Second Hit
Second Hit
research-article2014
CPXXXX10.1177/2167702614540646Picci, ScherfTwo-Hit Model of Autism
Theoretical/Methodological/Review Article
Abstract
Adolescence brings dramatic changes in behavior and neural organization. Unfortunately, for some 30% of individuals
with autism, there is marked decline in adaptive functioning during adolescence. We propose a two-hit model of
autism. First, early perturbations in neural development function as a “first hit” that sets up a neural system that is “built
to fail” in the face of a second hit. Second, the confluence of pubertal hormones, neural reorganization, and increasing
social demands during adolescence provides the “second hit” that interferes with the ability to transition into adult
social roles and levels of adaptive functioning. In support of this model, we review evidence about adolescent-specific
neural and behavioral development in autism. We conclude with predictions and recommendations for empirical
investigation about several domains in which developmental trajectories for individuals with autism may be uniquely
deterred in adolescence.
Keywords
adolescent peer relations, autism, brain, risk taking, social behavior
Adolescence is a time of dramatic physical, cognitive, problems, including depression, anxiety disorders, and
emotional, behavioral, and social changes, which may bipolar disorder, as well as a broad range of domains of
have unique consequences for individuals with autism. problem behaviors that include risk taking, alcohol and
This is the developmental period surrounding the transi- substance use, aggression, and violence (Gardner &
tion from late childhood to early adulthood, which Steinberg, 2005; see Steinberg, 2008). Adolescents with
includes the awkward period between sexual maturation autism spectrum disorders not only share these same risks
and the attainment of adult roles and responsibilities with their non–autism spectrum disorder peers but also
(Dahl & Spear, 2004). With adolescence comes pubertal may face additional vulnerabilities during this develop-
maturation as well as the challenge of new developmen- mental period. For example, although the transition from
tal tasks (e.g., formation of high-quality friendships, childhood through late adolescence is generally marked
acquiring autonomy from parents, forming romantic and by improvements in core symptoms (Seltzer, Shattuck,
sexual relationships). Among typically developing (TD) Abbeduto, & Greenburg, 2004) and some social and cog-
individuals, success in the ability to accomplish these nitive skills (Anderson et al., 2007; Anderson, Oti, Lord, &
adolescent-specific developmental tasks predicts levels of Welch, 2009), an estimated 30% of children with autism
adaptive functioning in adulthood (e.g., work compe- experience deterioration in functioning for several years
tence, romantic competence; Roisman, Masten, or more with the onset of puberty ( J. Brown, 1969;
Coatsworth, & Tellegen, 2004). The ability to accomplish Eisenberg, 1956; Gillberg & Schaumann, 1982; Rutter,
such tasks may require drastic reorganization in the func- 1970). This “pubertal deterioration” is associated with
tional organization of underlying neural networks to sup-
port the emergence of new behaviors (see Scherf & Scott,
Corresponding Author:
2012; Scherf, Thomas, Doyle, & Behrmann, 2013). K. Suzanne Scherf, Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State
In TD individuals, adolescence is a period during University, 113 Moore Hall, University Park, PA 16802
which we see the emergence of many social-emotional E-mail: [email protected]
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2 Picci, Scherf
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 3
Neurodevelopmental Priming
First Hit Second Hit
Schizophrenia
Developing Central Symptoms
Vulnerable Neuronal Circuits
Nervous System
Fig. 1. Schematic illustration of a two-hit model of schizophrenia. The model proposes that there is a first hit via prenatal genetic or envi-
ronmental disruptions in the developmental central nervous system. As a result, the system is primed with vulnerable neuronal circuitry that
is subsequently exacerbated by a second hit to the system via potential environmental factors that lead to the onset of schizophrenia systems,
specifically during adolescence. Adapted from Maynard, Sikich, Lieberman, and LaMantia (2001).
adults with autism compared with TD adults (Uddin, (a) the relative stability (or lack thereof) of neural atypi-
Supekar, & Menon, 2013). calities (e.g., increased grey matter volume), without
Our two-hit model of autism accommodates these much regard for how these atypicalities affect levels of
developmental considerations and emphasizes the con- adaptive functioning or even behavior across develop-
tributions of developmental influences that accompany ment; or (b) atypical profiles of neural activation (e.g.,
the transitions into and out of adolescence, which are atypical intrinsic functional connectivity) or structural
predictive of adult outcomes for TD individuals. Figure 2 organization (e.g., deficient macrostructural properties of
provides a schematic representation of our model. We particular fiber tracts) within a specific developmental
suggest that the first hit likely results from early disrup- period (e.g., childhood or adulthood) but not as a func-
tions to neural development (even as early as prenatal tion of development. Existing research also has yet to
development) that fundamentally compromise develop- consider the adolescent deterioration that is often
ing neural circuits. In turn, these compromised neural reported in autism (e.g., Gillberg & Steffenburg, 1987).
circuits contribute to poor behavioral outcomes and atyp- The goal of our model is to provide a conceptual link
ical neural organization in infancy and childhood (Fig. 2, between these early neural atypicalities, the reported
Prediction 1). This compromised neural circuitry lays the adolescent deterioration, and the failure of individuals
foundation for a subsequent hit, which we argue is the with autism to successfully transition into adult levels of
developmental period of adolescence (Fig. 2, Predictions adaptive functioning (e.g., low rates of independence
2a and 2b). More specifically, we contend that the con- from parents, high rates of unemployment, and social
comitant pressures of adolescent-specific developmental isolation; Henninger & Taylor, 2013; Howlin, Moss,
tasks and pubertal maturation combine to create a sec- Savage, & Rutter 2013). Whereas previous explanations
ondary hit, thereby resulting in a failure to develop new of functional deterioration in autism have focused on the
behaviors that are essential for acquiring adult levels of influence of increasing environmental demands that alter
adaptive functioning. In sum, this developmentally sensi- or magnify the presentation of symptoms (Levy & Perry,
tive two-hit model strives to explain the mechanistic fac- 2011), we highlight the unique biological (i.e., pubertal
tors that prevent individuals with autism from transitioning development and neural reorganization) and environ-
into adult social roles and levels of adaptive functioning. mental (i.e., developmental tasks, increasing social
It is important to note that we are not the first research- demands and expectations) influences that uniquely
ers to emphasize the role of early neural atypicalities in combine during adolescence to alter developmental tra-
the developmental course of autism (e.g., Courchesne, jectories in autism. Also, unlike models of “regressive
Campbell, & Solso, 2011; Courchesne et al., 2007). autism,” which attempt to explain the acquisition and
However, with few exceptions, the vast majority of the subsequent loss of skills or behaviors (Hansen et al.,
work in this area has contributed to our understanding of 2008), our model is designed to explain why individuals
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4 Picci, Scherf
Neurodevelopmental priming
1st Hit 2nd Hit
1 2a
with autism overwhelmingly fail to acquire adult levels of Benayed et al., 2005; Coe, Girirajan, & Eichler, 2012;
adaptive functioning. Tabuchi et al., 2007). Abnormal expression of these genes
Our hope is that this model will provide researchers during prenatal development leads to the disorganization
with a conceptual framework to investigate potential of neurons across multiple cortical layers, particularly in
adolescent-specific vulnerabilities that may contribute to the prefrontal and temporal lobes, which is likely related
deleterious outcomes for individuals with autism as they to neuronal migratory defects and gene-sequencing dis-
attempt to transition into adult social roles. In so doing, ruptions (Stoner et al., 2014).
we build on the emerging findings of adolescent-specific Longitudinal brain imaging studies have revealed that
neural and behavioral development in TD individuals, early brain development follows an altered developmen-
which have clearly identified adolescence as a crucial tal course in autism, particularly in infancy and toddler-
period that is predictive of adult levels of adaptive hood. Specifically, there are converging reports of early
functioning. accelerated growth of both grey and white matter in the
first years of life that is followed by a marked deceleration
in overall brain growth in late childhood (8–9 years of
What could be the first hit in autism? age; Courchesne et al., 2007). There is also evidence of a
We suggest that early (even prenatal) structural brain plateau or decrease in neural growth rate specifically dur-
abnormalities, which occur before the onset of behav- ing the adolescent years, which is dramatically different
ioral symptoms in autism (Courchesne, Campbell, & from the typical trajectory of brain development
Solso, 2011; Stoner et al., 2014), are a likely first hit in the (Courchesne, Webb, & Schumann, 2011; Hardan, Libove,
developmental course of autism. There is mounting evi- Keshavan, Melhem, & Minshew, 2009). Critically, this
dence from genetic, prenatal, infant, and longitudinal decline in neural growth during adolescence is arguably
neuroimaging studies that structural and functional con- not an extension of, but instead categorically different
nections in the brain are compromised in autism. For from, the early phase of brain overgrowth (Courchesne,
example, the genes that have been consistently impli- Campbell, & Solso, 2011; Schumann & Amaral, 2006; van
cated in autism etiology are involved in multiple aspects Kooten et al., 2008; Vargas, Nascimbene, Krishnan,
of neural circuitry development (i.e., neuronal migration, Zimmerman, & Pardo, 2005). More specifically, the
cell differentiation, signaling pathways, axon and syn- arrested and even decelerated patterns of brain develop-
apse form/function, etc.; Abrahams & Geschwind, 2010; ment during adolescence may be a reactive consequence
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 5
to the initial early disruption (Courchesne, Webb, & focused on investigating age-related changes in these
Schuman, 2011). These findings are compatible with our abnormalities of structural connectivity.
two-hit model in that the early developmental disruption The existing evidence overwhelmingly suggests that
in brain growth and organization may lead to early vul- early structural brain abnormalities in individuals with
nerabilities (e.g., poor childhood outcomes), which may autism introduce vulnerabilities in brain organization that
become compounded by later occurring developmental have severe consequences for neural organization and
processes that lead to further deterioration, specifically are related to symptom severity. We argue that these early
during adolescence. neural aberrations represent the first hit to individuals
Similarly, studies of functional and structural neural with autism, thereby setting up a neural system that is
connectivity in children and adults with autism are consis- built to fail in the face of a second hit.
tent with the notion that brain organization is atypical
throughout the full developmental course of autism.
The second hit: Adolescence
Functional organization, that is, the coordinated neural
activity between regions, is reportedly atypical during In our model, we propose that the concomitant pressures
cognitive tasks (e.g., mental rotation, face processing, of adolescent-specific developmental tasks together with
Tower of London, visuomotor) as well as during rest in all the surge of pubertal hormones create a secondary hit for
ages tested (i.e., school-age children through adulthood; individuals with autism that their compromised neural
Just, Cherkassky, Keller, Kana, & Minshew, 2007; Mizuno, circuitry cannot accommodate. The result is a failure to
Villalobos, Davies, Dahl, & Müller, 2006; Villalobos, acquire the critical new behaviors that are essential for
Mizuno, Dahl, Kemmotsu, & Müller, 2005). In some cases, the transition to adult social roles and levels of adaptive
the extent of atypicality in these patterns of functional functioning. In what follows, we provide examples of
organization has been linked to symptom severity (Assaf critical domains in which TD adolescents and adoles-
et al., 2010; Monk et al., 2009; Supekar et al., 2013; Weng cents with autism fundamentally diverge in their devel-
et al., 2010). One significant limitation of these studies is opmental trajectories in ways that are specific to
that they were not specifically designed to study age- adolescence. We contend that these diverging trajectories
related changes in functional brain organization to address provide initial evidence for considering adolescence as a
how developmental trajectories in individuals with autism second hit to individuals with autism. These findings
may differ from those in TD individuals. Uddin and col- begin to reflect the extensive ways in which adolescence
leagues (2013) have suggested that the nature of the atyp- may uniquely and negatively affect individuals with
icality in functional organization of neural circuits may be autism, thereby setting them on an altered trajectory in
fundamentally different in children with autism compared their transition into adulthood.
with adolescents and adults with autism, which is alto- There are particularly vulnerable neural regions in
gether different from typical comparison groups. Similar which reduced volume and increased neuron loss emerge
to the findings of early gross structural brain develop- in adolescence and extend into adulthood among indi-
ment, this claim suggests that there may be a categorical viduals with autism (Courchesne, Campbell, & Solso,
shift in the functional organization of neural networks 2011; Schumann & Amaral, 2006; van Kooten et al., 2008).
particularly during adolescence in autism, which lends In particular, the amygdala exhibits early overgrowth in
support to our argument that adolescence may be a par- childhood followed by a distinct decline in volume dur-
ticularly vulnerable time (i.e., the second hit) in the devel- ing adolescence for individuals with autism (Mosconi
opmental course of autism. et al., 2009; Nacewicz et al., 2006; Sparks et al., 2002). In
Finally, findings from structural imaging methodolo- contrast, the amygdala continues to grow in volume
gies, such as diffusion tensor imaging, have suggested throughout adolescence in TD individuals (Hu, Pruessner,
that there is reduced integrity in white matter tracts in Coupé, & Collins, 2013; Uematsu et al., 2012). In addi-
both children and adults with autism, especially with tion, the caudate nucleus of the striatum evinces an atypi-
respect to the corpus callosum, the largest white matter cal growth pattern; it shows an increase in volume during
tract connecting the right and left hemispheres (Barnea- adolescent years for individuals with autism that is linked
Goraly et al., 2004; Just et al., 2007; Kana, Keller, with more severe symptomology (Hollander et al., 2005;
Cherkassky, Minshew, & Just, 2006; Lee et al., 2007; Rojas et al., 2006). Conversely, in TD individuals, the cau-
Schaer et al., 2013; Shukla, Keehn, & Müller, 2011). White date decreases in volume during adolescent development
matter tracts connecting many other brain regions are (Giedd, 2006; Hu et al., 2013; Uematsu et al., 2012). These
disrupted as well (e.g., Nair, Treiber, Shukla, Shih, & findings illustrate that growth patterns in some neural
Müller, 2013; Schaer et al., 2013). Unfortunately, as with regions categorically diverge in adolescence for individu-
the functional connectivity studies, few studies have als with autism.
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6 Picci, Scherf
In the domain of visuoperceptual processing, TD indi- anxiety during adolescence (Brereton, Tonge, & Einfeld,
viduals become increasingly attuned to the global prop- 2006; Kuusikko et al., 2008; Mayes, Calhoun, Murray, &
erties of visual stimuli, particularly during adolescence, Zahid, 2011; McPheeters, Davis, Navarre, & Scott, 2011).
whereas individuals with autism do not (Scherf, Luna, Depression and anxiety are the most common disorders
Kimchi, Minshew, & Behrmann, 2008). Specifically, early that co-occur with autism; as many as 65% of individu-
in development, both TD children and those with autism als with autism are affected with depression, anxiety, or
are biased to detect more local features of objects. By both (Ghaziuddin, Ghaziuddin, & Greden, 2002; Green
early adolescence, TD individuals begin to become more & Cox, 2000). In one large-scale study of 11- to 17-year-
biased for detecting the global properties of visual stimuli olds with autism, anxiety and depression symptoms
(Scherf, Behrmann, Kimchi, & Luna, 2009); however, this were highly correlated with one another and were both
emerging sensitivity is not present among adolescents linked with the severity of autism symptoms (Mayes,
with autism. This puts individuals with autism at a disad- Calhoun, Murray, & Zahid, 2011). In contrast, other
vantage in processing the more global properties of research has suggested that higher functioning children
objects, which are especially relevant for distinguishing and adolescents with autism evince higher prevalence
perceptually homogenous visual objects, such as indi- rates of anxiety (79%) and depression (54%) than do
vidual faces (Caron, Mottron, Berthiaume, & Dawson, lower functioning individuals with autism (67% and
2006). In addition, the ability to recognize individual 42%, respectively; Mayes, Calhoun, Murray, Ahuja, &
unfamiliar faces diverges specifically in adolescence Smith, 2011).
between TD individuals and individuals with autism These findings converge on the notion that across
(O’Hearn, Schroer, Minshew, & Luna, 2010). Although TD many domains, developmental trajectories for individuals
individuals continue to improve in these skills, those with with autism plateau or worsen during adolescence, which
autism plateau in adolescence and remain relatively means they fail to acquire skills or make the same transi-
impaired as adults. tions as do TD adolescents. This may in turn put them at
Executive functioning and working memory abilities great risk for developing psychopathology, worsening of
also diverge during adolescence in individuals with basic cognitive abilities, and failing to accomplish the
autism. Specifically, individuals with autism worsen in core developmental tasks of adolescence.
their metacognitive abilities (i.e., working memory, plan-
ning and organization) in real-world executive function-
ing tasks during adolescence, whereas TD individuals Critical Developmental Domains That
improve (Rosenthal et al., 2013). Critically, these trajecto- May Be Especially Vulnerable for
ries of metacognitive skills distinctly diverge during early
adolescent development and continue to decline later in
Adolescents With Autism
adolescence and into emerging adulthood (between 11– In what follows, we review findings that support our
13 and 14–18 years of age). Metacognitive abilities are notion that the increasing social demands and chal-
critical for adaptive functioning in the social world; there- lenges of adolescence cannot be accommodated by the
fore, worsening of these important skills specifically dur- atypical and vulnerable neural systems of individuals
ing adolescence is especially problematic for individuals with autism. The resulting consequence is a severe limi-
with autism. tation in the ability to transition into adult social roles
Finally, adolescents with autism and TD adolescents and levels of adaptive functioning. We focus on findings
begin to diverge even in more basic biological domains, from three primary domains: peer relationships, risk
such as sleep. For instance, there is evidence for worsen- taking and sensation seeking, and cognitive control.
ing sleep problems that emerge disproportionately in Behavior in these domains directly contributes to meet-
individuals with autism compared with control individu- ing the challenges of adolescent-specific developmental
als in the early stages of adolescent development tasks for TD adolescents and facilitates the transition to
(between ages 11 and 13; Sivertsen, Posserud, Gillberg, adulthood. For this reason, our model specifically pre-
Lundervold, & Hysing, 2012). Given that disturbed sleep dicts that the behavioral and neural foundation of these
is related to emerging psychopathology specifically dur- domains is likely to be particularly disrupted for indi-
ing adolescence for TD individuals (Dahl, 1996; viduals with autism. For each domain, we briefly discuss
Fredriksen, Rhodes, Reddy, & Way, 2004; Roberts & the findings from current research on typical adoles-
Duong, 2014), this finding might suggest that adolescents cents, the evidence (if any) about how these domains
with autism are at even greater risk for developing ado- develop in adolescents with autism, and hypotheses
lescent-onset psychopathology. about how the domains may present specific challenges
In fact, individuals with autism may be at a height- and increase vulnerabilities for individuals with autism
ened risk for developing comorbid depression or during adolescence.
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 7
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Finally, there is strong evidence that adolescents with likely stems from not only their existing impaired social
autism often fail miserably in their attempts to form peer skills, which are apparent even in childhood, and might
relationships, which is reflected in the excessively high be traced back to early aberrant development of neural
rates of bullying (Little, 2002), an extreme form of peer regions in the social brain, but also a lack of increasing
rejection. Several studies have reported that adolescents salience and relevance of peers during adolescence.
with autism are often victims of bullying, with rates
approaching 50% (Cappadocia, Weiss, & Pepler, 2012; Neural processing of peer-related information is
Rowley et al., 2012; Sterzing, Shattuck, Narendorf, atypical in autism. Consistent with our notions that
Wagner, & Cooper, 2012; van Roekel, Scholte, & Didden, early atypical neural development lays the foundation for
2010). Like TD adolescents, adolescents with autism a subsequent second hit in the developmental course of
report feelings of distress related to the experience of autism, some evidence has suggested that neural pro-
being socially excluded, even in laboratory simulations cessing of peer-related information is atypical in adoles-
of peer rejection (Bolling et al., 2011; Masten et al., 2011). cents with autism, specifically within regions of the social
These findings reveal that adolescents with autism are brain that exhibit early aberrant growth patterns. Much of
cognizant of the fact that they are being rejected; how- the work evaluating the neural processing of peer-related
ever, it is unclear whether these feelings of distress are information in autism has employed experimental peer
particularly meaningful to or motivating for them. Finally, exclusion and reward-based learning paradigms. In two
given their difficulties forming and maintaining high- studies, researchers measured brain activation while par-
quality peer friendships, adolescents with autism are not ticipants played a game of Cyberball (Bolling et al., 2011;
likely to be able to draw on peer-based social support Masten et al., 2011). In this game, participants play catch
that is protective against the effects of peer rejection for with two other unfamiliar peer “players” who eventually
TD adolescents (Hodges & Perry, 1999). Together, these exclude the participant and pass the ball only between
findings suggest that individuals with autism are at a loss themselves. During peer exclusion, adolescents with
in terms of forming and maintaining intimate peer rela- autism (aged 7–18 years) report similar levels of distress
tionships in adolescence—a critical developmental task resulting from the exclusion as do TD adolescents; how-
that foreshadows a successful transition into adult social ever, they evince weaker activation throughout a whole
roles and levels of adaptive functioning. network of neural regions that have been previously
This difficulty initiating and maintaining peer relation- implicated in processing social exclusion in adults,
ships may contribute to the awkward attempts to culti- including right posterior insula, left ventral anterior cin-
vate romantic relationships seen among individuals with gulate cortex, left posterior cingulate cortex, hippocam-
autism. According to some reports, 44% of adults with pus, and precuneus (Bolling et al., 2011). Moreover,
autism never date (Farley et al., 2009), which reflects the individuals who exhibited more severe autism symptoms
enormous challenge that sexual and romantic relation- evinced the weakest activation in these regions. Similarly,
ships pose for them (Henault, 2006). The adults with adolescents with autism (mean age = 14 years) displayed
autism who do manage to engage in romantic relation- less neural activation in the ventral anterior cingulate cor-
ships are often lacking in sexual knowledge (Byers, tex, anterior insula, ventral striatum, and ventrolateral
Nichols, Voyer, & Reilly, 2013). Although there is a pau- prefrontal cortex, which are regions that have been previ-
city of research exploring the nature and frequency of ously linked with the distressing responses of peer exclu-
romantic relationships among adolescents with autism, sion and with the process of regulating such responses
the work that does exist supports the notion that these during a game of Cyberball (Masten et al., 2011). These
individuals have immense difficulty initiating and engag- findings revealed that adolescents with autism report dis-
ing in these relationships. For example, adolescents with tress when being socially excluded by unfamiliar peers
autism tend to focus their romantic attention and efforts but that simulated social exclusion by peers may not be
toward strangers and engage in inappropriate courting as stressful for them as it is for TD adolescents. On one
behaviors (e.g., stalking behaviors; Stokes et al., 2007). hand, this relative insensitivity might be protective against
They also do not appear to be able to learn about notions the distress of peer rejection. On the other hand, a weak-
such as personal privacy and appropriate dating behavior ened drive for acceptance by peers and hyposensitivity
even in the context of formal sexual educational training to peer evaluation might also limit processing of impor-
(Stokes & Kaur, 2005). tant feedback signals about the relative success with
In sum, adolescents with autism struggle tremendously which adolescents with autism form high-quality peer
in their attempts to develop intimate peer relationships friendships.
(friendship as well as romantic), which is a core develop- In addition to becoming increasingly sensitive to the
mental task of adolescence that predicts adult levels of evaluation and acceptance of peers, the reward value of
adaptive social functioning. We propose that this difficulty peer-related information increases dramatically in TD
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 9
adolescents (Blakemore, 2008; Galvan, 2010), which is areas supporting reward learning (i.e., anterior cingulate
reflected in enhanced neural activation within the ventral cortex, ventral prefrontal cortex, and ventral striatum)
striatum and orbitofrontal cortex (Chein et al., 2011). To during social-reward learning than did TD adolescents.
our knowledge, no studies have specifically measured There were no group differences during monetary-
reward-related neural responses to peers among adoles- reward learning.
cents with autism. However, there is a related line of
research that has focused on potential dysfunction of Hypotheses about peer relationships among adoles-
neural response to social versus monetary rewards in cents with autism. On the basis of this literature, we
individuals with autism. Although this work does not use hypothesize that there is a significantly weakened (and
peer-related information as the social reward, it may potentially nonexistent) social reorientation toward peers
reveal atypicalities in the basic neural processing of social among adolescents with autism. Using our model, we pre-
reward that may be implicated in the failure among ado- dict that this limited social reorientation originates from
lescents with autism to socially reorient toward peers. early atypical neural organization, particularly within the
This emerging literature converges on the notion that mesocorticolimbic reward circuitry, that disproportion-
the neural basis of reward processing is disrupted in indi- ately disrupts processing of social rewards. The burden of
viduals with autism (Delmonte et al., 2012; Kohls et al., this disruption becomes especially apparent during ado-
2011; Kohls, et al., 2013; Lin, Rangel, & Adolphs, 2012); in lescence, when adolescents with autism are not driven to
comparison to responses observed in TD adolescents pursue high-quality peer friendships and navigate the
and adults, individuals with autism experience a dispro- increasingly complex nature of adolescent friendships. In
portionate impairment in the processing of social rewards turn, this severely limits the quality and nature of their
compared with monetary rewards. For example, com- peer relationships in adolescence, which ultimately
pared with TD individuals, adolescents and adults (13–25 restricts their ability to accomplish other core adolescent-
years old) with autism evinced reduced activity in the specific developmental tasks, such as forming romantic
dorsal striatum during the receipt of social rewards (i.e., and sexual relationships and becoming more autonomous
a smiling unfamiliar female face; Delmonte et al., 2012). from parents. In the Future Directions for Studying Ado-
Importantly, there were no such differences in the receipt lescence as a Second Hit for Autism section, we discuss
of monetary rewards, thereby suggesting that these defi- potential experimental paradigms and sets of findings that
cits are specific to social rewards. Also, decreased activa- would help evaluate these hypotheses.
tion to the social rewards was related to increased
repetitive behaviors in the autism group, which suggests
that the core behavioral deficits of autism may funda-
Risk taking and sensation seeking
mentally interfere with the ability to evaluate the salience During adolescence, TD individuals evince a marked
and relevance of social stimuli. Recent findings of typical increase in risk-taking behaviors, particularly in the con-
or even enhanced reward-related activation in response text of peer interactions (Chein et al., 2011). Although the
to nonsocial cues (e.g., food; Cascio et al., 2012) and heightened risk-taking behavior that is common in typi-
personalized stimuli of interest (Cascio et al., 2014; cal adolescents can have severe consequences (i.e. delin-
Dichter et al., 2012) among adolescents with autism have quency, injury, death), these changes in behavior are
demonstrated that the processing of social rewards may normative. This interest in exploring new experiences
be disproportionately disrupted in autism. (i.e., sensation seeking) is a hallmark feature of adoles-
Similarly, social rewards appear to be less motivating cence and is likely functionally important for motivating
or useful in learning paradigms for individuals with them to meet core developmental tasks of adolescence,
autism. Specifically, in a reward-learning task with mon- including taking on more adult social roles and relation-
etary (winning or losing money) and social (positive and ships and obtaining autonomy from parents (Spear, 2000;
negative faces) rewards, young adults with autism had a Steinberg, 2008).
slower learning rate for the social-reward stimuli com- Several models of brain development argue that the
pared with the monetary-reward stimuli despite being adolescent-specific increase in risk-taking behaviors is
able to accurately identify the valence of the social stim- enabled by a temporal asynchrony in the structural and
uli (Lin et al., 2012). In contrast, the age-matched TD functional development of two primary systems, the
participants showed the opposite pattern of behavioral motivational limbic systems (especially the amygdala and
results with better performance for the social-reward the striatum) and prefrontal control regions (e.g., Casey
stimuli than for the monetary-reward stimuli. Similarly, in et al., 2010; Ernst, Pine, & Hardin, 2006; Steinberg, 2010).
an implicit learning task executed in a functional MRI For example, according to the triadic model (Ernst et al.,
scanner with both social and monetary rewards, adoles- 2006), during early adolescence, there are impressive
cents with autism exhibited significantly less activation in changes in the dopaminergic system that differentially
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10 Picci, Scherf
influence the functional and structural development of There is only one study, to our knowledge, in which
the reward system (e.g., ventral striatum) when the harm- researchers have explicitly investigated risk-taking behav-
avoidant (e.g., amygdala) and cognitive control (e.g., iors in adolescents with autism. South, Dana, White, and
medial/ventral prefrontal cortex) systems are still rela- Crowley (2011) explored the relationship between age,
tively underdeveloped and weak. This imbalance argu- anxiety symptoms, and risky decisions in typical children
ably motivates the pursuit of rewards without much and adolescents (aged 8–18 years) and adolescents with
restraint but also allows adolescents to explore new autism in the context of the balloon analogue risk task. In
social contexts, roles, and environments that may other- this task, participants acquire money each time they
wise be frightening to them. pump a balloon without having it pop. It is important to
Much of the work on risk-taking behavior is conducted note that the balloon can explode at any time, thereby
in the context of decision-making (i.e., gambling) tasks causing participants to lose all their money. South and
that use money as a reward. In the Iowa Gambling Task colleagues reported that the TD adolescents and those
(IGT; Bechara, Damasio, Damasio, & Anderson, 1994), with autism exhibited similar levels of risk taking during
participants have to maximize monetary gain by choos- adolescence. However, there were important moderators
ing cards from multiple decks that vary with respect to that differentially influenced their risk behavior. Age was
their relative risk (e.g., high win/high loss, low win/low a moderator of risky decisions but only for TD individu-
loss). A large literature has shown that reward-seeking als. Thus, although the mean levels of risk were similar
behavior in this task increases from early to midadoles- across the two groups, the rate of risk increased over
cence, and risk aversion does not become a clear strategy time for the TD individuals. This suggests that compared
until late adolescence and early adulthood (Cauffman with TD individuals, individuals with autism may exhibit
et al., 2010; Steinberg, 2010). Also, neural activation in higher levels of risk as children but potentially lower lev-
reward-related regions, including the ventral striatum and els of risk taking as adolescents. Finally, as predicted, TD
the ventral medial prefrontal cortex, follow the same age- adolescents who had higher symptoms of anxiety were
related increase in activation (i.e., peaking in adoles- risk averse (i.e., made fewer risky decisions). However,
cence) during high-risk gambles compared with low-risk adolescents with autism who had higher levels of anxiety
gambles (Van Leijenhorst et al., 2010). This work collec- made riskier choices. In contrast to the predictions, they
tively suggests that adolescents evince uniquely strong were not risk averse. This complicated set of results is
reward-seeking behaviors and patterns of neural activa- difficult to interpret but suggests that adolescents with
tion, particularly in high-risk situations. autism exhibit comparable, and potentially lower, levels
There is a less clear understanding, across all develop- of risk-taking behavior to TD adolescents. Given this lim-
mental stages, of the profile of risk-taking behavior in ited set of findings, it is critical to understand the status
individuals with autism. For example, one study of ado- of the cognitive control system, which is largely mediated
lescents and adults with autism (mean age = 19.7 years) by the prefrontal cortex, in autism. If it is particularly
showed no differences in IGT performance between the compromised, individuals with autism may be especially
adolescents and adults with autism and TD individuals challenged in adolescence when they have to manage
with respect to choosing from the advantageous decks even slight increases in the motivation to engage in risky
(South et al., 2008). Another study reported mild risk behavior.
aversion for adults with autism in a slightly different ver-
sion of a gambling task (De Martino, Harrison, Knafo, Compromised cognitive control systems
Bird, & Dolan, 2008). There are even fewer studies
focused on risk-taking behavior specifically among ado-
in autism
lescents with autism. In an IGT study by Johnson, Cognitive control is central to goal-directed decision
Yechiam, Murphy, Queller, and Stout (2006), adolescents making in that it keeps impulses (e.g., to engage in
and adults with autism, compared with TD individuals, risky behavior) in check long enough to deliberate
did not show consistently different risk-taking behavior. alternate choices (Chein et al., 2011). This aspect of
It is interesting that the TD individuals tended to follow a cognitive control is empirically evaluated by asking par-
win-stay, loose-shift strategy, whereas the individuals ticipants to inhibit a prepotent behavioral response,
with autism were more likely to consistently shift across such as in a go/no-go or antisaccade task. In TD indi-
decks regardless of the outcome. These findings may viduals, there are marked improvements in cognitive
reflect differential sensitivity to rewards and losses or dif- control through adolescence (e.g., Somerville & Casey,
ferent learning strategies among the individuals with 2010). A large literature has suggested that cognitive
autism. They do not suggest that adolescents and adults control is relatively weakened in children and adoles-
with autism are more or less risk averse than are TD cents with autism (Geurts, van den Bergh, & Ruzzano,
individuals. 2014; for review, see O’Hearn, Asato, Ordaz, & Luna,
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 11
2008). For example, Minshew, Luna, and Sweeney begin to show some evidence of risk aversion in adoles-
(1999) found that children, adolescents, and adults with cence. It is important to note that even modest increases
autism made significantly more errors than did age- in risk-taking behavior in adolescence may be especially
matched TD control individuals in an antisaccade task, problematic for individuals with autism (i.e., function as
which requires participants to resist looking at a primed a second hit), given the consistent findings of compro-
visual target and, instead, to look in the opposite direc- mised cognitive control abilities. We propose that the
tion. Among individuals with autism, this deficit exists underlying neural and behavioral vulnerabilities in cogni-
in childhood and never improves as a function of age in tive control may lead to an even more robust adolescent-
adolescence and adulthood as it does among TD indi- specific imbalance between the approach/reward and
viduals. A recent meta-analysis of cognitive control in regulatory systems for individuals with autism.
children and adolescents with autism concluded that In addition, we predict that adolescents with autism
the ability to inhibit proponent responses is significantly may be less susceptible to the influence of peer contexts
impaired in autism but actually reduces across the life in the pursuit of risky behavior as a result of decreased
span (Geurts et al., 2014). sensitivity to social rewards that stems from early atypical-
Despite the large behavioral literature on cognitive ity in the development of mesocorticolimbic neural cir-
control deficits in children and adolescents with autism, cuitry. This potential insensitivity to the rewarding nature
there are only a handful of neuroimaging studies on of peers may be protective, thereby making adolescents
atypical neural activation during inhibition of prepotent with autism less susceptible to the kinds of risk taking that
responses in children and adolescents with autism. In lead to dire consequences for TD individuals (e.g., car
one study, participants had to inhibit a regularized map- accidents, drug use, binge drinking). Critically, future
ping between a visual stimulus and a button press (i.e., research is necessary to understand how findings about
same side of screen). The adolescents with autism (aged altered reward processing in autism relate to risk-taking
12–18 years) exhibited less activation within and func- behaviors in adolescents with autism. For example, if the
tional connectivity (i.e., temporal coordination) between peer context does not necessarily elicit stronger risk-
a network of neural regions implicated in cognitive con- taking behavior in adolescents with autism, it is important
trol (Solomon et al., 2009). In a subsequent study using to understand whether other contexts do, such as those in
the same task, Solomon et al. (2013) specifically investi- which they can indulge restricted interests. For example,
gated age-related changes in the behavioral and neural video games are a common focus of restricted interests
basis of cognitive control from early (12–15 years) to later for adolescent boys with autism (Mazurek & Engelhardt,
(16–18 years) adolescence in individuals with autism and 2013). It could be that sensation- and reward-seeking
age-matched TD control individuals. Although neither behaviors in these boys during adolescence might be
group improved in accuracy with age, both groups excessively focused on video games at the expense of
improved in the efficiency of their performance (i.e., time spent pursuing peer social interactions.
faster reaction time to reach the same level of accuracy) Finally, we suggest that for adolescents with autism,
from early to later adolescence. However, even though any blunting of adolescent social risk taking likely
there were no behavioral differences between the two impedes the development of social-emotional competen-
groups, the adolescents with autism differentially relied cies that are necessary for pursuing autonomy and inde-
on a subset of regions in the cognitive control network pendence from parents, which compromises their ability
(i.e., anterior cingulate cortex and ventrolateral prefrontal to transition into adult levels of adaptive functioning.
cortex) compared with the TD adolescents (i.e., dorsolat-
eral prefrontal cortex and parietal cortex). Solomon and
colleagues suggested that these findings might reflect Summary of vulnerable domains for
strategic differences between the two groups with respect
to how they manage cognitive control, particularly dur-
adolescents with autism
ing cognitively demanding experiences. We have identified several domains of development (i.e.,
peer reorientation, risk taking/sensation seeking, cogni-
Hypotheses about risk taking and cognitive con- tive control) that are critical for accomplishing the devel-
trol in adolescents with autism. The existing find- opmental tasks of adolescence (e.g., forming intimate
ings provide no evidence that individuals with autism friendships and romantic relationships, gaining auton-
show consistently higher levels of risk-taking behavior omy from parents) and will ultimately facilitate the transi-
than do TD individuals. What remains to be seen is tion from adolescence to adult levels of adaptive
whether there are similar gradual increases in risk-taking functioning. In addition, we have critically reviewed the
behavior as a function of age that peak in adolescence existing (albeit scant) evidence that indicates that these
(as in TD individuals) or whether adolescents with autism domains of behavior are measurably disrupted as
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12 Picci, Scherf
individuals with autism transition through adolescence. includes an understanding of the contributing (or inter-
We summarize this evidence as follows: fering) role of the mesocorticolimbic reward circuitry to
this process. Second, we argue that the developmental
1. Adolescents with autism struggle in their attempts to trajectory of risk-taking behavior needs to be studied in
develop intimate peer relationships, which may be autism with an emphasis on investigating the focus and
an indication that adolescent-specific social reorien- contexts that drive app roach and reward motivations
tation is significantly weaker in this population. (e.g., objects of restricted interests, peers). This method
2. Peer rejection is disproportionately higher for indi- will need to be complemented by a parallel investigation
viduals with autism in adolescence. This may lead of whether there is a disproportionate imbalance
to risk for developmental deterioration and increas- between approach and regulatory neural systems in
ing depression and anxiety during adolescence. autism, particularly during adolescence. Finally, we sug-
3. Compared with TD individuals, adolescents with gest that the role of pubertal development must be eval-
autism appear to exhibit similar, or slightly reduced, uated in the context of these other areas of research
levels of risk-taking behavior. However, nothing is given the impressive pubertal deterioration that has been
known about differences in the context in which reported in the literature (Billstedt et al., 2005; Gillberg
risk-taking behaviors occur for adolescents with & Steffenburg, 1987) and the reports of the influence of
autism (i.e., social contexts vs. contexts associated pubertal maturation on many of these developing sys-
with repetitive and restricted interests). tems in TD adolescents (Forbes & Dahl, 2010; Moore
4. The ability to inhibit a prepotent response is par- et al., 2012; Pfeifer et al., 2013).
ticularly difficult for individuals with autism and
may be especially true in adolescence. There are
also weaknesses in the contribution of the pre- Investigating the role of peers in
frontal cortex to cognitive control, which may adolescent development
contribute to a robust adolescent-specific imbal- We propose that early neural atypicalities contribute to
ance between the approach/reward and regula- poor childhood social outcomes that cascade to interfere
tory systems for individuals with autism. with peer reorientation in adolescents with autism. We
also suggest that increasing levels of restricted interests
In sum, we argue that the limited evidence reviewed that intensify during adolescence among individuals with
herein is consistent with our prediction that adolescence autism may interfere with motivation to form peer relation-
functions as a second hit to the already vulnerable neural ships. The resulting consequence is that the ability to pur-
system of individuals with autism; however, we also rec- sue friendships as well as romantic and sexual relationships
ognize that future research must be conducted to deter- is significantly compromised, which, in turn, leads to poor
mine (a) the extent and nature of the difficulties social competence in adulthood. These hypotheses can be
individuals with autism exhibit in accomplishing the evaluated by testing several empirical questions.
developmental tasks of adolescence, (b) a potential link First, to what extent do adolescents with autism reori-
between these difficulties and early alterations in the ent toward peers? We suggest that future research
development of neural systems and their functional and addressing this question should focus on understanding
structural organization, and (c) the relation between whether there is increasing (a) complexity of peer rela-
behavior in adolescence and the failure to take on adult tionships, (b) reliance on peers for social support,
social roles and reach adaptive levels of functioning dur- (c) quality of peer interactions, (d) emotional responses
ing adulthood. to social contexts involving peers, (e) drive for accep-
tance from peers, (f) sensitivity to peer evaluation, (g)
Future Directions for Studying neural reward-related responses to peers, and (h) moti-
Adolescence as a Second Hit for vation to engage in romantic or sexual relationships with
peers. These are all hallmarks of peer reorientation
Autism among TD adolescents.
In this final section, we recommend three areas of future We also recommend that future studies on adolescent
research that must proceed in order to understand changes in the nature of peer interactions and complex-
whether and how adolescence functions as a second hit ity of friendships go beyond using parent and adolescent
(i.e., a period of important vulnerability) to the develop- survey measures. Adolescents with autism and their par-
mental course of autism. First, we emphasize the need to ents appear to have fairly different notions of friendship
investigate whether and to what extent there is peer (Orsmond et al., 2004), which may challenge the validity
reorientation among adolescents with autism. This of such a measurement for use in autism. We suggest that
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 13
researchers employ more ecologically valid observational With regard to research on adolescent-specific devel-
methods of social interactions (e.g., social problem solv- opmental changes in the drive for acceptance from peers
ing) between peer dyads (i.e., an adolescent with autism and sensitivity to peer evaluation, we suggest that inves-
and a friend identified by the adolescent). It would also tigators consider using the Chatroom task (Guyer, Choate,
be useful to compare the nature of social interactions in Pine, & Nelson, 2012), which was specifically designed to
peer dyads with those elicited in parent-adolescent dyads simulate ecologically valid adolescent social interactions
(i.e., an adolescent with autism and his or her parent). (Bolling et al., 2011). In this task, participants first rank
In terms of evaluating the potential reward value of photographs of peers for social interest (i.e., how inter-
peer contexts, we recommend that this work proceed ested they are in interacting with the person) and are
using very basic tasks. For example, one existing func- made to believe that they will also be ranked by each of
tional MRI study has reported that children and adoles- the peers. In the return visit, participants are scanned
cents with autism exhibited levels of neural activation while they view each photograph that they rated previ-
similar to TD individuals during passive viewing of famil- ously and are given “feedback” about whether the peer
iar adult and same-aged unfamiliar peer faces (Pierce & was mutually interested. Then participants have to judge
Redcay, 2008). This particular study was focused on eval- how they feel after receiving the feedback. Thus, the par-
uating the neural signal in posterior visuoperceptual ticipant experiences both acceptance and rejection by
regions, such as the fusiform gyrus. However, a similar the virtual peers throughout the course of the experi-
approach could be used to investigate the reward-related ment. Behavioral and neural responses collected during
response to familiar and unfamiliar peer and adult faces the Chatroom task could help determine the relative con-
in the reward circuitry. This would help evaluate whether cern (or lack thereof) about peer acceptance and rejec-
peer faces are more rewarding to adolescents with autism tion among adolescents with autism. Furthermore, an
than are adult faces or whether familiarity modulates assessment of individual differences in the response to
such an effect. If adolescents with autism consistently peer rejection in early adolescence could be used to pre-
show stronger reward-related activation to familiar faces, dict longitudinal changes in the magnitude of symptom
regardless of age, than to peer faces regardless of famil- severity and depression symptoms in later adolescence
iarity, the notion that peers may not take on the same and early adulthood. This approach would provide foun-
reward value for adolescents with autism as for TD ado- dational information about peer reorientation and sensi-
lescents would be supported. tivity to peer rejection in autism and may also provide a
In addition, studies on more complex social process- clearer link between a failure to accomplish developmen-
ing of peer and adult faces, such as judging trustworthi- tal tasks of adolescence and worsening outcomes for
ness or attractiveness traits, could help determine the young adults with autism.
extent to which adolescents with autism are dispropor- For TD individuals, the formation of romantic relation-
tionately socially motivated to process information about ships during adolescence is an important antecedent to
peers (e.g., higher ratings overall for trustworthiness and successful romantic relationships in adulthood (i.e., num-
attractiveness for peer as compared with adult faces). A ber of romantic partners, duration of romantic relation-
set of comparison studies that involve familiar and unfa- ships; Rauer, Pettit, Lansford, Bates, & Dodge, 2013;
miliar objects that are and are not the focus of each par- Simpson, Collins, & Salvatore, 2011). Although there is an
ticipant’s own restricted interest would help investigate extremely sparse literature regarding romantic and sexual
the relative calibration of reward systems among adoles- partnerships in adolescents with autism, findings in adults
cents with autism (e.g., restricted interest objects > com- with autism suggest that outcomes are rather bleak.
mon objects > familiar faces). It also is critical to Recall that approximately 44% of adults with autism have
investigate these same responses in children and adults never dated (Farley et al., 2009). This does not appear to
with autism to examine whether there are adolescent- be due to a lack of sexual well-being or interest; adults
specific changes in these responses. This kind of approach with autism do report sexual desire as well as arousabil-
would enable researchers to assess the extent to which ity (Byers et al., 2013), and many express an interest in
developmental trajectories diverge between TD individu- marriage and in having intimate and sexual relationships
als and those with autism in terms of social-information (Haracopos & Pedersen, 1992; Newport, Newport, &
processing about peers. Finally, it is important that future Bolick, 2002; Ousley & Mesibov, 1991). However, their
research assess whether individual differences in the knowledge of sexual behavior and romantic relationships
magnitude of these reward-related responses to peer is usually limited (Ousley & Mesibov, 1991). These find-
faces and objects of restricted interests are at all related ings suggest that individuals with autism appear to be
to the abilities to form peer friendships during adoles- interested in pursuing romantic and sexual relationships
cence and to longer-term adult outcomes of social but do not have the social skills to be able to do so. This
competence. interpretation is confirmed by findings that have shown
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14 Picci, Scherf
that adults and adolescents with autism engage in inap- On the basis of the existing literature, we suggest that
propriate courting behaviors (e.g., stalking behaviors; there are four empirical questions that need to be
Stokes et al., 2007) and sexual behaviors (e.g., touching addressed: (a) What is the developmental trajectory of
private body areas in public, removing clothing in public, risk-taking/sensation-seeking behavior in autism? (b) Is
masturbating in public, and touching members of the there emerging risk aversion? (c) If so, does this influence
opposite sex inappropriately; Ruble & Dalrymple, 1993). the ability to gain independence from parents and pursue
Given that adolescence is the time when sexual behav- more adult social roles? and (d) What is the relative influ-
iors are learned and practiced among TD individuals ence of peers and other nonpeer contexts (e.g., involving
(Feldmann & Middleman, 2002), and that parents of ado- restricted interests) on risk-taking behaviors?
lescents with autism report that their child’s sexuality is a To address the first two questions, researchers should
major concern, it is imperative that future work evaluate use cross-sectional and longitudinal designs to investi-
the emerging nature of romantic and sexual relationships gate the trajectory of risk-taking behaviors from child-
among adolescents with autism. hood through early adulthood using established parent
First, it will be important to understand whether ado- and adolescent questionnaires and interviews, such as
lescents with autism are similarly motivated to pursue the Barratt Impulsiveness Scale (Patton, Stanford, &
romantic and sexual relationships and whether they have Barratt, 1995), Benthin Risk Perception Measure (Benthin,
the social skills to pursue such relationships. Part of this Slovic, & Severson, 1993), Youth Decision-Making Ques
work needs to assess the frequency with which adoles- tionnaire (Ford, Wentzel, Wood, Stevens, & Siesfeld, 1989),
cents with autism are engaging in (or attempting to and Zuckerman Sensation-Seeking Scale (Zuckerman,
engage in) romantic relationships. Such work likely needs Eysenck, & Eysenck, 1978). These existing questionnaires
to be done using interviewing/survey methods, such as may need to be modified to dissociate risk taking in and
the Sexual Behavior Scale (Stokes & Kaur, 2005) and the out of peer contexts for use with adolescents with autism.
Dating Questionnaire (Connolly, Craig, Goldberg, & In addition, it is essential to evaluate the existence of
Pepler, 2004), and may require parental input as well. It risk-taking and risk-aversion behaviors depending on
is also critical for future work to understand the develop- whether the context is social (i.e., with peers) or nonso-
mental stages in the formation of romantic relationships cial (i.e., neutral, monetary, or focused on restricted inter-
in adolescents with autism. That is, to the extent that ests). Future researchers should also aim to evaluate the
these relationships exist, do they follow a similar devel- potential link between alterations in reward-seeking
opmental progression as in TD adolescent romantic rela- behaviors among adolescents and subsequent autonomy
tionships (i.e., mixed-gender group affiliations, then in later adulthood. In other words, there may be indi-
group dates, and eventually formation of romantic part- vidual differences in the degree to which individuals with
nerships; Connolly, Nguyen, Pepler, Craig, & Jiang, 2013)? autism engage in sensation-seeking and risk-taking
This approach may reveal critical information about the behaviors that are systematically related to the likelihood
specific aspects of forming romantic and sexual partner- that they accomplish some autonomy from parents (e.g.,
ships in adolescence that are particularly difficult for ado- moving to a group home, going to college, obtaining a
lescents with autism. As a result, it could also lead to job).
mechanistic explanations about why adolescents with To address the willingness of adolescents with autism
autism overwhelmingly fail to meet this core develop- to take risks to gain rewards, researchers should use new
mental task that is so critical for later adult relationships. or modified experimental paradigms. For example, we
recommend that researchers use simple decision-making
Investigating risk taking among tasks (such as the IGT) that manipulate peer presence
(i.e., in the room or nearby when the adolescent with
adolescents with autism autism is participating in the task) or peer-related stimuli
We suggest that compared with TD adolescents, adoles- (i.e., pictures of peers or peer contexts) and stimuli of
cents with autism may have a disproportionate imbalance restricted individualized interests. These tasks (e.g., IGT)
between their cognitive control and reward-processing are traditionally nonsocial in nature and likely dispropor-
systems. If this is the case, risk taking is likely to be a tionately motivate individuals who value monetary
considerable vulnerability for individuals with autism, rewards. Thus, paradigms that target adolescents with
especially during adolescence. Establishing the develop- autism may need to be tailored to the restricted interests
mental trajectory and contextual focus of risk-taking of each participant (i.e., one individual may have cars as
behavior in autism is essential to understanding whether a restricted interest, whereas another individual may have
and to what degree there is a disproportionate imbalance video games as a restricted interest). Therefore, research-
between the reward and regulatory systems in autism ers may want to contact parents before administering the
during adolescence. task to determine the stimuli that are most rewarding for
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Two-Hit Model of Autism 15
the adolescents with autism. The decision-making task influences behavioral and brain development in autism.
itself can be simple (e.g., guessing whether the value of For example, given the reports of pubertal deterioration
a card is higher or lower than 5; Delgado, Nystrom, (Billstedt et al., 2005; Gillberg & Steffenburg, 1987),
Fissell, Noll, & Fiez, 2000) and depend on rewards that pubertal development may uniquely complicate develop-
are focused on the adolescents’ restricted interests. By ment in these important adolescent domains. Even minor
evaluating the willingness of adolescents with autism to alterations to the timing or tempo of pubertal develop-
take risks with rewards focused on peers versus on ment may have significant consequences for emerging
restricted interests, researchers can better understand the and fine-tuning all of the domains of adolescent develop-
risk-taking behavioral patterns and trajectories across ment explored in this article.
contexts. This approach can dissociate whether, in ado- We suggest that in future studies, researchers must
lescence, the reward-processing system in autism is cali- begin to systematically investigate the influence of puber-
brated differently but risk-taking behavior is comparable tal development on adolescent-specific deterioration in
or whether both reward processing and risk taking are autism, including how it does or does not influence
importantly altered. behavior in the domains we have outlined as well as the
With respect to evaluating the degree to which cogni- structural and functional organization in the developing
tive control is impaired using peer-based versus non- brain. Recent evidence regarding human adolescence
peer-based stimuli, a simple go/no-go task is an effective provides support for the mountain of evidence obtained
way to assess both contexts. For instance, one could test from animal models (see Sisk & Zehr, 2005), which indi-
same-age peer faces versus adult faces, familiar peer cates that pubertal hormones sculpt both functional and
faces versus unfamiliar peer faces, peer faces versus structural organization of neural circuitry (Barnea-Goraly
objects that are the focus of restricted interests, and neu- et al., 2004; Burnett & Blakemore, 2009; Gogtay et al.,
tral objects versus objects that are the focus of restricted 2004; Ostby et al., 2009; Schmithorst & Yuan, 2010;
interests. This approach can be used to target both the Tamnes et al., 2010). With these findings in mind, and
behavioral and the neural basis of the ability to inhibit a using our two-hit model, we predict that pubertal hor-
prepotent response despite differing contexts that may mones contribute in important ways to disruptions in
elicit more or less reward-related and risk- taking adolescent-specific neural organization and behavioral
responses in adolescents with autism. Such research that outcomes in autism. We suggest that the influx of puber-
directly focuses on potential differences in the reward- tal hormones is forced to shape a pervasively disrupted
seeking and risk-taking behaviors of TD adolescents and neural system in individuals with autism. As a result,
adolescents with autism could inform m eaningful forms puberty-related influences on brain and behavioral devel-
of intervention (e.g., sexual-health education, other opment are expected to be markedly different in indi-
social adaptive functioning skills). viduals with autism compared with TD individuals.
Furthermore, these differences are likely to contribute to
Pubertal development in adolescents the failure to develop new behaviors that are essential for
acquiring adult levels of adaptive functioning (e.g., inde-
with autism pendence from parents, intimate friendships, romantic
An area of research that has yet to be explicitly explored and sexual partnerships). Future research on the relation-
in adolescents with autism is the role of pubertal devel- ship between pubertal development and pubertal hor-
opment. Pubertal development is known to influence mones, neural functioning and organization, and behavior
behavior (Feinberg & Campbell, 2010; Halpern, 2006; in adolescents with autism will provide critical evidence
Marceau, Dorn, & Susman, 2012; Martin et al., 2002; to evaluate this hypothesis.
Quevedo, Benning, Gunnar, & Dahl, 2009; Varlinskaya,
Vetter-O’Hagen, & Spear, 2013; Wallen, 2001; Waylen &
Conclusions
Wolke, 2004) and neural activation and organization
(Blakemore, Burnett, & Dahl, 2010; Bramen et al., 2011; We have proposed a novel theoretical framework for
Forbes & Dahl, 2010; Forbes, Phillips, Silk, Ryan, & Dahl, conceptualizing the full developmental trajectory of
2011; Goddings, Burnett Heyes, Bird, Viner, & Blakemore, autism and have attempted to connect the most cutting-
2012; Herting, Maxwell, Irvine, & Nagel, 2012; Holm edge findings about atypicalities in early brain develop-
et al., 2009; Lenroot & Giedd, 2010; Romeo, 2003; Schulz, ment, adolescent-specific deterioration in functioning,
Molenda-Figueira, & Sisk, 2009; Sisk & Zehr, 2005; Spear, and poor levels of adaptive functioning in adulthood. It
2011) and is hypothesized to motivate and enable new is important to note that our framework is particularly
behaviors in TD adolescents (Dahl & Spear 2004; Forbes sensitive to the nonlinear atypicalities in the develop-
& Dahl, 2010; Scherf et al., 2013; Scherf & Scott, 2012). mental course of autism. We focus on the role of adoles-
There are no data that address whether or how puberty cence as a developmental period of particular vulnerability
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16 Picci, Scherf
that builds on the early first hit for individuals with autism interests. This ultimately may be a tool for targeting such
and uniquely contributes to atypical trajectories toward individuals for interventions designed to enhance the
adult outcomes. It is clear that adolescence is exception- reward value of peers. The creation of interventions that
ally difficult for individuals with autism, especially in involve hobbies or relate to restricted interests with same-
comparison to individuals with other developmental dis- age peers could encourage peer interaction and possibly
orders who fair reasonably well in taking on adult social enhance reward derived from peer interactions. We
roles and levels of adaptive functioning. For instance, believe that this two-hit model of the developmental
compared with adults with autism, adults with Down’s course of autism provides a framework that will guide
syndrome achieve far more independence in their resi- both basic and translational research about the central
dential living status and social contact with friends factors that uniquely interfere with the ability to achieve
(Esbensen, et al., 2010). adult levels of adaptive functioning in autism.
We provide evidence that suggests that the core
developmental processes that support the acquisition of Author Contributions
adult levels of social and adaptive functioning putatively G. Picci and K. S. Scherf jointly conceived and drafted the man-
fail to develop in autism, specifically during adolescence. uscript. Both authors approved the final version of the manu-
We appreciate that there are important individual differ- script for submission.
ences among individuals with autism in terms of adult-
hood outcomes and suggest that this variation can be Acknowledgments
used to evaluate some of the hypothesized trajectories.
We would like to thank Elisabeth Whyte and Sara Barth for
For instance, individuals with autism who evince more helpful comments on earlier versions of this manuscript.
typical levels of social-reward processing may be capa-
ble of forming higher quality peer relationships in ado-
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
lescence that lead to subsequent higher quality adult
relationships. Also, we suggest that there may be indi- The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest
with respect to their authorship or the publication of this
vidual differences with respect to how well this model
article.
characterizes the development of any one individual
with autism and that there may be important moderating
factors that mitigate or exacerbate the effects of the Funding
second hit of adolescence. This work was supported by Pennsylvania Department of
Specifically, individual differences in the manifestation Health SAP Grant 4100047862 to K. S. Scherf (co-principal
of the first hit on atypical neural network organization investigator), the Social Science Research Institute, and the
Department of Psychology at Pennsylvania State University, as
will likely moderate the extent to which the second hit
well as a Graduate Research Fellowship from the National
overwhelms the developing system in the face of new Science Foundation to G. Picci (DGE1255832). Any opinions,
demands during adolescence. For example, individuals findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in
with autism who show disproportionately early (i.e., pre- this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily
natal and infant development) and severe disruptions to reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.
the behaviors or neural networks that ultimately support
cognitive control might exhibit more difficulty with indis- Note
criminate risk taking (and lack of cognitive control) in
1. This is not to say that peers become the sole support system
adolescence, which could make them especially vulner-
for adolescents; parents maintain a critical presence in adoles-
able to more harmful consequences of risk taking. cents’ lives (see Lam, McHale, & Crouter, 2012).
Uncovering these potential outcomes of the first hit could
reveal important targets for intervention that could mod-
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