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 © Robert Service 1986, 1991, 1999, 2009

* All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this

publication may be made without written permission.

No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted

save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of
the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any
licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing
Agency, Saffron House, 6�10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS.

Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication
may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.

The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this
work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

First edition 1986

Second edition 1991
Third edition 1999

Fourth edition published 2009 by

PALGRAVE MACMILLAN

Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers

Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills,
Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.

Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin's Press LLC,

175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.

Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies

and has companies and representatives throughout the world.

Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States,

the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries

ISBN�13: 978�0�230-22040-9 paperback

ISBN�10: 0-230-22040-1 paperback

This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from
fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and
manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental
regulations of the country of origin.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
 Contents

Editors' Preface Vll

List of Cartoons V111

List of Maps IX

Preface X

Introduction 1

1 Unstable Structure, 1900-1914 14

St Petersburg and the world in 1 900 16
The Romanov monarchy before 1 905 18
Economic progress 22
The transforming of Imperial society 24
Social discontents 28
Political upheaval: 1 905- 1 906 30
The limits of the regime's adaptiveness 33
Social resilience and institutional growth 35
Economic problems before 1 9 1 4 38
Political instability 40
2 Demolition, 1915-1917 43
War and the gathering economic crisis 45
Social commotion 47
The February Revolution of 1 9 1 7 50
Aspirations in society 54
'Dual power' 56

v
 Contents

Economic breakdown and social reactions 58

Mass organisations 61
The Bolshevik party 64
Disintegration of the state 67
The October Revolution of 1 9 1 7 69
3 Experimental Construction, 1917-1927 71
Euphoria and aversion 74
Economic and military prostration: 1 9 1 7- 1 9 1 8 75
Social reforms and mass participation 77
Repression 80
Civil War: 1 9 1 7-1 92 1 82
Resistance to Bolshevism 87
The NEP and economic recovery: 1 92 1- 1 927 91
Social adjustment and survival 93
The party and the political system 96
Moscow and the world in 1 927 101
Conclusions 105

Select Bibliography 1 08
Chronology of Events 1 24
Index 1 29

Vl
 Editors'· Preface

The Studies in European History series offers a guide to develop­

ments in a field of history that has become increasingly special­
ised with the sheer volume of new research and literature now
produced. Each book has three main objectives. The primary
purpose is to offer an informed assessment of opinion on a key
episode or theme in European history. Second, each title presents
a distinct interpretation and conclusions from someone who is
closely involved with current debates in the field. Third, it pro­
vides students and teachers with a succinct introduction to the
topic, with the essential information necessary to understand it
and the literature being discussed. Equipped with an annotated
bibliography and other aids to study, each book provides an ideal
starting point to explore important events and processes that
have shaped Europe's history to the present day.
B ooks in the series introduce students to historical approaches
which in some cases are very new and which, in the normal course
of things, would take many years to filter down to text-books.
By presenting history's cutting edge, we hope that the series will
demonstrate some of the excitement that historians, like scientists,
feel as they work on the frontiers of their subject. The series also
has an important contribution to make in publicising what histo­
rians are doing, and making it accessible to students and scholars
in this and related disciplines.
JOHN BREUILLY
JULIAN JACKSON
PETER H. WILSON

vii
 Cartoons

1 'They dispose of our money'

The structure of power in the Russian Empire 19
2 'The lion, the bear and the rabbit' (M. Chemodanov)
Satire on the ineffectualness of the
Russian liberals in 1 905 32
3 'Citizen, take your crown along with you.' (D. Moor)
Revolutionary soldier addresses Nicholas II 52
4 ' N. Ulyanov (Leni�)' (A. Strakhov)
Stylised portrait of the Bolshevik leader 66
5 'Help!' (D. Moor)
Appeal for famine relief 90
6 'Hasn't the meeting finished yet?' (B . Uspenski)
Satire on Bolshevik disrespect for
democratic procedure 1 00

Vlll
 Maps

1 The Russian Empire in 1 900 © Robert Service 10

2 The USSR in 1 927 © Robert Service 12

IX
 Preface

When this book appeared in its first edition in 1 986 it had two
main objectives. Studies of the Russian Revolution had become
uneven. Writers had been piling a mountain of attention upon
the year 1 9 1 7 whereas the decades on either side attracted only
hillocks. By covering the period from 1 900 to 1 92 7 , I wanted to
make the case that the Revolution was best understood by broad­
ening the chronological spectrum for investigation. At that time,
too, the fashion was to write about politics, economics and society
as if they were separate from each other. The pressing need was
to put things back together. From the late 1 980s, of course, much
fresh information becan1e available in the USSR when the Soviet
communist leadership loosened its restrictions on access to docu­
mentary sources. The book's second edition incorporated such
material; the third edition took account of the archival discoveries
and historical discussion in the 1 990s. This fourth edition retains
the basic text, suitably smartened up, as well as the original struc­
ture and argument. The contents, though, have been modified in
the light of further information and thought. The other change
is the addition of a general introduction, which complements the
preamble to each chapter. The Russian Revolution is as conten­
tious in the early twenty-first century as it was when it happened.
This is one thing about it that is not going to change.
I remain indebted to friends who generously suggested improve­
ments to the first two editions : Roger Bartlett, Adele Biagi, John
Channon, Olga Crisp, Bob Davies, Israel Getzler, Graeme Gill, the
late Alan Hall, the late Jill Hall, Geoffrey Hosking, Evan Mawdsley,

X
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 Preface

Richard Overy, Arfon Rees and Steve Wheatcroft. For this fourth
edition I have taken advice kindly offered by Simon Dixon, Julian
Jackson, Julia Mannherz, Richard Ramage, Chris Read, Steve
Smith, Jon Smele and Geoff Swain. My wife Adele Biagi has cast a
critical eye on each successive edition and it is to her that I owe the
deepest gratitude.
Technical vocabulary has been kept to a minimum and dates
are given according to the calendar in official use at the time in
Russia. A simplified version of the US Library of Congress trans­
literation code is followed ; but well-known names like Trotsky,
Witte and Zinoviev are given in their customary English form.
As regards terminology, I have kept to the early twenty-century
Russian definition of large factories as being those employing at
least 1 6 workers with some motor-power or at least 30 without.
A chronological table is appended with reference to the period
covered by the book. References are cited in brackets according
to the numbering in the bibliography, with page numbers being
indicated by a colon after the bibliography number. A brief guide
to the contents of general works on the Revolution is given in the
bibliography's first section.
Robert Service

XI
 Introduction

The Russian Revolution set off a political earthquake. In Febru­

ary 1 9 1 7 the Romanov monarchy tottered; in March it fell. This
alone was an event of global significance. Russia and the other
Allies were engaged in the Great War against the Central Powers.
The Provisional Government, a shifting coalition of liberals and
socialists, supplanted Emperor Nicholas II and its ministers pro­
claimed universal civil rights while assuming responsibility for
national defence. They struggled to survive through months of
political conflict and confusion. In October they succumbed to
a seizure of power by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks. This
second revolution was of still greater importance than the first.
The Bolshevik party was dedicated to a more radical brand of
socialism than any socialist minister in the Provisional Govern­
ment had espoused - and the Bolsheviks for this reason were also
beginning to call themselves communists in order to distinguish
themselves from their more cautious rivals. Decades of agitation
and organisation in Europe and North America had not yet given
birth to a government composed exclusively of socialists. Bolshe­
viks in Russia saw themselves as the vanguard of the forces of
revolutionary transformation.
If the action on Petrograd streets on 25 October had been
all that happened, it would hardly have merited more than
passing attention around the world. But within weeks the big
industrial cities of the former Russian Empire were firmly in the
hands of the Bolshevik-led government. Decrees were issued to
turn the social order upside down. The 'transition to socialism'
was announced and the Bolsheviks introduced a dictatorship
to accomplish this. Hardly anyone abroad or even in Russia
thought they would last for long in government. Not even the

1
 The Russian Revolution, 1 900-1 92 7

Bolshevik leaders had high expectations from their revolution if

they had to survive alone . They were hoping to be rescued by a
' European socialist revolution' . But although they won the Civil
War which followed their seizure of power, they proved unable to
spread the revolution to the rest of Europe. While consolidating
their regime, furthermore, they had to recognise that Russian
society and its economy could not be instantly transformed . But
they took pride in the start they had made. They offered them­
selves as a model for ultra-leftist socialists everywhere to copy.
They were building a new kind of society in the former empire.
Theirs was a path towards a new and better modernity. 'History'
was on their side.
This was the way that communists and their sympathisers
looked at the Russian Revolution and its achievements [27 : 28] .
Lenin was their hero. Even many people who saw blemishes in
comn1unist theory and practice went on judging the USSR on its
own tern1s. They treated collective rights as deserving primacy
over individualism and private financial profit. What good was
political liberty if it did not guarantee the wide availabiiity of
food, health care, education and shelter? Generations of com­
mentators, through to the collapse of communism in the USSR
in 1 989-1 99 1 , insisted that the Soviet order should be given the
benefit of the doubt.
The case for the defence never obtained a majority verdict.
From the first news of the October seizure of power there were
politicians and journalists who thought Soviet Russia constituted
a menace to world civilisation. The leading Russian liberal Pavel
Milyukov denounced the Bolsheviks in such terms [5 1 ] . Winston
Churchill referred to them as baboons. He called for Bolshevism
to be strangled in its cradle and was disappointed when the Allies
called off their military intervention in Russia and Ukraine. Some
writers highlighted the disproportionate number of Jews in the
Bolshevik party leadership . For them, the October Revolution
was a Jewish conspiracy against Christian values - and this idea
became the core of Adolf Hitler's Nazi ideology. Critics of the
USSR subsequently suggested that the vast Gulag system of penal
labour camps was no accidental development but the inevitable
result of the installation of a regime committed to dictatorship
and terror. Much as Soviet rulership changed, especially after
Joseph Stalin's death in 1 953, it was like an insect trapped in the

2
 Introduction

amber of the ideology and practices of Lenin and the leaders of

the Revolution in 1 917 . As such it was unreformable: it had to be
entirely eliminated.
A range of analyses of the Russian Revolution stood between
the extremities of endorsement and rejection. One early sug­
gestion was that the Bolshevik party had introduced a bastard
version of European socialism heavily conditioned by the specif­
icity of the Russian environment. Austrian Marxist Otto Bauer
welcomed it, however resignedly, in these terms [40] . Menshe­
vik leader Yuli Martov and German Marxist writer Karl Kautsky
agreed with such a description, seeing the Soviet regime as the
combined product of a backward popular culture and malevolent
intellectual leadership . Yet far from accepting the Soviet regime,
they urged the need for a campaign to moderate and civilise it
[ 48 ; 50] . They agreed, though, that the Bolsheviks were socialists
of some kind or other. Not all socialists went along with this . Many
denied that Bolshevism, with its zeal for political dictatorship,
had anything to do with the essence of socialism. In their eyes,
the Bolsheviks had damaged the socialist reputation worldwide.
Not surprisingly this led to confusing wrangles. The Bolsheviks
insisted on calling themselves socialists as well as communists;
their socialist enemies challenged their entitlement to represent
socialism in the slightest fashion.
Another turn of analysis came from Nikolai Berdyaev, who pro­
posed that the USSR was basically not a new, socialist order but
the latest mutation of Old Russia. Instead of a tsar, it had Lenin.
Instead of Orthodox Christianity it had Marxism. And it retained
the mechanisms of oppression well known in the Russian past
[ 4 1 ] . A concurrent strain of such thinking was offered by Nikolai
Trubetskoi and the self-styled Eurasianists. Their idea was that
Russia had always been a hybrid of Europe and Asia; they con­
cluded that Berdyaev was naive to call on the Bolsheviks to be
more moderate. Trubetskoi believed harsh methods of rule were
essential to the country's territorial security and political stability
[59] .
Foreigners joined in the debate after visiting Russia. Bertrand
Russell and H . G. Wells went out to Moscow in 1 920; they came
back depressed by the Bolshevik propensity for violence but
impressed by the party's sincerity of purpose [54; 6 1 ] . There were
also several travellers who believed that Bolshevism in theory and

3
 The Russian Revolution, 1 900-1 92 7

practice was a living nightmare [ 46] . Others like John Reed and
Max Eastman were generous to the Bolsheviks [4 7; 53], and assess­
ments of a kindly sort gained prominence from the early 1 930s as
the Soviet achievement in mass education and industrial growth
made a positive impression worldwide. The USSR was touted as
an archetype of 'modernisation' capable of being used elsewhere
around the globe. Walter Duranty, Sidney and Beatrice Webb and
George Bernard Shaw supplied admiring eyewitness reports [3 1 :
203-7] . They vouched for Stalin's credentials as democrat and
champion of justice. They praised his economic record and con­
doned his arrest and killing of opponents. They also followed him
in tracing Stalinist policies to the nature of the state established
by Lenin and the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution. Russian
emigres had already supplied a variant of this kind of interpre­
tation . The 'Change of Landmarks' group, headed by Nikolai
Ustryalov from his emigre base in northern China, argued that
the Bolshevik party deserved credit for regathering the Russian
lands and reimposing order - and Ustryalov contended that the
groundwork had been laid for economic advance as communists
sloughed off their ideology and prioritised the traditional inter­
ests of state [60] .
Professional scholars produced little in the way of deep empiri­
cal study of the Russian Revolution before the Second World War.
Historians in the USSR were subject to state censorship . They
were barred from raising difficult questions about the working
class; some of them in the 1 920s did, however, publish insightful
work on the peasantry [ 1 54] . Even abroad the scholarly record
was flimsy. Just a few exceptions existed. The Carnegie Founda­
tion funded pioneering studies by emigrants about Russia in the
First World War but not about the Revolution itself [283] . The
British communist academic Maurice Dobb wrote the first sub­
stantial work of Soviet economic history, which covered the dec­
ade after the October seizure of power [99] .
Most of the detailed chronicles came from outside the acad­
emy. American reporter W. H. Chamberlin put together an
impressive account of the revolutionary years [ 43] . The other
serious works were written by leading participants in the poli­
tics of 1 9 1 7 . They belonged to the legion of the defeated : the
Mensheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Constitutional­
Democrats and Lev Trotsky. They explored their memories and

4
 Introduction

the documentary collections available to them as refugees or

deportees in the West,. and the result was a bank of writings from
which it was possible for later generations to draw even if they
did not subscribe to a similar political philosophy. Thus it came
about that Trotsky, a communist leader thrown out of the USSR
by Stalin, could gain wide acceptance for his argument that the
difficulties of communism in Russia derived from the economic
and cultural backwardness inherited from the Russian Empire.
He also argued that an anti-revolutionary, bureaucratic stratum
of officials led by Stalin had secured control of the Soviet order
by the mid- 1 920s [58]. The Mensheviks said all along that all the
Bolshevik leaders , including Trotsky himself, had contributed
decisively to the disappointments in the path-breaking attempt
to build a society of harmony and affluence in the USSR [45 ; 5 7].
Trotsky, though, sold more books and his interpretation made a
more lasting imprint on opinion in the West about the reasons
for the failure of the communist leadership to attain all its revo­
lutionary ends.
It was only after the Second World War that Western writers
got into their stride. They were an assorted bunch. On the politi­
cal left were Isaac Deutscher and E. H. Carr who approved of
the early Soviet regime to a greater or lesser extent [6; 9] . These
two were opposed by Leonard Schapiro and Merle Fainsod who
believed the October Revolution was an unmitigated disaster for
the human race [ 1 0; 30] . As the Cold War intensified, govern­
ments financed the creation of research institutes for Russian stud­
ies likely to demonstrate the iniquities of Soviet communism. The
dominant idea was that Lenin and his Bolsheviks had invented
doctrines and methods of total control which were adopted not
only by the new communist parties but also by the extreme politi­
cal right, especially by Hitler and the Third Reich. This same idea
was the hub for theories of totalitarianism.
The rancour between left and right disguised the fact that both
sides agreed that high politics were the motor of all changes in the
Russian Empire and the USSR. Kremlin leaders and policies pre­
occupied attention through to the 1 970s. This was when a younger
generation of historians began to question whether it was suffi­
cient to focus on high politics in accounting for how things turned
out in the wider state and society. Fresh kinds of analysis came to
the fore : 'history from below' and 'social history' . The number of

5
 The Russian Revolution, 1 900-1 927

studies mushroomed . Ronald Suny examined the non-Russians

[253] . The present author investigated the Bolshevik party in
the localities [245]. Diane Koenker and Stephen Smith studied
the factory workers of Petrograd and Moscow in 1 9 1 7 [ 1 62 ; 258].
Orlando Figes probed the Volga peasantry. The focus was on con­
structing a wider framework for historical research than had been
offered by the early post-war writings. Around this time there
was also an effort to show that a more humanitarian version of
communism might have emerged at the end of the 1 920s if only
Lev Trotsky or perhaps - as Moshe Lewin and Stephen Cohen
suggested- Nikolai Bukharin, instead of Joseph Stalin, had won
the struggle to succeed Lenin, who died in 1 924 [7; 2 1 ] . This was
a more traditional approach, being centred on high politics ; and
in the instance of Trotsky it involved a reversion to the analysis
already offered by Deutscher.
The newer writing became known as 'revisionist' . I t soon
became clear that its practitioners agreed about little besides
the need to expand the frame of analysis . Controversy was
focussed on political questions while society, culture, econom­
ics and international relations stayed free from fundamental
dispute. And although there was nothing like consensus about
politics under Nicholas I I and the Provisional Government, it
was the communist advance on power and the establishment
of the Soviet regime which gained the lion' s share of attention.
There were two poles of general analysis . Sheila Fitzpatrick
gave no room for the Bolsheviks as manipulators of the minds
of their working-class supporters . She also treated the dicta­
torial practices of the early communist regime as largely the
consequence of unpredicted difficulties encountered after the
October Revolution [ 1 2] . Meanwhile Richard Pipes, who repu­
diated 'revisionism' in all its forms, saw the Bolsheviks as having
acted wholly malevolently. For him, Lenin all along intended to
impose a one-party terror state and had only contempt for the
workers [26] . Between these poles there were several accounts,
including this one, generally suggesting that an understand­
ing of the Russian Revolution required the blending of ' high
politics' of the Bolsheviks and the social. and cultural setting
[ 1 1 ; 29; 3 6] .
Not until the collapse of the USSR at the end of 1 99 1 could
historians in Russia enter the discussion with complete freedom,

6
 Introduction

and several of them picked up the interpretation developed dec­

ades earlier by the totalitarianist school of commentary. This was
a school that retained support among many Western scholars [23;
26] . Vladimir Buldakov stood out against the trend in Russia,
arguing that the Revolution was better interpreted as one of the
country's 'times of troubles' [ 4] .
Research has proliferated as archives have been opened for
examination in the countries of the former Soviet Union. The
First World War has attracted overdue research. Particular cit­
ies and regions in the revolutionary period have come under
scrutiny. Broad cultural and social processes have begun to be
surveyed. The result is that the chronicle of the Russian Revolu­
tion is now accessible in its day-by-day minutiae. But consensus
about causes, process and outcome remains elusive. Innovative
ways of analysing the sources have been proposed, including
post-modernism. It has been suggested that both the post-war
writers and even many of their revisionist successors had a politi­
cal preoccupation which lessened their capacity to appreciate the
sheer diversity and contradictions of the revolutionary experi­
ence [265] . The opposing viewpoint has been that the October
Revolution is incomprehensible unless politics are kept in sharp
focus ; indeed the argument has been put forward that many revi­
sionists unjustifiably down played the significance of high politics
[ 1 9 1 ; 245 : 157-62; 239; 264; 275] .
The discussion continues. The Russian Revolution was one of
the formative events of recent world history. It had an imme­
diate, deep impact which lasted through to the Second World
War and beyond. The USSR until 1 945 was the world's sole com­
munist state (except for its puppet administration in Mongolia).
The October 1 9 1 7 seizure of power encouraged the creation of
Marxist-Leninist parties in Europe, north America and elsewhere.
The wish to prevent the spread of Soviet communism had an
influence on the establishment of fascist and right-wing authori­
tarian governments. The USSR, against the odds , defeated the
Third Reich in the Second World War. Communism was trium­
phant, suddenly expanding into eastern Europe and China and
eventually covering a quarter of the world's land surface. The
new communist states, despite their national variations, imitated
the Soviet order to a great extent in their policies, institutions
and doctrines . The Cold War, starting in the late 1 940s, involved

7
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