the
magic of carving. When a man, for instance, paddles along the Lagoon in his canoe and
an unfavourable wind sets in, he will utter a spell to make it abate and change. The same
spell would be recited in the village, when there arises a wind so strong as to be
dangerous. The incantation is a free, individual act, which may be performed and is
performed in any of the circumstances which require it.

It is quite another matter with the spells belonging to what I have called here systematic
magic. Such magic consists of a connected and consecutive body of incantations and
concomitant rites, no one of which can be torn out of its sequence and performed by
itself. They have to be carried out one after the other in a determined order, and the more
important of them, at least, can never be omitted, once the series has been started. Such a
series is always closely connected with some activity, such as the building of a canoe or
an overseas Kula voyage, a fishing expedition or the making and harvesting of a garden.
It will not be difficult for us to realise the nature of systematic magic, for in this book
almost all the rites and spells described belong to this class. In general, in the Trobriands,
the independent uncorrelated rites and formulæ are quite an insignificant minority, both
in number and in importance.

Let us consider one of the forms of systematic magic previously described, whether
canoe magic or that of the Kula, whether the kayga’u formulæ, or the magical ritual of
kaloma fishing. The first general fact to be noted here is, that we are in the presence of a
type of enterprise or activity, which is never embarked upon without magic. No canoe
will be built, no uvalaku started, no kaloma fished, without its magic ceremonial. This
ceremonial will be scrupulously observed in its main features, that is, some of the most
important formulæ will never be omitted, as some minor ones might be, a fact which has
been previously noted. The association between the practical activity and its magical
concomitant is very intimate. The stages and acts of the first, and the rites and spells of
the latter, correspond to each other one by one. Certain rites have to be done in order to
inaugurate certain activities; others have to be performed at the end of the practical
work; others again are part and parcel of the activity. But each of the rites and spells is to
the native mind, quite as indispensable for the success of the enterprise, as is the
practical activity. Thus, the tokway has to be expelled, or the tree would be entirely
unsuitable for a canoe; the adze, the lashing creeper, the caulking and the paint have to
be charmed, or else the canoe would be heavy and unwieldy, and such an omission might
even prove dangerous to life. Going mentally over the various cases quoted in the
previous chapters, it can be easily seen, how this intimate association between enterprise
and magic imparts to systematic magic its specific character. The consecutive progress
of work and of magic are inseparable, just because, according to native ideas, work
needs magic, and magic has only meaning as an indispensable ingredient of work.

Both work and magic are directed towards the same aim; to construct a swift and a stable
canoe; to obtain a good Kula yield; to insure safety from drowning and so on. Thus we
see that systematic magic consists in a body of rites and spells associated with one
enterprise, directed towards one aim, and progressing in a consecutive series of
performances which have to be carried out in their proper place. The point—the proper
understanding of what is meant by systematic magic—is of the greatest theoretical
importance because it reveals the nature of the relation between magical and practical
activities, and shows how deeply the two are connected with one another. It is one of
these points, also, which cannot be properly explained and grasped without the help of a
Chart. In the appended “Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding Activities,” I
have prepared such a Chart, in which has been summarised the substance of several of
the foregoing Chapters. The Table allows of a rapid survey of the consecutive activities
of the Kula in their relation to magic, beginning with the first act of canoe-building and
finishing with the return home. It shows the salient features of systematic magic in
general, and of the mwasila and canoe magic in particular. It shows the relation between
magical, ritual and practical activities, the correlated sequence of the two, their rolling
off, stage after stage, and side by side, towards one central aim—a successful Kula. The
Table thus serves to illustrate the meaning of the expression ‘systematic magic,’ and it
provides a firm outline of the essentials, magical, ceremonial and practical, of the Kula.

Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding Activities

I—First Stage of Canoe-Building (Chapter V, Division II)

Season and Place Activity Magic

approximate
duration
Beginning: June— Raybwag. Felling of tree, inaugurated The Vabusi Tokway (offering
August. (done by the builder by and spell) aiming at the
and helpers); expulsion of the wood-sprite
from the tree (performed by
owner or builder).
Immediately Same place. Trimming of the No magic.
afterwards. log-canoe (done by
builder with
helpers).
A few days later. Road. Pulling the log Helped out double rite of lightness
(done by all by (Kaymomwa’u and
villagers); Kaygagabile).
On morning after Main place in the The log is left as it until The magical act (Kapitunena
arrival at village. village. is; Duhu) ceremonially
inaugurating the work over
the canoe.
Season and Place Activity Magic
approximate
duration
Evening of the same Main place in the Working out of the No magic accompanying it.
day. village. outside of the log.
Several days or Main place. Scooping out of the inaugurated Ligogu spell, over the havilali,
weeks following. inside of the canoe; by the adze with the moveable
handle.
Towards the end of In the village before Other parts of canoe No magic.
the foregoing builder’s house. made ready by
period. builder and helpers.
After all work is Concluding rite: Kapitunena
over. Nanola Waga.

All the magic of this stage is canoe magic. It is performed only when a new canoe is
built and not when an old one is renovated. The spells are uttered by the builder and not
by the owner, except the first one. Work at this stage is done by one man mainly, the
builder and carver, with the help of a few men; except for the pulling of the log, in which
many men assist.

II—The Second Stage of Canoe Building (Chapter V, Division III)

Time Place Activity Magic

First day of work. On the sea-front of Fixing the prow- inaugurated Katuliliva Tabuyo rite,
a Lagoon village, or boards; by performed over the
on a beach of one of ornamental prow-boards by
the Eastern villages. the toliwaga. It belongs to the
mwasila (Kula magic).
The following inaugurated Vakakaya rite. A magical,
activities are by ceremonial cleansing of the
canoe, performed by the
owner or builder to remove all
evil influence and thus to
make the canoe fast.
(At times, the Lashing of the associated The Wayugo spell (lashing
lashing cannot be canoe; with creeper) rite; the most
done in one day and important of the magical
has to be continued performances in the second
into another stage. Done by builder or
session.)
Time Place Activity Magic
owner to make canoe swifter
and stronger.
Second sitting: On the sea-front of Caulking of the associated Kaybasi (caulking) magic;
during this the a Lagoon village or canoe; with spell uttered over caulking by
caulking is done on a beach of one of builder or owner to make
and the three the Eastern villages. canoe safe.
exorcisms Vakasulu, an exorcism.
performed Vaguri, an exorcism.
afterwards. Kaytapena waga, an
exorcism.
Painting of the associated Magic of; Kayhoulo (black
canoe; with paint)
Malakava (red paint).
Pwaka (white paint).

III—The Ceremonial Launching of a Canoe (Chapter VI, Division I)

Activity Magic
The launching and trial run inaugurated by Kaytalula wadola waga rite, belonging to
the mwasila cycle of magic.

After this, there comes the interval, filled out by the Kabigidoya (ceremonial visiting,)
by the preliminary trade and other preparations for the expedition overseas.

IV—The Magic During, and Preparations before the Departure (Chapter VII)

Time: some three to seven days before setting sail.

Activity Magic
Preparing the canoe for sailing (placing inaugurated by
of the mats on the platform, and of the Yawarapu rite over the coco-palm leaves,
frames in the body); done by the toliwaga to ensure success in
the Kula.

Kayikuna sulumwoya rite over the

aromatic mint.

Kaymwaloyo rite over the mint boiled in

coco-nut oil, performed by the toliwaga.
Activity Magic
Packing of the trade goods; associated with Gebobo rite (called also: Kipwo’i
sikwabu), made over four coco-nuts by a
friend or relative in law of the toliwaga,
to make all the food last (the spell
expresses only the desire for a good
Kula.)

All this magic belongs to the mwasila, and it has to be performed by the toliwaga, with
the exception of the last spell.

V—Canoe Magic, Performed at the Final Start on Overseas Voyage (Chapter VIII,
Division III)

The series of rites starts at the moment when the canoes are ready to set sail on the long
voyage on Pilolu. They are not associated with a progressive series of acts; they all refer
to one aim: canoe speed and reliability. They are all performed by the toliwaga.

Activity: overseas sailing, inaugurated by a Series of Magical Rites.

Time: morning of the second day of the expedition.
Kadumiyala, ritual rubbing or cleansing of the canoe
with leaves charmed over.

Place: the beach of Muwa. Bisila magic; pandanus streamers, previously

chanted over are tied to the mast and rigging.

Kayikunaveva; swaying the sheet rope uttering an

Aim of Magic: imparting of speed to canoe. incantation.

Vabusi momwa’u; “expelling the heaviness” out of a

canoe by means of a stale potato.
Performer of the Rites: the toliwaga.
Bisiboda patile; a rite of evil magic to make other
canoes slow and thus achieve relative speed.

VI—The Mwasila, Performed on Arrival at the Final Destination

(A) Beauty Magic (Chapter XIII, Division I)

Activity: washing, anointing and painting.

Kaykakaya—ritual washing and rubbing with
Place: the beach, on or near which the party rest charmed leaves.
before starting on the last stage (on the way to
Dobu; Sarubwoyna beach. On the way to Sinaketa: Luya (coco-nut) spell—over the scraped coco-nut
Kaykuyawa). used for anointing.

Sinata (comb) spell—over the comb.

Performers: the spells are uttered usually by the Sayyaku—aromatic black paint.
toliwaga, sometimes by an elder member of the
crew. Bowa—ordinary charcoal blacking.

Talo—red paint of crushed areca-nut.

(B) Magic of the Final Approach (Chapter XIII, Division II)

Activity: the fleet are paddling (on the approach to

Dobu) or punting (to Sinaketa) in a body. Ta’uya—the ritual blowing of the conch shell,
which has been charmed over before.

Performers: in each canoe, simultaneously, the Kayihuna-tabuyo—the swaying of the front prow-
toliwaga and two members of the crew. board while the spell is being uttered.

Kavalikuliku—the spell by the toliwaga.

Aim: to “shake the mountain,” to produce an
impression on the partners awaiting on the beach. Kaytavilena mwoynawaga—the incantation uttered
at the stern towards the Koya.

(C) Magic of Safety (Chapter XIII, Division III)

Activity Magic
Entering the Dobuan village (This magic is Ka’ubana’i, charm uttered over ginger, which is
performed only when Boyowans come to the Koya). then ritually spat over the Dobuan village and the
partners, and makes their hearts soft.

(D) Magic of Persuasion (Chapter XIV, Division III)

Activity Magic
The wooing in Kula (wawoyla) of the of the Kwoygapani—a spell uttered over a piece of areca-
overseas partner by the visitor. nut, given subsequently to the partner.

VII—A Canoe Spell, Uttered on the Departure Home (Chapter XIV, Division III)

Activity Magic
Loading of the canoe with the its gifts received from Kaylupa—a spell to make the canoe lighter, to “lift”
overseas partners, with the trade gain, and with the it out of the water.
Activity Magic
provisions for the home journey.

Within each department of systematic magic, there are again various systems of magic.
Thus we saw that, although the type of rite and formula is the same in all villages, the
actual details, let us say, of the wayugo magic, are not identical, but vary according to
the system with which a given reciter is acquainted. The differences are, as a rule, less
pronounced in the rites, which are generally very simple in the Trobriand magic, and are
identical in all the systems, but the formulæ differ completely in their wording. Thus, in
the wayugo magic (Chapter V, Division III) we found only a slight difference in the rite,
but one or two wayugo spells, which I have also recorded, differ essentially from the one
given in the text.

Each system of magic has a more or less developed mythological pedigree, and in
connection with it a local character, a point which has been elaborated in the previous
Division. The wayugo spell given in Chapter V, and all the spells of canoe-building
quoted in this book belong to the Kaykudayuri system of canoe magic. This system is
believed to have been known and recited by the mythical builder of the flying canoe, and
to have been handed down to his descendants, that is, as we know, in an incomplete
form. As has been said in the previous Division, the knowledge and the use of this magic
and of other systems does not abide strictly within the original clan, but it spreads
outside of it, and it becomes known to many people who are connected with the original
owner by a sort of magical filiation.

According to native belief, all these people know identical formulæ. In fact, in the course
of years and of repeated transmission, considerable differences have been introduced,
and nowadays many of the ‘real Kudayuri’ spells differ from one another completely.

A system of magic is therefore a number of magical formulæ, forming one consecutive

series. The main system of canoe magic is that of the Kaykudayuri, which is associated
with the place of the same name in Kitava. This system comprises the whole series of
canoe-building spells, from the expelling of the tokway to the final exorcisms. Another
comprehensive system is called Kaykapayouko, and is localised in the island of
Kayleula. An important system called Ilumte’ulo is nowadays claimed by Sinaketa, but
probably hails from Dobu. The mythological data of some of these systems are not
known to me, and some of them seem to be exceedingly rudimentary, not going beyond
the assertion that such and such a system originated at such and such a place, and was
originally the property of such and such a clan. Of the systems of mwasila, the best
known in South Boyowa is that called Monikiniki, to which belong the majority of the
formulæ here quoted. This system is sometimes loosely associated with the myth of
Tokosikuna, who is sometimes said to have been the original owner of the system.
According to another version, Monikiniki is the name of the original owner. The Dobuan
mwasila is called Kasabwaybwayreta, and is ascribed to that hero. From Muyuwa, hails
the Momroveta system of Kula magic, while in Kiriwina the system of Monikiniki is
usually recited, and only a few formulæ are inserted into it, belonging to a local magic,
called Kwoygapani (a name not to be confused with the name in a formula quoted in
Chapter XIV). In the light of these remarks, the many references to ‘magical systems’
given in the text, will become clear, so there is no need to add more here.

VIII

We saw before in the chapter on mythology that magic bridges over the cleavage
between the super-normal world of myth and the normal, ordinary happenings of to-day.
But then, this bridge itself must necessarily touch the super-normal, it must lead into that
domain. Magic surely, therefore, must partake of the supernatural character? There is no
doubt that it is so. The effects of magic, although constantly witnessed, and although
considered as a fundamental fact, are regarded as something distinctly different from the
effects of other human activities. The natives realise quite well that the speed and
buoyancy of a canoe are due to the knowledge and work of the constructor; they are well
acquainted with the properties of good material and of good craftsmanship. Yet the
magic of swiftness adds something more to even the best constructed canoe. This
superadded quality is regarded very much like the properties of the mythical canoe
which made it fly through the air, though in the present day canoes these properties have
dwindled down to mere surpassing speed.

The language of spells expresses this belief through the constant allusions to myth,
similes in which the present canoe is invited to imitate the mythical one. In the explicit
comments on the Kudayuri myth, the natives also state definitely that the prodigious
speed which well-charmed canoes develop is the legacy and counterpart of the old flying
speed. Thus the effects of magic are something superadded to all the other effects
produced by human effort and by natural qualities. The same is to be found in love
magic. The importance of a fine face and figure, of ornaments, decorations and nice
scents, is well recognised as being of attractive value, yet almost every man ascribes his
success to the perfection of his love magic. The force of magic is considered as
something independent of, and surpassing even, the power of all other personal charms.
A statement very often met with expresses this quite well:

“Look, I am not good looking, yet so many girls want me. The reason of that is that I have good
magic.”
In garden magic, soil, rain, proper work, are given their full due. None the less, no one
would dream of making a garden without the full magical performance being done over
it. Garden magic is thought to make just this difference, which a man hopes for from
‘chance,’ or ‘good luck,’ when he sees everybody round him working as hard as he can,
and in all other respects under similar conditions to himself. So we see that, in all these
cases, magical influence runs parallel to and independently of the effects of human work
and natural conditions. It produces these differences and those unexpected results, which
cannot be explained by any of the other factors.

So far, we see that magic represents, so to speak, a different sort of reality. When I call
this different sort ‘super-natural’ or ‘super-normal,’ one of the criteria which I use here
lies in the emotional reaction of the natives. This, of course, is most pronounced in the
case of evil magic. The sorcerer is not only feared because of his bad intentions. He is
also feared as ghosts are feared by us, as an uncanny manifestation. One is afraid of
meeting him in the dark, not so much because he might do any harm, but because his
appearance is dreadful and because he has at his bidding all sorts of powers and faculties
which are denied to those not versed in black magic. His sweat glows, night birds run
with him to give him warning; he can become invisible at will and produce paralysing
fear in those he meets. In short, the same hysterical dread, associated amongst ourselves
with the idea of haunted places, is produced by the sorcerers in the minds of the natives.
And it must be added that the natives have no such emotion of dread at all with regard to
the spirits of the departed. The horror which they have of the bwaga’u is even stronger in
the case of the mulukwausi, to whom all sorts of most uncanny properties are attributed.
Their ghoulish feasting on corpses, their capacity of flying, of making themselves
invisible, of changing into night birds, all this inspires the natives with extreme terror.

The other magicians and their art do not inspire such strong emotions in the natives, and
of course in any case the emotion would not be that of dread. There is a very great value
and attachment to systems of local magic, and their effects are distinctly considered as
an asset for a community.

Each form of magic also has its associated magical portent, kariyala. When a magic
formula is spoken, a violent natural upheaval will take place. For example, when garden
magic is performed, there will be thunder and lightning; with certain forms of Kula
magic, a rainbow will appear in the skies. Others will produce shower clouds. The
portent of a mild storm, accompanying the opening of the magical bundle (lilava) has
already been quoted. The kayga’u may produce a tidal wave, whereas an earthquake will
be the result of other forms of magic. War magic, in an unexpectedly bucolic way,
affects only some plants and birds. In certain forms of magic, a portent would take place
whenever the formula is uttered, in others, this will not be so regular, but a kariyala will
invariably occur when a magician dies. When asked, what is the real cause of any of
these natural phenomena enumerated, they will say:
 “Magic is the real cause (u’ula); they are a kariyala of magic.”

Another point, where magic touches the super-normal or supernatural, is in the

association of spirits with certain magical performances. A special type of magical
payment, the ula’ula, is at the same time an offering to the baloma (spirits). The
magician will detach a small bit of the large quantity of food brought to him, and put it
down on some special place, with the words:

“Partake, O spirits, of your ula’ula, and make my magic thrive.”

At certain ceremonies, the spirits are supposed to be present (see Plate LIX). When
something goes wrong with magic, or it is badly performed, ‘the spirits will become
angry,’ as it is often expressed by the natives. In some cases the baloma will appear in
dreams and advise the magician what to do. As this is the most active interference of the
spirits in human affairs, as far as magic is concerned, I shall quote in free translation
some statements obtained on the matter.

“The owners of fish magic will often dream that there is plentiful fish. The cause of it is the
magician’s ancestor spirit. Such a magician would then say: ‘The ancestral spirit has instructed
me in the night, that we should go to catch fish! And indeed, when we get there, we find plenty
of fish, and we cast the nets.’ ”

“Mokudeya, the maternal uncle of Narugo,” who is, the main fishing magician of Oburaku
“comes to his nephew in a dream and instructs him: ‘Tomorrow, cast the nets for fish in
Kwabwawa!’ Narugo then says: ‘Let us come, the old man instructed me last night.’ ”

“The kaloma (spondylus shell) magician of Sinaketa dreams about a plentiful patch of kaloma
shell. Next morning, he would dive and knock it off on the reef. Or he dreams of a canoe, and
he then paddles and casts the anchor at that place. To’udawada, Luvayam, Sinakadi dream that
they knock it off in plenty. When next morning we go there, it is plentiful.”

In all these examples (except the last) we see that the spirits act as advisors and helpers.
They fill the rôle of guardian of the traditions when they get angry because of a bad
performance, or as associates and sympathisers when they share the magician’s ula’ula.
But they are not agencies which get to work directly. In the Trobriand demonology, the
magician does not command the spirits to go and set to work. The work is done by the
agency of the spell, assisted by the accompanying ritual, and performed by the proper
magician. The spirits stand in the same relation, as the performer does, to the magical
force, which alone is active. They can help him to wield it properly, but they can never
become his instruments.

To summarise the results of what we have learned about the super-normal nature of
magic, it may be said that it has a definite character of its own, which differentiates it
from the non-magical actions of man. The manner in which the magical force is
conceived to act, parallel to the ordinary efforts but independent of them; the emotional
reaction to certain types of magic and magician; the kariyala; the intercourse with spirits
during the performances, all these properties differentiate magic from the ordinary
activities of man.

In native terminology, the realm of the magical is called by the word megwa, which
describes the ‘magical performance,’ the ‘spell,’ the ‘force’ or ‘virtue’ of magic, and can
be used as adjective to describe in general everything which presents a magical
character. Used as a verb, the words megwa, miga-megwa, miga, all of which are
variations of the same root, mean: ‘to perform magic,’ ‘to utter a spell,’ ‘to carry out a
rite.’ If the natives want to express that certain actions are done in connection with
magic, and not with work, and that certain effects are due to magical forces, and not to
other efforts, they used the word megwa as a substantive or adjective. It is never used to
describe any virtue residing in a man or a thing, nor for any action which is independent
of a spell.

The associated concept of taboo is covered by the Kiriwinian word bomala (with
suffixed possessive pronouns). It means a ‘prohibition,’ something which a man is not
allowed to do under any circumstances. It is used for magical taboos, for prohibitions
associated with rank, for restrictions in regard to food generally considered as unclean,
as, for example, the flesh of lizards, snakes, dogs and man. There is hardly any trace of
the meaning of ‘sacred’ attached to the word bomala. If anywhere, it can be found in the
use of the word boma, for a tabooed grove where men usually are not allowed to enter,
and where traditional spots, often original holes where men came out and whence magic
issued, are to be found. The expression toboma (to-, prefix denoting personal noun)
means a man of high rank, but hardly a sacred man.

IX

Finally, a few words must be said about the sociological or ceremonial setting of magic.
Reference has often been made to the simplicity of rites, and to their matter-of-fact
character. This has been mentioned with reference to canoe-building, and in garden
magic we would have found equally simple and purely businesslike performances. In
calling a magical action ‘ceremonial’ we imply that it was done with a big public
attendance; under the observance of definite rules of behaviour by the spectators as well
as by the performer, such as general silence, reverent attention to what is being done,
with at least a show of some interest. Now if, in the middle of some work, a man quickly
performs an action whilst others talk and laugh and leave him entirely on one side, this
gives a definite sociological stamp to the magical actions, and does not allow us to use
the term ‘ceremonial,’ as the distinguishing mark of the magical acts. Some of them, it is
true, do have this character. For instance, the initial rite with which the kaloma fishing
begins, requires the assistance of the whole fleet, and a definite type of behaviour on the
part of the crews, while the magician officiates for all of them, but with their assistance,
in the complex evolutions of the fleet. Similar rites are to be found in two or three
systems of fishing magic, and in several rites of the garden magic of certain villages. In
fact, the initial rite of garden magic is everywhere connected with a ceremonial
performance. The garden rite, associated with the ceremonial offering of food to spirits,
and attended by a body of villagers, a scene of which is shown on Plate LIX, has been
elsewhere described.3 One or two rites in war magic imply the active assistance of large
numbers of men, and take the form of big ceremonies. Thus we see that magical rites
may or may not be ceremonial, but that the ceremonial is by no means an outstanding or
universal feature of Trobriand magic.

We found that taboos are associated with magic, in so far as it is the magician who has to
observe them. There are, however, certain forms of restrictions or prohibitions, set up for
special purposes, and associated with magic in a somewhat different form. Thus, in an
institution called kaytubutabu we find a ban made on the consumption of coco-nuts and
betel-nuts, associated with a specific magic to make them grow. There is also a
protective taboo, used to prevent the theft of ripening fruits or nuts, too far away from
the village to be watched. In these cases a small parcel of medicated substance is placed
on the tree or near it, on a small stick. The magic spoken over such a substance is a
‘conditional curse,’ to use the excellent term introduced by Professor Westermarck. The
conditional curse would fall upon anyone who would touch the fruits of that tree, and
would bring upon him one form of disease or another. This is the only form of magic, in
which the personal agency is invoked, for in some of these spells, the tokway (wood-
sprite) is invited to take up his abode on the kaytapaku, that is the stick, with the
substance on it, and to guard the fruit. Some such small divergencies from the general
trend of native belief are always to be found. Sometimes they contain important clues,
and a deeper insight into the facts, sometimes they mean nothing, and only emphasise
the fact, that it is not possible to find absolute consistency in human belief. Only a
deeper analysis, and a comparative study of similar phenomena can decide which is the
case.
XI

In order to complete the survey of all the characteristics of magic, I shall rapidly mention
here the economic aspect of the position of magician, although the data referring to it
have already been given, scattered through the previous chapters. I have spoken of the
matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the deviations from it which consist in
inheritance from father to son, and in the transmission of magic by purchase (Chapter II,
Division VI, and Chapter VI, Division VI under (5)). This latter transaction may take
place under two names, which really cover two essentially different operations; the
pokala or payment to a maternal kinsman from whom one is going to obtain the magic,
and the laga, which is the purchase of magic from a stranger. Only certain forms of
magic can freely pass from one clan or sub-clan to another, and are purchasable by the
laga system. The majority of magical systems are local, and can descend only in the
same sub-clan with an occasional deviation to the son of a member, from whom,
however, the magic must return to the sub-clan again. A further economic feature of
magic is the payment, which the magician receives for his services. There are many
types of payment; some given occasionally by an individual for a definite act of magic,
as in the case of sorcery or healing magic; others, paid at regular intervals by the whole
community, as in the case of garden and fishing magic. In some cases the payments are
considerable, as in sorcery, in rain and fine weather magic, and in garden magic. In
others, they amount to little more than a mere formal offering.

XII

In all this, we have been dealing with general characteristics of Boyowan (Trobriand)
magic. This has been done mainly on the basis of the material presented in this volume,
with only a few examples from other branches of magic. The result so far can be set
down thus: magic to the natives represents a special department; it is a specific power,
essentially human, autonomous and independent in its action. This power is an inherent
property of certain words, uttered with the performance of certain actions by the man
entitled to do it through his social traditions and through certain observances which he
has to keep. The words and acts have this power in their own right, and their action is
direct and not mediated by any other agency. Their power is not derived from the
authority of spirits or demons or supernatural beings. It is not conceived as having been
wrested from nature. The belief in the power of words and rites as a fundamental and
irreducible force is the ultimate, basic dogma of their magical creed. Hence we find
established the ideas that one never can tamper with, change or improve spells; that
tradition is the only source from which they can be derived; that it has brought them
down from times lying beyond the speculation of man, that there can be no spontaneous
generation of magic.

We are naturally led now to inquire one stage further into the manner in which the
magical words and rites act. Obviously the only way to obtain correct information on
this point is to analyse and compare a great number of well authenticated formulæ, and
minutely recorded rites. Even the collection of Kula magic here partially given in free
translation, would allow us to arrive at certain interesting conclusions. But we can go
deeper still with the help of linguistic analysis, and we shall proceed to this inquiry in
the next chapter.

1 These views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article on “Primitive Economics” in the
Economic Journal, March, 1921. ↑
2 The association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated by the case of pearling. Here,
through the advent of white men, a new and very lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for the
natives. A form of magic is now in existence, associated with this fishing. This of course apparently
contradicts the native dogma that magic cannot be invented. The natives, if faced with this contradiction,
explain that it is really an old magic of shell fishing which refers to all the shells found at the bottom of the
Lagoon, but which so far had only been used with regard to fishing for the Conus. In fact, this magic is
nothing but the adaptation of the mwali (armshell) magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less, whether even
such a transference or adaptation would have taken place before the foundations of native belief and
custom had been shaken by the well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings and rulings
of the white man and by the introduction of trade. ↑
3 See article by the Author on the “Baloma, spirits of the dead in the Trobriand islands.” J. A. I.,
1917. ↑
Chapter XVIII
The Power of Words in Magic—Some Linguistic Data

The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic analysis of two magical

texts, and by a general survey of a greater number, what sort of words are
believed to exercise magical power. This, of course, does not mean that we
are under the delusion that the composers or inventors of magic had a
theory about the efficiency of words, and carried this theory into practice by
inventing the formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society,
though not codified, can be found out by analysing human behaviour; as we
reach the underlying principles of law and social propriety by examining
customs and manners; as in the study of rites, we see some definite tenets of
belief and dogmas—so, in analysing the direct verbal expressions of certain
modes of thinking in the magical formulæ, we are justified in assuming that
these modes of thinking must have somehow guided those who shaped
them. The exact manner in which we must imagine the relation between a
typical way of thinking in a society on the one hand, and the fixed,
crystallised results of this thinking on the other, is a problem of Social
Psychology. For this branch of science we are, in ethnography, under the
obligation of gathering material, but we need not encroach upon its field of
study.

Thus much may, however, be put down, that, in whatever manner we might
imagine a spell to have come into existence, it cannot be considered as the
creation of one man; for as has been said before, if we examine any one of
them, not with the eyes of the natives, but as outside critics, each spell
shows unmistakable signs of being a collection of linguistic additions from
different epochs. There is in practically every one of them a good deal of
archaic material, but not a single one bears the stamp of having come down
to us in the same form in which it must have presented itself a few
generations ago. So that it may be said that a spell is constantly being
remoulded as it passes through the chain of magicians, each probably
leaving his mark, however small, upon it. It is the general attitude in matters
of magical belief common to all of the successive holders which will be at
the bottom of all the regularities, all the typical features found in the spells.

I shall adduce a formula of canoe magic and one of the spells belonging to
the mwasila, choosing two texts of which a translation and a commentary of
average quality have been obtained, and which show clearly the several
characteristic features of verbal magic. Those who are not interested in
linguistic technicalities and details of method, may omit the following
division, and take up the trend of our argument at division XII.

II

The following text is the wayugo spell, obtained from Layseta, the headman
of Kopila, one of the sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary was
obtained from himself, and from another informant, Motago’i, a man of
exceptional intelligence, and a very straightforward and a reliable
informant. This spell has been given in free translation before in Chapter V,
and, as has been said there, the rite consists simply in chanting the words
over five coils of the wayugo creeper put on a wooden platter between two
mats.
 Wayugo Spell
A. U’ula (Initial Part)

1 Kala bosisi’ula, kala bomwalela.

1 His ritual eating of fish, his tabooed inside.

2 Papapa, siliubida, monagakalava.

2 Flutter, betel plant, leaving behind.

3 Tubugu Kalabotawosi, Tubugu Kwaysa’i, Tubugu Pulupolu,

3 Grandfather Kalabotawosi, grandfather Kwaysa’i, grandfather Pulupolu,
Tubugu Semkuku, Tubugu Kabatuwayaga, Tubugu Ugwaboda,
grandfather Semkuku, grandfather Kabatuwayaga, grandfather Ugwaboda,
Tubugu Kitava, Bulumava’u Nawabudoga, kaykapwapu
grandfather Kitava, new spirit Nawabudoga, immediate predecessor
Mogilawota.
Mogilawota.

4 Kusilase onikola, bukwa’u’i kambu’a.

4 You sit on canoe slips, you chew your areca-nut.

5 Kwawoyse bisalena Kaykudayuri Kusaylase odabana

5 You take his pandanus streamer (of) Kaykudayuri you place (it) on top
Teula
(of) Teula.

6 Basivila, basivitake’i Kitava miTo’uru, mimilaveta Pilolu.

6 I might turn, I might turn on Kitava your Touru, your sea-arm Pilolu.

7 Nagayne isipukayse girina Kaykudayuri.

7 To-day they kindle festive fire (of) Kaykudayuri.

8 Kumwam dabem Siyaygana, bukuyova.

8 Thou bind together thy skirt Siyaygana, thou fly.

9 Bakabima kaykabila, bakipatuma yogwayogula

9 I might clutch the adze handle, I might grip the component sticks.
10 Baterera odabana Kuyawa.
10 I might fly on top (of) Kuyawa.

B. TAPWANA (MAIN PART)

11 Odabana Kuyawa, odabana Kuyawa …

11 On top (of) Kuyawa, on top (of) Kuyawa …

(repeated several times)

bayokokoba odabana Kuyawa; bayowaysulu

I might become like smoke on top (of) Kuyawa; I might become invisible
odabana Kuyawa; bayovivilu’a, etc.;
on top (of) Kuyawa; I might become as a wind eddy, etc.
bayomwaleta, etc.; bayokarige, etc.; bayotamwa’u, etc;
I might become alone, etc.; I might become as dead, etc. I might disappear, etc.;
bayogugwa’u, etc.;
I might become like mist, etc.

12 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva for Kuyawa.

13 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La’u for Kuyawa. After this,
the u’ula is repeated, and then a secondary tapwana follows.

14 Bakalatatava, bakalatatava …
14 I might heel over, I might heel over …

(repeated several times)

ula sibu bakalatatava ulo koumwali bakalatatava

my keel I might heel over; my canoe gunwale I might heel over
uli sirota, etc. ulo katukulu, etc.; ulo gelu, etc. ulo kaysuya, etc.
my canoe bottom, etc. my prow, etc.; my rib, etc. my threading stick, etc.;
uli tabuyo, etc.; uli lagim, etc.;
my prow-board, etc.; my transverse board, etc.;

ulo kawaydala, etc.

my canoe side, etc.

The u’ula is repeated again and the spell is closed by the dogina (concluding
part).

C. Dogina (Conclusion)
 15 Kalubasisi kalubayo’u; kuvaylise mayena, kuvaylise bubuwala,
15 (Untranslatable) flying(?); you hit his tongue, you hit his chest,
kulakwoyse kala sibu waga.
you untie his keel canoe.

16 Wagam, kousi, wagam, vivilu’a, kuyokarige Siyaygana,

16 Canoe (thou art) ghost, canoe, (thou art) wind eddy, thou vanish Siyaygana,
bukuyova.
thou fly.

17 Kwarisasa kamkarikeda Kadimwatu; kwaripwo kabaluna

17 Thou pierce thy sea-passage Kadimwatu; thou break through nose his
Saramwa; kwabadibadi Loma.
Saramwa; thou meet Loma.

18 Kuyokarige, kuyotamwa’u, kuyovivilu’a

18 Thou become as dead, thou disappear, thou become as a wind eddy,
kuyogugwa’u.
thou become like mist.

19 Kusola kammayamaya, kwotutine kamgulupeya; kuna, kugoguna

19 Thou mould the fine sand, thou cut thy seaweed; thou go, thou put on
kambwoymatala.
thy butia wreath.

We have here the native text, translated word for word, each expression and
formative affix being rendered by its English equivalent. In obtaining such a
verbatim translation and subsequently putting it into a free, intelligible
English rendering, there are two main difficulties to be overcome. A
considerable proportion of the words found in magic do not belong to
ordinary speech, but are archaisms, mythical names and strange
compounds, formed according to unusual linguistic rules. Thus the first task
is to elucidate the obsolete expressions, the mythical references, and to find
the present day equivalents of any archaic words. Even if we obtain a series
of meanings corresponding to each term of the original text, there is often
considerable difficulty in linking these meanings together. Magic is not
built up in the narrative style; it does not serve to communicate ideas from
one person to another; it does not purport to contain a consecutive,
consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving special purposes, intended
for the exercise of man’s specific power over things, and its meaning,
giving this word a wider sense, can be understood only in correlation to this
aim. It will not be therefore a meaning of logically or topically concatenated
ideas, but of expressions fitting into one another and into the whole,
according to what could be called a magical order of thinking, or perhaps
more correctly, a magical order of expressing, of launching words towards
their aim. It is clear that this magical order of verbal concatenations—I am
purposely avoiding the expression ‘magical logic’ for there is no logic in the
case—must be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to
understand the spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in ‘reading’
such documents, and only an acquaintance with a great number makes one
more confident and more competent.

III.

In the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I tried to obtain from the
magician the equivalents, word for word, of the more cryptic expressions.
As a rule the magician himself knows a good deal more than anyone else
about the mythical references, and about certain esoteric expressions
contained in the spell. There are some unintelligent old men, unfortunately,
who rattle off a formula, and who evidently never were interested about its
significance or else forgot all about it, and are no good as commentators.
Often a fairly good informant, quite capable of reciting a spell slowly and
intelligibly, without losing his thread, will be of no use as linguistic
informant, that is in helping to obtain a definition of a word, in assisting to
break it up into its formative parts; in explaining which words belong to
ordinary speech, which are dialectic, which are archaic, and which are
purely magical compounds. I had only a few informants who could help me
in this way, and among them the previously mentioned Motago’i was one of
the best.
The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an approximate
manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar would have to be
given first. It will be enough, however, to show in broad outline the main
linguistic features of a spell, as well as the methods which have been used
in constructing the free translation given in the previous chapters.

The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the longer spells.
The first part is called u’ula. This word means the ‘bottom part’ of a tree or
post, the ‘foundation’ of any structure, and in more figurative uses, it means
‘reason,’ ‘cause,’ or, again, ‘beginning.’ It is in this last sense that the
natives apply it to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a
magical formula. The second part of the spell is called tapwana, literally:
‘surface,’ ‘skin,’ ‘body,’ ‘trunk,’ ‘middle part’ of a tree, ‘main part’ of a
road, and thus ‘main part’ of a spell or song. The word dogina, literally the
‘tip’ or ‘end,’ used for the ‘tip’ of a tree or the ‘end’ of a tail, is used to
designate the ‘final part’ or the ‘conclusion’ of a spell. Sometimes the word
dabwana, ‘top,’ or ‘head,’ (not human head) is substituted for dogina. Thus
the spell must be imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the
basis, the u’ula, its main part where the middle trunk would be, and its end
at the tip, the dogina.

The opening words of the u’ula in this spell are short, cutting, pithy
expressions, each standing for its own cycle of ideas, for a sentence or even
a whole story. In this they are typical of the beginnings of Kiriwinian spells.
They are also typical, in the great difficulty which they present to the
interpreter. Out of the seven words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not
belong to ordinary speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words
bosisi’ula and bomwalela are made up first of the prefix bo-, which carries
with it the meaning of ‘tabooed,’ ‘belonging to magic,’ and of the two roots
sisiula and mwalela, neither of which is a complete word. The first is the
root part of the word visisi’ula, which designates a custom associated with
this magic. At certain times, in connection with the performance of the
wayugo rite, the magician has fits of trembling and then he has to be given
some baked fish, and after partaking of it his trembling fit passes. The
natives say that he trembles like a bisila (pandanus streamer) and that this
shows that his magic is good, since the trembling of the pandanus is a
symbol of speed. Mwalela is derived from olumwalela which means
‘inside.’ With the prefix bo- the word can be translated ‘the tabooed inside.’

It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these two

expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have an allusion to
a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling which symbolises speed,
and we have an expression ‘tabooed inside.’ The custom of eating fish after
trembling has a magical importance. It adds to the efficiency of magic, as
all such observances do. The force or merit of this observance, which,
dissociated from the spell and the rite can have no direct effect, is made
available by being mentioned in the formula; it is so to speak, magically
discounted. This is the best way in which I can interpret the two words of
ritual eating and of tabooed interior of the magician.

The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The word
papapa, ‘flutter,’ stands for a phrase: “let the canoe speed so that the
pandanus leaves flutter.” Of course the word expresses much more than this
sentence, because it is intelligible only to those who are acquainted with the
part played by the pandanus leaves in the decoration of canoes, with the
native ideas about magical association between flutter and speed, and with
the ritual use of pandanus streamers. Therefore the word has a meaning
only if taken with the context of this formula, in connection with its aim,
with the various associated ideas and customs. To the native, who knows all
this and in whose mind the whole context rises, when he hears or repeats
‘papapa’ the word quivers with magical force. The word silubida, an
especial magical transformation of lilobida, stands for a certain variety of
the betel pepper plant. The word monagakalava is again an elaborate
compound carrying the meaning ‘to leave behind.’ The betel plant is a
common magical ingredient, and in this spell, the ancestral spirits will
presently be invited to chew betel-nut. ‘Leaving behind’ undoubtedly refers
to the other canoes which will be outrun by that of the reciter. Both these
words, therefore, can be placed without much difficulty into the context of
this spell. It is quite clear, as has been said, that each of these expressions
stands alone and represents a self-contained cycle of ideas. The two
expressions of sentence 1 probably do belong to one another, but even they
represent each one-half of a complex story.
Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of whom are
said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this magic. The
words kwaysa’i, ‘stormy sea,’ and pulupolu, ‘boiling up,’ ‘foaming up,’
suggest that the names are significant and therefore mythical. Nawabudoga,
a Kitavan man, was father of the last-mentioned one, Mogilawota, a
maternal relative of the present owner. We see here, therefore, a good case
of ‘magical filiation,’ by which the present owner, a man of Sinaketa, is
connected with the mythical district of Kitava.

The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much clearer and
simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. They are an
invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the magician at the
canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, ‘the craft of the Kudayuri,’ and to
place the pandanus streamers on the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated
and figurative speech, expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the
man on his trip. It must be noted that, according to the present belief at
least, the spirits are not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe
at the behest of the magician, but as passive companions only. Sentence 6
contains a scornful address to his companions; the magician in prospect
sees himself sailing ahead towards the mountains; as he turns round, the
Kitava men, that is his companions, are far behind on the beach of To’uru,
and the whole sea-arm of Pilolu still lies before them.

In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling the fire by
the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees himself carrying out this
privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks always of his canoe under the
name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical flying canoe of ancient times. In
8, the canoe is addressed as a flying witch, who is asked to bind her skirt
together and to fly. In 9, the magician verbally retraces an incident from the
original myth of Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe,
and strikes it, whereupon the canoe flies.

Thus the u’ula begins with archaic, condensed compounds each carrying a
self-contained cycle of magical meaning. Then follows a list of forbears;
then more explicit and, at the same time more dramatic sentences; an
invocation to ancestral spirits, the anticipated victory in speed, the
reconstructed mythical incident.

IV

Let us pass now to the tapwana. This is always the longest part of a spell,
since we have a whole list of words which have to be repeated with several
key expressions, of which in the present case there are three. Moreover, the
magician can ad libitum repeat the same words over and over again with a
key word. He will not go in any fixed order over all the words of the list,
but is allowed, in this part of the formula, to return and repeat with one key-
word the various items of the list.

It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which the
magical formulæ are actually recited. The opening words are always
intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not permanently fixed,
but varies with the magician. The first words are repeated some several
times. Thus here, kala bosisi’ula would be reiterated three or four times,
and so would be the following two words (kala bomwalela). The words of
No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously but not repeated. The list of
ancestors is run over quickly and perfunctorily. The rest of the u’ula, its
dramatic part so to speak, is spoken with less melody, more with the
ordinary speaking voice and more rapidly.

Then comes the last sentence of the u’ula, which in almost all spells links it
up with the main part. This is always intoned slowly, solemnly and
distinctly; the voice drops at the end by the interval of a tone. In the
tapwana, the key word, or key expression, which forms always the
concluding part of the u’ula, is taken up again. It is repeated several times,
as if to fix or rub it well in. Then, dropping into a quick, continuous stream
of utterance, the magician runs over one word of the list after the other. The
key-word is inserted between each of them, said sometimes once,
sometimes two or three times. It gives an effect as if the key-word were
being rubbed in into every one of the other expressions. They as a rule
spoken more slowly, mark the rhythm of this part. The reciting of the last
part of a spell, the dogina or dabwana, is more perfunctory, usually it is
rather spoken than chanted.

After this digression, let us return to the analysis of our spell. It is a rule that
the tapwana, the main part of a formula, is easier to translate, expressed in
less archaic and less condensed terms, than the u’ula. The tapwana of this
spell has quite easy key-words, both in its first and in its second part. In the
first one (phrase 11) the key-words are of mythical nature, referring to
localities associated with the flying of one of the Kudayuri sisters. In the
second tapwana, the key-word means: ‘I might heel over’ or ‘I shall heel
over,’ that is with speed. And this expression stands here for: ‘I shall
overtake,’ and the list of words pronounced with this verb denotes the
various parts of a canoe. The second part of the tapwana (phrase 14) is
much more typical than the first, because the key word is a verb, whilst the
list words are nouns. It is typical also, in that the verb expresses, in a simple
and direct manner, the magical effect of the spell (the overtaking of the
other canoes) whereas the sum of the words of the list gives the object of
the spell, that is, the canoe. Such tapwana, in which the magical action is
expressed as a verb, while in the list of words we have mentioned the
various parts of a garden or of fishing nets, or weapons or parts of the
human body, are to be found in all classes of magic.

The first part of the tapwana (phrases 11, 12, and 13) is less typical, in so
far that the verbs depicting various magical actions are relegated into the
list, while the key-words are adverbial expressions of locality. The verbal
links of the long chain express all and one in a metaphoric manner the
speed of the canoe. ‘I shall fly, I shall become like smoke, I shall become
invisible, I shall become as a wind eddy, etc,’ are all rather picturesque,
concrete descriptions of surpassing speed. They present also a linguistic
symmetry and singularity. The prefix ba- is the form of the future or
potential tense, which I have literally translated ‘might,’ but which stands
here for ‘shall.’ The formative prefix yo- is a causative, and stands for
‘become as’ or ‘become like.’ Then follows the root: kokoba- ‘smoke which
trails in clouds above a burning garden.’ Hence the expression bayokokoba,
in its full concrete meaning, could be translated: ‘I shall become like clouds
of trailing smoke.’ Again, boyowaysula in its full meaning could be
translated: ‘I shall become invisible as distant spray.’ The only abstract
word in this list is tamwa’u, which literally means, ‘to disappear.’ So, in this
tapwana, the list consists of a number of formally similar words, each
expressing the same general meaning in a concrete metaphorical manner.
The length of the whole tapwana (main body) of the spell can be imagined,
since in the middle between its two sections the u’ula is recited once more.

The last part of this spell, the dogina, contains an explicit allusion to the
Kudayuri myth and to several geographic localities, which are mentioned in
that myth. It also shows the usual crescendo, characteristic of the
conclusions of a spell. The final results are anticipated in exaggerated,
forceful language.

So much about the wayugo spell. I shall adduce now another spell of a
somewhat different type, belonging to the mwasila (Kula magic). It is
distinctly a more modern formula; there are hardly any archaic expressions;
words are not used, as independent sentences each; on the whole it is easily
understandable and has a consecutive meaning.
 Rayikuna Sulumwoya (also called Sumgeyyata)
A. U’ula (Initial Part)

1 Avayta’u netata’i sulumwoyala Laba’i? Yaygu, Kwoyregu, sogu

1 Who cuts the mint plant of Laba’i? I, Kwoyregu, together with
tamagu, katata’i sulumwoyala Laba’i.
my father, we cut the mint plant of Laba’i.

2 Silimwaynunuva, inunuva; silimwayniku, iniku;

2 The roaring sulumwoya, it roars; the quaking sulumwoya it quakes;
silimwayyega, iyega; silimwaypolu, ipolu.
the soughing sulumwoya, it soughs; the boiling sulumwoya, it boils.

B.—Tapwana (Main Part)

3 Ipolu, ipolu ipolu … agu sulumwoya ipolu; agu vana,

3 It boils, it boils, it boils … my mint plant it boils; my herb ornaments,
ipolu; agu kena ipolu; agu yaguma ipolu; agu sinata ipolu; agu
it boils my lime spatula it boils; my lime pot it boils; my comb it boils; my
mo’i ipolu; agu pari ipolu; agu vataga ipolu; agu
mat it boils; my presentation goods it boils; my big basket it boils; my
kauyo ipolu; agu lilava ipolu.
personal basket it boils; my magical bundle it boils.

Dabagu ipolu; kabulugu ipolu; kaygadugu ipolu; mayyegu ipolu;

my head it boils; my nose it boils; my occiput it boils; my tongue it boils;
tabagu ipolu; kawagu ipolu; wadogu ipolu; ula
my larynx it boils; my speaking organ it boils; my mouth it boils; my
woyla ipolu.
Kula courting it boils.

C.—Dogina (Conclusion)

4 Bulumava’u kadagu Mwoyalova kuvapwo

4 New spirit my maternal uncle Mwoyalova thou breathe (the spell over)
dabana Monikiniki, kuvapokayma dabana agu
the head (of) Monikiniki, thou breathe (the spell over) the head (of) my
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