INSIGHTS ON SCIENCE

JOURNALISM

Bringing together experts from a range of disciplines, this collection critically

examines science journalism, paying special attention to the points of tension
that science journalists navigate in their work today.
Faced with the twin crises of climate change and a global pandemic,
science journalism has never before been so prominent. This book showcases
perspectives that transcend the particulars of the specific news events and outlets
studied, in order to provide an overview of the key areas of scholarly interest
regarding the nature of science journalism. The volume is organised into three
sections: the first provides historical case studies illustrating the demarcation of
science journalism from science as science journalism emerged as a recognisable
news beat in the twentieth century; the second examines the relationship
between science journalists and their sources, particularly scientists, and the
mediation of this relationship through organisations, foreign journalism and
political constraints; and the final section considers the style and voice of science
journalism content. Case studies and original empirical research are compiled
from across the globe, including the UK, US, Germany, Vietnam, and Russia,
and are synthesised to offer a readable and engaging insight into the beat.
Insights on Science Journalism is recommended reading for advanced
students and researchers of science journalism and communication and will
also appeal to those working in the fields of science and technology studies
and risk communication.

Felicity Mellor is Director of Science Communication Unit at Imperial College

London, UK, where she oversees the Unit’s long-running masters programmes
in science communication. Her research focuses on science journalism and
the ideological dimensions of media discourse about science. Her publications
include two co-edited books: The Silences of Science and Science and its Publics.
Journalism Insights

The Journalism Insights series provides edited collections of theoretically

grounded case study analyses on an eclectic range of journalistic areas, from
peace and conflict reporting to fashion and sports reporting.
The series has a bias towards the contemporary, but each volume includes
an important historical, contextualising section. Volumes offer international
coverage and focus on both mainstream and ‘alternative’ media, always
considering the impact of social media in the various fields.
The volumes are aimed at both undergraduate and postgraduate students
on journalism as well as media and communication programmes who will find
the texts original, interesting and inspirational.
For information on submitting a proposal for the series, please contact the
Series Editor Richard Lance Keeble, of the University of Lincoln and Liverpool
Hope University, at [email protected]

Insights on Fashion Journalism

Edited by Rosie Findlay and Johannes Reponen

Insights on Immersive Journalism

Edited by Ana Luisa Sánchez Laws

Insights on Science Journalism

Edited by Felicity Mellor

For more information visit: https://www.routledge.com/Journalism-Insights/

book-series/JI
INSIGHTS ON SCIENCE
JOURNALISM

Edited by Felicity Mellor

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First published 2024
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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-032-35062-2 (hbk)

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DOI: 10.4324/9781003326724

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CONTENTS

Contributors vii

Introduction: Beating the bounds of science journalism 1

Felicity Mellor

PART I
Establishing a beat 13

1 “Making democracy safe”: The development of US

science journalism in the 1920s 15
Susan E. Swanberg and Felicity Mellor

2 The expanding role of science journalism: BBC radio in

post-war Britain 33
Jared Robert Keller

3 Constructing identity, protecting independence:

Science journalists’ associations 51
Jane Gregory
vi Contents

PART II
Journalist-source relations 71

4 Copy and paste: Churnalism in science journalism 73

Lars Guenther, Justin T. Schröder and Anna Tratter

5 Science media centres: Walking a line between science,

PR and journalism89
Irene Broer

6 The over-reliance on foreign science news in developing

countries: Causes, consequences
and solutions105
An Nguyen and Minh Tran

7 “The death of experts”: Sourcing science journalism in

a state-controlled media environment121
Alexandra Borissova Saleh

PART III
The journalistic voice 139

8 Partial to being impartial? Debates about balance in

science journalism141
Felicity Mellor

9 Making science trend: The style of popular science

magazines159
Katarzyna Molek-Kozakowska

10 Ethical compromise in narrative science journalism:

The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks176
Lauren Kilian

Conclusion: A conversation with the future193

Felicity Mellor

Index197
CONTRIBUTORS

Alexandra Borissova Saleh is a science communication consultant at

E-Quadrat Science & Education in Berlin, Germany. She is a former
director of the MSc in Science Communication at ITMO University in Saint
Petersburg and the first president of the Russian Association for Science
Communication (AKSON). She has more than ten years of experience as a
science journalist and has undertaken the first substantial investigation into
Russian science communication in a project supported by the Alexander von
Humboldt Foundation’s German Chancellor Fellowship.

Irene Broer is a researcher at the Leibniz Institute for Media Research, Hans
Bredow Institute in Hamburg, Germany, where she studies new intermediaries
in science communication. With a background in cultural anthropology and
journalism studies, she is interested in the ways that editorial practices, norms
and ideologies shape the ways that scientific knowledge and expertise are
mediated in public communication.

Jane Gregory is a researcher and teacher of science communication in the

UK. She has designed and delivered award-bearing programmes for Imperial
College London, University College London, the University of Manchester
and, most recently, the University of Cambridge. Her research focuses on the
twentieth-century and recent history of popular science. She is also involved
with third-sector organisations, in public science engagement and science
policy.

Lars Guenther is Professor of Communication Science at LMU Munich’s

Department of Media and Communication in Germany, and Extraordinary
viii Contributors

Associate Professor at the Centre for Research on Evaluation, Science and

Technology (CREST) at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. His research
interests focus on science and health journalism, as well as public trust and
communication of risks and (un)certainty.

Jared Robert Keller is a researcher at the Open Data Institute in London,

specialising in evidence-based foresight, science communication and the history
of technology. His doctoral research examined the post-war professionalisation
of science journalism on BBC radio.

Lauren Kilian is Director of the Office of Disability Services at Marymount

Manhattan College in New York City, USA. She holds a PhD in English from
Stony Brook University, where her research explored literary intervention in
scientific debates and the role of narrative in public science discourse. She has
taught literature and writing composition and has developed a study on the
impact of habitual writing on undergraduate students’ relationship to their
writing.

Felicity Mellor is Director of the Science Communication Unit at Imperial

College London, UK, where she oversees the Unit’s long-running masters
programmes in science communication. Her research focuses on science
journalism and the ideological dimensions of media discourse about science.
Her publications include two co-edited books: The Silences of Science and
Science and its Publics.

Katarzyna Molek-Kozakowska is Associate Professor and Head of the

Department of English at the University of Opole, Poland, and Senior
Research Fellow at Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Lithuania. With
a background in English studies, she specialises in discourse analysis, science
communication and media studies. She co-edits Res Rhetorica, an international
open-access journal focused on rhetoric and linguistics.

An Nguyen is Professor of Journalism and Co-Director of the Centre for

Science, Health and Data Communication Research at Bournemouth
University, UK. He began his career as a science journalist in Vietnam. His
books include News, Numbers and Public Opinion in a Data-Driven World
and Developing News: Global Journalism and the Coverage of ‘Third World’
Development.

Minh Tran is Lecturer in Journalism and Communication and Deputy Head of

the Department of Linguistics, Literature and Journalism at Danang University
of Education, Vietnam. She holds a PhD from Bournemouth University in the
 Contributors ix

UK, in which she examined the coverage of global science controversies in

Vietnamese news journalism.

Anna Tratter graduated in 2021 from the Ludwig Maximilian University of

Munich, Germany, and in 2022 from the Technical University of Munich,
Germany. In her BA thesis, she focused on press releases of the German
Chemical Society (Gesellschaft Deutscher Chemiker). Besides her research
interests in science journalism, she has worked both in the chemistry lab and
as a science journalist. In 2023, she became a student at the German School
of Journalism in Munich.

Justin T. Schröder is a Research Associate at LMU Munich and the University

of Hamburg, primarily working on the project ‘The trust relationship
between science and digitized publics’ (TruSDi), funded by the German
Research Foundation (DFG). In addition, he is a PhD student at Universität
Hamburg, Germany. His research interests include science, political and digital
communication.

Susan E. Swanberg is Associate Professor of Journalism at the University of

Arizona School of Journalism in the US, where she teaches news reporting,
science journalism, environmental journalism and media law. She has also
worked as a criminal lawyer, a bench scientist and a journalist.
INTRODUCTION
Beating the bounds of science journalism

Felicity Mellor

An ancient custom in English villages, known as beating the bounds, consists

of villagers walking the boundary of their parish as a reminder of where their
lands begin so that they can prevent encroachment by neighbouring villages.
The ‘beat’ of a journalist derives from the same idea of traversing familiar
territory through habitual visits, as when the crime reporter attends the court
in a newsgathering routine that similarly aids social learning and remembering.
The metaphor is particularly apt in the case of the subject of this book:
science journalism not only involves visiting the same news sources each
week (in this case, the press releases of the most prestigious science journals)
but to become established as a newsroom specialism has had to maintain
boundaries with other journalists, with other types of communicators and with
scientists.
Science journalists have sometimes been keen to downplay the boundaries
within journalism in order to play up their identity as journalists. As a science
editor at a UK daily newspaper once said of his specialism: “I don’t believe
that it exists, there is journalism which happens to be about science, just as
there is journalism which happens to be about football or golf or whatever, I
don’t believe that there is a specialist area” (Hansen, 1994: p. 116). Yet, the
importance of general journalistic skills notwithstanding, science journalism is
a recognised beat with designated reporters and editors at major news outlets
around the world, professional organisations and distinctive approaches to
news gathering and story treatment.
Historically, the English villagers beating the bounds would carry sticks
with which to thrash the boundary markers as they processed around their
parish. To further reinforce the memory, children would sometimes undergo
a trial at prominent landmarks – such as having their heads knocked against

DOI: 10.4324/9781003326724-1
2 Felicity Mellor

a boundary stone (Soth, 2020). It takes the metaphor only a little too far to
suggest that this also resonates with science journalism. While physical pain
may not be involved in this case, science journalism is frequently subjected to
the criticisms of others wielding greater epistemic authority – the scientists on
whom the journalists report. The science journalism beat has frequently been
the subject of a beating.
A large and growing body of scholarly work has considered the validity
of such criticisms. Much of this work takes a particular area of science as the
starting point and examines questions such as whether the coverage replicates
scientific discourse, to what extent it is enfolded within political agendas and
how it contributes to new cultural associations and meanings. By focusing
on particular topics within science, such studies often implicitly start from
the scientists’ perspective rather than from newsroom experiences or the
wider cultural context. Other studies have interviewed science journalists
to reveal the norms and values that shape their output or have examined all
the science coverage of chosen outlets in order to capture the full breadth
of science-based news, much of which is not produced by specialist beat
reporters.
Despite the considerable size and scope of this body of scholarship, few
works have attempted a historical overview of science journalism as a specialism
distinct from other forms of popular science; Dorothy Nelkin’s (1987) account
of the development of US science journalism across half a century remains a
classic in this respect. Having first emerged as a specialist beat in the 1920s in
the United States and the United Kingdom, science journalists’ place in the
newsroom was secured in the following decades by the increasing orientation
of society towards technocratic policies and by dramatic technological
developments, such as atomic weapons and the space race. In other countries,
the recognition of science journalism as a specialist beat came later, depending
not only on local newsroom cultures and the structure and ownership of the
news media, but also on wider socio-economic factors such as the form of
government, the perceived role of science in economic development and the
presence of national science organisations.
Where science journalism ends and related beats – such as medicine,
development, the environment, technology, energy or agriculture – begin
has evolved over time and depends on the size of the newsroom and editors’
perceptions of audience interests. One re-drawing of the boundaries of the
beat occurred in response to the environmental movement of the 1960s and
1970s, when some outlets appointed new specialists to cover environmental
issues, often with more of an advocacy approach than was the norm among
science journalists (Fahy, 2017). Science journalists, by contrast, retained an
affinity with the aims of other popularisers of science through much of the past
century: encouraging public interest in science by explaining the relevance of
research findings.
 Introduction 3

In the past two decades, changes in media technology have once again
broken open the boundaries of the beat as part of the widescale challenges
impacting all of the news industry. Online popular science outlets have
benefitted from the narrowcasting made possible by targeted advertising and
scientists and their institutions are now able to reach audiences directly without
the mediation of a news outlet. Increasing job opportunities for professional
science communicators at scientific organisations and decreasing job security
for staff journalists at news outlets have combined to lead to a diversification
of careers for those producing science journalism. There are two contrasting
ways of interpreting these changes: one tells the story of science journalism
as a field of opportunity; the other is a story of perpetual crisis. The more
prominent version is the story of crisis.

A story of crisis
News journalism, the crisis account tells us, struggles to accommodate the
features of science that make it a uniquely reliable source of knowledge, with the
result that science is either ignored or distorted in the news media. Throughout
the past century, scientists – and sometimes news producers – have complained
about the poor quality of the news coverage of science. Some US and UK
examples from twenty-year intervals illustrate the recurring nature of these
complaints. Take, for instance, US news magnate E.W. Scripps, 1919 complaint
that every scientifically minded newspaper reader “is constantly reminded that
there is a vast quantity of misinformation being constantly spread abroad by
our newspapers” (Scripps, 1919: p. 306). Two decades later, in 1940, German-
American science writer Willy Ley complained that it was “woefully hard to
convince newspaper people that they should open some space for science”
(Buss, 2014: p. 208). Another two decades later, in 1961, the science journal
Nature identified in the British Press “a deplorable lack among some writers of
a true appreciation of the technique, aims and objectives of science” (Nature,
1961: p. 292). In 1985, a report by the UK’s Royal Society reached a similarly
despairing conclusion: “The whole process of reduction of the scientific
information to a manageable form by the science journalist is almost bound to
lead to some distortion” (Bodmer, 1985: p. 21). A British medic and opinion
columnist voiced the same concerns in blunter language twenty years later,
when he asked: “Why is science in the media so often pointless, simplistic,
boring or just plain wrong?” (Goldacre, 2005).
The constancy of these concerns suggests that they transcend assessments
of journalists’ output and serve to enact a power dynamic, primarily between
scientists and news producers, but also between science and the state. In Western
democracies, science journalism became established as a beat as scientists
attempted to assert an essential role for science in social progress (see Chapter 1).
The later emergence of science journalism in the countries of the Global
4 Felicity Mellor

South was similarly coupled to ideas about the role of science in economic
development. The recurring complaints about science journalism are premised
on assumptions about the role of science in society, who should be in control
of the public image of science and who has the competency to communicate
science accurately and meaningfully. These play out through two differing,
sometimes conflicting, sets of professional expectations – journalistic and
scientific – with the degree of journalistic autonomy shifting over time and
depending on the topic at hand. These differing expectations result in a
recurring sense of crisis.
Science journalists themselves more often identify a crisis stemming from
their current working conditions. Typically, this is presented as a narrative of
decline: things are getting worse. A 2021 survey of over six hundred science
journalists worldwide showed an increase in the proportion agreeing that
science journalism was in crisis: only a third of respondents rejected the idea,
down from almost half a decade earlier. Fewer than half of these journalists
reported being happy with their jobs and a majority thought that editors were
uninterested in science stories.
A key moment in this narrative is the closure of the entire CNN science
and environment desk in 2008 (Brainard, 2008). A global survey of almost
500 science journalists in 2009 found that a third of science journalists had
experienced cuts to the beat at their workplaces in the United States and
Canada and about a quarter had in other countries (Brumfiel, 2009). One
science journalist interviewed in 2016 for an Australian study described
science journalists in that country as “an endangered species” (McKinnon
et al., 2018: p. 568). For those who remain, the job is precarious. By 2018,
nearly half of the membership of America’s National Association of Science
Writers were freelances (Dunwoody, 2021). Nineteen science journalists
interviewed for a study in 2022 all identified a decrease in stable employment
and a rise in freelancing as the major challenges the field faced in the United
States (Anderson and Dudo, 2023).
Those who remain as staff reporters face increasing workloads as they work
across multiple platforms in a 24/7 rolling news environment and increased
stress as their output is monitored by their editors for the number of clicks
they receive. In the United Kingdom, a science reporter at an online tabloid
will typically write four to six articles a day. In this context, shortcuts presented
in the form of public relations materials become highly attractive. About seven
in ten respondents to the 2021 global survey felt that PR was driving science
news and that the proliferation of press releases combined with cost cutting
in newsrooms was leading to poor quality reporting (Massarani et al., 2021,
pp. 27-28).
This last fits with a narrative of decline that is also commonly found in
academic studies examining the dependency of science journalism on PR. As
discussed in Chapter 4, a significant proportion of science news is derived,
 Introduction 5

with little or no alteration, from press releases. Science PR operations

have always had a significant influence on science journalism, but in recent
decades, scientific journals, professional societies and universities have all
greatly enlarged their communications offices; some evidence suggests that
the PR-dependency of science is increasing as a consequence (Vogler and
Schäfer, 2020). The reproduction of PR materials means that the framing of
science news is frequently determined by the interests of scientific institutions
rather than the public interest, encouraging what science communication
scholars Martin Bauer and Jane Gregory have characterised as a shift in “the
logic of journalism towards a logic of corporate communication” (Bauer
and Gregory, 2008: p. 33). Only when science stories have far-reaching
and contested policy implications does science reporting take a more
independent stance.
As journalism scholar Sharon Dunwoody (2001) suggested, the boundary
between science and PR is blurred further if freelance journalists spend some
of their time writing publicity materials for scientific institutions. Over a third
of respondents in a 2016 survey of members of the US National Association of
Science Writers described themselves as press relations professionals, half of
whom also worked as journalists (NASW, 2016). One function of journalism
is to scrutinise institutions that have the capacity to affect the lives of ordinary
people. That function is compromised if journalists are dependent on those
institutions for paid work.
Another major pressure comes from the opposite direction: the circulation
of science-related misinformation by new media actors who have no
connections to either the institutions of science or those of professional
journalism. The disruption of the gatekeeping function of the legacy news
media brought about by social media has enabled content producers with
no alignment to traditional journalistic values to reach large audiences in
order to advance specific agendas. This challenge came to the fore during
the Covid-19 pandemic, when UNESCO declared that a ‘disinfodemic’ was
running alongside the disease pandemic (UN, 2020); it has also been a long-
standing issue with reporting climate change. As a result, professional science
journalism may be losing trust among some portions of the public and science
journalists can feel under constant attack on social media, causing emotional
burnout (Anderson and Dudo, 2023).
The Covid pandemic also serves as a reminder of the physical dangers
that science journalists can face when reporting on science-based policy
issues in media environments with little or no tradition of a free press (see
Chapter 7 for the case of Russia). Journalists in such regimes face arrest
and imprisonment if they fail to comply with government censorship.
According to Reporters Without Borders, 135 people were arrested
around the world during 2020 for their reporting of the pandemic (RSF,
2020: p. 11).
6 Felicity Mellor

A story of opportunity
Positive accounts of the current state of science journalism are far less
common than the story of crisis. Yet, as well as posing severe challenges, the
Covid pandemic has also served to highlight the importance and reliability
of professional science journalism. For instance, in a notably optimistic blog
in which he compared science journalists to superheroes, Al-Jazeera medical
journalist Osama Abu El Rub argued that the pandemic had demonstrated
that, more than ever, the world needed “facts-based science and medical
journalism”. With proper investment, El Rub proposed, “science journalists
will save the world” (Abu El Rub, 2022).
Writing before the pandemic, US journalists and science communication
lecturers Thomas Hayden and Erika Check Hayden were similarly optimistic,
declaring: “We live in a golden age of science and environmental journalism”
(2018: p. 1). While noting that careers are precarious, they suggested that
“there has never been more, better quality science and environmental journalism
produced than there is today” (p. 1). According to Hayden and Check
Hayden, the changes to the media ecosystem present new opportunities for
science journalists to find work outside traditional news outlets. These include
new digital popular science magazines, increasing demand for long-form
writing and short-form videos and also new organisations that are developing
innovative approaches to journalism. Examples include The Conversation,
the online website whose editors work with academics to enable them to
communicate directly with public audiences (Guenther and Joubert, 2021);
the non-profit news website SciDevNet that supports science journalism in
development contexts around the world; and intermediary organisations that
sit at the interface between science and journalism, such as the Science Media
Center Germany (see Chapter 5). Such initiatives benefit from financial support
from scientific organisations, governments and charities that is not available to
commercial news organisations. As the financial model of traditional journalism
fractures, the historically porous boundary between science journalism and the
institutions of science allows a re-positioning of the specialism in new ventures
that are, in some ways, a reimagining of the initiative that helped establish
science journalism in the United States a century ago (see Chapter 1).
Other types of intermediary organisation have long histories of their own.
It would be a mistake to characterise scientific journals solely as part of the
scientific community, publishing technical papers to serve that community and
press releases to promote the science. Several prominent journals also have
news divisions, staffed by science journalists. Thanks to their different business
models, these can have the capacity to support in-depth journalism that is
being squeezed at general news outlets. For instance, the British Medical
Journal includes an Investigations Unit that supports investigative journalism
into research misconduct, clinical ethics and other public interest issues.
 Introduction 7

The professional structures that have developed across a century of the

science journalism beat also continue to offer support to science journalists. The
World Federation of Science Journalists boasts over ten thousand members;
many countries host awards for the best science journalism; and degree courses
offer specialist training in science journalism. Many of the graduates of these
courses might not find work on news desks, but as climate change, Covid and
artificial intelligence (AI) all show, the need for specialists who can assess the
reliability of science-related claims is greater than ever.
The crisis narrative emphasises the differences between science and
journalism; the context of the post-truth era highlights that both are ‘truth
professions’. At their best, science and journalism share an aim to present
accurate and evidenced accounts about the real world. Science journalists,
given sufficient time and resources, have the expertise not just to simplify
science, which implies it is reduced to something less than it is in technical
discourse, but to add meaning by contextualising and analysing. The best
science journalism contributes to a fuller understanding of science than
scientists alone would produce.

The contents of the book

This book is divided into three parts. The first part examines the establishment
of the beat during the twentieth century. Many of the issues that animate
discussion about science journalism today have been present throughout
its history. In Chapter 1, Susan Swanberg and I explore the emergence of
the beat in 1920s America, where an innovative new organisation, Science
Service, provided a news agency focused on science. By supporting specialist
writers to make a living out of science news and producing science journalism
that appeared in newspapers and on radio across the country, Science Service
helped establish a demand for specialist science journalism. A few years
after Science Service began its operations, The New York Times recognised
science journalism’s commercial viability by appointing its first staff journalist
specialising in science. Both initiatives sought to encourage a scientific mindset
and promote the importance of science to social progress. This alignment with
the interests of the scientific community meant a blindness to the ideological
work that science can do and led, particularly in the case of Science Service, to
the promotion of oppressive eugenic ideas.
Like the US press, British newspapers also appointed science specialists
in the period between the two world wars. However, it took longer for a
journalistic approach to science to become established on radio in the UK,
despite science being included in the broadcasting schedules from early on.
As Jared Keller explains in Chapter 2, the BBC’s remit to inform and educate
meant that as late as the 1950s, the national broadcaster had a preference
for scientists to give talks about their subject, rather than for journalists to
8 Felicity Mellor

interpret it. Keller takes four members of BBC staff, whose careers span the
quarter of a century following World War II, to illustrate how the broadcaster
moved slowly towards a more questioning and contextualising – a more
journalistic – approach to science programming. The chapter reminds us not
to take for granted that science should be subjected to a journalistic gaze.
Chapters 1 and 2 show how the first two generations of science journalists
had to negotiate their roles not only with editors but also with scientists.
Chapter 3 considers how they organised with each other to consolidate their
specialism. Jane Gregory examines the role of professional organisations,
mapping their emergence across continents and over time, from the
establishment of the National Association of Science Writers in 1934 through
to the digital networks of recent years. She shows how science journalists’
formal associations have helped define the beat by providing their members
with support through professional resources and a collective voice to champion
both journalistic values and the importance of public engagement with science.
Associations thrive, Gregory argues, when they draw on, but can be critical of,
a strong news industry and a strong science base, enabling them to protect a
commitment to the public interest in the face of conflicting corporate, political
and economic pressures.
The second part of the book takes up this theme of how science journalists
can safeguard their professional values by examining journalist-source
relations in current science journalism. As discussed above, the dependency
on PR materials is a central concern here. In Chapter 4, Lars Guenther, Justin
Schröder and Anna Tratter examine ‘churnalism’, the practice of copying
and pasting press releases into news stories with little or no alteration. They
illustrate the high prevalence of the phenomenon in science journalism by
tracking the take-up of press releases from the German Chemical Society.
They suggest that a number of factors make science journalism particularly
vulnerable to the influence of PR in the context of changing business models
for news journalism. These include the growing investment in PR by scientific
organisations, science journalists’ reliance on expert sources and the beat’s
marginal role within newsrooms. Churnalism allows journalists to streamline
their efforts in a pressured working environment, yet it also tips the balance
of power towards the sources of news, threatening journalistic independence.
In the current media environment, science PR meets the needs of both
scientific organisations and news outlets, but in doing so, the public interest
is de-prioritised.
In some countries, the relationship between science journalists and
scientists is further mediated through intermediary organisations, known as
Science Media Centres (SMCs). The first SMC was established in the United
Kingdom in 2002 to serve as a press relations service for all of science; it
immediately faced criticisms for supporting science PR at the expense of the
public interest. SMCs in other countries have tried to address these concerns.
 Introduction 9

In Chapter 5, Irene Broer takes the case of SMC Germany, exploring how
the organisation attempts to position itself on the journalism side of the
journalism/science boundary. In its eight years of operation, SMC Germany
has aimed to offer a service to news outlets by providing copy-ready science
stories. In this, there are clear resonances with the aims of Science Service
almost a century earlier. Broer presents ethnographic observations of the daily
routines at SMC Germany in order to explore how the organisation navigates
a path between journalism and PR.
Science PR is produced by scientific institutions and research-based
companies. Intermediary organisations such as SMC Germany are similarly
supported by universities, philanthropic organisations and industry. Both
types of activities are predicated on a strong science base. In countries that
lack significant levels of research activity, a further level of dependency is
introduced as news outlets frequently turn to foreign sources to provide
science news. In Chapter 6, An Nguyen and Minh Tran take Vietnam as
an example to show how this over-reliance on foreign sources of news is
manifested. Drawing on data from a sample of online science news and in-
depth interviews with Vietnamese science journalists, they argue that the
one-way flow of news from the Global North to the Global South is a form
of neo-colonial knowledge dependency which, while helping raise awareness
of global science developments, ignores the local impacts of science news
and reinforces historical inequalities between the ‘information haves’ of the
Global North and the ‘information have-nots’ of the Global South.
In authoritarian regimes, additional factors come into play as journalists
of all types must operate under greater restrictions than outlets in liberal
regimes. In Chapter 7, Alexandra Borissova Saleh considers the case of Russia
and examines how science journalism operates when the media environment
is dominated by state-owned outlets that are inclined towards a cheerleader
role. Russia has a long history of science journalism, and in recent years, digital
science magazines have offered a flexible alternative to state-owned media.
However, in what Borissova Saleh describes as a ‘one-two punch’, first the
Covid-19 pandemic and then the war in Ukraine created crisis conditions that
made it both difficult and dangerous for Russian journalists to talk to news
sources. The pandemic suddenly transformed science journalism from a soft
news beat to one that dealt with highly politicised events; the war imposed
even tighter controls on access to sources. Borissova Saleh argues that if, as in
the case of Russia, scientists are unable to speak freely, then public expertise has
died. Faced with this situation, Russian science journalists have been forced to
choose between serving as state propagandists or risking their lives as activists.
Science journalists’ dealings with the sources of science news are an
important component of their work. The other is transforming the information
so gathered into compelling and engaging output – a task that is all the more
challenging given the technical and abstract nature of science. Part three of the
10 Felicity Mellor

book examines how this is accomplished by considering the voice of science

journalism. News journalism in many countries strives for an objective and
impartial voice. This is often achieved through the use of balance – the practice
of quoting opposing sides in a matter of public controversy. In Chapter 8, I
consider the meta-discourse about balance in science journalism, particularly
as it has played out in the United Kingdom through criticisms of the use
of ‘false balance’ in the BBC’s coverage of climate change. I argue that the
tendency of scientists and journalists to talk past each other is exacerbated
by an underlying confusion between objectivity and impartiality. This leads
scientists to disregard the need for broadcasters to represent public opinion and
leads journalists to disregard the risks of contributors making false claims. The
problem with balance in science journalism is not its overuse, as the criticisms
of false balance imply, but rather its underuse and its perfunctory application
when it is used. This has left science journalism vulnerable to manipulation
when science becomes enrolled in ideological conflicts.
Chapter 9 examines how science journalists craft engaging stories from
scientific developments. This often entails recasting scientific results as a
journey of discovery told from a perspective that the audience can identify
with. Katarzyna Molek-Kozakowska draws on trending articles from the
UK’s New Scientist magazine to illustrate the stylistic patterns and textual
strategies through which journalists generate emotional engagement and
newsworthiness. Molek-Kozakowska argues that journalists accomplish three
distinct stylistic shifts as they adapt science from academic discourse to the
popular science genre: an attentional turn, an affective turn and a narrative
turn. These compositional devices and rhetorical repertoires construct a
journalistic voice that must balance style and substance if it is to succeed in
attracting audiences.
As Molek-Kozakowska shows, news journalists take a narrative turn, but a
narrative approach is even more fully developed in long-form journalism. In
Chapter 10, Lauren Kilian discusses the implications of narrative journalism
when presented in the longest form – in non-fiction books. Literary science
journalism often forgoes the objective voice of news journalism in favour of
a subjective voice. Through the case study of Rebecca Skloot’s prize-winning
book The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks, Kilian explores the ethical
compromises entailed in the narrative approach. In attempting to recount an
immersive, multi-layered narrative, Skloot found that she had herself become
part of the story. To be truthful about this, she needed to insert herself into
the book’s narrative; yet, Kilian argues, this authorial transparency had the
unavoidable, and ethically damaging, countereffect of limiting the perspective
of the narrative. Kilian concludes that the capacity of narrative journalism to
deliver a level of immersion that is difficult to achieve in expository science
journalism inevitably prioritises the demands of narrative over ethical
considerations.
 Introduction 11

The book ends with a short conclusion in which I consider the future of
science journalism through a conversation with one potential shaper of that
future: an AI programme.

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