Institute of Ethiopian Studies

The Introduction and Expansion of Orthodox Christianity In Qélém Awraja, Western Wälläga,
From About 1886 to 1941
Author(s): NEGASO GIDADA and DONALD CRUMMEY
Source: Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 10, No. 1 (JANUARY 1972), pp. 103-112
Published by: Institute of Ethiopian Studies
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The Introduction and Expansion of Orthodox

Christianity

In Qélém Awraja, Western Wälläga,

From About 1886 to 1941*

by NEGASO GIDADA
with
DONALD CRUMMEY

Qélém Awraja is located on the Sudanese border, due west of

Addis Abäba. Its dominantethnicgroup,withwhom we are exclusively
concernedin thispaper, is the Méçça branch of the Oromo (commonly
called Galla). Although it is not certain,it appears that the principal
Oromo settlementsin the area took place in the course of the eight-
eenthcenturyand thus represent,territorially and chronologically,the
furthestmovement of these people. 1

In the earlier nineteenthcentury,important social and institu-

tional changes took place. The traditional gada system of social,
political and religious organization began to give way to systemsof
individual rule and authority,perhaps as the result of increasingclass
divisions based on land.2 By 1880 much of the awraja was under the
rule of Joté Tulu, whose state had been greatly expanded from its
primitivebeginningsunder his forefathers.3 Joté, clearly anticipating
the results of resistance,bowed before the expanding Säwan stateand
submittedto Negus Menilek. Until 1918, the year of Joté's death,
Qélém enjoyed a semi-autonomousstatus. Thereafter,it was absorbed
into the more normal pattern of rule from Addis Abäba through

♦Thisis a slightly revised ofChap.Ill of NegasoGidada'ssenior

version
research essay: "The Impactof Christianity onQélémAwraja,Western
Wälläga, 1886-1941",(HistoryDept.,H.S.I. University,
1971).
of
1. See NegasoGidada,"Impact Christianity," Chap.I; andBahruZäwde,
Dajjazmatch Jote Tulu{1855-1916),senior research
essay,HistoryDept.,
H.S.I. University,1970,p.2.
2. Ifthegeneral modelproposed byH.S. Lewiscanbeapplied:"A Reconsidera-
tionoftheSocio-Political SystemoftheWestern Galla",Journal
ofSemitic
Studies, IX (1964),139-43.
3. BahruZâwdé,op.cit.9Chap.II.

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governorsforeignto the area. This date marks a watershednot only
in the politico-administrative
historyof the region,but also in religion,
for afterit the expansion of Orthodoxy was greatlyfacilitated.
Oromo religion was partly associated with the gada system,and
essentially uninfluencedby Christianity,although certain superficial
traces of the latterwere found. The introduction,and above all, expan-
sion of Orthodox Christianityin Qélém was part of the storyof that
area's incorporation*into the larger Ethiopian state, beginningin the
1880s and 1890s.
However, the introduction of Orthodoxy cannot precisely be
dated. AD 1886 is the most commonly suggested year, coinciding
as informantsbelieve with the arrival of Ras Gobäna and Mämher
Häylä Maryam who founded the firstfew churches.4
There are, however,strongsuggestionsof an earlierdate. Wäyzäro
Askalä, daughter of Dājjazmač Joté, says that her father firstmet
Mämher Häylä Maryam duringa campaign which preceded Gobäna's
advent. Moreover, the officialPatriarchatelist, drawn up in AD 1969/
5
70, contains dates preceding 1886. The oldest churches, according
to the list, are found in the eastern part of Qélém. These two facts,fit
closely together when we note that the campaign to which Askalä
referswas against the Lalo, one of the six branches of the Säyo Oromo
who are found in the north-easternpart of Qélém.
The hypothesis of a pre-1886 expansion into Qélém from mid-
Wälläga is furthersupported by a varietyof evidence. First,the proxi-
mityof the latterarea to Gojjam and Šāwa makes such a development
probable. Secondly, Negus Täklä Haymanot is said to have founded
ten churchesin eastern Wälläga, particularlyin Horo-Gudru Awraja.6
And thirdly,Amhara families were to be found at Gedami in Qélém
before Gobäna's advent.7

Finally, it seems clear that the strong tendency to favour 1886

arises simply from Gobäna's political activities and the firmbelief
that Qélém was converted according to the famous AD 1878 awaj of

4. InformantsAtoBoje'a Bolé,AtoRumečoBuyo,andMämher WäldäSellase.

For Gobäna,Menilek's lieutenant
principal in theconquest of thewestern
lands,seetheunpublishedAmharic biographybyAtoNadäw,"Yä Gobäna
Tarik"
5. Seethedatesfortheestablishment
ofsuchchurches as: Dalé WabäraIyäsus,
QaqéAbbo,OgyoGiyorgis, LaloQelléMika'él,Wätto BalaKidanä
Giyorgis,
Maryam, GedamiMaryam, andBuriGabi'él.
6. Seeparticularly
theinformationofAtoBezualem Berhané,IVthYearStudent,
1970/71,EducationFaculty.
7. Wäyzäro Askaläsubmits forevidence
in supportofthisclaimthenamesof
peoplelikeAbbaBora,NegusséGobu,NegusséWârqéfromGojjam,and
ButaBässandAbbaMäkädafrom Šāwa.

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Emperor Yohannes.8 On the other hand, it should not be forgotten
thatthe bulk of the area was convertedafter1886 as we shall see below.
When Mämher Häylä Maryam arrived in Gedami, Dājjazmač
Jotéhad two large houses built forhim and supplied slaves and provi-
sions. One of the buildings was used as a school. As soon as there
were some converts,the mämher went to Addis Abäba and broughta
tabot of Qedest Maryam, thus foundingthe firstchurch at Gedatni.9
It does not appear thatconversionwas preceded by much doctrinal
instruction.Rather, Häylä Maryam's message was largely an attack
on those Oromo social practices which he felt offended Christian
10
morality.People were told to stop the practiceof the danči, polygamy,
and the inheritanceof a brother's or a relative's wife. The principal
mode of entryinto Christianitywas of course baptism, which was
carried out en masse.
The firstconvertswere Joté's familyand relatives.After his con-
version Joté proclaimed that all his subjects should come to Gedami
to be baptized. Many of his subordinates,withtheirfollowers,obeyed.
However, the bulk of the older generation are said to have refused.11
As Mämher Wäldä Sellasé relates,the older Oromo proclaimed: "Let
our childrenbecome Christians;as for us we shall continue to sacrifice
to our parents' qolo (sacred worshipping spot near the house)"12
Joté and Mämher Häylä Maryam are said to have used force
against some of these traditionalists.13
Nevertheless, Christianitydid spread amongst the nobility and
thisexpansion was followed by the establishmentof churchesthrough-
out the area. Before the deposition of Häylä Maryam in 1917 by
Dājjazmač Beru, some twèlve churches were founded in Qélém;14 in
the areas where the chiefs were converted and where Joté's relatives
ruled: in short,areas effectivelyunder Joté.15

8. GäbräSellasé,TarikZämänDagmawi Menilek (AddisAbäba,1966),p. 86.

9. Wäyzäro AskaläandMämher WäldäSellasé.
10. A ceremony similartothetäzkaroftheChristians, theannualvenera-
involving
tionofdeceased parents,throughthekilling
ofanimalsandthepouring of
bloodonthegrave.
11. Informants, Qés Gedada,MämherWäldä Sellasé,Ato Boje'a Bolé. Qés
Gedadamentions thata mannamedBulaQémaandsomeothers wentfrom
hisvillagenearDämbiDolio to GedamiwithFitawrari Burayu, AbbaGoša
andother lesserchiefsfrom theregion.
12. Information from an interview
undertaken
byAtoBahruZâwdé.
13. Wäyzäro Askalä.
14. Ibid.; AbbaGermagiveseight whiletheofficial
Patriarchate
listgivesfourteen.
15. According toAtoRumečoand Wäyzäro Askalä,ArädaTuluwasgovernor of
Täjjo; HosänaJoté,Säyo(Tabor);AsänaTulu,Wabära;andDimaTuluat
Jemma. Otherchiefs whofounded in theirrespective
churches areaswere:
Fitawrari BurayuAbbaGoša at Mojo (Jalali);Fitawrari YadésaGumaof
Sadiat Ogyo;Fitawrari KâjélaAbbaGembiofAnfilo at Hénâcé;and Abba
Dasa atHawa,according toAtoRumečo.

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 Although Mämher Häylä Maryam dominated the local church
up to 1917, he was helped by other priests. "Many Gojjamés and
Gondarés were hired and worked in differentchurches", according
to Wäyzäro Askalä. Mämher Wäldä Sellasé mentions names like
Abba Hâylé, Mämher Fesseha, Mämher Ayälä, and Aläqa Berhanu.
Abba Andargé was the priest who worked at the Giyorgis church at
Dumuga founded by Burayu.16 Many of the priests were sent by
17
Abunä Matéwos to help in the work.
Another very importantactivityof Mämher Häylä Maryam was
the development of his church school at Gedami. Most of the
students came from chieflyfamilies. Adäba, Märdasa, Oda, Enoro,
Hosäna, Duféra and Čala, all sons of Joté,studied there. Adäba was
later re-named as Sälomon, Oda as Yohannes and Çalaas Bällätä.18
Other students included such people as Mämher Iqed, Barok, Abé
Malek, Tito and Mämher Wäldä Sellasé himself. The number of
studentswho studiedunder Mämher Häylä Maryam is not known, but
fortyof them were brought to the American Mission School at Säyo
in 1919 by Märdasa Jotéfor which he is said to have been scolded by
the priestsat Gedami. One of these studentswas Colonel Täsfa Morsa,
a member of the Imperial Body Guard.19
Wäyzäro Askalä suggeststhat forcewas necessaryto induce many
people to send their children. According to Qés Gedada there was a
rumour that the priestsat Gedami were cannibals, a storywhich was
encouraged by the fact that of the many children taken none came
back.
From about 1886 to 1917/18 Mämher Häylä Maryam towered
over the Christian communityof Qélém. He was looked upon as an
Abun; and was honoured and loved by Joté. Since Jotéwas feared he
was also feared. But this respect and position were taken from him
when Dājjazmač Beru came to Qélém. Mämher Häylä Sellasé, Beru's
Näfs Abbat (father-confessor) was made the leader of the churches,for
two suns cannot shine at the same time. Mämher Häylä Maryam went
to Addis Abäba to appeal to Abunä Matéwos, and there stayed at the
home of Wäyzäro Askalä. Afterseven years he was successfulbut died
at Ayra on his way back to Gedami in 1924. He was buried at Wabära
Iyäsus.20
Dājjazmač Beru lost Qélém in 1927 and the subsequent fate of
Mämher Häylä Sellasé is not clear. Whatever the case, followingthat

16. Qés Gedada.

17. MämherWäldäSellasé.
18. Wäyzäro WäldäSellasé.
AskaläandMämher
19. AtoDenquBätäl.
20. Wäyzäro WäldäSellasé.
AskaläandMämher

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date two clergymenstand out as importantup to 1936. These were
Aläqa Yämanäh and Aläqa Bäqqälä21 of the Mâdhané Alām churchin
Dämbi Dolio, which rose to ecclesiastical prominencewith the rise of
Dämbi Dolio (formerlyknown as Säyo) as the administrativecenter of
the awraja.
Aläqa Bäqqälä was the districthead of the church in Qélém till
the Italians finallyestablished their administrationafterthe invasion
of 1935/36.Towards thebeginningof 1937 Aläqa Bäqqälä was deposed
forhis refusalto recognizethe new order. He was replaced by the more
pliable Aläqa Abäbä from Wällo, who is said to have received the
titleof Capo.22 Aläqa Abäba remainedin power untilhis death, shortly
beforethe defeat of the Italians.23
If we compare the three periods: 1886-1918; 1918-1936; and
1936-1941, we see that twelve churches were founded in the first,
thirty-onein the second, and only seven duringthe last period. Yet the
number of years in the firsttwo is comparable. In the followingfew
paragraphs we will try to examine what factors contributed to the
foundation and subsequent remarkable expansion of Christianityin
Qélém. The crucial event of 1918 was the coming of a more directrule
fromAddis Abäba.
The traditional religious institutionsof the Oromo were already
too weak to offermuch resistanceto the advent of Orthodoxy. First,
the gada system,which had religious as well as political functions,
was gravely weakened by the rise of one-man rule (moti or king),
and the coming of the Amhära overlords.24The Abba Boku, who
embodied both religious and political authority,was now veryweak.
The Oromo of Qélém maintained the buta as a commemoration of
their old tradition and the celebration of the end of an eight year
period. However, only occasionally, at times of catastrophe, did they
use theceremonyto expressreal religiousfeeling.25In 1920,forexample

21. AtoAmântéIrénso.Thenamesoftheirfathers areat presentunknown.So,

too,is theanswertothequestion ofwhetherornotthey wereappointed
from
AddisAbäba.AläqaBäqqäläis nowliving atDämbiDolio,retired.
22. AtoAmânté saysCapowasa titleof a governor ofsmalldistricts
underthe
TheProtestants
Italians. accuseAläqaAbäbäofbeingan Italianagent orspy.
Thisallegation probably arisesbecausehe wasthepriest whorefused the
Protestantsburialplacesat MâdhanéAlāmChurchwheretheAmerican
mission workershadbeenbaptized andburied before1936/37.
23. AtoAmânté andAtoDenqaclaimthattheyheardtheItaliandoctor saythat
thedeathwasa result oftoomuchalcohol.
24. The declineof thegada system has beendiscussedin thefirst
and second
chaptersofNegasoGidada'ssenior essay.Aninteresting
research comparison
fortheweakening oftraditional institutions
religious throughtheemergenceof
autocratic forms
political is to be foundin Buganda.See D. Low,Religion
andSociety inBuganda 1885-1900 (Kampala:n.d.).
25. Informants AtoBoje'aBolé,QésGidadaandAtoDarsi.

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two years afterits normal date, the buta of Dulo was held in the Dämbi
Dolio area.26 At the beginningof the ceremonythe people prayed to
Waqa (God) to deliverthemfromthemiseryassociated withtherecently
introducedgäbar system.27Since Dājjazmač Beru was recalled to Addis
Abäba in the same year and imprisoned,28thepeople believedthattheir
prayer had been answered.29Yet, it is one of the few cases of the
vindicationof traditionalreligion,and could not stem the tide running
against it. The gada system was simply no longer strong enough to
withstand Christianity.
Secondly, the qalu institutiondid not have a sufficiently strong
control over themajorityof thepopulation to formthebasis forgeneral
resistance to Christianity.A systemof possession and mediumship,it
was a comparativelynew developmentwithinwesternMéçça society,
and thus without deep roots.30It appears also, from a storytold by
Ato Darsi that the cult associated with qalu was time-consumingand
thus resentedby at least some of the population. Qés Gedada and Ato
Boje 'a also claim that the qalu demanded much moneywithlittleresult
so that many people began to question them. Moreover, on at least
one occasion, a powerfulqalu figure,Abba Säba (Bäroda), was much
discreditedby the failureof his armed attemptto resistthe exactions of
Dājjazmač Beru. Abba Säba was forced to flee to Buré in Ilu Abba
Bor.31Thus, it appears that the qalu did not offerserious opposi t;on
to the Sedamä ;32 although we must also note that they do survive
down to the present.

26. AtoBoje'a Boléwasoneofthefourleaders electedtoprepare andhelpcarry

outthebuta.
27. SeeAtoBahruZâwdé'ssenior research essay(1970),p.51.
28. ThomasA. Lambie,A Doctorwithout a Country (NewYork,1939),p.
134. Fitawrari Yegäzureplacedhim,according to Dr. Lambie.See also
AtoRumečo andQésGedada.
29. Qés Gedada.
30. K.E. Knuttson, andChange
Authority : A Study oftheKalluInstitution
among
theMachaGallaofEthiopia (Goteborg, 1967).SeeKnuttson, "SocialStructure
of theMecca Galla",Ethnology , II, 4 (Oct.,1963),p. 507;andH.S.Lewis,
"Kud'arfan:A Multifunctional Institution amongthe Western Galla"; a
paperdelivered at thethirdInternational Conference of EthiopianStudies,
AddisAbäba(April, 1966),pp.8-9.Bothofthem was
agreethattheinstitution
a recent
ritualdevelopment connected withthedecline ofthegadasystem and
theriseof political particularization.Lewis,in fact, thehypothesis
suggests
thatthe"k'aliushaverisentotheir current positiononlyinthepastsixtyto
seventy years,following thefallin fortunes of theMoti". Thisis with
referenceto all theOromoin western Ethiopia.In particular,
theqalusrose
in Qélémabouttwo generations ago according to Qés Gedada, which
agreeswiththesuggestions of thetwoscholars.
31. AtoNägäriAbbaSäba,nowa Protestant church elder.He claimsthathis
fatherAbbaSäba toldtheeldersand Mr.B. Buchanan thattheyshould
advisehis children notto followhisfootsteps andbecomeqalus , butthat
rathertheyshouldbe takento schoolto be educated.
32. ThewordSedamäis usedinQélémtoidentify theAmhära. QésGedadatells
us thatthewordcouldbe usedto identify anybody whowasnotan Oromo.

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 Other religious practices, such as the naräbi at lāga (river-side
ceremony) and qeltu (under qeltu, a big oak tree) and the debayu of
garā (sacrifice on the mountain) seem to have had little hold over
theyoungpeople. Indeed, the Méçça youthseem littlegivento religious
fervour,whetherpagan, Orthodox (amongst whom church attendance
is weak), or Protestant(many of whom are inattentiveat service.)33
Disinterestcould sometimespass over into skepticism.Ato Boje'a
Bolé relatesa poem said to have been composed by a man fed up with
the differentreligious activities;
Däfeno dançin däqa On Mondays I go to dançi,
Fâçasa gogan desa On Tuesdays I stretchthe hide
for drying,
Arbi aräban boqäqsa On Wednesdays I (dissect?) the
skin,
Kämesa atéténdäqa On ThursdaysI go to ateté,
Jematäqortin gälcä On Fridays I dedicate my sacrifice,
Sänbäni lāču dabida The two Sundays are sacred,
Gaya félésén qäba I hold my pipe on her neck,
Ano kanän guguba I am concernedabout the burnings
always,
Maltu déga dukuba Who is concerned about poverty,
or me the poor man 7
The weakness of Oromo religion, togetherwith the conversion
of the ruling class, help explain the expansion of Orthodoxy up to
1918. Thereafter,more complex socio-economic factorswere involved.
It is clear that a society's culture flourisheswhen the economic
life of the people is healthy. After Qélém came under more direct
control from Addis Abäba, the people were subjugated to the
34
näftäMas and mälkännas. Many poems exist showinghow destitute
the people felt themselvesto have become. The abundance of šeftas
in Qélém;35the fact that many people fledto FitawrariBurayu's terri-
toryand to the Ilu Abba Bor; the existence of more than a thousand
people on the Catholic land at Sako;36 all these show how harsh a
burden had been imposed upon the Oromo of Qélém. Much less atten-
tion was now paid to the constructionof well-builthouses, and many.

33. Theseinstitutions,
thenaräbi
andthedebayu,havebeendiscussedinthesecond
chapterof NegasoGidada'sseniorresearch essay.For thelaxnessof the
ceremonies
religious among theyoungduringJoté,see BahruZâwdé,op.cit.,
pp.28 and47.
34. Ato BahruZâwdé, op. cit.,p. 51. The näftäMas, musketeers
literally or
weresoldiers
riflemen, or settled
quartered in a district,
whilethemälkännas
werethelowestgradeofadministrativeofficers.
35. Lambie,op. cit.,pp. 134-5.
36. AtoBojea Bole.

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young people delayed marriage indefinitely. The Oromo felta distinct
loss of prosperity.Moreover, they no longer had enough leisure to
think about their own religion and tradition.Thus, it was not at all
unreasonable thatwhen the materialculturewithwhichit was associat-
ed declined, the religion did too; and, conversely,that the religionof
the new dominant culture should take its place.
Opposition to Christianityhad been seen only in its early period
of expansion when people spread rumoursthat the priestswere canni-
bals. 37Thus, when dead bodies were broughtto churchesforburial, or
when childrenwere taken away to Gedami for education, rumours of
cannibalism started to spread throughout Qélém.38 At present we
have no evidence as to where the rumours originated or who pro-
pagated them. However, one can see that certain factorscontributed.
The schoolchildrendid not return;Christianburial differedconsiderab-
ly fromtraditionalOromo practice; and the Christianpractice of Holy
Communion may have been distortedby the Oromo out of ignorance.
Such a phenomenonis not unique to Qélém. In any case, the instigators
were most likely the qalus or other traditional religious leaders who
had some interestto defend. Ato Rumečo relates a poem and a story
as illustration.When theAbbo Church was established at Sari ( Qaqé ) ,
the following poem, clearly showing the allegation of cannibalism,
was composed:
Bätäskanä Sari At the Sari church,
Läfä awalä gari where the burial place is nice,
Rärasäni daqu the dead are carried there,
Fatasani qalu but they are butchered there.
Again, a man named Qânçâré is said to have once openly accused
Mämher19Häylä Maryam as follows:
Kormä Sēdama korma I am brave; and even brave for
the Sedama (Amhara) !
Qési, ormä du 'a ñata Why Qés? You ate others dead,
Anä jera ñata? Do you want to eat me alive?
Anotherfactorwhichwe believe helped in the expansion of Ortho-
complex which arose amongst
dox Christianityis the social inferiority
the Oromo and in the creation of which attitudes of the overlords
played a significantpart. On the one hand, Orthodox Christianity
was the religionof the masters; while,on the otherhand, these masters

parallelfrom
37. See theveryinteresting Nyasaland in somedetailby
discussed
G. SheppersonandT. Price,Independent JohnChilembwe
African. and the
, and
OriginsSetting Significance of theNyasalandNative of
Rising 1915
1958),pp. 100,86-7.
(Edinburgh,
38. AtoRumečoandQésGedada.
39. QésGedadaandMämher WäldäSellasé.

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used such phrases as Galla Dägmo men Haymanot aläwl Even those
Oromos who accepted Christianitylooked down on theirrelativeswho
were not Christiansand refusedto eat any ceremonial feast prepared
by them. They were termedarâmâné (pagan or savage).40 Ultimately,
the Oromos themselvesextended this pejorative concept to cover the
whole of theirtraditionalculture,a developmentmost clearly typified
in Onäsemos Nässibu's Oromo translationof the Bible. Here Oromo
is used for gentiles!
In this way, very strong pressure existed towards conversion,
for only adherence to Christianitycould give access to "civilized"
statusand an equal footingwithotherChristianswho were,in fact,the
overlords.
The bondage between relatives was, and still is, very strong in
Qélém. This is reflectedin the veryvocabulary of the language which
is richin termsforfamilyrelations.When a person became a Christian,
his obola (a general term for brothersand sisters),esumä and wäsila
(uncles), and other relatives were likely to be influenced.This was,
perhaps, a minorfactorcontributingto the expansion of Christianityin
Qélém. In any case, it certainlyplayed an importantrole in the growth
of the ProtestantChurch according to Qés Gedada and Ato Rumečo.
With all the above-mentioned religious, political, economic and
social aspects, we should not overlook the fact that the Orthodox
Church was greatlyaided by the looseness of its discipline,which eased
the transitionfrom"paganism".What did it matter,afterall, to become
a Christian? One could continue to drink alcohol. The täzkar was
similar to the danči, and the Mäsqäla was already observed by the
Oromo before the coming of Orthodox Christianity.The Christian
immigrantspatronized the qalu (and stilldo), and made sacrificeunder
big trees like the Oromo. For the nobles, therewas no change in their
status; they continued to be respected and the evil things they did
against their subjects were not attacked. Indeed, in many cases, they
were even given a new cloak of respectability.We have seen, for
example, that Mämher Häylä Maryam had had slaves.41
Finally, the political situation and motives arisingfromit should
be consideredas a major factor.Both Menilek and Yohannes favoured'
religious uniformityin the areas under their control;42and, although
there is no evidence of coercion being used against Joté,nonetheless
it was highlypolitic of him both to accept Christianityand to help in
its expansion. We have seen above that Jotémade an officialproclama-

40. AtoRumečo.
41. Seeabove,p. 103.
42. GäbräSellasé,op.cit.,p. 860.
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tion ordering his subjects to become Christians. And we have seen
that the establishmentof churchesin different
areas was sponsored by
governorsand chiefs.With the directAmhära rule Christianexpansion
was furtherstimulated,for the mälkännas took priestswith them and
founded churches at every garrison they established.43The Italians,
although theydid not encourage the growthof Christianity,did not at
the same time discourage it, for according to their constitution,
religious tolerance was stated.44
Therefore, excepting the Italian period, Orthodox Christianity
spread in Qélém, not as a mass popular movement,but under noble
and princelypatronage. The Oromo people played a slightrole.

43. M. Perham, TheGovernment ofÈthiopia (London,1948),p. 121.

44. Ibid.,p. 123.ThefactthattheItaliancolonialadministrationdidnotfavour
theexpansion ofChristianity
inanyform isseenintwolettersfromthecolonial
archives,writtenin 1939,stating
thateventheCatholic Consolata shouldbe
restrictedintheir
freedom andrefrain
from inthéschools.
religion
teaching We
aregrateful toMrs.I. Lass-Westphal
oftheHistoryDepartment, of
University
Hamburg, formaking themavailable
to us.

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