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English Grammar
for Today

A New Introduction

Second Edition

Geoffrey Leech
Margaret Deuchar
Robert Hoogenraad

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© Geoffrey Leech, Margaret Deuchar, Robert Hoogenraad, 1982, 2006
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of
this publication may be made without written permission.
No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or
transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with
the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988,
or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying
issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court
Road, London W1T 4LP.
Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this
publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil
claims for damages.
The authors have asserted their rights to be identified
as the authors of this work in accordance with the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First edition published 1982
Second edition published 2006 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010
Companies and representatives throughout the world
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave
Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.
Macmillan is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom
and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European
Union and other countries.
ISBN-13: 978-14039-1641-9 hardback
ISBN-10: 1-4039-1641-1 hardback
ISBN-13: 978-1-4039-1642-6 paperback
ISBN-10: 1-4039-1642-X paperback
This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from
fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and
manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental
regulations of the country of origin.
A catalogue record for this book is available
from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Leech, Geoffrey N.
English grammar for today: a new introduction / Geoffrey Leech, Margaret
Deuchar, Robert Hoogenraad.—2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-4039-1641-1 (hardcover)—ISBN 1—4039-1642-X (pbk.)
1. English language—Grammar. I. Deuchar, M. (Margaret) II. Hoogenraad,
Robert. III. Title.
PE1112.L426 2005 2005050382
MO) ESA et
1S 14 13 2 LiL uy 08
Printed and bound in China
Contents

Foreword

Preface
Symbols and conventions
Acknowledgements

Part A
Introduction

1 What Grammar Is and Is Not

1.1 Grammar and its role in language
1.2. ‘Good’ and ‘bad’ grammar
1.3. Variation in language
1.4 English and other languages
1.5 Grammar and effective communication
1.6 Conclusion
Exercises

2 Getting Started with Grammar

2.1 Grammar in prose literature
2.2 Grammar in poetry
2.3. A taste of morphology: the structure of words
2.4 Simple and complex words
2.5 Derivational and inflectional suffixes
2.6 — Summary: the main points of English morphology
Exercises

Part B
Analysis

3 Sentences and Their Parts

3.1. Prologue: parts of speech
3.2. The hierarchy of units
3.3. Grammatical notations
3.4 Using tests
3.5 Form and function
3.6 Summary
Exercises
vi CONTENTS

4 Words
4.1. Open and closed word classes
4.2. The open classes
4.3 Closed word classes
4.4 Summary
Exercises

5 Phrases
5.1. Classes of phrase
5.2. Main and subordinate phrases
5.3. Noun phrases and related phrase classes
5.4 The adjective phrase and the adverb phrase
5.5 The verb phrase (VP)
5.6 Summary
Exercises

6 Clauses
6.1 Elements of the clause
6.2 Complex sentences
6.3. Tensed and tenseless clauses
6.4 Declarative, interrogative and imperative clauses
6.5 Active and passive clauses
6.6 More on clause structure
6.7 Clause patterns
6.8 The structure of tenseless clauses
6.9 Parsing a simple sentence
6.10 Summary
Exercises

7 Subordination and Coordination

7.1. Subordinate clauses (SCI)
7.2 Tensed subordinate clauses
7.3. The functions of subordinate clauses
7.4 Tenseless subordinate clauses
7.5 Direct and indirect subordination
7.6 Skeleton analysis
7.7 Coordination
7.8 Summary and conclusion
Exercises

8 Basic and Derived Structures

8.1 Constituent structure grammar
8.2. Basic and derived structures
8.3. ‘Missing’ elements
8.4 Split constituents
8.5 ‘Double analysis’
 CONTENTS vii
ed
SE

8.6 Back to parsing 133

8.7. Style and structure-changing rules 134
8.8 Summary and conclusion 17
Exercises 137,

Part C
Applications 139

9 Working with Discourse: Speech and Writing 141

9.1 Introduction 141
9.2 Speech and writing: which comes first? 141
9.3. Functions of writing and speech 142
9.4 The form of speech and writing 143
9.5 Linguistic characteristics of speech and writing 144
9.6 An analysis of spoken and written discourse iI
9.7 Conclusion 154
Exercises 154

10 Working with Discourse: Tenor and Domain 156

10.1 Introduction 156
10:25 Tenor 156
10.3. Tenor and discourse 159
10.4 Domain 162
10.5 Domain and discourse 164
10.6 Combining categories of use 166
Exercises ; 168

11. Working with Literary Discourse 172

11.1 How to analyse style 172.
11.2 Illustrative extract 179
11.3. Outline analysis (with questions for further study) 180
11.4 Further illustrative extracts for discussion 181
Exercises 182

184
12 Grammar and Problems of Usage
12.1 Opinions about grammar 184
12.2 Prescriptive ‘rules’ 185
12.3. The priests of usage 186
12.4 Problems of personal pronouns 187
The problem of number concord 190
12.5
12.6 The problem of the generic masculine 191,
12.7. Problems of ellipsis 1h
12.8 Dangling tenseless clauses 192
Conclusion 194
12.9
194
Exercises
viii CONTENTS

13. Grammar and composition 196

13.1. Grammar and writing 196
13.2. ‘Make your language easy to follow’ 196
13,3. “Be cheart 201
13.4 ‘Be economical’ 202
13.5 ‘Be clear but concise’: clarity versus economy 203
13.6 ‘Be effective’ 205
Exercises 206

Answers to Exercises 209

Notes 228
Further Reading 230
Index 233
Foreword to the
Second Fdition

The well-deserved success of the First Edition of English Grammar for Today
among a wide audience of students and teachers has occasioned its timely
publication in an updated and expanded version. Perhaps more than ever,
with the internationalisation of English and the expansion of its literatures,
all scholars of the language tequire a clear and knowledgeable guide to the
complexities and nuances of the grammar in both its spoken and written
forms. There can be no better introduction than this; no authors more expert
and practised in delivering a clear and authoritative account of the language.
Cognisant of the needs of the reader, the authors have added a chapter with
an exemplary explanation of the roles and terminology of English grammar.
The clarity and detail of Chapter 2 makes it a landmark in accessible
introductions to grammar. In addition, taking into account the numerous
significant changes in the evolution, employment and functions of English
throughout the world, the authors have incorporated new and _ useful
discussions of the globalisation of English and its usage in electronic forms of
discourse. These accounts will prove invaluable for assessing the role of
English in current-day communications. Throughout the book, examples
employed in illustrating points, and references given, have also been
thoroughly revised, making this one of the most valuable and pertinent
textbooks available.
There can be little doubt that this edition of English Grammar for Today
responds superbly to the requirements of contemporary students and scholars
alike, and is of very significant value in understanding, describing and
appreciating English in all its varied forms. The English Association is
delighted by the book’s publication in this revised version, and is immensely
grateful to the authors for their achievement in enhancing this already
excellent book for new audiences worldwide.

PROFESSOR ELAINE TREHARNE

President of the English Association
Preface

After being in print for over twenty years, the first edition of this book was
beginning to lose its entitlement to be called English Grammar for Today. It
was time to prepare a new edition, bringing the book up to date, and taking
account of what we have learned over the intervening decades. The result is a
thoroughly revised and updated book that is proud of its title once more!
It is interesting, though, to trace what has been happening to grammar
education during this period. While the teaching of English grammar has
remained in high demand, students and teachers have continued to have a
‘love-hate’ relation with the subject. As David Crystal argues:
In the past few years, the study of grammar, in an educational context, has
come of age. From being a topic of marginal interest, beloved by a few,
hated by many, and ignored by most, it has moved into the centre of
pedagogical attention. You may still love it, or hate it, but you can no
longer ignore it. (Crystal, Making Sense of Grammar, 2004)
In the UK, grammar has become part of the National Curriculum for primary
and secondary education, whereas back in 1982 it was a neglected subject. In
his preface to the first edition of English Grammar for Today Geoffrey
Harlow of the English Association made clear the feeling many educated
people had at that time: that a whole tradition of grammatical knowledge
was on the wane and that grammar had to be reborn. There was a musty,
dry-as-dust tradition, which in our preface we described as a spectre haunting
‘our collective consciousness in the form of a Victorian schoolmaster instilling
guilty feelings about split infinitives and dangling participles’.
That tradition has now largely disappeared: it has passed into history,
along with the Victorian schoolmaster. There has emerged instead a new
consciousness of the importance of grammar as a key part of language
education. Yet many students and, indeed, teachers still find it difficult to
engage seriously with the intellectual content of grammar. It is often felt to be
too analytic, and ‘difficult’ in the way mathematics is assumed to be.
In contrast, our feeling, based on years of teaching, is that the intellectual
challenge is part of what makes grammar rewarding. The important point is
that the analytic part of grammar education cannot be separated from the
study of its communicative function.
Again, as Crystal puts it, “Grammar is the study of how sentences mean’, or
more explicitly, ‘Grammar is the structural foundation of our ability to
express ourselves’ (Crystal, Making Sense of Grammar, 2004, p. 9). In this
book we take care to provide an overall treatment of grammar in the context
of communication, and especially the ability of grammar to explain and
promote the successful and effective use of language.
x
 PREFACE xi

The purpose, structure and content of English

Grammar for Today
This book has a multiple purpose. It is primarily designed as a coursebook for
students at the top secondary levels and the initial tertiary levels (especially
first-year university students), but it is also adapted to the needs of teachers
interested in applying an up-to-date approach to grammar, or of anybody
keen to catch up with a subject taking on new importance in the educational
system.
Ironically, although this book originated to meet a specific need in a British
educational context, it was found to be more in demand in countries outside
the UK, including countries where English is a second or foreign language. In
the new edition we have taken care to address this wider international
educational audience.
Some of the book is devoted to the correcting of preconceptions. Part A
(Introduction) is meant to provide a fresh orientation: dispelling myths, and
seeking to justify a new recognition of the value of grammar in present-day
education. Here, also, in the second chapter, as a gentle introduction to
grammar for the student unfamiliar with the basic concepts, we introduce
some of them by applying them to the structure of words: morphology. Part B
(Analysis), the main part of the book, presents a method for describing the
grammatical structure of sentences. Part C (Applications) shows how this
method of analysis can be used in the study of discourse and style in their
broadest senses, including the development of written language skills.
The system of grammatical analysis introduced in Part B is based on that
found in Randolph Quirk et al., A Comprehensive Grammar of the English
Language (1985), and its adaptations for student use in Greenbaum and
Quirk, A Student’s Grammar of the English Language (1990) and Leech and
Svartvik, A Communicative Grammar of English (3rd edn, 2002). It is a
framework that has been widely adopted in the study of English around the
world: it makes informal use of modern developments in linguistics, but does
not depart without good reason from traditional terms and categories that we
can consider a common cultural heritage. Naturally, at this foundation level,
the framework has to be considerably simplified. ‘Grammar’, for our
purpose, is defined in a narrow sense for which nowadays the term ‘syntax’ is
sometimes used. It means roughly ‘the rules for constructing sentences out of
words’, but it takes account of how words are structured, what words and
sentences mean, and how they are used in communication.
We provide exercises at the end of each chapter, but their function in each
part is somewhat different. For Part A the exercises are meant to encourage
students’ interest as well as some new thinking about grammar. In Part B the
exercises are much more fully integrated into the learning process: students
need to test and consolidate their understanding of the system by doing the
exercises as they progress. In Part C the exercises in Chapters 9-13 invite the
student to try out the system of grammatical analysis on different varieties
and uses of English. Here grammar is related to other levels of language, such
x PREFACE

as meaning and vocabulary, as part of the total functioning of language as a

communication system.
The book is designed to be used as a coursebook: each chapter providing
one or two weeks’ work, though the exercises are varied in form and purpose.
Most of the exercises consist of problems with more or less definite answers,
and in these cases answers are given at the back of the book (pp. 209-27). But
some exercises — mainly those in chapters 9-11 — are open-ended tasks to
which no answers can be given. The exercises which have answers provided
are recognizable by ‘answers on p. ...’ alongside the heading. Students using
the book for private study will gain considerable feedback, while teachers
using the book as a class book will find enough material for week-by-week
preparation and discussion, in addition to the exercises which students can
check for themselves.
Following the answers to the exercises, we list books and articles for
further reading (on pp. 230-2). The list is alphabetical but the publications
are also listed by topic.
Although the book does not include a glossary of technical terms, the
function of a glossary can be matched by careful use of the index, where
technical terms of grammar are listed alphabetically, together with the pages
on which they are introduced and explained.

Changes from the first edition

Those familiar with the first edition of English Grammar for Today should
have little difficulty adapting to this new edition. Here are the main areas of
change:

m To ease the introduction to grammar for those unfamiliar with the subject,
we have added a new Chapter 2, ‘Getting Started with Grammar’,
incorporating some of the material from Chapter 1 of the original edition.
One consequence of this is to equalize the length of the chapters: all the
chapters in the book are now roughly of equal length, a major advantage if
it is being used as a classroom coursebook. Another consequence, less
fortunate, is that the numbers of all the chapters following Chapter 2 are
increased by one. Thus Chapter 2 of the first edition becomes Chapter 3 of
the new edition, and so on. The subsections of each of these chapters,
however, remain the same, so that (for example) section 2.5 of the first
edition becomes section 3.5 of the new edition, section 7.3.4 becomes
section 8.3.4, and
so on. In this way, it will be easy to match chapters and
sections of the old edition to equivalent chapters and sections of the new
edition.
™ The language of explanation has been simplified where possible.
m We have used many new examples, often from authentic sources in spoken
and written corpora of the language. These examples have been simplified
or adapted where necessary.
 PREFACE xiii

m While the system of grammatical analysis remains almost entirely the same
as that of the first edition, we have simplified notation to some extent, and
have made more use of tree diagrams, which students tend to find easier
than labelled bracketing notation. In two cases we have made a change of
terminology. We have used the term TENSED instead of FINITE and the
term TENSELESS instead of NON-FINITE, with reference to verbs and
verb phrases. This change is made because ‘finite’ and ‘non-finite’,
although traditional, are not transparent terms for a student today.
“Tensed’ and ‘tenseless’, on the other hand, are increasingly used, and have
the merit of naming the major defining criterion of the classes they refer to.
The other change is to replace ‘transformation’ in Chapter 8 by ‘structure-
changing rule’.
m™ We have updated some of the extended passages and accompanying
discussions of register varation in Chapters 9 and 10 by substituting more
recent passages. We have also given some attention to new electronic
modes of communication, such as e-mail.
m Chapter 12, on problems of usage, has also been adapted to changing
habits and issues of English grammatical usage. For example, the debate
about I will and I shall referring to the future is largely irrelevant today, as
the use of shall has become increasingly infrequent.

We hardly need to add that the final sections of the book — the answers,
further reading and index — have been thoroughly revised, to match the needs
of the new edition.
Acknowledgement: Geoffrey Leech records his gratitude to Mick Short, his
colleague at Lancaster, for his comments on the first edition; and to first-year
students at the University of Wales, Bangor, in 2003 and 2004, for following
this coursebook with apparent enthusiasm in trying out new materials in
preparation for the second edition.

Lancaster, England GEOFFREY LEECH

in association with
MARGARET DEUCHAR
and ROBERT HOOGENRAAD
 Symbols and Conventions

The sections where the symbol or convention is first introduced, and where
the grammatical category is most fully discussed, are here shown in brackets.

Labels

Function labels

A Adverbial (4.2.4; 6.1.3) Main verb (3.5.3; 5.5)

Aux Auxiliary verb (3.5.3; 5.5) Object (3.5.2; 6.1.2)
C Complement (4.2.3; 6.1.2) Direct object (6.6)
Co Object complement (6.6) Indirect object (6.6)
Cs Subject complement (4.2.3; Predicator (3.5.2; 6.1.1)
6.6) Subject (3.5.2; 6.1.1)
H Head’(3%5.3; 5:1) Vocative (6.6)
M (Pre- or post-)modifier
(3,o09h0 01)

Form labels

AC] Adverbial clause (7.1.1; Noun (3.5.1; 4.2.1)

Ueto) Noun clause (7.1.1; 7.2.1)
Aj Adjective (3.5.1; 4.2.3) Noun phrase (3.5.1; 5.3.1)
AjP Adjective phrase (3.5.1; 3
5.4.1) Prepositional clause (7.2.5)
Av Adverb (3.5.1; 4.2.4) Phrase (3.2; Chap. 5)
AvP Adverb phrase (3.5.1; 5.4.2) Pronoun (4.1; 4.3.2; 5.3.2)
Cel Comparative clause (7.2.4) Prepositional phrase (3.5.1;
Cj (Subordinating or Sos)
coordinating) conjunction Relative clause (7.2.3)
(4.1; 4.3.5) Genitive marker (5.1; 5.3.4)
Cl Clause (3.2; Chap. 6) (for Subordinate clause (6.2;
Cli, Cling, Clen, see below) Au)
d Determiner (4.1; 4.3.1; Sentence (3.2)
eore) Verb (3.5.1; 4.2.2) (used for
Enumerator (4.1; 4.3.3) full-verb or operator-verb)
Genitive phrase (5.1; 5.3.4) Operator-verb (4.1; 4.3.6)
Interjection (4.1; 4.3.7) Verb phrase (3.5.1; 5.5)
Main clause (6.2) Word (3.2)
 SYMBOLS AND CONVENTIONS xv

Composite labels
Cl, ACI, CCl, NCI and RCI combine with i, ing, en to form composite labels
for tenseless clause types:
Cli Infinitive clause
Cling ing-clause (6.8; for AClen, NCli, etc., see 7.4)
Clen en-clause

V combines with 0, s, ed, i, ing, en to form composite labels for tensed and
tenseless verb forms:
Vo Present tense or base form
Vs Third-person singular present tense form (4.2.2, 4.3.6, 5.5.1)
Ved Past tense form
Vi Infinitive (5.5.1)
Ving __ing- (or present) participle \ (4.2.2, 4.3.6, 5.5.1)
Ven _ en- (or past) participle

Specialized labels
The following symbols are used, mainly in 5.5, for subclasses of Aux and v:
Aux: Mod Modal (5.5) v: be Primary verb to be (4.3.6; 5.5)
Pass Passive voice (5.5) do ‘Dummy’ verb do (5.5; 5.5.2)
Prog Progressive aspect hv Primary verb to have (4.3.6;
(5.5) 55)
Perf Perfective aspect m Modal verb (4.3.6; 5.5)
(oe)

The following particles (4.3.8) are used as their own labels:

it ‘empty’ subject it (8.7.1) there ‘existential’ there (8.7.2)
not clause negation marker to infinitive marker (4.4)
(4.4)

Brackets and other separators

[ around clauses
(3.3.1)
( around phrases
— separates word constituents (3.3.1)
( encloses two or more coordinates (7.7)
{ ~~
V~—
encloses an optional constituent: one that can be omitted (3.4.4)
. links interrupted constituents of a unit (6.1.3): e.g. (Is (he) kidding)?
EEE

Labelling
An asterisk (*) precedes an ungrammatical construction (3.5.1).
Form labels (3.5.1) have an initial capital for open classes, and lower case
for closed classes. They are written as subscripts before the opening bracket
or before the word: Np(pn You!).
xvi SYMBOLS AND CONVENTIONS

Function labels (3.5.2) are in italics in the text; when writing them, use
underlining: e.g. use S for $. They are written as superscripts before the
opening bracket or before the word: "%(You!).
Function plus form labels (4.2.1, 4.3.8): the function label is written above
Voc (pn
the form label: NP (H Y Ou!).

Skeleton analysis (7.6)

The plus symbol + stands for the coordinating conjunction in linked
coordination (7.7).
The comma is used between coordinates in unlinked coordination (7.7.1).

Tree diagrams (3.3.2)

See 6.9 on how to build up a fully labelled tree diagram.

Use of italic, bold and capitals

Italic type is used for examples of language quoted or cited in the text, as in:
‘The single word Fire can be a complete sentence’. Italics are also used for the
titles of books, and for drawing attention to particular words or expressions
in a displayed example, e.g. ‘The early train arrived early’.
CAPITALS are used for technical or grammatical terms, where these are
introduced and/or explained, as in: ‘The smallest units of grammar are
known as MORPHEMES.’
Bold type is used for other kinds of emphasis, with the aim of drawing your
attention to particular words or expressions which are more important in the
context than others, as: ‘Which of the following nouns are count nouns and
which are mass nouns?’
When a sentence is quoted in italics, bold italic is sometimes used to
highlight particular words in the sentence for your attention, as in: ‘The cook
doesn’t actually cook the meal’.
Acknowledgements

The authors and publishers wish to thank the following for permission to use
copyright material: British Broadcasting Corporation for extracts from
Newsbeat, BBC Radio 1, 13.8.04 [bbc.co.uk/radiol/news/main_news/
main.shtml] and BBC Sport, Radio 4, 13.8.04 [news.bbc.co.uk/sport1/hi/
olympics_2004/; Church House Publishing for the Confession from Common
Worship: Services and Prayers for the Church of England; Copyright © The
Archbishops’ Council, 2000; IATA for extracts from the IATA Passenger
Ticket and Baggage Check; NI Syndication Ltd for an extract from ‘Robbie
Dumps Rachel: Superstar “‘too paranoid’’’, the Sun, 13.2.03; Oxford
University Computing Services for extracts from the British National Corpus;
Pet Mate Ltd for an extract from information supplied to purchasers of a pet
door; Sony UK for an extract from an advertisement for the Sony Cybershot
digital camera; Trainline.com Ltd for an extract from a telephone dialogue
between a customer and a railway ticketing service; Vauxhall Motors Ltd for
extracts from 1980 press and television advertisements for the Vauxhall
Chevette car; David McKee for the letter on p. 157.
Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders but if any have
been inadvertently overlooked the publishers will be pleased to make the
necessary arrangement at the first opportunity.
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Introduction
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What Grammar
Is and Is Not

|.1 Grammar and its role in language

It is important from the outset to be clear about what we mean by the term
GRAMMAR in this book. Many people think of grammar as a rather boring
school subject which has little use in real life. They may have come across the
concept in learning languages like French or Latin, in English composition, or
in the explanations of teachers as to what is ‘good’ or ‘bad’ grammar. So
grammar is often associated in people’s minds with one of the following
ideas: a dead language such as Latin, learning how to write ‘properly’, or
learning what ‘good English’ is. None of these ideas about grammar is
completely wrong, but collectively they give quite the wrong picture of what
grammar is about and what grammar is for.
In this book we use the term ‘grammar’ to refer to the mechanism by which
language works when we communicate with other people. We cannot see
grammar concretely, because it is represented rather abstractly in the human
mind, but we know it is there because it works. One way of describing
grammar is as a set of rules which allow us to put words together in certain
ways, but not in other ways. At some level, speakers of a language must know
these rules; otherwise they would not be able to put words together in a
meaningful way.
Even if they have never heard of the word ‘grammar’ all native speakers of
English (i.e. those who have learned English as their first language) know at
least unconsciously that adjectives are placed before nouns in English. You
would get unanimous agreement among English speakers that The blue book
is on the table (where blue is an adjective, book a noun) is a possible sentence,
whereas The book blue is on the table is not.
If we study the grammar of our native language, then we are trying to make
explicit the knowledge of the language that we already have. We might do
this out of pure curiosity as to how language works, but we might also find
the knowledge useful for other purposes. We might wish to teach English to
foreign language speakers, for example, or work out how a foreign language

3
4 PART A: INTRODUCTION
SS ee ee

is different from our own. Or we might want to work out how the language
of poetry or advertising makes an impact on us, or learn to criticise and
improve our own style of writing.
So far we have said crudely that grammar is a way of putting words
together, but we have said little about sound or meaning. We can think of
grammar as being a central part of language, which relates sound and
meaning. The meaning of any message conveyed by language has to be
converted into words put together according to grammatical rules, and these
words are then conveyed by sound. The term PHONOLOGY is often used to
mean the system of sounds in a language, and SEMANTICS, the system of
meaning. However, in this book we will be concerned mainly with the central
component of language, GRAMMAR, which relates phonology and
semantics, or sound and meaning. The relationship between the three
components is represented in Figure 1.1.

Figure |.1

So meanings are conveyed, via grammar, in sound; but what about

writing? One of the ideas which many people have about grammar is that it
has to do with the written language. The word ‘grammar’ in fact goes back
to the Greek gramma, meaning ‘something written, a letter of the alphabet’,
but although statements about the origin of words such as this may be
interesting historically, we cannot rely on them to tell us the current meaning
of the word, as meanings change in time. Traditionally, grammar did have to
do with the written language, especially the Latin language, which continued
to be studied and used in its written form long after it had ceased to be
generally spoken. But the written form of a language is really only secondary
to its spoken form, which developed first. Children learn to speak before
they learn to write. Whereas they learn to speak naturally, without tuition,
from the language they hear around them, they have to be taught to write —
that is, to convert their speech into a written or secondary form. Yet writing
performs an extraordinarily important function in our culture (see
Chapter 9), and in this book we view grammar as a mechanism for
producing both speech and writing. We can now modify our previous
diagram, as shown in Figure 1.2.

Phonology or
Semantics }*——+; Grammar
writing systems

Figure 1.2
 WHAT GRAMMAR IS AND IS NOT 5

1.2 ‘Good’ and ‘bad’ grammar

The value terms ‘good’ and ‘bad’ do not apply to ‘grammar’ in the way in
which we are using that term in this book. If we view grammar as a set of
rules which describe how we use language, the rules themselves are neither
good nor bad, though they might be described well or badly in a description
of how the language works.
Linguists who write grammars are concerned with describing how the
language works rather than dictating, or prescribing, how it should be used.
So if it is common for people to use sentences such as Me and Kim are good
friends, then descriptive grammar has to allow for this type of sentence in its
rules. People concerned with prescription, however, might consider this to be
an example of ‘bad grammar’, and might suggest that Kim and I are good
friends would be a better sentence. But what is considered better or worse is
of no concern to a descriptive linguist in writing a grammar that accounts for
the way people actually use language. If people are communicating effectively
with language, then they must be following rules, even if those rules are not
universally approved. So the role of the linguist is similar to the role of the
anthropologist who, if asked to describe a particular culture’s eating habits,
would be expected to do so without expressing a personal opinion as to what
they should be like. The latter would be a prescriptive approach. It is
probably more difficult, though, to avoid being prescriptive when dealing
with our own culture. As speakers of their native language, many people have
ideas or prescriptive notions about how it should be used. Nevertheless, we
should be able to separate the expression of our own or other people’s
opinions from the activity of describing actual observed language behaviour.
Although the focus of this book is to be on descriptive grammar, we have
to recognise the existence of prescriptive rules, such as the ‘rule’ that says we
should avoid phrases beginning with Me and at the beginning of a sentence.
(This ‘rule’ was broken in the example quoted above — Me and Kim are good
friends.) Prescriptive rules are clearly not grammatical rules in the same sense
as descriptive rules, so it might be appropriate to call them rules of
grammatical appropriateness. Then we can see that what some people call
‘bad grammar’ is something like ‘bad manners’, i.e. it is something you might
want to avoid doing, if you wished to give a good impression. Some people
consider it bad manners to put one’s elbows on the table while eating and yet,
from a descriptive point of view, it occurs rather often. All the same, people
who eat regularly at home with their elbows on the table might avoid doing it
at a formal dinner party, simply because it would not be fitting behaviour in
such a setting. Similarly, there are occasions when being on one’s best
linguistic behaviour means obeying rules (e.g. saying or writing Kim and I
rather than Me and Kim) which one would not normally adhere to in private
conversation.
For a moment, let’s go back to the anthropologist studying social customs.
In some societies it is famously considered ‘good form’ for an invited guest to
burp appreciatively after eating. But in other societies a burp, whether
appreciative or not, is avoided as a faux pas. The anthropologist would not
6 PART A: INTRODUCTION

try to judge which of these two habits is the ‘correct one’. Instead, his or her
job would be simply to describe such different attitudes and patterns of
behaviour. Hence anthropologists can even be descriptive in giving an
account of prescriptive norms. And the same is true of grammarians.
This leads to the point that, as well as knowing the grammatical rules of a
language, its speakers also have to know how to use the language
appropriately, and this often involves a choice between different options
associated with different LANGUAGE VARIETIES.

1.3 Variation in language

1.3.1 Introduction

Taking a rigidly prescriptive approach to language, we might suggest that

there was just one, ‘correct’ form of the language that everyone should use.
We might recognise that not everyone speaks this ‘correct’ form of the
language, but we would describe any other form as simply wrong.
If, however, we take the descriptive approach explored in this book, we
cannot dismiss any forms of language in regular use as incorrect: we have to
be prepared to describe all varieties of language.
A descriptive approach recognises that there are many varieties of a
language such as English. We can identify Americans as speaking in a different
way from British people, northerners from southerners, young from old,
white-collar from blue-collar workers, and men from women. So language will
vary according to who its USERS are. A user’s speech might well reflect several
of these characteristics simultaneously: for example, a young woman will
speak differently from both a young man and an older woman.
So language can vary from user to user, depending on the user’s personal
characteristics. This does not mean that each person speaks a uniform variety
of language which never changes. Of course, speech can change as personal
characteristics change: as a young person becomes older, a northerner moves
south, or social-class membership changes as a result of education, for
example. In addition, a person’s language will vary according to the USE it is
put to in different situations. For example, the way you talk to a friend will be
different from the way you talk to a stranger. The way you talk on the
telephone will be different from the way you talk to someone face to face, and
you will use yet another variety in writing an e-mail or a text message. Your
language will also vary according to what subject you are dealing with, e.g.
sport, politics or religion. The variation of language according to its use
means that each user has a whole range of language varieties which he or she
learns by experience, and knows how to use appropriately. If you talked in
the classroom as you would in the pub, you might be considered poorly
educated (you might be using ‘bad grammar’ from a prescriptive point of
view), and if you addressed your friend as you would your teacher, you might
be laughed at.
Let’s now consider variation in language according to user and use in more
detail.
 WHAT GRAMMAR IS AND IS NOT 7

1.3.2 Variation according to user: dialect

The characteristics of the language user which can affect language include the
following: regional origin, social-class membership, age and gender. A useful
term in connection with these characteristics is DIALECT. This is often used
to reflect regional origin — as in, for example, New England dialect, Cockney
(London) dialect — but can be used to refer to any language variety related to
the personal characteristics listed above.

Regional variation
We can often tell where a person comes from by the way he or she speaks.
Depending on how familiar we are with the variety of a given region, we may
be able to identify, for example, Cockney, Glaswegian (Glasgow), Scouse
(Liverpool) or Geordie (Tyneside) speech. On an international level, we might
be able to identify dialect features of (say) Australian, Canadian, Caribbean
or Singaporean English. We can identify speech on the basis of its
pronunciation, vocabulary or grammar. For example, in Yorkshire dialect,
as in some other northern England dialects, the words put and putt are
pronounced alike because the vowel found in the standard or southern
pronunciation of words such as putt, bus, cup, etc. is not used. Regional
dialect traits of pronunciation are often referred to as REGIONAL ACCENT.
Yorkshire dialect also has its own vocabulary, for example the use of the
word happen to mean perhaps. Finally, on the level of grammar, the dialect
has were as the past tense of the verb be in all its forms, so that, for example,
he were is commonly heard instead of he was. So dialect can be identified on
the levels of pronunciation, vocabulary and grammar.
At this point we should emphasise that the term ‘dialect’ does not imply an
incorrect or deviant use of language: it is simply used to mean a variety of
language determined by the characteristics of its user.
As standard English has become the best-known variety of English, and is
habitually used in public, especially written, communication, we will use it
for analysis in Part B of this book.

Social stratification

The extent to which we can identify social-class dialects is controversial, but

the social stratification does certainly affect the variety of the language used.
In Britain there is a very noticeable relationship between social stratification
and the use of standard and non-standard speech: the ‘higher’ you are up the
social scale, the less likely you are to use non-standard or regionally
identifiable speech. This means that it is not usually possible to identify the
regional background of, for example, an upper-middle-class speaker educated
at a public school. To make this clearer, imagine that you travel from one end
of the country to the other, talking only to manual workers, and tape-
recording their speech. Then, on the way back, you take the same route, but
record only the speech of ‘professionals’ such as doctors and teachers. On
8 PART A: INTRODUCTION

SPECIAL NOTE ON STANDARD AND NON-STANDARD LANGUAGE |

Sometimes, however, the term dialect may be used to refer to varieties of the |
language which are not STANDARD. Thus the expression he were mentioned on
page 7 is considered to be an example of non-standard grammar. |
The standard language is in fact just another variety or dialect: in English use !
throughout the world, there are similar ‘standardized’ varieties widely accepted as
the most suitable for public communication. Beginning in Britain more than five
hundred years ago, standard English became established as that variety which was
generally used by southern British, educated speakers of the language, and in
writing and in public usage including, nowadays, radio and television. It is
sometimes known as ‘BBC English’ or even ‘The Queen’s English’. A similar |
standard (with some differences, for example, in spelling and pronunciation)
exists for American English. Standard English is not inherently better or more
‘grammatical’ than non-standard English — all varieties are grammatical in that they
follow rules. Clearly, standard English gained prestige for social rather than
linguistic reasons. It was ultimately based on the usage of educated people living in
the south-east of England, where the important institutions of government and
education became established.

comparing the recordings you would expect to find more variation in the
speech of the workers that in that of the professionals. The speech of workers
would contain a higher proportion of features which are not found in the
standard language. Several of these features would be found in more than one
area: for example, done as the past tense of do is found in both Liverpool and
London among working-class speakers (who might say, for example, Who
done it? as opposed to Who did it?).

Age
Less is known about the effect of age on language variation, but there are
grammatical features which distinguish age dialects to some extent. For
example, the question Have you any money? would be more likely to be
asked by an older speaker of British English than a younger speaker, who
would be more likely to use the construction (normal for American English):
Do you have ...? Younger speakers in both American and British English are
more likely to use ’s like as a substitute for said in utterances like She’s like,
“Who put that there?”

Gender

Differences of language behaviour between male and female have been a

focus of great interest in recent years, but it is difficult to come up with firm
conclusions on grammar, because most research results could be influenced
by situational factors, such as the kinds of dialogue in which speakers are
 WHAT GRAMMAR IS AND IS NOT 9

engaged. But the following are examples where typical linguistic differences
have been claimed between female and male speakers on the basis of
convincing evidence:
Female speakers show a tendency to use more prestige pronunciations than
men. For example, men tend to use more pronunciations of -ing as /1n/, as
in gettin’, flippin’, etc., whereas women are more inclined to use the
standard pronunciation.
Males show a stronger tendency to use non-standard grammar, as in I ain’t
done nothing. I didn’t want no trouble.
Males also show a stronger tendency to use taboo words and ‘rude’
expressions.
Another difference is a tendency among males to use less polite language,
such as plain imperative forms, e.g. Sit down. Female speakers, on the
other hand, show a preference for less confrontational strategies, such as
Let’s sit down, Would you like to sit down, etc.
It should by now be clear that personal characteristics of the language user
can combine to influence the variety of language used. The term ‘dialect’ has
been used for convenience to identify the effects of these characteristics, as in,
for example, ‘regional dialect’, ‘social-class dialect’, but these factors are not
really separate. All the characteristics interact with one another, so that any
individual will speak a language variety made up of features associated with
several ‘dialects’. Taboo expressions, for example, are associated (a) with
males rather than females, (b) with lower social strata rather than higher, and
(c) with younger people rather than with older. You may well find these
associations unsurprising!

1.3.3 Variation according to use

As was pointed out in 1.3.1, no user of language uses one uniform variety of
language. Language also varies according to the use to which it is put. While
the term ‘dialect’ is convenient to refer to language variation according to the
user, REGISTER can be used to refer to variation according to use (or ‘style’
in a general sense). Register can be subdivided into three factors of language
use, each of which affects the language variety. These are: TENOR, MODE
and DOMAIN.

Tenor

This has to do with the relationship between a speaker and the addressee(s) in
a given situation, and is often shown by greater or less formality. For
example, a request to close the window might be Would you be so kind as to
close the window? in a very formal situation, compared with Shut the
window, Jed in an informal situation. Formality also has the effect of
producing speech which is closer to the standard. For example, a witness in
court might be careful to say He didn’t do it, Your Honour, rather than ’E
never done it, which might be said to Cockney-speaking friends outside the
10 PART A: INTRODUCTION

courtroom. A speaker has to know which is the right kind of language to use
in which circumstances, though sometimes the wrong choice may be made
deliberately, for humorous or ironic effect.

Mode

This has to do with the effects of the medium in which language is

transmitted. Spoken language used in face-to-face situations relies on many
‘non-verbal’ signals such as gestures and facial expressions. On the telephone,
however, the visual channel is not available so that, for example, Yes or Yeah
has to be substituted for head-nodding. In writing, only the visual channel is
available, so the effect of intonation, or ‘tone of voice’, cannot be conveyed,
except, in part, by graphic means such as exclamation marks and question
marks (!, ?). Written language usually involves addressees who are not present
and so cannot respond immediately, and this has an effect on the language.
For example, in letters or e-mail messages, direct and shortened questions
tend to be less common than in conversation, so that you might be more
likely to write something like Let me know whether you are coming rather
than Coming? The key category difference of mode is the distinction between
written and spoken language, and recently a fascinating merger of these
modes has been taking place in electronic communication, using the internet.
These matters will be given further consideration in Chapter 9.

Domain

This has to do with how language varies according to the human activity in
which it plays a part. A seminar about chemistry, for example, will involve a
wider range of vocabulary, more technical terms and possibly longer
sentences than a conversation about the weather (unless by meteorologists!).
Similarly, the language of a legal document will be different from that of an
advertisement, and the language of a religious service will be different from
that of newspaper reporting. We can thus refer to domains of chemistry, law,
religion, and so on.
As with dialect variation, the categories of register variation have a
combined effect, so that we cannot really identify discrete registers any more
than discrete dialects. Further, dialect and register variation interact with
each other since both the dimensions of user and use are always present.
To summarize what has been said in this section, language varies according
to both user and use. While certain personal traits and dialect ‘settings’ will
characterise the language use of a given person, that person’s language will
also reflect a range of registers appropriate for various uses.

1.4 English and other languages

1.4.1 What is a language?
So far we have shown that a language such as English has many different
varieties, which result from a combination of factors.
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