JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING

2021, VOL. 50, NO. 5, 510–527

https://doi.org/10.1080/00913367.2021.1980472

How Consumers Consume Social Media Influence

Joachim Scholz
Brock University, St. Catharines, Ontario, Canada

ABSTRACT
A growing body of research has examined the efficacy of influencer marketing and how
social media influencers (SMIs) produce influence through strategically manufacturing
authenticity and relatability. Less clear, however, is what benefits consumers derive from
influencers and how they incorporate influencer content into their own identity projects. In
other words, advertisers and influencers do not know how consumers actually “consume”
influence. The current research addresses this gap through developing a novel perspective
on influencer marketing that highlights how consumers actively incorporate influencer con-
tent into their own practice performances. Based on a market ethnography of millennial
and gen Z beauty consumers, this research uncovers six distinct actions through which con-
sumers consume influence. Findings also challenge and update another core assumption of
influencer marketing: that consumers generally perceive influencers to be similar to them.
Altogether, this research introduces the Influencer Marketing Dartboard as a conceptual and
managerial tool to better leverage influencers for marketing. Three contributions are offered
that advance the influencer marketing and practice theory literatures: a deeper understand-
ing of how companies can effectively utilize SMIs, a clearer differentiation between SMIs
and celebrity endorsers, and insights into how mediated practices facilitate consumers’ iden-
tity projects.

I like really in-depth videos. I could spend for thirty and Phillips 2013), offer emotional support (Mardon,
minutes watching how someone does their eyebrows. Molesworth, and Grigore 2018), create intimacy
I know that sounds ridiculous, but there’s a lot of (Berryman and Kavka 2017), help consumers feel con-
different products out, a lot of different techniques
nected (Escalas and Bettman 2017), and boost con-
out, and your eyebrows are your face! [. . .] It’s just
my pastime, you know. Literally, sometimes I’m sumers’ self-worth (Cocker and Cronin 2017).
eating, and I want to watch a tutorial. It’s just what I Marketers need guidance on how to best leverage
do. (Andrea) influencers in ways that provide value to consumers
and brands (Voorveld 2019). To that end, a growing
Social media influencers (SMIs) have become a crucial
body of research has examined how consumers
part of contemporary marketing. Global spending on
become influencers (Gannon and Prothero 2018;
influencer marketing is skyrocketing, from around $2
McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips 2013), how influencers
billion in 2017 to an estimated $15 billion by 2022, manufacture authenticity (Berryman and Kavka 2017;
and some companies spend up to 75% of their overall Ferchaud et al. 2018; Gannon and Prothero 2016;
marketing budgets on influencers (HBS 2019). These Mardon, Molesworth, and Grigore 2018), and how
numbers are impressive but do not begin to capture brands can structure their relationships with influ-
the enthusiasm that many consumers have for influ- encers (Nascimento, Campos, and Suarez 2020). These
encers. For Andrea, the first quote of this article, studies illuminate one side of the phenomenon—how
influencers are central to her leisure time and her influencers “produce” influence—but do not explain
identity as a confident young woman. Her voice and how consumers “consume” influence. That is, existing
other consumer voices collected in this study exem- studies have provided no comprehensive account of
plify the dazzling complexity of the influencer phe- what consumers actually do with the influencer con-
nomenon: Influencers share information (Vrontis tent they watch, what benefits they derive from it, or
et al. 2021), define what is in style (McQuarrie, Miller, how they incorporate influencer content into their

CONTACT Joachim Scholz jscholz@brocku.ca Goodman School of Business, Brock University, Niagara Region, St. Catharines, ON L2S 3A1, Canada.
Joachim Scholz (PhD, Queen’s University) is an assistant professor of marketing, Goodman School of Business, Brock University.
Copyright ß 2021, American Academy of Advertising
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 511

Figure 1. The influencer marketing dartboard.

own consumption and identity projects. Knowing (Holt 1995) with recent research on practice theory
these answers would help brand managers increase (Akaka and Schau 2019), the current article develops
their return on influencer ad spend. a novel perspective on influencer marketing that chal-
Prior research identifies perceived credibility, simi- lenges this assumption: It explores how SMIs facilitate
larity, relatability, and parasocial relationships as rea- consumers’ immersion into integrative practices (e.g.,
sons for why influencers are effective (e.g., Escalas wearing makeup, being fashionable, and other
and Bettman 2017; Lee and Watkins 2016; Lou 2021; ongoing consumption projects), and through what
De Veirman, Cauberghe, and Hudders 2017). specific actions consumers integrate influencer content
However, this research does not explain how influen- into their own practice performances.
cer content unfolds its effect on the consumers’ side. These questions are empirically examined through
The reason for this oversight is that all these studies an ethnographic study of late millennials/early gen Z
tacitly accept a prevalent assumption: that influence is beauty consumers. Findings are summarized by the
passively absorbed by consumers, even when such Influencer Marketing Dartboard (see Figure 1), which
assertion seems at odds with contemporary celebra- doubles as a managerial tool to improve influencer
tions of active consumers and cocreation (e.g., Dahlen marketing campaigns. The dartboard shows how con-
and Rosengren 2016; Scholz and Smith 2019). sumers integrate influencer content into their own
Combining foundational articles on celebrity endorse- practice performances through six distinct actions:
ment (McCracken 1989) and consumer culture theory positionally vetting, granularly validating, actually
512 J. SCHOLZ

learning, methodically immersing, pragmatically inter- Following McCracken’s (1989) meaning transfer per-
preting, and ideologically bolstering. In addition, the spective on celebrity endorsement, Escalas and
findings challenge and update another foundational Bettman (2017) conceptualize consumers as identity
assumption: that consumers generally perceive influ- seekers and SMIs as sources of symbolic meanings
encers to be similar to them (McQuarrie, Miller, and (rather than simply product information): Influencers
Phillips 2013). transfer meanings onto the brand through their
Altogether, the current article answers calls for endorsements, and consumers can appropriate desired
advancing our understanding of influencer marketing meanings “by using brands associated with the celeb-
(Araujo et al. 2020; Dahlen and Rosengren 2016; rity to construct and communicate their own self-con-
Voorveld 2019) by uncovering the multifaceted ways cepts” (p. 299).
of how and why consumers consume influence. These A sizable body of research details how influencers
insights make three contributions: They show how strategically foster parasocial relationships to produce
companies can effectively utilize SMIs, more clearly their influence over consumers (e.g., Berryman and
differentiate between SMIs and celebrity endorsers, Kavka 2017; Ferchaud et al. 2018; Nascimento,
and identify two distinct mechanisms through which Campos, and Suarez 2020). Noting the paradox that
mediated practices facilitate consumers’ iden- influencers become less similar to ordinary consumers
tity projects. as their following grows, McQuarrie, Miller, and
Phillips (2013) find that fashion bloggers employ sev-
Social Media Influence eral tactics to preserve their authenticity. Likewise,
Mardon, Molesworth, and Grigore (2018) report that
SMIs are individuals who, through producing original
YouTube influencers engage in various forms of emo-
content that publicly displays their expertise and/or
tional labor to maintain emotional bonds with their
taste, have amassed a large network of followers and
audience, and Gannon and Prothero (2016) show how
are regarded as trusted tastemakers and experts (Lou
beauty bloggers use selfies to build authenticity. Other
2021; De Veirman, Cauberghe, and Hudders 2017).
tactical maneuvers include creating the illusion of a
Given their origins as “ordinary” consumers, influ-
true conversation (Ferchaud et al. 2018) and con-
encers are generally conceptualized as similar to
structing approachable identities, such as a “big sister”
everyday consumers and, hence, more authentic than
(Berryman and Kavka 2017). These actions collapse
models and celebrities who are traditionally featured
in advertising (e.g., McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips the distance between influencer and consumer, which
2013; Voorveld 2019). Bloggers, YouTubers, and the authors claim (but do not empirically demon-
“Instafamous” people have been found to outperform strate) reinforces the influencer’s authority, credibility,
their more traditional counterparts (e.g., magazine and relatability in the eyes of consumers (Berryman
articles, celebrity endorsers) because consumers feel and Kavka 2017; McQuarrie, Miller, and
more closely connected to them and perceive them to Phillips 2013).
be more credible and relatable (Djafarova and To summarize, SMIs are characterized as a trusted
Rushworth 2017; Schouten, Janssen, and and authentic source of information—due to their
Verspaget 2019). perceived credibility, accessibility, similarity, and relat-
This efficacy of SMIs is often explained via the ability—that consumers can draw on to support their
concept of parasocial relationships (e.g., Ferchaud identity construction endeavors. Prior research has
et al. 2018; Vrontis et al. 2021). Parasocial relation- also detailed the various actions through which influ-
ships are one-sided relationships in which consumers encers strategically build and maintain perceptions of
develop a feeling of familiarity and even friendship similarity and relatability. However, it is less clear
with media figures (Horton and Wohl 1956). For how social media influence unfolds its effect on the
example, Lee and Watkins (2016) suggest that viewers consumer’s side. It is not enough to simply receive
develop parasocial relationships through repeated influencer content; consumers must integrate it with
exposure to a vlogger and, over time, “will start to see their own consumption and identity projects for it to
the vlogger as a trusted source of information and be effective (McCracken 1989). In short, while the
seek out their advice” (p. 5754). Escalas and Bettman production of social media influence has been well
(2017) locate consumers’ identity construction endeav- explored, the concrete actions through which consum-
ors as the foundations for why parasocial relationships ers actually consume influence have received much
impact brand attitudes and purchase decisions. less attention.
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 513

Existing research typically assumes that consumers Consumers are conceptualized in this lens as prac-
passively absorb influence. Djafarova and Rushworth titioners who seek to improve their practice perform-
(2017) suggest that the credibility of an influencer ances by learning how to use objects and how to
becomes associated with a brand in the form of a halo perform bodily actions in socially sanctioned ways
effect but do not offer any explanation for how con- (Maciel and Wallendorf 2017). Through continued
sumers incorporate the influencer’s advice or fame engagement with a practice, consumers can unlock
into their own consumption projects. Other studies desired meanings that are associated with material
likewise measure the effect of influencers without objects (Arsel and Bean 2013), form social connec-
examining the distinct actions through which consum- tions (Gannon and Prothero 2018), and “develop a
ers integrate influencers’ content into their own lives. sense of self, learn, grow, and change” (Akaka and
For example, relating to influencers is assumed to Schau 2019, p. 500). Practice theory thus offers a rich
happen automatically through the passing of time conceptual framework to analyze how consumers
(Lee and Watkins 2016), and symbolic meaning trans- “work with” (McCracken 1989, p. 317) and integrate
fer is assumed to occur through simple association influencer content into their own consumption
(Escalas and Bettman 2017; Schouten, Janssen, and experiences.
Verspaget 2019). As McCracken (1989) points out, Prior research has uncovered several generic
however, meaning transfer is not an automatic pro- actions that enable consumers’ performances of inte-
cess: “It is not enough for the consumer merely to grated practices. Akaka and Schau (2019) argue that
consumers continuously engage in a practice through
own an object to take possession of its meanings, or
the following four actions: copying others who are
to incorporate these meanings into the self. The
engaged in the practice (i.e., imitating), improving
meanings of the object do not merely lift off the
their capabilities of performing a practice (i.e.,
object and enter into the consumer’s concept of self
improving), envisioning their engagement with the
and world” (p. 317). Consumers “must claim the
practice (i.e., imagining), and negotiating institutional
meanings and then work with them” (p. 317) to
or ideological tensions (i.e., reconciling). Holt (1995)
incorporate them into their own identity projects.
describes two similar and one additional action
Answering the question of how consumers incorpor-
through which consumers integrate an object’s sym-
ate social media influence into their own consumption
bolic properties into their self-concepts: Consumers
and identity projects thus requires a more nuanced
immerse themselves in a practice by thinking and act-
understanding of how consumers consume. ing like a practitioner (i.e., assimilating), engage in
actual or imaginary actions to feel more involved in
How Consumers Consume the practice (i.e., producing), and assert their indi-
viduality while engaging in a practice (i.e., personaliz-
In his article titled “How Consumers Consume” Holt
ing). Maciel and Wallendorf (2017) provide additional
(1995) introduces a practice theoretical approach in insights by discussing three actions through which
which “consuming” is conceptualized as an integral consumers hone their practice performances:
part of more complex, integrative practices that con- Consumers internalize institutional standards and
stitute “particular domains of social life” (Schatzki taste regimes (i.e., institutional benchmarking), engage
1996, p. 98). An integrative practice such as “watching in systematic sampling and folk experimentation to
a baseball game” or “wearing makeup,” according to increase their cultural competence (i.e., autodidactics),
Reckwitz (2002), encompasses the domain-specific, and seek support from more experienced practitioners
routinized ways “in which bodies are moved, objects to reduce uncertainty regarding their practice per-
are handled, subjects are treated, things are described, formance (i.e., cooperative scaffolding).
and the world is understood” (p. 250). Thus, rather These generic actions can serve as building blocks
than isolating “product purchase” as its focal interest, to better understand how consumers leverage the
practice theory offers a more holistic approach that socially mediated practices (Gannon and Prothero
draws attention to three broad categories of practice 2016) of influencers into their own practice perform-
components: tacit knowledge and understandings (i.e., ances. The current research thus explores the follow-
meanings), practical skills and abilities (i.e., competen- ing research questions: How do SMIs facilitate
cies), and materialities (i.e., objects) that are involved consumers’ immersion into integrative practices? And
in the production of everyday life (Arsel and Bean through what actions do consumers integrate influen-
2013; Schatzki 1996). cer content into their own practice performances?
514 J. SCHOLZ

Table 1. Overview of informants.

Name Ethnicity Age Year in college Makeup style Makeup level Makeup frequency

Andrea Hispanic 23 Just graduated More natural; if it’s Advanced Daily

nighttime, I like
to go
more dramatic
Anna Caucasian 21 3rd year college Neutral, Novice Only special occasions
barely there
Bailey Caucasian 19 2nd year college Casual, barely there Novice Only special occasions
Cynthia Caucasian 22 Just graduated, No-makeup Intermediate Daily
newly a makeup,
communications very simple
intern
Chloe Assyrian 21 3rd year college Simple, natural Novice Only special occasions
Diana Korean/Caucasian 21 Just graduated, Light, fresh Advanced Daily
seeking a
PR position
Fiona Vietnamese 20 3rd year college Natural, but not Intermediate Daily
actually natural
Holly Caucasian 21 Just graduated, Fitnessy, laidback Novice Only special occasions
now fitness
center manager
Kacey Caucasian 23 Graduated a year Clean-looking Advanced Only special occasions
ago, makeup,
microbiology something that’s
lab assistant a little bit
interesting but
isn’t super
overpowering
Lydia Caucasian 21 3rd year college Plain, vanilla Novice Frequently
Lisa Caucasian 21 3rd year college Natural-looking Novice Only special occasions
Maddison Caucasian 21 Just graduated, Seminatural Advanced Daily
preparing for
law school
Paige Caucasian 22 4th year college Simple but fun, Advanced Daily
with
expressive
details
Remy Persian 21 3rd year college Half the week Advanced Frequently
natural, half the
week doing
it up
Sarah Caucasian 22 4th year college Natural look Novice Frequently
Violet Caucasian 19 2nd year college Natural, like I’m Advanced Daily
not wearing as
much as I am

Method heavily engaged in the makeup practice and beauty

influencers, provided grounding into the focal phe-
These questions are examined through an ethno-
nomenon (Sherry 2006) for the male author and the
graphic study of beauty consumers. A particular focus
is put on makeup, given its public visibility and dom- second male research assistant (third year, 20 years
inance within the influencer phenomenon; however, old), who were naive about makeup consumption at
other beauty topics (e.g., skin care) were also consid- the outset of this study. Similar to earlier studies (e.g.,
ered during data collection. The study focuses on Sherry 2006), collaborating with student workers
YouTube influencers because their long-form content improved the quality of the research design without
was expected to be most suitable for facilitating all compromising the study’s methodological rigor, as
three components of the beauty practice. However, discussed in more detail in the next section.
other social media channels (e.g., Instagram, Pinterest)
were also considered. Data and Analysis
Two undergraduate research assistants supported
data collection and analysis. Both received substantial Six data sources were combined to capture the com-
training in qualitative research methods through a plexities of beauty consumption and the SMI phenom-
full-credit course and additional training as part of enon. The primary data set consists of 16 in-depth
their research assistantship position. One female interviews with female beauty consumers, ages 19 to
research assistant (fourth year, 21 years old), who was 23 years old (median age: 21 years; see Table 1).
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 515

Table 2. Overview of findings.

Implications for how influencers
Actions through which consumers facilitate consumers’ immersion Expanded understanding of
Practice component consume influencea into practiceb influencers’ similarityc

Finding products: Two ways in Positionally vetting: Consumers Information about product Consumers select for influencers
which consumers select select influencers based on their attributes and quality enables who are positionally semisimilar
influencers to inform their perceived independence from consumers to engage in expert consumers: Perceived as
practice performances brands, expertise, and usefulness institutional benchmarking and once-ordinary consumers like
of content (e.g., free of bias). vicarious systematic sampling, them, rather than agents of a
thus claiming the role of a well- brand, who through their
prepared and responsible continued practice engagement
consumer. In addition to amassed considerable product
conveying information, knowledge and are very
influencers build consumers’ confident in their
vocabulary, thus enabling makeup practice.
consumers to think and speak
like makeup practitioners (i.e.,
assimilating).
Granularly validating: Consumers Consumers engage in mediated Consumers select for influencers
select influencers based on their cooperative scaffolding, even who are physically similar with
physical similarity to validate though communications is one- regard to a specific bodily
how the material properties of a way, by aligning physical attribute. Similarity is
product fit their own particular properties between themselves compartmentalized to this
needs. Successful selection is and influencers. This enables particular aspect.
enabled by compartmentalizing consumers to take charge of
one particular aspect of their their practice performance and
body (e.g., skin type, but not demonstrate their competence,
skin tone). even though constituting
elements are outside of their
control (i.e., producing).
Mastering techniques: Two modes Actually learning: Consumers invest Consumers engage in imitating and Consumers cannot
through which consumers learn focused time and energy to learn deliberate attempts of improving compartmentalize one particular
from influencer content new techniques or improve their their performances to deepen physical aspect when selecting
(especially tutorials but also existing techniques through their practice immersion. influencers for learning complex
related content) imitating and replicating an However, higher complexity of techniques. Influencers’ overall
influencer’s practice learning techniques (compared physical attributes are rarely a
performances. Aimed at reducing to finding products) limits perfect match, which makes
feelings of being overwhelmed; effectiveness of mediated them physically dissimilar in a
however, consumers are only cooperative scaffolding for holistic sense.
partly successful because the practice immersion, as no
necessary translations/ reassurance is given through
adaptations result in a one-way communication that
fragmented and would reduce consumers’
piecemeal experience. uncertainty regarding their own
practice performances.
Methodically immersing: Consumers Building of embodied knowledge Consumers construe influencers as
watch influencer content for provides consumers with positionally similar, as fellow
entertainment purposes. confidence in their practice community members.
Repeated low-attention exposure performances. Furthermore,
deepens embodied knowledge consumers assimilate into the
and thus enables consumers to social world of beauty through
refine and hone their repertoire recreational watching and
of techniques. construing themselves as part of
the makeup community via
forming parasocial relationships
with influencers. This enhances
consumers’ perception that they
are significantly involved in the
makeup practice (i.e.,
producing/imagining).
Appropriating trends: Two forms of Pragmatically interpreting: Consumers personalize makeup Consumers construe influencers as
inspiration consumers draw from Consumers use influencers’ style practice by modifying positionally dissimilar—as makeup
influencers performances to inspire their influencers’ performances, driven artists and gurus who live
own look but feel the need to by the necessity to adapt different lives from their own
modify (tone down) makeup practice to the and are inescapably separate
performances that are perceived institutional norms that govern from their own life experience.
as too over the top to fit into their everyday, mundane lives.
their everyday life. Need for Disconnect between influencers’
translation into their own life and consumers’ institutional
context reduces consumers’ arrangements limits the extent
ability to experiment with their to which influencers help
looks with confidence. consumers imagine themselves
as makeup practitioners.
(continued)
516 J. SCHOLZ

Table 2. Continued.
Implications for how influencers
Actions through which consumers facilitate consumers’ immersion Expanded understanding of
Practice component consume influencea into practiceb influencers’ similarityc

Ideologically bolstering: Consumers Influencers help consumers reconcile Consumers view influencers as
use influencers’ expressive opposing ideologies, which positionally similar (formerly
displays of styles to embrace enables consumers to further ordinary) consumers and
makeup culture for engage with a practice. nowadays positionally dissimilar
empowerment, thus claiming Influencers’ stylized and makeup gurus. Influencers’
identity benefits and avoiding sometimes explicitly ideological successful trajectory provides
self-victimization. Inspiration performances provide consumers aspirational value to consumers.
occurs on a diffuse, ideological with resources for identity
level, which legitimizes construction and allows them to
consumers’ desire to use makeup judge the suitability of market-
as a confidence booster. mediated identities for their
own lives.
a
Italicized words identify actions through which consumers integrate influencer content into their own performances; see outer shaded sectors in
Figure 1.
b
Italicized words link this study’s findings to terms from prior literature (Akaka and Schau 2019; Holt 1995; Maciel and Wallendorf 2017); see How
Consumers Consume section. Some terms (e.g., vicarious systematic sampling, mediated cooperative scaffolding) are adapted to fit the current context.
c
Italicized words refer to refined and emerging conceptualizations of whether consumers perceive influencers as similar; see inner black ring in figure.

Informants were born between 1994 (i.e., late millen- Two additional data sets were collected as part of
nials) and 1998 (i.e., early gen Z). Thus, they were in the interviews. Thirteen informants created a collage
middle school when beauty influencers first emerged about what beauty meant to them. Each collage served
and saw beauty vlogging take off during their forma- as a prompt to dive deeper into informants’ narratives
tive years in high school and college. This sampling and was analyzed alongside the transcribed interview
frame was intentional because it ensured that inform- text. I stopped doing collages in later interviews
ants were “influencer natives.” The goal was to equally because I did not see additional insights emerging
sample for novice, intermediate, and advanced from them. Nine informants provided photographs of
makeup users to generate variance within the inter- their “personal looks” after the interview, which
views. Recruitment stopped once saturation was served as holistic visual cues during data analysis.
reached and no new concepts emerged from Three supplemental data sets provided immersion
the interviews. into the context and supported data analysis. The
Semistructured interviews commenced with general research team visited local beauty stores six times
discussions about informants’ beauty practices before before collecting interview data to sensitize ourselves
moving into more specific questions about influencers to the research context. Individual field notes (total
and other media. Interviews were supported by an length of 51 pages, 1.5 spaced) were discussed in team
interview guide that was constructed a priori based on meetings to establish the interview guide. A fifth data
the literature and preliminary fieldwork and adjusted source, 53 photos taken during these visits, were also
as new insights emerged. Research assistants joined included in this discussion. As part of our immersion
the interviews in a supportive function. This proced- phase, we watched videos from 10 influencers and dis-
ure created a welcoming atmosphere for informants, cussed their Instagram accounts to gain contextual
who were very forthcoming with their narratives. The understandings of the beauty influencer phenomenon.
author, being a male interviewer, added further posi- Some influencer videos were revisited during data
tive effects, as informants explained their beauty and analysis and coded in terms of how they related to
makeup practices to a “naive outsider.” These dynam- dynamics that emerged from the interviews.
ics were conducive to creating phenomenological dia- An initial round of open coding was performed by
logues and allowed me to probe how informants all members of the research team to identify common
leveraged influencers for the various components of patterns and possible themes in the data (Zayer and
their own beauty practices (i.e., objects, competencies, Coleman 2015). Through dialectical tacking, which
and meanings; transformed for the specific research was led by me and facilitated by student collaborators’
context into products, techniques, and trends). All deep personal knowledge of informants, we identified
interviews were audio recorded (average length: convergent themes that served as the basis for subse-
1.25 hours) and transcribed verbatim, resulting in a quent rounds of analysis. At this stage, I continued
total of 418 pages of transcripts (1.5 spaced, size the data analysis alone and performed axial coding to
12 font). identify relationships between the previously identified
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 517

themes. I engaged in several rounds of iteratively community of practice (Gannon and Prothero 2018).
moving back and forth between data and the concep- Yet informants also perceived influencers as position-
tual framework until the final set of most salient ally dissimilar makeup artists and gurus whose lives
themes emerged. are inescapably different from their own (e.g., more
glamorous). In addition to such positional compari-
sons, physical similarity and dissimilarity—compart-
Findings
mentalized into individual bodily features and at a
Figure 1 presents an overview of the findings. Starting holistic level—emerged as meaningful ways in which
at the center and reading from the inside toward the consumers view influencers. Recognizing these com-
outside, it establishes that influencers enable all three plex nuances of similarity (see fourth column in Table
components of consumers’ beauty practices: finding 2), in conjunction with the previous identified generic
products, mastering techniques for using them, and actions for practice immersion, helps analytically dis-
being in the know of trends that circulate within the tinguish the six actions that are discussed further in
community of practice (Gannon and Prothero 2018). this article. Finally, the outer black ring in Figure 1
The following quote demonstrates this versatility of outlines two different ways in which influencers’
influencer content: “I like being in the know of what’s mediated practices (Gannon and Prothero 2016) facili-
trendy. By watching YouTube videos, I feel like I can tate consumers’ identity projects (see Discussion).
get that and also learn something about different
products or how to put it on, all in one place” (Lisa).
Finding Products
The key question is how Lisa and other informants
incorporate influencers’ discussions and displays into Consumers apply two different strategies to select
their own beauty performances. Following the tripar- what influencers they permit to inform their con-
tite model of practices (Arsel and Bean 2013), Figure sumption projects. Both emphasize selecting influ-
1 is split into three differently shaded sectors: finding encers who are similar; however, the first is about
products, mastering techniques, and appropriating selecting influencers who share a semisimilar position
trends. For each sector, two different actions emerged as expert consumers, whereas the second is about
from the data through which consumers incorporate selecting influencers based on physical similarity.
influencers’ expertise and taste into their own per-
formances (see subsectors in Figure 1 and first two Positionally Vetting
columns of Table 2): Positionally vetting and granu- Consumers vet influencers in terms of their independ-
larly validating represent two different ways in which ence from brands, expertise, and usefulness of their
consumers select influencers to inform their practice content. Informants are well aware that “a lot of
performances; actually learning and methodically [influencers] get paid by brands to endorse them”
immersing are two modes through which consumers (Paige) and are selective in whom they follow: Those
use influencer content to refine their techniques; and who “aren’t going to say anything negative, [. . .] are
pragmatically interpreting and ideologically bolstering constantly wearing one brand, [. . .] or [. . .] are con-
describe two different forms of inspiration consumers stantly posting about that brand” (Paige) are dis-
draw from influencers. It is through these six actions counted as too biased. On the flip side, influencers
that consumers leverage influencer content for their who provide in-depth information, present balanced
practice immersion (see third column of Table 2). arguments, and engage in systematic sampling or folk
Another emerging finding that helped organize experimentations (Maciel and Wallendorf 2017) are
data analysis was to differentiate between various sought out, regardless of whether they are sponsored.
types of positional and physical similarity, semisimi- Paige looks for influencers who “give you the real
larity, and dissimilarity (see inner black ring in Figure breakdown of how it works; what’s good and what’s
1). While prior research highlights similarity with bad about it.” In other words, she selects influencers
consumers as a key characteristic of influencers (e.g., whom she sees as expert consumers (i.e., positionally
Voorveld 2019), the current analysis finds that simi- semisimilar) rather than agents of the brand or fellow
larity is much more complex than previously acknowl- ordinary consumers.
edged. In line with prior research, informants in this This corroborates earlier research (e.g., Lou 2021)
study perceive influencers as positionally semisimilar that showed consumers are quite accepting of influ-
expert consumers (McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips encers pitching products and brands. However, while
2013) and positionally similar members of the broader earlier research linked this phenomenon to
518 J. SCHOLZ

characteristics of the influencer as a source, for (e.g., Lee and Watkins 2016). The current research
example, by highlighting how consumers build emo- adds nuance by showing how consumers select influ-
tional connections with influencers (Mardon, encers who share very specific physical features (e.g.,
Molesworth, and Grigore 2018; McQuarrie, Miller, skin tone or eye shape) to validate how the material
and Phillips 2013), the current study also emphasizes properties of a product will fit their own needs.
content-level effects: Influencers must earn this leeway Anna, for example, watched an influencer talking
through producing in-depth content that is perceived about how a shampoo works well with her “really
as free of bias. Cynthia, for example, looks for depth fine” hair. Anna immediately realized the similarity to
of information to determine whether she can trust her own hair and has been a loyal customer since
an influencer: then. Informants visually assess influencers, sales asso-
They go into so much detail about everything! And ciates, and even regular consumers on their physical
they’ve also got every ingredient listed, and how to similarity when seeking out product information. In
use it [. . .] They rave about it. But they back it up the quote that follows, Paige evaluates the influencer
with, “Here’s what it does because of these not based on overall similarity or attractiveness but
ingredients.” . . . She’s a licensed esthetician, so she specifically in terms of how much the influencer’s
knows. I really like that. [. . .] I feel like I’ve done my
research. I’m like “Okay, I’m an informed consumer.
skin type aligns with her own:
I’ll go make my purchase now.” (Cynthia) Something that is a big deal is if you have dry or oily
skin, and some products just don’t work if you have
One of the most valued types of content are folk one or the other. I try and do . . . most of the
experimentations and systematic samplings (Maciel influencers will have some sort of video about their
and Wallendorf 2017) in the form of “dupe videos” in skin routine where they’ll talk about [their skin]. So I
which influencers compare expensive products with try and watch that one and see “Am I like that?” . . .
cheaper alternatives side by side. Influencer Samantha Just to see if I can compare how the product might
Ravndahl, for example, points out how people with go on their skin as to how it might go on
mine. (Paige)
oily skin might not be as happy with the less expen-
sive product as other consumers. Informants value Paige engages in a mediated (Gannon and Prothero
this type of content because it enables them to find “a 2016) form of cooperative scaffolding (Maciel and
totally reasonable alternative” when they “don’t have Wallendorf 2017): Rather than interacting with more
the money to buy the nice thing” (Kacey). knowledgeable others directly, she leverages influencer
Together, these findings emphasize that consumers content to align relevant physical attributes in a care-
search for expertise and knowledge leadership, rather ful selection process. These deliberate actions highlight
than just emotional connection and kinship, when a powerful mechanism through which influencers
dealing with the specific task of finding products. facilitate consumers’ practice immersion beyond just
Influencers help navigate the multitude of products conveying product information. By actively and spe-
that many informants describe as “overwhelming” cifically aligning the physical properties between
(e.g., Lisa). By providing institutional benchmarks and themselves and others, consumers engage in produc-
vicarious acts of systematic sampling, influencers ing practices (Holt 1995) that allow them to take
enable informants to claim the role of well-prepared charge of their practice performance, even as the con-
and responsible consumers. Furthermore, by discus- stituting elements (i.e., the mass-produced product
sing differences between various skin types and how and the influencer content) lie entirely outside their
the interaction between skin types and a product’s control. Consumers feel empowered in their beauty
formula impacts performance, influencers build con- practice because they can carefully manage influence
sumers’ makeup vocabulary. Even when no purchase through minutely compartmentalizing physical simi-
is made, influencers thus facilitate practice assimila- larity across specific body parts and time periods:
tion (Holt 1995) through enabling consumers to think Upon asking if there was an influencer who perfectly
and speak like makeup practitioners. matches her skin, Paige explains that she follows “this
one Danish girl” whose skin type is “pretty close” to
Granularly Validating her own and that if this particular influencer “likes a
Prior research has typically conceptualized influencers’ skin product” she tends “to think [she] would like it”
similarity with consumers in terms of shared social too. However, Paige goes on to explain that the
positions (e.g., McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips 2013). Danish influencer’s hair is different, that Paige herself
Physical attributes, if considered at all, are mainly gets more tanned in California during the summer
confined to broadly construed physical attractiveness months, and that her skin gets “very dry in the
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 519

winter.” By concluding that “it’s really hard to say techniques (“purposefully seeking out to learn” versus
that there is just one [influencer]” and highlighting watching “for fun”) and confirms that she heavily
her own seasonal and location-specific adjustments, engages in actually learning. She has to do this
Paige demonstrates her competence as a discerning because makeup is a constantly evolving practice.
makeup practitioner. Thus, even though consumers Catching up with new or returning trends through
have little chance of interacting with the influencer or actually learning from basic tutorials is necessary to
directing the content, they have coconstructive power retain and deepen her practice immersion:
over their influencer experience through these select- I definitely do a lot less purposely seeking out to
ive actions that are under their control. learn these days. Mostly because I watch a tutorial
While selecting influencers based on physical simi- now for fun. [. . .] I will look up things like
larity is a moving target, it is an achievable one “contouring” for actually learning because even
because finding products is a relatively narrow task. though I can do it, I don’t feel like I have it
completely down. I’ll randomly be inspired to want to
By compartmentalizing one particular aspect of their it better, and then look one up. Oh, “brows” actually,
bodies at a certain time, consumers can find a specific when they came back in style recently, I definitely
influencer who granularly validates the suitability of a looked up tutorials for them. Because I wanted to be
product. The same cannot be said for more complex better. Oh, and for eyeshadow I was binge watching
aspects of consumers’ beauty practices, such as mas- basic eyeshadow tutorials, rather than the fun ones
that inspired me, because I was like, . . . How do I do
tering makeup techniques. this? (Maddison)
Consumers seek out influencers who are physically
Mastering Techniques similar to support their deliberate attempts at master-
Consumers have a strong interest in seeing “how ing new or difficult techniques. However, in contrast
[influencers are] using the makeup, not just what to the previous theme, in which consumers were able
products they’re using” (Lisa). This study finds two to validate a product’s suitability by isolating a par-
different modes through which consumers learn from ticular physical property (e.g., skin type) and selecting
makeup tutorials and related content: Actually learn- an influencer who matches that property (i.e., physic-
ing describes how consumers invest focused time and ally similar in a compartmentalized sense; see inner
energy to learn and improve new or challenging tech- black ring in Figure 1), learning a technique is a more
niques, whereas methodically immersing describes how complex undertaking. Several factors (e.g., facial struc-
consumers pick up details and assimilate into the ture, skin tone, skill level, personal style of the influ-
social world of beauty through casually watching encer) usually must be traded off against one another.
influencers for entertainment. These two modes can As a consequence, actually learning a technique is
be summarized as an anxiously focused, frequently rarely facilitated by finding one influencer who pro-
frustrating, pause-and-rewind style versus a reassur- vides a perfect match (i.e., physically dissimilar in a
ingly defocused, incrementally effective, play-and- holistic sense; see inner black ring in Figure 1):
unwind style of consuming social media influence. The thing with YouTube, no one is going to have all
the same features as you. I found one that has a
Actually Learning similar eye shape but a different skin type. So the way
she does her eyes are going to suit me, but the way
Consumers invest a lot of time imitating and replicat-
she does [her look] and the products she uses on her
ing influencers’ practice performances. They deliber- face aren’t what I should be using. And at the same
ately follow tutorials “step by step” (Sarah) and time skill levels vary. A YouTuber that looks nothing
sometimes even press pause every few seconds to fol- like me might be completely amazing at makeup and
low instructions. Virtually all informants consume I’ll learn more from her than someone who looks just
influencer content via such focused activities. More like me but isn’t that good at it. (Andrea)
experienced users, like Maddison, may have relied on Andrea’s account demonstrates that consumers
this mode more heavily in the past and nowadays have a rather fragmented and piecemeal experience
rather watch “for fun” and to immerse themselves in when they try to utilize influencer content—even
beauty culture (see Methodically Immersing section). detailed tutorials—for actually learning a technique.
Nevertheless, they also adopt the more focused actu- Consumers must translate influencers’ demonstrations
ally learning approach when a particular need arises. to their own faces, which is “really hard because
In the quote that follows, Maddison draws the distinc- everyone’s jawline” (Violet) and other facial features
tion between the two different modes of learning are different. Because the outcome of their
520 J. SCHOLZ

reenactments “never looks exactly the same because technique.” Thus, even though she does not watch
you can’t do the exact motions they did” (Kacey), influencer content with the intention and attention to
consumers’ attempts to improve their practice per- directly imitate influencers’ ways of creating their
formances through these focused actions are only looks, she nevertheless “pick[s] up on techniques” and
partly successful. This underwhelming outcome of makes subtle changes to how she applies makeup.
actually learning tends to be frustrating. Lisa, for Chloe, who for years watched makeup videos to “help
example, does not feel reassured that she successfully [her] fall asleep,” likewise explains that she “didn’t
translated an influencer’s technique into her own have to practice anymore because [she] had seen it so
practice performance: many times, the same way, over and over and over.”
The tutorials teach me how to do certain things. Like These two narratives demonstrate how repeated low-
contouring—that’s super complicated, and you have attention exposure deepens consumers’ embodied
to put all of these colors in different places and I knowledge (Reckwitz 2002) of applying makeup and
never really know how to do it right. [. . .] It’s thus their practice immersion. While small changes in
sometimes hard to match what’s someone is doing in
embodied knowledge might initially go unnoticed,
a YouTube tutorial, . . . but it’s still entertaining.
(Lisa) they can over time result in sizable improvements in
consumers’ competence as beauty practitioners.
In short, despite the popularity of tutorial content, In addition, methodically immersing facilitates
attempting to extend their own techniques via actually practice immersion because consumers can assimilate
learning is surprisingly dissatisfying for consumers (Holt 1995) into the social world of beauty through
because it is accompanied by worries and insecurities. low-key actions like following gossip. These findings
add to recent research on the relationship between
Methodically Immersing influencers and followers (Cocker and Cronin 2017;
The last part of Lisa’s previous quote—“but it’s still Lou 2021) by pointing out that parasocial relation-
entertaining”—points to the second way by which ships with influencers fulfill a deeper purpose for con-
informants consume makeup tutorials. Instead of sumers, beyond simply experiencing dyadic social
actively learning through focused attention, this play- bonds (e.g., Escalas and Bettman 2017). These connec-
and-unwind mode characterizes a more relaxed way tions—“no matter how tenuous or even fictional”
of learning techniques in which consumers watch (Holt 1995, p. 7)—enable consumers to produce pos-
influencers for entertainment. Fiona’s quote locates itional similarity with influencers via shared commu-
the fun and entertainment of influencer content in
nity membership (i.e., positionally similar/community
displays of personality and the sharing of gossip that
member in Figure 1), which bolsters consumers’ iden-
are reminiscent of reality TV:
tities as makeup practitioners.
I feel like I’ll watch makeup videos just for the . . .
the entertainment of it I guess. ’Cause I’m not
necessarily going to put on bright blue eyeshadow, Appropriating Trends
but it’s fun to go and see their technique and then
watch how they would do it. Even though I wouldn’t
SMIs connect consumers to an ever-changing cultural
necessarily use that on myself. So yeah, I kind of go repertoire of makeup trends. They “provide inspir-
for personality and humor, if they’re fun to watch in ation because there are new looks coming out all the
general. [. . .] I feel like it’s like a Keeping Up with the time” (Andrea) and offer a “big picture of what’s in
Kardashians . . . but for like makeup vlogging! style or what’s kind of cool” (Lexi). As shown by prior
[Laughs] It’s kind of like reality TV, but with
research (e.g., Cocker and Cronin 2017; Lou 2021;
[makeup] incorporated in it. . . . So I kind of pick up
on techniques, or if I like the brush they use, I’ll go Mardon, Molesworth, and Grigore 2018), influencers
and buy that. But in terms of playing around, I’ll are thus sources of inspiration. However, details on
stick to the same general technique, kind of. ’Cause I how exactly consumers are inspired by influencers
do smoky eyes, and that’s like it. I don’t do much of have been surprisingly sparse. Fiona’s quote in the
the other fancy stuff. (Fiona)
previous section suggests that inspiration is a more
While this style of consuming influencer content complex phenomenon than commonly understood:
may seem frivolous, Fiona’s quote unveils a powerful Even though she enjoys videos in which influencers
way by which this play-and-unwind style of consum- display bold new trends, Fiona is “not necessarily
ing influence helps consumers increase their compe- going to put on bright blue eyeshadow.” This section
tence as makeup practitioners. Fiona explains how she uncovers two different forms of inspiration: The first
has her “go-to looks” and “stick[s] to the same general is an appropriation of makeup trends through
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 521

pragmatically interpreting influencers’ looks for one’s really my style. It’s not really me. [. . .] Like, I
own makeup performance (i.e., inspiration for one’s wouldn’t wear that to work. And I probably wouldn’t
look), whereas the second constitutes a more abstract wear it out with friends. (Diana)
process of ideologically bolstering one’s performance Other consumers and friends who live similar lives
against insecurities that arise from conflicting makeup are seen as equally as or even more impactful for
discourses (i.e., inspiration to embrace makeup for deciding what makeup trends to appropriate. Violet,
empowerment). for example, draws more on her friends when she is
“trying to define that line.” In sum, influencers’
Pragmatically Interpreting impact on consumers’ actual appropriation of trends
Popular influencers claim taste leadership through dis- seems to be lower than what one might expect.
playing bold styles (McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips However, that does not mean that influencers’ expres-
2013). Informants frequently indicate that influencers’ sive displays are wasted, because they offer another
performances, while being fun and inspiring, are too type of inspiration.
over the top for their own looks: They “steal elements
of [influencers’] looks because it’s too extreme to rep- Ideologically Bolstering
licate all” and tone-down influencers “bold looks” by Consumers’ beauty practices are situated within ideo-
doing “less of it” (Lisa). These modifications highlight logical tensions between competing cultural discourses
informants’ concerns about crossing a “line where you that must be negotiated for constructing favorable
pass to makeup that you’d wear for prom,” which identities (Scholz and Smith 2019). Makeup can be a
would conflict with their desire to display looks that confidence booster for working in professional envi-
are suitable for “professional kind of events” (Violet). ronments or interacting with other people (i.e.,
Even Paige, who displays some of the boldest looks in
makeup-as-empowerment ideology). Kacey, for
this study, “translates” styles that she thinks are better
example, utilizes makeup as an “armor” in challenging
suited for the “runway” or a “photo shoot” and rein-
situations, such as when competing against others
terprets them “for the everyday.” This shows that
during dance contests. On the flip side, informants
informants are highly aware that influencers are gov-
are also keenly aware that wearing makeup can carry
erned by different institutional norms, which requires
negative connotations in society (i.e., makeup-as-
consumers to modify their engagement with influ-
oppression ideology). Anna verbalizes—and struggles
encers’ makeup practices to avoid identity misalign-
with how much she adopts for herself—the familiar
ment (Akaka and Schau 2019).
critique that people wear makeup because they are
Admiring is thus distinct from emulating. While
adventurous performances prompt favorable audience crippled by insecurities and victims of unrealistic
reactions in comment sections (McQuarrie, Miller, beauty ideals:
and Phillips 2013), they make it harder for everyday A lot of girls that I know of do contouring. [. . .] It’s
consumers to leverage influencers’ displays for their so much, and you get further and further away from .
own practice performances. Even though informants . . the face that you were born with. I mean, at a
certain point, there’s a line for me. Like, it’s a lot. . . .
frequently praise influencers for providing inspiration
But I don’t mean it in a judgmental way either. I
and explicitly state that they want to experiment with don’t judge people who do it. But . . . but I do. I just
bolder styles, the positional dissimilarity of “makeup think that there are some trends that are insane[. . . .]
gurus” (see inner black ring in Figure 1) deters them I mean, it’s all up to the person, but my best friend
from closely emulating influencers’ performances. from back home and my cousin both have this issue
Consumers “don’t think [they] could pull it off” where they cannot leave the house, even to go to the
(Andrea) and long for seeing images of “regular peo- gas station, without wearing makeup. They’ve gotten
to this point where they depend on it. [. . .] Like if
ple” so they “know it’s possible to achieve the look it’s crippling to not have it, for me that’s really
without being a professional” (Anna). Concerns over sad. (Anna)
lacking skills aside, the more important issue for
informants is to not overstep their “line” by displaying Informants must straddle these competing cultural
a look that is deemed incongruent with their inner discourses as they engage in their own beauty practi-
selves, as Diana’s quote illustrates: ces (Akaka and Schau 2019). Diana, an advanced and
daily user, cherishes the boost in confidence she gains
When I think of purple eyeshadow or blue
from fake eyelashes. She calls it a “makeover” but
eyeshadow, or pink, I think of . . . like runway show,
or performance! You work at Sephora! But that’s not quickly adds that it is “not so much where you’re
totally transforming your face.” Even as Diana
522 J. SCHOLZ

embraces the celebratory discourse that construes everybody who wants it, thus helping consumers rec-
makeup as empowerment, she safeguards herself oncile ideological tensions and further immerse into
against an anticipated and internalized makeup-as- makeup practice (Akaka and Schau 2019).
oppression critique by pointing out that she’s still the Nikkie’s and other influencers’ performances of
same person underneath: “You’re a new person. The self-expressive empowerment are viewed by consum-
same person, but you’re better.” ers from a position of both semisimilarity and dis-
Influencers help consumers straddle these compet- similarity (see inner black ring in Figure 1). The idea
ing cultural discourses by bolstering the makeup-as- that influencers started out as ordinary consumers has
empowerment ideology against negative stereotypes, become part of modern-day folklore. Informants thus
perceived judgment, and one’s own personal history. see influencers not only as today’s dissimilar gurus
Influencers’ avant-garde makeup performances are who confidently embrace the makeup-as-empower-
seen as “empowering women to try new things and be ment ideology but also as formerly similar consumers
different” (Diana). And the more flamboyant that who started out like them and are just a few steps
influencers’ performances are, the more they serve as ahead in their makeup journey. Influencers’ extreme
a poster child for the makeup-as-empowerment ideol- confidence offers an appealing future self. Watching
ogy. Maddison explicitly draws out the connection bold and self-expressive performances may not result
between bold makeup and empowerment by empha- in actual replications (see Pragmatically Interpreting)
sizing—rightly or wrongly—that the influencer creates but nevertheless inspires consumers, just on a more
her look “just for herself,” not to please others. And diffuse, ideological level: Vicariously consuming influ-
because, implicitly, Maddison also uses makeup as “a encers’ bold and expressive styles inspires informants
girl power thing,” she reaps identity benefits by to embrace “the power of makeup” as their lead ideol-
embracing the makeup-as-empowerment ideology for ogy, thus legitimizing their desire to use makeup as a
herself: “You know, it’s sort of like a girl power thing. confidence booster and reducing worries about being
‘Look at the way this girl can make herself look judged. This analysis extends our understanding of
incredible. Just for herself, you know.’ Sometimes what inspiration influencers provide. In addition to
they’ll be like, ‘I’m just doing this tutorial sitting providing style leadership (McQuarrie, Miller, and
around my house!’” (Maddison). Phillips 2013), influencers serve as role models for
Influencers at times directly legitimize the makeup- how to fight off societal pressures.
as-empowerment ideology. In her most popular video
(42-plus million views and 900,000 likes), influencer
Nikkie delivers a manifesto on the “power of makeup” Discussion
in which she encourages her followers to embrace the This research advances our understanding of influen-
empowering effect of makeup and reject the makeup- cer marketing by shifting perspectives from how influ-
as-oppression critique. She starts the video with ence is produced to how consumers actually consume
these words: social media influence. It challenges the underlying
I’m here today to show you the power of makeup. assumption that influence is passively absorbed
I’ve been noticing a lot lately that girls have been (Djafarova and Rushworth 2017; Escalas and Bettman
almost ashamed to say that they love makeup. 2017; Lee and Watkins 2016; Schouten, Janssen, and
Because nowadays, when you say you love makeup,
you either do it because you wanna look good for
Verspaget 2019) and utilizes practice theory to
boys, you do it because you’re insecure, or you do it uncover six actions through which consumers actively
because you don’t love yourself. I feel like in a way, integrate influencer content into their consumption
lately, it’s almost a crime to love doing your makeup. and identity projects (see Figure 1): Consumers exam-
(Nikkie Tutorials) ine products through positionally vetting and granu-
The video continues with Nikkie celebrating how larly validating, increase their skills through actually
makeup allows her to “look Photoshopped” in real learning from tutorials and methodically immersing
life, thus clashing with another social critique. While themselves into makeup culture, and draw inspiration
she briefly acknowledges that makeup should not be from influencers through pragmatically interpreting
used to cover up insecurities, the entire video vener- makeup trends and ideologically bolstering their own
ates makeup for its self-transformational power and use of makeup. Detailing these actions answers recent
unapologetically connects heavy use of makeup to calls to explore consumer dynamics within influencer
self-empowerment. In other words, Nikkie claims the marketing (Araujo et al. 2020; Dahlen and Rosengren
makeup-as-empowerment ideology for herself and for 2016; Voorveld 2019). In particular, by focusing “on
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 523

the audiences” (Gannon and Prothero 2018, p. 23) Granularly Validating). Furthermore, the current study
and their actions, rather than influencers’ attributes or differentiates between two ways in which influencers
activities, the current research makes the following provide taste leadership (McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips
three contributions: It provides insights into how 2013): Displaying looks that are suited for the everyday
companies can effectively utilize influencers, more is useful because they can be more easily emulated (see
clearly differentiates between SMIs and celebrity Pragmatically Interpreting), whereas more expressive
endorsers (McCracken 1989), and explores how medi- avant-garde looks benefit consumers by providing moral
ated practices (Gannon and Prothero 2016) facilitate support for using makeup as a confidence booster (see
consumers’ identity projects (Akaka and Schau 2019). Ideologically Bolstering). Finally, while actually learning
First, this study answers calls for “more cross-fertil- from tutorials is a straightforward benefit, this study
ization of theories and ideas from various disciplines” also outlines the utility of consuming gossip because it
to better understand how influencers “impact on con- enables consumers to gain membership in the makeup
sumers and how they can be effectively utilized by community (see Methodically Immersing). Recognizing
companies” (Vrontis et al. 2021, p. 13). Prior research these various functions that influencer content serves in
often identifies source effects such as perceived simi- consumers’ lives can help marketers and influencers cali-
larity, credibility, popularity, and attractiveness to brate their content strategies.
explain why influencers are effective (e.g., Djafarova Future research is needed to explore how a practice
and Rushworth 2017; McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips theoretical approach to influencer marketing can
2013; Schouten, Janssen, and Verspaget 2019; De inform other industries. For example, compartmental-
Veirman, Cauberghe, and Hudders 2017; Voorveld izing physical attributes of influencers may help assess
2019). Examining influencer effectiveness solely via the suitability of products within bodily consumption
these general source effects mutes the active ways in contexts (e.g., health, fashion) but may be less import-
which consumers engage with influencers and there- ant when products are not ingested into, applied onto,
fore does not fully illuminate what benefits consumers or worn on the body (e.g., electronics). Another
derive from them. For example, attractiveness is usu- important question is whether a practice theoretical
ally construed in broad terms such as overall physical lens is useful for contexts that require less embodied
attractiveness (Lee and Watkins 2016); yet the current participation or are less aestheticized (e.g., financial
study shows that physical properties at a granular instruments). Nevertheless, the basic elements of prac-
level are also important because consumers actively tices that govern consumers’ everyday lives (Schatzki
seek out influencers with specific physical features to 1996; Shove, Pantzar, and Watson 2012) should still
evaluate products (see Granularly Validating). apply, and influencers could, for example, ideologic-
Furthermore, and in contrast to established thinking ally bolster heavy use of credit cards as a sign of
(McQuarrie, Miller, and Phillips 2013), even perceived financial responsibility rather than recklessness. What
dissimilarity can have positive effects. For example, specific functions influencer content fulfills in any
“influencer flamboyancy” is probably seen as a dis- given consumption context, however, requires its own
similar attribute by most; yet it signals a level of con- empirical investigation.
fidence that helps consumers negotiate ideological A second contribution is a clearer differentiation
undercurrents that complicate their consumption between influencers and celebrity endorsers that helps
projects (see Ideologically Bolstering). Recognizing explain the success of influencer marketing. Voorveld
such nuances can guide marketers’ selection of influ- (2019) suggests that “social media influencers should
encers for their communications programs. be systematically compared with other forms of
This study also expands an understanding of what endorsers [. . .] such as celebrities” and that future
benefits consumer derive from different types of influen- research should “investigate what determines whether
cer content. While survey-based research shows that people perceive social media influencers as too
consumers value influencer content that signals expertise commercial” (p. 21). Both ideas are connected via the
(Ki and Kim 2019), examining how consumers actually similarity argument: Prior research typically conceptu-
engage with influencers provides a more detailed under- alizes SMIs as more similar to everyday consumers,
standing of what constitutes high-quality content. For compared with celebrity endorsers, and points out
example, influencers can offer valuable product informa- that commercialization may threaten this basis of their
tion through performing systematic sampling (see appeal (e.g., Cocker and Cronin 2017; Mardon,
Positionally Vetting) and discussing a product’s material Molesworth, and Grigore 2018; McQuarrie, Miller,
properties in relation to their own bodies (see and Phillips 2013; Voorveld 2019). Yet consumers
524 J. SCHOLZ

seem to be quite accepting of sponsored influencer biases (see Positionally Vetting), aligning physical prop-
content (Lou 2021; Vrontis et al. 2021) in contrast to erties (see Granularly Validating), and modifying influ-
more conventional celebrities, whose endorsements encers’ makeup looks to fit their institutional
are often discounted (Boerman, Willemsen, and Van constraints (see Pragmatically Interpreting). These
Der Aa 2017). Prior research suggests that the reason actions are not merely reactive cross-validations of
for this might be social bonds (Escalas and Bettman information (Lou 2021) but part of an active and
2017; Ferchaud et al. 2018; Gannon and Prothero ongoing integration of influencer content with one’s
2016), as consumers have been found to tolerate spon- own bodily and institutional needs. Even though this
sored posts (Lou 2021) and even defend influencers skillful and personalized consumption of influencer
from criticism over their commercial activities content is a one-sided engagement, rather than a
(Mardon, Molesworth, and Grigore 2018) because of mutual engagement with other practitioners (Gannon
previously established relationships. However, because and Prothero 2018; Maciel and Wallendorf 2017), it
parasocial relationships are also formed with more nevertheless enables consumers to demonstrate that
traditional celebrities (Horton and Wohl 1956), the they are discerning and experienced practitioners.
existence of social bonds alone cannot explain why These direct ways through which influencers help
consumers tend to tolerate influencers’ commer- consumers claim their identities as involved practi-
cial activities. tioners seem to be less vulnerable to commercial con-
The practice theoretical lens on influencer market- tamination than the purely symbolic value that is
ing that is developed here offers an alternative explan- provided by celebrity endorsements. Future research
ation that does not rely on the similarity argument: could experimentally test this proposition by manipu-
Compared to celebrity endorsers, SMIs have a much lating the extent to which endorsements rely on the
more direct impact on consumers’ practice immer- symbolic power of the celebrity (i.e., simply suggesting
sion. McCracken (1989) describes celebrity endorse- “the essential similarity between the celebrity and the
ments as a three-stage process. A celebrity first takes product”; McCracken 1989, p. 316) versus more dir-
on a particular configuration of cultural meanings ectly support consumers’ practices (e.g., through hav-
through his or her public career. These meanings are ing celebrities provide tutorials).
then transferred from the celebrity onto a product Finally, the current research contributes to our
through the endorsement. Finally, consumers appro- understanding of mediated practices (Gannon and
priate these cultural meanings into their own identi- Prothero 2016). Prior research emphasizes the utility
ties by accepting “that the meanings in the celebrity of practice theory to understand how consumers con-
(by dint of long and fond acquaintance) are in the struct their identities (Akaka and Schau 2019).
product” (p. 316). The celebrity here furnishes con- However, Gannon and Prothero (2016) rightly point
sumers’ identity projects only indirectly through trans- out that practice theory research has generally
ferring his or her symbolic qualities onto products, “omitted the central role of online media in sharing
which then become resources for consumers’ self- know-how” and call for a better understanding of
constructions. such “mediated practices” (p. 1874).
By contrast, influencers play a much more direct The current study shows that influencers’ mediated
role in consumers’ identity projects because they help practices facilitate consumers’ own practice immersion
consumers immerse themselves in and continuously in two different ways (see outer black ring in Figure
engage with the practice (Akaka and Schau 2019). 1): First, mediated practices help consumers improve
Influencers help consumers acquire cultural competence their practice performances. This is a similar dynamic
in their practice performances (Maciel and Wallendorf to how consumers (Maciel and Wallendorf 2017) and
2017) by building their vocabulary (see Positionally influencers (Gannon and Prothero 2018) help each
Vetting) and improving their techniques (see Actually other through mutual engagement and support; how-
Learning), provide communal identity value (Schau, ever, the one-sided engagement explored here requires
Mu~ niz, and Arnould 2009) by socializing consumers less investment in terms of consumers’ time, effort, or
into makeup culture (see Methodically Immersing), and money. Influencers as “teachers of practice perform-
legitimize consumers’ use of makeup through perpetrat- ances” offer product knowledge in concentrated and
ing ideologies that cast makeup in a positive light (see distilled form (see Positionally Vetting and Granularly
Ideologically Bolstering). Furthermore, consumers Validating), enable consumers to advance their prac-
actively take charge of their influencer experience by tical skills and cultural competencies without risking
carefully screening influencers for brand-introduced major missteps (see Actually Learning) or even paying
 JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING 525

much attention (see Methodically Immersing), and consumers judge from afar the extent to which an
provide easily accessible inspiration (see Pragmatically integrated practice may align with desired identities
Interpreting). Because practice theory aims to illumin- and overarching life goals.
ate the production of everyday life (Shove, Pantzar, Together, these findings demonstrate the value of
and Watson 2012), recognizing how even low-effort examining the evolving digital ecosystem through
activities (e.g., casually watching an influencer for gos- more holistic perspectives that explore what consum-
sip) foster practice immersion is an important add- ers actually do when utilizing emerging technologies
ition to earlier research (e.g., Maciel and Wallendorf for their consumption projects. Future research can
2017), which explored more time-intensive activities leverage practice theory to examine the broader iden-
that are more difficult to fit into consumers’ tity implications and use patterns of other technolo-
daily schedules. gies, such as augmented reality or voice assistants, to
Second, influencers’ mediated practices can help illuminate what value consumers seek from these
consumers decide what integrative practice they emerging engagement arenas (Araujo et al. 2020).
should newly adopt. Influencers’ performances crystal-
ize a practice into a recognizable entity that can be
Managerial Implications
viewed, understood, and examined from the outside
(i.e., influencers as exemplars of practice performers Brand managers and SMIs can utilize this research to
in Figure 1). While influencers-as-teachers give con- improve their influencer marketing campaigns and
sumers manuals for performing an integrated practice increase their appeal to consumers, respectively. The
(Arsel and Bean 2013), influencers-as-exemplars pro- key for both stakeholders is to consider Figure 1 as a
vide vivid archetypes that consumers can gaze at to dartboard and play a game of :around the clock,” in
evaluate how an integrated practice aligns with their which the objective is to hit every segment (e.g., pos-
own identity projects. For example, seeing influencers itional vetting, granularly validating). Influencers can
as exemplars of a particular makeup practice (e.g., fine-tune their content so it caters to specific actions
very bold looks) enables consumers to decide whether through which consumers consume influence. For
this particular articulation fits their own self-concepts example, when creating tutorials with step-by-step
(see Pragmatically Interpreting), and influencers’ instructions, influencers should downplay the need to
embrace of the “power of makeup” helps consumers “do it as exactly as possible” to relieve consumers
recognize and negotiate the otherwise unspoken insti- from anxieties that arise from the fragmented experi-
tutional norms and expectations that govern their ence while actually learning.
lives (see Ideologically Bolstering). For brand managers, the Influencer Marketing
Conceptualizing influencers as exemplars of prac- Dartboard offers an alternative to traditional customer
tice performers advances our understanding of the journey mappings, with the two benefits that it is spe-
link between practices and identity projects (Akaka cifically attuned to influencer marketing and that it
and Schau 2019). Prior research has explored how offers a consumption-centric rather than marketing-
consumers construct identities through continuous centric perspective (Akaka and Schau 2019). Of
practice engagement (e.g., Holt 1995; Maciel and course, the Influencer Marketing Dartboard needs to
Wallendorf 2017; Schatzki 1996; Schau, Mu~ niz, and be customized for industries that cater to other inte-
Arnould 2009), but it is less clear how consumers grated practices. However, the three basic practice
choose the integrative practices in which they components and consumers’ generic actions that
immerse themselves. For example, Maciel and enable practice engagement have been established and
Wallendorf (2017) examined how aficionados who applied across numerous contexts, including baseball
were already “intensively involved in the focal phe- (Holt 1995), craft beer consumption (Maciel and
nomenon” (p. 729) improved their cultural compe- Wallendorf 2017), surfing (Akaka and Schau 2019),
tence, and Arsel and Bean (2013) interviewed regular and home decor (Arsel and Bean 2013). To quip: The
contributors to an online community to explore how dartboard’s color might change as one crawls from
institutional taste regimes orchestrate their practice. In pub to pub, but its underlying structure and the rules
each case, the focus is on already-committed practi- of play developed here remain the same.
tioners, which leaves unexplored how consumers get Brand managers should arrange their influencer
interested in regularly performing any integrated prac- marketing strategy to hit all segments with content
tice in the first place. Influencers as exemplars of from multiple influencers. Different segments help
practice performers fill this gap because they help consumers achieve different things in their practice:
526 J. SCHOLZ

For example, videos displaying down-to-earth makeup phenomenon. At the core, this requires a more
looks help consumers pragmatically interpret trends nuanced understanding of how consumers consume
but are less suited to fight off internalized critiques influence. By utilizing the Influencer Marketing
against using makeup. Brand managers should there- Dartboard as a conceptual and managerial tool for
fore specify what type of content they want influ- this task, marketers can better serve their customers
encers to produce. To be clear, this study does not and increase their brands’ return on influencer
advocate for telling influencers what to say, as such ad spend.
managerial control would undermine the effectiveness
of influencer content. Rather, it argues to specify what
Acknowledgments
aspects of the dartboard influencers should keep in
mind when creating content. Furthermore, the The author thanks Rachel Gasparini and Sam Rackwitz for
their help collecting data, the reviewers and editors for their
nuanced understanding of how consumers construe
comments and guidance, and Andrew Smith and Finlay
influencers’ similarity should encourage managers to Scholz for their ideas, support, and motivation while com-
select many different micro-influencers—rather than pleting this research.
one or a few macro-influencers—based on their phys-
ical attributes (e.g., skin type). This would enable a
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