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Introduction to Food Science 1st Edition Rick Parker
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Rick Parker
ISBN(s): 9780766813144, 0766813142
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 35.71 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
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Introduction to Food Science © 2003 Delmar, Cengage Learning
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fonncen
Preface
Acknowledgments / xviii
About the Author / xix
Introduction and Background
Chapter 1 Overview of Food Science
Objectives / 3
Key Terms / 3
Parts of the Food Industry / 4
Trends / 5
Allied Industries / 11
International Activities / 13
Responsiveness to Change / 17
Interrelated Operations / 17
Summary / 18
Review Questions / 18
Student Activities / 19
Resources / 19
Internet / 19
Chapter 2 Review of Chemistry 20
Objectives / 20
Key Terms / 20
Elements / 21
Chemical Bonds / 22
Molecules / 26
Reactions / 26
Metabolism / 28
Organic Chemistry / 29
Summary / 29
Review Questions / 31
Student Activities / 31
vi Contents
Resources / 32
Internet / 32
Chapter 3 Chemistry of Foods
Objectives / 33
Key Terms / 33
Carbohydrates / 34
Proteins / 44
Lipids / 48
Vitamins / 53
Minerals / 54
Water / 58
Biotin / 59
Choline / 59
Phytochemicals / 59
Summary / 61
Review Questions / 61
Student Activities / 62
Resources / 62
Internet / 62
Chapter 4 Nutrition and Digestion
Objectives / 63
Key Terms / 63
Nutrient Needs / 64
Water / 65
Food Pyramid / 72
Digestive Processes / 73
Vegetarian Diets / 77
Bioavailability of Nutrients / 78
Stability of Nutrients / 78
Diet and Chronic Disease / 79
Summary / 79
Review Questions / 79
Student Activities / 80
Resources / 80
Internet / 81
Chapter 5 Food Composition
Objectives / 82
Key Terms / 82
Contents
Determining the Composition of Foods / 83
Energy in Food / 84
Food Composition Tables / 85
Summary / 86
Review Questions / 87
Student Activities / 87
Resources / 88
Internet / 89
Chapter 6 Quality Factors in Foods
Objectives / 90
Key Terms / 90
Appearance Factors / 91
Textural Factors / 92
Flavor Factors / 94
Additional Quality Factors / 97
Quality Standards / 99
Quality Control / 105
Summary / 106
Review Questions / 107
Student Activities / 107
Resources / 108
Internet / 108
Chapter 7 Unit Operations in Food Processing 109
Objectives / 109
Key Terms / 109
Materials Handling / 110
Cleaning / 111
Separating / 111
Size Reduction / 113
Pumping (Fluid Flow) / 114
Mixing / 114
Heat Exchanging / 114
Concentration / 117
Drying / 119
Forming / 119
Packaging / 120
Controlling / 120
Overlapping Operations / 121
Conserving Energy / 121
New Processes / 122
Vili Contents
Summary / 122
Review Questions / 122
Student Activities / 123
Resources / 123
Internet / 123
Chapter 8 Food Deterioration 124
Objectives / 124
Key Terms / 124
Types of Food Deterioration / 125
Shelf Life and Dating of Foods / 125
Causes of Food Deterioration / 125
Post-Harvest Biochemical Changes / 128
Post-Slaughter Biochemical Changes / 132
Principles of Food Preservation / 132
Summary / 136
Review Questions / 136
Student Activities / 136
Resources / 137
Internet / 138
SECTION Foo Preservation 139
a Chapter 9 Heat 141
Objectives / 141
Key Terms / 141
Heat / 142
Degrees of Preservation / 142
Selecting Heat Treatments / 143
Heat Resistance of Microorganisms / 144
Heat Transfer / 144
Protective Effects of Food Constituents / 147
Different Temperature-Time Combinations / 147
Heating Before or After Packaging / 148
Home Canning / 150
Summary / 153
Review Questions / 154
Student Activities / 154
Resources / 155
Internet / 155
Contents ix
Chapter 10 Cold | ’ ; 156
Objectives / 156
Key Terms / 156
Refrigeration versus Freezing / 157
Refrigeration and Cool Storage / 157
Freezing and Frozen Storage / 159
New Developments / 165
Home Freezing / 165
Summary / 169
Review Questions / 169
Student Activities / 170
Resources / 170
Internet / 171
Chapter 11 Drying and Dehydration 172
Objectives / 172
Key Terms / 172
Dehydration / 173
Food Concentration / 179
Home Drying / 183
Summary / 186
Review Questions / 187
Student Activities / 187
Resources / 188
Internet / 188
Chapter 12 Radiant and Electrical Energy 189
Objectives / 189
Key Terms / 189
Food Irradiation / 190
Microwave Heating / 193
Ohmic (Electrical) Heating / 196
Summary / 196
Review Questions / 197
Student Activities / 197
Resources / 198
Internet / 198
Chapter 13 Fermentation, Microorganisms,
and Biotechnology 199
Objectives / 199
Key Terms / 199
Contents
Fermentations / 200
Uses of Fermentation / 202
Microorganisms as Foods / 207
Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology / 208
Summary / 211
Review Questions / 212
Student Activities / 212
Resources / 212
Internet / 213
Chapter 14 Chemicals _
214
Objectives / 214
Key Terms / 214
Reasons for Use / 215
Preservatives / 220
Nutritional Additives / 220
Color Modifiers / 221
Flavoring Agents / 224
Texturing Agents / 225
Acidulants / 225
Fat Replacers / 226
Irradiation / 226
Hazards / 226
Summary / 227
Review Questions / 228
Student Activities / 228
Resources / 229
Internet / 229
Chapter 15 Packaging 230
Objectives / 230
Key Terms / 230
Types of Containers / 231
Food-Packaging Materials and Forms / 231
Package Testing / 236
Packages with Special Features / 238
Environmental Considerations / 238
Innovations in Packaging / 239
Summary / 240
Review Questions / 241
Student Activities / 241
Resources / 242
Internet / 242
Contents xi
ON Fhree Foods and Food Products 243
Chapter 16 Milk 245
Objectives / 245
Key Terms / 245
Fluid Milk / 246
Milk Products and By-products / 251
Quality Products / 265
Milk Substitutes / 266
Reduced Fat Products / 266
Summary / 266
Review Questions / 267
Student Activities / 268
Resources / 268
Internet / 268
Chapter 17 Meat, Poultry, and Eggs 270
Objectives / 270
Key Terms / 270
Meat and Meat Products / 271
Meat Substitutes / 284
Poultry / 285
Eggs / 295
Summary / 302
Review Questions / 303
Student Activities / 303
Resources / 304
Internet / 305
Chapter 18 Fish and Shellfish 306_
Objectives / 306
Key Terms / 306
Fish, Shellfish, Salt- and Freshwater / 307
Fishing versus Culture / 307
Composition, Flavor, and Texture / 309
Spoilage / 309
Processing / 311
Preservation / 316
Shellfish / 317
Fish By-products / 317
Storage / 317
xij -«Contents
New Products / 318
Summary / 319
Review Questions / 320
Student Activities / 320
Resources / 320
Internet / 321
Chapter 19 Cereal Grains, Legumes,
and Oilseeds 322
Objectives / 322
Key Terms / 323
Cereal Grains / 323
Starch / 324
Milling of Grains / 328
Corn Refining / 335
Breakfast Cereals / 338
Principles of Baking / 339
Legumes / 341
Soybeans / 344
Summary / 352
Review Questions / 352
Student Activities / 353
Resources / 353
Internet / 354
Chapter 20 Fruits and Vegetables 355
Objectives / 355
Key Terms / 355
General Properties and Structural Features / 356
General Composition / 357
Activities of Living Systems / 358
Harvesting / 361
Post-Harvest / 371
Processing of Fruits / 372
Processing of Vegetables / 377
By-products / 382
Biotechnology / 383
Summary / 383
Review Questions / 384
Student Activities / 384
Resources / 385
Internet / 385
Contents
Chapter 21 Fats and Oils Oty +: 386
Objectives / 386
Key Terms / 386
Effects of Composition on Fat Properties / 387
Sources of Fats and Oils / 388
Functional Properties of Fats / 389
Production and Processing Methods / 390
Products Made from Fats and Oils / 394
Monoglycerides and Diglycerides / 394
Fat Substitutes / 395
Tests on Fats and Oils / 396
Summary / 397
Review Questions / 398
Student Activities / 398
Resources / 399
Internet / 399
Chapter 22 Candy and Confectionery 400
Objectives / 400
Key Terms / 400
Sugar-Based Confectionery / 401
Chocolate and Cocoa Products / 407
Confectionery Manufacturing Practices / 410
Sugar Substitutes / 411
Labeling / 412
Summary / 412
Review Questions / 413
Student Activities / 413
Resources / 414
Internet / 414
Chapter 23 Beverages 415
Objectives / 415
Key Terms / 415
Carbonated Nonalcoholic Beverages / 416
Noncarbonated Herbal and Healthful Bevrages / 419
Bottled Water / 422
Alcoholic Beverages / 424
Coffee / 428
Coffee Substitutes / 429
Tea / 430
Herbal Tea / 431
Xiv Contents
Summary / 433
Review Questions / 434
Student Activities / 435
Resources / 435
Internet / 435
SECTION Pour Related Issues 437
Chapter 24 Environmental Concerns and
Processing 439
Objectives / 439
Key Terms / 439
Water in Food Production / 440
Properties and Requirements of Processing Waters / 440
Environmental Concerns / 441
Disposal of Solid Wastes / 442
Properties of Wastewaters / 445
Wastewater Treatment / 446
Responsibility / 448
Summary / 448
Review Questions / 448
Student Activities / 449
Resources / 449
Internet / 449
Chapter 25 Food Safety 451
Objectives / 451
Key Terms / 451
Safety, Hazards, and Risks / 452
Food-Related Hazards / 452
Microorganisms / 454
Microbiological Methodology / 461
Processing and Handling / 463
Rodents, Birds, and Insects / 463
Cleaning and Sanitizing / 465
HACCP and Food Safety / 469
Summary / 473
Review Questions / 474
Student Activities / 475
Resources / 475
Internet / 475
Contents XV
Chapter 26 Regulation and Labeling ao 477
Objectives / 477
Key Terms / 477
Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act / 478
Additional Food Laws / 478
Legal Categories of Food Substances / 479
Testing for Safety / 480
Quality Assurance / 481
Food Labeling / 482
New Food Labels / 483
The New Food Label / 483
Summary / 497
Review Questions / 497
Student Activities / 497
Resources / 498
Internet / 498
Chapter 27 World Food Needs 499
Objectives / 499
Key Terms / 499
World Food Hunger and Malnutrition / 500
Fighting the Problem / 506
Roles of Technology / 508
World Food Summit / 510
Hunger Agencies and Organizations / 513
Summary / 513
Review Questions / 516
Student Activities / 516
Resources / 517
Internet / 517
Chapter 28 Careers in Food Science 518
Objectives / 518
Key Terms / 518
General Skills and Knowledge / 519
Entrepreneurship / 526
Jobs and Courses in the Food Industry / 527
Education and Experience / 528
Identifying a Job / 528
Food Industry Supervised Agricultural Experience / 543
Getting a Job / 544
Occupational Safety / 549
XvV1 Contents
Summary / 551
Review Questions / 552
Student Activities / 553
Resources / 553
Internet / 554
Appendix 555
Glossary 611
Index 639
Other documents randomly have
different content
Ahmed Riza in the Senate without being called to order by the
President.
The Deputies are also, with even fewer exceptions than the Senators
—only one or two are reasonable men—all slaves pure and simple of
Enver and Talaat. The Lower House is nothing but a set of
employees paid by the Clique. In other countries now at war the
Lower House may have sunk to the level of a laughing-stock; in
Turkey it has become the instrument of crime. And it is these same
toadies and parasites, who daily carry out this military dictator's will
in Parliament, that he daily treats with scarcely veiled irony and open
and complete disdain. These are the "representatives of the people"
in Turkey in war-time!
FOOTNOTES:
[2] Djemal Pasha learnt the news that Admiral von Souchon had
bombarded Russian ports, and so made war inevitable, one
evening at the Club. Pale with rage, he sprang up and said:
"So be it; but if things go wrong, Souchon will be the first to
be hanged."
CHAPTER X
The outlook for the future—The consequences of trusting
Germany—The Entente's death sentence on Turkey—The social
necessity for this deliverance—Anatolia, the new Turkey after
the war—Forecasts about the Turkish race—The Turkish element
in the lost territory—Russia and Constantinople; international
guarantees—Germany, at peace, benefits too—Farewell to the
German "World-politicians"—German interests in a victorious
and in an amputated Turkey—The German-Turkish treaty—A
paradise on earth—The Russian commercial impetus—The new
Armenia—Western Anatolia, the old Greek centre of civilization—
Great Arabia and Syria—The reconciliation of Germany.
We have come to the end of our sketches. The question before us
now is: What will become of Turkey? The Entente has pronounced
formal sentence of death on the Empire of the Sultan, and neither
the slowly fading military power of Turkey, nor the help of Germany,
who is herself already virtually conquered, will be able to arrest her
fate.
On the high frost-bound uplands of Armenia the Russians hold a
strategic position from which it is impossible to dislodge them, and
which will probably very soon extend to the Gulf of Alexandretta. In
Mesopotamia, after that enormously important political event, the
Fall of Baghdad, the union was effected between the British troops
and the Russians, advancing steadily from Persia. The Suez Canal is
now no longer threatened, and the British troops have been
removed from there for a counter-offensive in Southern Palestine,
and probably, when the psychological moment arrives, an offensive
against Syria, now so sadly shattered politically. It is quite within the
bounds of possibility, too, that during this war a big new Front may
be formed in Western Anatolia, already completely broken up by the
Pan-Hellenic Irredenta, and the Turks will be hard put to it to find
troops to meet the new offensive. Arabia is finally and absolutely
lost, and England, by establishing an Arabian Caliphate, has already
won the war against Turkey. Meantime, on the far battlefields of
Galicia and the Balkans, whole Ottoman divisions are pouring out
their life-blood, fighting for that elusive German victory that never
comes any nearer, while in every nook and corner of their own land
there is a terrible lack of troops. Enver Pasha, at length grown
anxious, has attempted to recall them, but in vain.
That is a short résumé of the military situation. This is how the
Turkey of Enver and Talaat is atoning for the trust she has placed in
Germany.
To a German journalist who went out two years ago to a great
Turkey, striving for a "Greater Turkey," it does indeed seem a bitter
irony of fate to see his sphere of labour thus reduced to
nothingness. The fall of Turkey is the greatest blow that could have
been dealt to German "world-politics"; it is a disappointment that will
have the gravest consequences. But from the standpoint of culture,
human civilisation, ethics, the liberty of the peoples and justice,
historical progress, the economic development of wide tracts of land
of the greatest importance from their geographical position, it is one
of the most brilliant results of the war, and one to be hailed with
unmixed joy. When I look back on how wonderfully things have
shaped in the last two and a half years I am bound to admit that I
am happy things have turned out as they have. If perchance any
Turk who knows me happens to read these lines, I beg him not to
think that my ideas are saturated with hatred of Turkey. On the
contrary, I love the country and the Turkish race with those many
attractive qualities that rightly appealed to a poet like Loti.
I have asked myself thousands of times what would be the best
political solution of the problem, how to help this people—and the
other races inhabiting their country—to true and lasting happiness.
From my many journeys in tropical lands, I have grown accustomed
to the sight of autochthonous civilisations and semi-civilised peoples,
and am as interested in them as in the most perfectly civilised
nations of Europe. I have therefore, I think, been able to set aside
entirely in my own mind the territorial interests of the West in the
development of the Near East, and give my whole attention to
Turkey's own good and Turkey's own needs. But even then I have
been obliged to subscribe to the sentence of death passed on the
Turkey of the Young Turks and the sovereignty of the Ottoman
Empire. It is with the fullest consciousness of what I am doing that I
agree to the only seemingly cruel amputation of this State. It is
merely the outer shell covering a number of peoples who suffer
cruelly under an unjust system, chief among them the brave Turkish
people who have been led by a criminal Government to take the last
step on the road to ruin. The point of view I have adopted does not
in any way detract from my personal sympathies, and I still have
hopes that the many personal friendships I made in Constantinople
will not be broken by the hard words I have been obliged to utter in
the cause of truth, in the interests of outraged civilisation, and in the
interests of a happier future for the Ottoman people themselves.
The amputation of Turkey is a stern social necessity. Someone has
said: "The greatest enemy of Turkey is the Turk." I have too much
love for the Turkish people, too much sympathy for them, to adopt
this pessimistic attitude without great inward opposition; but
unfortunately it is only too true. We have seen how the Turkey of
Enver and Talaat has reacted sharply against the Western-minded,
liberal era of the 1876 and 1908 constitutions, and has turned again
to Asia and her newly discovered ideal, Turanism. To the Turks of to-
day, European culture and civilisation are at best but a technical
means; they are no longer an end in themselves. Their dream is no
longer Western Europe, but a nationally awakened and strengthened
Asiatentum.
In face of this intellectual development, how can we hope that in the
new Turkey there will be a radical alteration of what, in the whole
course of Ottoman history, has always been the one characteristic,
unchangeable, momentous fact, of what has always shattered the
most honest efforts at reform, and always will shatter every attempt
at improvement within a sovereign Turkey—I refer to the relationship
of the Turk to the "Rajah" (the "herd"), the Christian subjects of the
Padishah. The Ottoman, the Mohammedan conqueror, lives by the
"herd" he has found in the land he has conquered; the "herd" are
the "unbelievers," and rooted deep in the mind of this sovereign
people, who have never quite lost their nomadic instincts, is the
conviction that they have the right to live by the sweat of the brow
of their Christian subjects and on the fruits of their labour. That we
Europeans think this unjust the Turk will never be able to grasp.
A Wali of Erzerum once said: "The Turkish Government and the
Armenian people stand in the relationship of man and wife, and any
third persons who feel sympathy for the wife and anger at the wife-
beating husband will do better not to meddle in this domestic strife."
This quotation has become famous, for it exactly characterises the
relationship of the Turk to the "Rajah," not to the Armenians. In this
phrase alone there lies, quite apart from all the crimes committed by
the present Turkish Government, a sufficient moral and political
foundation for the sentence of death passed on the sovereignty of
the present Turkish State. For so long as the Turks cling to Islam,
from which springs that opposition between Moslem rulers and
"Giaur" subjects so detrimental to all social progress, it is Europe's
sacred duty not to give Turkey sovereignty over any territory with a
strong Christian element. That is why Turkey must at all costs be
confined to Inner Anatolia; that is why complete amputation is
necessary; and why the outlying districts of Turkey, the Straits, the
Anatolian coast, the whole of Armenia must be rescued and, part of
it at any rate, placed under formal European protection.
Even in Inner Anatolia, which will probably still be left to the
Ottomans after the war, the strongest European influence must be
brought to bear—which will probably not be difficult in view of
Turkey's financial bankruptcy; European customs and civilisation
must be introduced; in a word, Europe must exercise sufficient
control to be in a position to prevent the numerous non-Turks
resident even in Anatolia from being exposed to the old system of
exploiting the "Rajah." Discerning Turks themselves have admitted
that it would be best for Europe to put the whole of Turkey for a
generation under curatorship and general European supervision.
I, personally, should not be satisfied with this system for the districts
occupied more by non-Turks than by Turks; but, on the other hand, I
should not go so far in the case of Inner Anatolia. I trust that strong
European influence will make it possible to make Inner Anatolia a
sovereign territory. I have pinned my faith on the Ottoman race
being given another and final opportunity on her own ground of
showing how she will develop now after the wonderful intellectual
improvement that has taken place during the war. I hope at the
same time that even in a sovereign Turkish Inner Anatolia Europe
will have enough say to prevent any outgrowths of the "Rajah
principle."
The Turks must not be deprived of the opportunity to bring their
new-found abilities, which even we must praise, to bear on the
production of a new, modern, but thoroughly Turkish civilisation of
their own on their own ground. Anatolia, beautiful and capable of
development, is, even if we confine it to those interior parts chiefly
inhabited by Ottomans, still quite a big enough field for the
production of such a civilisation; it is quite big enough too for the
terribly reduced numbers now belonging to the Osmanic race.
The amputation and limitation of Turkey, even if they do not succeed
in altering the real Turkish point of view—and this, so far as the
relationship to the Christians is concerned, is the same, from the
Pasha down to the poorest Anatolian peasant—will at least have a
tremendously beneficial effect. The possibilities in the Turkish race
will come to flower. "The worst patriots," I once dared to say in one
of my articles in spite of the censorship, "are not those who look for
the future of the nation in concentrated cultural work in the Turkish
nucleus-land of Anatolia, instead of gaping over the Caucasus and
down into the sands of the African desert in their search for a
'Greater Turkey.'" And in connection with the series of lectures I
have already mentioned about Anatolian hygiene and social politics,
I said, with quite unmistakable meaning: "Turkey will have a
wonderful opportunity on her own original ground, in the nucleus-
land of the Ottomans, of proving her capability and showing that she
has become a really modern, civilised State."
My earnest wish is that all the Turks' high intellectual abilities,
brought to the front by this war, may be concentrated on this
beautiful and repaying task. Intensive labour and the concentration
of all forces on positive work in the direction of civilisation will have
to take the place of corrupt rule, boundless neglect, waste, the
strangulation of all progressive movements, political illusions, the
unquenchable desire for conquest and oppression. This is what we
pray for for Anatolia, the real New Turkey after the war. In other
districts, also, now fully under European control, the pure Turkish
element will flourish much more exceedingly than ever before under
the beneficent protection of modern, civilised Governments. Frankly,
the dream of Turkish Power has vanished. But new life springs out of
ruin and decay; the history of mankind is a continual change.
Russia, too, after war, will no longer be what she seemed to terrified
Turkish eyes and jealous German eyes dazzled by "world-politics": a
colossal creature, stretching forth enormous suckers to swallow up
her smaller neighbours; a country ruled by a dull, unthinking
despotism.
From the standpoint of universal civilisation it is to be hoped that the
solution of the problem of the Near East will be to transform the
Straits between the Black Sea and Aegea, together with the city of
Constantinople, uniquely situated as it is, into a completely
international stretch with open harbours. Then we need no longer
oppose Russian aspirations. If England, the stronghold of Free Trade
and of all principles of freedom of intercourse, and France, the land
of culture, interested in Turkey to the extent of millions, were
content to leave Russia a free hand in the Straits; if Roumania, shut
in in the Black Sea, did not fear for her trade, but was willing to
become an ally of Russia in full knowledge of the Entente agreement
about the Straits, it is of course sufficiently evident what guarantee
with regard to international freedom modern Russia will have to give
after the war, and even the Germans have nothing to fear. Of course
the German anti-European "Antwerp-Baghdad" dream will be
shattered. But once Germany is at peace, she will probably find that
even the Russian solution of the Straits question benefits her not a
little. The final realisation of Russia's efforts, justifiable both
historically and geographically, to reach the Mediterranean at this
one eminently suitable spot, will certainly contribute in an
extraordinary degree to remove the unbearable political pressure
from Europe and ensure peace for the world.
Just a few parting words to the German "World-politicians." Very
often, as I have said, I heard during my stay in Constantinople
expressions of anxiety on the part of Germans that all German
interests, even purely commercial ones, would be gravely
endangered in the victorious New Turkey, which would spring to life
again with renewed jingoistic passions and renewed efforts at
emancipation. And more than once—all honour to the feelings of
justice and the sound common sense of those who dared to utter
such opinions—I was told by Germans, in the middle of the war, and
with no attempt at concealment, that they fully agreed it was an
absolute necessity for Russia to have the control of the only outlet
for her enormous trade to the Mediterranean, and that commercially
at any rate the fight for Constantinople and the Straits was a fight
for a just cause.
Now, let us take these two points of view together. From the purely
German standpoint, which is better?—a victorious and self-governing
Turkey imbued with jingoism and the desire for emancipation,
practically closed to us, even commercially, or an amputated Turkey,
compelled to appeal for European help and European capital to
recover from her state of complete exhaustion; a Turkey freed from
those Young Turkish jingoists who, in spite of all their fine phrases
and the German help they had to accept for all their inward distaste
of it, hate us from the very depths of their heart; a Turkey which,
even if Russia,—as a last resort!—is allowed to become mistress of
the Dardanelles with huge international guarantees, would, in the
Anatolia that is left to her, capable of development as it is, and rich
in national wealth, offer a very considerable field of activity for
German enterprise? The short-sighted Pan-Germans, who are now
fighting for the victory of anti-foreign neo-Pan-Turkism against the
modern, civilised States of the Entente, who had no wish at all that
Germany should not fare as well as the rest in the wide domains of
Asiatic Turkey, can perhaps answer my question. They should have
asked themselves this, and foreseen the consequences before they
yielded weakly to Turkish caprices and themselves stirred up the
Turks against Europe.
As things stand now, however, the German Government has thought
fit, in her blind belief in ultimate victory, to enter on a formal treaty,
guaranteeing the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, at a
point in the war when no reasonable being even in Germany could
possibly still believe that a German victory would suffice to protect
Turkey after she has been solemnly condemned by the Entente for
her long list of crimes. Germany has thus given a negative answer to
the question passed from mouth to mouth in the international
district of Pera almost right from Turkey's entry into the war: "Will
Germany, if necessary, sacrifice Constantinople and the Dardanelles,
if she can thus secure peace with Russia?" She had already given
the answer "No" before the absurd illusions of a possible separate
peace with Russia at this price were finally and utterly dispelled by
the speech of the Russian Minister Trepoff, and the purposeful and
cruelly clear refusal of Germany's offer of peace. These events and
the increasing excitement about the war in Constantinople and
elsewhere were not required to show that in the Near East as well
the fight must be fought "to the bitter end."
Never, however—and that is German World-politics, and the ethics of
the World-politician—have I ever heard a single one of those
Germans, who thought it an impossibility to sacrifice their ally Turkey
in order to gain the desired peace, put forward as an argument for
his opinion the shame of a broken promise, but only the
consideration that German activity in the lands of Islam, and
particularly in the valuable Near East, would be over and done with
for ever. I wonder if those who have decided, with the phantom of a
German-Turkish victory ever before them, to go on with the struggle
on the side of Turkey even after she had committed such
abominable crimes, and to drench Europe still further with the blood
of all the civilised nations of the world, ever have any qualms as to
how much of their once brilliant possibilities of commercial activity in
Turkey, now so lightly staked, would still exist were Turkey
victorious.
Luckily for mankind, history has decided otherwise. After the war,
the huge and flourishing trade of Southern Russia will be carried
down to the then open seaports between Europe and Asia; the
wealth of Odessa and the Pontus ports, enormously increased and
free to develop, will be concentrated on the Bosporus and the
Dardanelles, and the whole hitherto neglected city of Constantinople,
from Pera and Galata to Stamboul and Scutari and Haidar-Pasha, will
become an earthly paradise of pulsing life, well-being, and comfort.
The luxury and elegance of the Crimea will move southwards to
these shores of unique natural beauty and mild climate which form
the bridge between two continents and between two seas. Anyone
who returns after a decade of peaceful labour, when the Old World
has recovered from its wounds, to the Bosporus and the shores of
the Sea of Marmora, which he knew before the war, under Turkish
régime, will be astonished at the marvellous changes which will then
have been wrought in that favoured corner of the earth.
Never, even after another hundred years of Turkish rule, would that
unique coast ever have become what it can be and what it must be
—one of the very greatest centres of international intercourse and
the Riviera of the East, not only in beauty of landscape, but in luxury
and wealth. The greatest stress in this connection is to be laid on
the lively Russian impetus that will spring from a modernised Russia,
untrammelled by restrictions in the Straits. Convinced as I am that
Russia after the war will no longer be the Russia of to-day, so feared
by Germany, the Balkan States, and Turkey, I am prepared to give
this impetus full play, as being the best possible means for the
further development of Constantinople.
In Asia Minor, from Brussa to the slopes of the Taurus and the foot
of the Armenian mountains, there will extend a modern Turkey
which has finally come to rest, to concentration, to peaceful labour,
after centuries of conflict, despotic extortion, the suicidal policy of
military adventurers, and superficial attempts at expansion coupled
with neglect of the most important internal duties. The inhabitants
of these lands will soon have forgotten that "Greater Turkey" has
collapsed. They will be really happy at last, these people whose idea
of happiness hitherto had been a veneer of material well-being
obtained by toadying, while the great bulk of the Empire pined in
dirt, ignorance, and poverty, consumed by an outworn militarism,
oppressed by a decaying administration. Then, but not till then, the
world will see what the Turkish people is capable of. Then there will
be no need for pessimism about this kindly and honourable race.
Then we can become honest "Pro-Turks" again.
In Western Asia Minor, Europe will not forget that the whole shore,
where once stood Troy, Ephesus, and Milet, is an out-and-out
Hellenic centre of civilisation. Quite independently of all political
feelings towards present-day Greece, this historical fact must be
taken into consideration in the final ruling. It is to be hoped that the
Greek people will not have to atone for ever for the faults of their
non-Greek king who has forgotten that it is his sacred duty to be a
Greek and nothing but a Greek, and who has betrayed the honour
and the future of the nation.
The Armenian mountain-land, laid waste by war, and emptied of
men by Talaat's passion for persecution, will obtain autonomy from
her conqueror, Russia, and will perhaps be linked up with all the
other parts of the east, inhabited by the last remnants of the
Armenian people. Armenia, with its central position and divided into
three among Turkey, Russia, and Persia, may from its geographical
position, its unfortunate history, and the endless sufferings it has
been called upon to bear, be called the Poland of Further Asia.
Delivered from the Turkish system, freed from all antagonistic Turko-
Russian military principles of obstruction, linked up by railways to
the west as well as the already well-developed region of
Transcaucasia, with a big through trade from the Black Sea via
Trapezunt to Persia and Mesopotamia, it will once more offer an
excellent field of activity to the high intellectual and commercial
abilities of its people, now, alas! scattered to the four winds of
heaven. But they will return to their old home, bringing with them
European ideas, European technique, and the most modern methods
from America.
If men are lacking, they can be obtained from the near Caucasus
with its narrow, over-filled valleys, inhabited by a most superior race
of men, who have always had strong emigrating instincts. Even this
most unfortunate country in the whole world, which the Turks of the
Old Régime and of the New have systematically mutilated and at last
bequeathed to Russia with practically not a man left, is going to
have its spring-time.
In the south, Great Arabia and Syria will have autonomy under the
protection of England and France with their skilful Islam policy; they
will have the benefit of the approved methods of progressive work in
Egypt, the Soudan, and India as well as the Atlas lands; they will be
exposed to the influences and incitements of the rest of civilised
Europe; they will probably be enriched with capital from America,
where thousands of Arab and Syrian, as well as Armenian, refugees
have found a home; they will provide the first opportunity in history
of showing how the Arab race accommodates itself to modern
civilisation on its own ground and with its own sovereign
administration. The final deliverance of the Arabs from the
oppressive and harmful supremacy of the Turks, now happily
accomplished by the war, was one of the most urgent demands for a
race that can look back on centuries of brilliant civilisation. The
civilised world will watch with the keenest interest the self-
development of the Arabian lands.
Even Germany, once she is at peace, will have no need to grumble
at these arrangements, however diametrically opposed they may be
to the now sadly shattered plans of the Pan-German and Expansion
politicians. Germany will not lose the countless millions she has
invested in Turkey. She will have her full and sufficient share in the
European work and commercial activity that will soon revive again in
the Near East. The Baghdad railway of "Rohrbach & Company" will
never be built, it is true; but the Baghdad Railway with a loyal
international marking off of the different zones of interest, the
Baghdad Railway, as a huge artery of peaceful intercourse linking up
the whole of Asia Minor and bringing peace and commercial
prosperity, will all the more surely rise from its ruins. And when once
the German Weltpolitik with its jealousy, its tactless, sword-rattling
interference in the time-honoured vital interests of other States, its
political intrigues disguised in commercial dress, is safely dead and
buried, there will be nothing whatever to hinder Germany from
making use of this railway and carrying her purely commercial
energy and the products of her peaceful labour to the shores of the
Persian Gulf and receiving in return the rich fruits of her cultural
activity on the soil of Asia Minor.
APPENDIX
For the better understanding of the fact that a German journalist,
the representative of a great national paper like the Kölnische
Zeitung, could publish such a book as this, and to ward off in
advance all the furious personal attacks which will result from its
publication, and which might, without an explanation, injuriously
affect its value as an independent and uninfluenced document, it is,
I think, essential to explain the rôle I filled in Constantinople, how I
left Turkey, and how I came to the decision to publish my
experiences.
As far as my post on the Kölnische Zeitung is concerned, I accepted
it and went to Turkey although I was from the very beginning
against German "World-politics" of the present-day style at any rate
(not against German commercial and cultural activity in foreign
countries) and against militarism—as was only to be expected from
one who had studied colonial politics and universal history
unreservedly, and had spent many years studying in the English,
French, and German colonies of Africa—and although I was quite
convinced that Germany's was the crime of setting the war in
motion. Besides, my "anti-militarism" is not of a dogmatic kind, but
refers merely to the relations customary between civilised nations—
witness the fact that I took part in the Colonial War of 1904-6 in
German South-West Africa as a volunteer.
I hoped to find in Turkey some satisfaction for my extra-European
leanings, a sphere of labour less absorbed by German militarism,
and opportunity for independent study, and surely no one will take it
amiss that I seized such a chance, certainly unique in war-time, in
spite of my political views.
Once arrived in Turkey, I kept well in the background to begin with,
so as to be able to form my own opinion, of course doing my
uttermost at the same time to be loyal to the task I had undertaken.
In spite of everything I had to witness, it was quite easy to reconcile
all oppositions, until that famous day when my wife denounced
Germany to my face. From that moment I became an enemy of
present-day Germany and began to think of one day publishing the
whole truth about the system. Until then I had contented myself
with never saying a good word about the war, as one can easily find
for oneself from a perusal of my various articles in the Kölnische
Zeitung during 1915-16, dated from Constantinople and marked (a
small steamship).
That dramatic event which finally alienated me from the German
cause took place just after the end of a severe crisis in my
relationship with German-Turkish Headquarters. Some slight hints I
had given of Turkish mismanagement, cynicism, and jingoism in a
series of articles appearing from February 15th, 1916, onwards,
under the title "Turkish Economic Problems," so far as they were
possible under existing censorship conditions, was the occasion of
the trouble. One can imagine that Headquarters would certainly be
furious with a journalist whose articles appeared one fine day,
literally translated, in the Matin under the title: "Situation
insupportable en Turquie, décrite par un journaliste allemand"
("Insufferable situation in Turkey, described by a German
journalist"), and cropped up once more on June 1st, in the Journal
des Balcans, I was three times over threatened with dismissal. My
paper sent a confidential man to hold an inquiry, and after a month
he made a confidential report, which resulted in my being allowed to
remain. But the fact that the same journalist that wrote such things
was married to a Czech was too much for my colleagues, who were
in part in the pay of the Embassy, in part in the pay of the Young
Turkish Committee, whose politics they praised, regardless of their
own inward convictions, like the representative of the Berliner
Tageblatt, to get material benefit or make sure of their own jobs. I
gleaned many humorous details at a nightly sitting of my Press
colleagues in Pera, at which I myself was branded as a "dangerous
character that must be got rid of," and my wife (who was far too
young ever to worry about politics) as a "Russian spy"—perhaps
because, with the justifiable pride and reserve of her race, she did
not attempt to cultivate the society of the German colony. That
began the period of intrigues and ill-will, but my enemies did not
succeed in damaging me, although matters went so far as a
denunciation of me before the "Prevention of Espionage
Department" of the General Staff in Berlin. My paper, after they had
given me the fullest moral satisfaction, and had arranged for me to
remain in Constantinople in spite of all that had taken place, thought
it was better to give me the chance of changing and offered me a
new post on the editorial staff elsewhere.
However, I was now quite finished with Germany, or rather with its
politics; it would have been a moral impossibility for me to write
another single word in the editorial line; so I refused the offer and
applied for sick-leave from October 1st, 1916, to the end of the war
(by telegram about the middle of August). It was granted me with
an expression of regret.
Arrived in Switzerland (February 7th, 1917), I severed all connection
with my paper by mutual consent from October 1st, 1916, onwards.
After my resignation, no special editorial representative of the
Kölnische Zeitung was appointed to take my place, as the censorship
made any kind of satisfactory work impossible.
I should like to emphasise the fact that the intrigues against me, the
crisis with Headquarters I have just mentioned, and my departure
from Constantinople did not injure me in any way either morally or
financially, and have nothing whatever to do with the present
publication. It is certainly not any petty annoyance that could bring
me to such an action, which will probably entail more than enough
unpleasant consequences for me. The reproaches levelled against
me by my pushing, jingoistic colleagues were as impotent as their
attempts to get rid of me as "dangerous to the German Cause"; I
have written proof of this from my paper in my hand, and also of the
fact that it was of my own free-will that I retired. I can therefore
look forward quite calmly to all the personal invective that is sure to
be showered on me for political reasons.
I had sufficient independent means not to feel the loss of my post in
Constantinople too keenly; and if I still kept my post after the
beginning of the crisis with Headquarters, it was simply and solely so
that as a newspaper correspondent I might be in possession of fuller
information, and able to follow up as long as possible the
developments that were taking place on that most interesting soil of
Turkey. When that was no longer possible, I refused the post offered
me in Cologne—in fact twice, once by letter and once by telegram—
for I could not pretend to opinions I directly opposed. I therefore
remained as a free-lance in the Turkish capital. I was extremely glad
that the difference of opinion ended as it did, for I had at last a free
hand to say and write what I thought and felt.
My stay in Constantinople for a further three months as a silent
observer naturally did not escape the notice of the German
authorities, and after they had reported to the Foreign Office that a
"satisfactory co-operation between me and the German
representatives was not longer possible," they had of course to
discover some excuse for putting an end to my prolonged stay in
Turkey. They finally attempted to get rid of me by calling me up for
military duty again. But this was useless in my case, for my health
had been badly shaken by my spell at the Front at the beginning of
the war, and besides I had the doctor's word for it that I should
never be able to stand the German climate after having lived so long
in the Tropics.
Whether they liked it or not, the authorities had to find some other
means of getting me out of Constantinople. The Consul-General
approached me, after he had discussed the matter with the
Ambassador, to see if I would not like to go to Switzerland to get
properly cured; otherwise he was sure I would be turned out by the
Turks. They were evidently afraid, for I was getting more and more
into bad odour with the German authorities for my ill-concealed
opinions, that I would publish my impressions, with documentary
support, as soon as ever there was a change of government in
Turkey, or as soon as the German censorship was removed and
anything of the kind was possible. They apparently thought that the
frontier regulations would be quite sufficient to prevent my taking
any documentary evidence with me to Switzerland.
As a matter of fact this was the case, and the day before my
departure from Constantinople I carefully burned the whole of my
many notes, which would have produced a much more effective
indictment against the moral sordidness of the German-Young
Turkish system than these very general sketches. But the strictest
frontier regulations could not prevent me from taking with me, free
of all censorship, the impressions I had received in Turkey, and the
opinions I had arrived at after a painful battle for loyalty to myself as
a German and to the duties I had undertaken. Even then I had
considerable difficulty in getting across the frontier, and I had to wait
seventeen whole days at the frontier before I was finally allowed into
Switzerland. It was only owing to the fact that I sent a telegram to
the Chancellor, on the authority of the Consul-General in
Constantinople, begging that no difficulties of a political kind might
be placed in the way of my going to Switzerland, as I had been
permitted to do so by medical certificate, the passport authorities
and the local command, that I finally won my point with the frontier
authorities and was permitted to cross into Switzerland.
To tell the truth, I must admit that the high civil authorities, and
particularly the Foreign Office, treated me throughout most kindly
and courteously. For this one reason I had a hard fight with myself,
right up to the very last, even after I arrived in Switzerland, before I
sat down and wrote out my impressions and opinions of German-
Turkish politics. And if I have now finally decided to make them
public, I can only do so with an expression of the most honest regret
that my private and political conscience has not allowed me to
requite the kindness of the authorities by keeping silent about what I
saw of the German and Turkish system.
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