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The Devil Behind The Mirror Globalization and Politics in The Dominican Republic 1st Edition Steven Gregory Full Chapters Included

Educational material: The Devil behind the Mirror Globalization and Politics in the Dominican Republic 1st Edition Steven Gregory Available Instantly. Comprehensive study guide with detailed analysis, academic insights, and professional content for educational purposes.

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UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page i

THE DEVIL BEHIND THE MIRROR


UC_Gregory.qxd

Luperón
Monte Cristi AT L A N T I C
Puerto
8/16/06

Plata OCEAN

Mao
Dajabón Santiago N
Sabaneta San Francisco
Moca de Macorís
12:57 PM

Sánchez Samaná
La Vega
Cotuí
Miches
Bonao
Monte Plata El Seibo
HAITI
Page ii

DOMINICAN Hato Mayor


Comendador Higüey
San Juan REPUBLIC
Santo La Romana
Domingo Boca Chica
San Pedro
Azua San Cristóbal de Macorís
Neiba
Jimaní Baní

Barahona

Pedernales

0 30 60 Mi.
CAR I BBEAN SEA 0 50 100 Km.
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page iii

The Devil
behind the Mirror
Globalization and Politics
in the Dominican Republic

STEVEN GREGORY

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London


UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page iv

University of California Press, one of the most


distinguished university presses in the United States,
enriches lives around the world by advancing
scholarship in the humanities, social sciences,
and natural sciences. Its activities are supported
by the UC Press Foundation and by philanthropic
contributions from individuals and institutions.
For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu.

University of California Press


Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd.


London, England

© 2007 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gregory, Steven, 1954–.


The devil behind the mirror : globalization and
politics in the Dominican Republic / Steven Gregory.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
isbn-13: 978–0–520–24727–7 (cloth : alk. paper)
isbn-10: 0–520–24727–2 (cloth : alk. paper)
isbn-13: 978–0–520–24929–5 (pbk. : alk. paper)
isbn-10: 0–520–24929–1 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Dominican Republic—Foreign economic
relations. 2. Globalization—Dominican Republic.
3. Globalization—Political aspects—Dominican
Republic. 4. Dominican Republic—Economic
conditions—1961– 5. Dominican Republic—
Social conditions—1961– 6. Tourism—Dominican
Republic. I. Title.

HF1502.G74 2007
330.97293—dc22 2006005032

Manufactured in the United States of America

15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum


requirements of ansi/niso z39.48–1992 (r 1997)
(Permanence of Paper).
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page v

For Susan
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page vi

The publisher gratefully acknowledges the generous


contribution to this book provided by Columbia University.
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page vii

Contents

List of Illustrations ix

Acknowledgments xi

Introduction 1

1. The Politics of Livelihood 11

2. The Spatial Economy of Difference 50

3. Structures of the Imagination 92

4. Sex Tourism and the Political Economy of Masculinity 130

5. Race, Identity, and the Body Politic 166

6. The Politics of Transnational Capital 209

Afterword 234

Notes 247

References 261

Index 275
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page viii
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page ix

List of Illustrations

Map of the Dominican Republic ii


1. Vendors displaying their wares in front of the Boca
Chica Resort 13
2. Ingenio Boca Chica as seen from the coastal road in 2001 16
3. Minaya and Jocelyn Sánchez on Diana’s fifth birthday 18
4. Musicians playing for tourists in front of the Hotel
Don Juan 25
5. Informal day laborers working at a seaside restaurant 32
6. A corn vendor and his son working on the beach 35
7. Josefa playing with her granddaughter on her porch
in Andrés 38
8. Patrons dancing to bachata at a colmadón in Andrés 42
9. The elevated causeway of the Boca Chica Resort 53
10. A public festival sponsored by the Presidente
Beer Company 55
11. POLITUR officers patrolling the beach 57
12. A condominium under construction in Boca Chica
in 2002 65
13. Employees of Colmado La Fe, located in Bella Vista 71
14. Gifts being distributed at Junta La Unión’s Mother’s Day
celebration in 2001 77
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page x

x ILLUSTRATIONS

15. A street in the commercial center of Andrés 81


16. Milquella preparing for an interview in front of her home 87
17. Milquella and her son, Ronny, at Puerco Rosado
Restaurant in 2002 90
18. Fomerio Rodrigues and two technicians in the control
room of Turivisión 99
19. Children performing a folkloric dance at the graduation
ceremony of Boca Chica’s Escuela Laboral 102
20. Sucre greeting bathers inside the subterranean cave at
La Caleta 105
21. Rodrigues interviewing a Dominican return migrant
whose land has been occupied by squatters 107
22. Rodrigues discussing the plot of La Negrita y el Turista
with the cast and crew 120
23. La Negrita (Fernanda) discussing her decision to emigrate
to Canada with her English teacher 124
24. A motoconcho taxi and passenger traveling along
Calle Duarte 143
25. Hostesses at the Zanzibar Bar and Café taking a break 151
26. Tourists at the Laser Discotheque on Calle Duarte 155
27. Toto, a Haitian painter, working at a gallery on
Calle Duarte 175
28. Anti-Haitian graffiti in Boca Chica 183
29. A Haitian woman and helper braiding the hair of a
U.S. citizen of Dominican descent on the western,
“Dominican end” of the beach 184
30. Eddie Dorsainville at work in front of the Coral Hamaca
Beach Hotel and Casino 188
31. Paredes, Héctor, and the latter’s son at Tapa’s curbside
repair shop 198
32. Park benches donated by the sponsors of the Zona Franca
Multi-Modal Caucedo in Boca Chica’s town plaza 227
33. The Megaport under construction at Punta Caucedo
in 2002 231
34. The Megaport’s five gantry cranes dominating the horizon
as viewed from Boca Chica in 2005 235
35. Vendors surrounding tourists during the 2005
tourism slump 240
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page xi

Acknowledgments

I have relied on many friends, colleagues, and acquaintances to complete


this project. In the Dominican Republic, I am especially grateful to
Milquella Reyes, my research assistant for much of 2001. Ms. Reyes
offered me sound advice, support, and friendship, and her research con-
tributed immensely to this project. Ronald Graham, Minaya Sánchez,
and Gabriel Zapata offered me their support, hospitality, and friendship
through the course of my research, and I owe them a great deal. Many
others in Boca Chica and Andrés generously shared their time, knowl-
edge, and kindness with me. I thank Yahira Ruíz Acosta, Gérard Avin,
Josefina Carmona, Noella Castro, Jean Paul Déliard, Eddie Dorsainville,
Danny Guzmán, Sonia Martínez, Héctor Matos, Mabel Núñez, “Tapa”
Ortega, Elwin Polanco, Fomerio Rodrigues and the staff of Turivisión,
Solange Saint Paul, Fanfan Salnave, Rosa Sánchez, José Torres, and the
officers and members of Junta La Unión. Without their kindness, hospi-
tality, and generous assistance, this project would not have been possible.
In the United States, the collegiality and encouragement of the faculty,
staff, and students at the Institute for Research in African American
Studies (IRAAS) at Columbia University sustained me during the course
of this project. Among them, I am especially grateful to Farah Griffin,
Sharon Harris, Kecia Hayes, Manning Marable, and Shawn Mendoza.
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page xii

xii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Over the years, friends and colleagues have generously offered comments
and conversation at different stages of this project. I especially thank
Thomas Beidelman, Marianella Belliard-Acosta, Arlene Dávila, Manthia
Diawara, Rachelle Charlier Doucet, Sherry Ortner, Cecilia Salvatierra,
and the students in my spring 2005 undergraduate seminar, “Globaliza-
tion in Anthropological Perspective.” Lisa Maya Knauer served as my
research assistant during the early stages of this project and, as my col-
league in 2005, closely read the manuscript. Her valuable comments and
suggestions greatly improved this book. I am grateful to Milagros
Ricourt for copyediting the Spanish text and for her valuable sugges-
tions. Jake Kosek, Donald Moore, and Anand Pandian, editors of Race,
Nature and the Politics of Difference (Duke, 2003), in which an earlier
version of chapter 4 appeared, provided very helpful comments on that
chapter. Finally, I am grateful to Naomi Schneider and the University of
California Press readers for their insightful and invaluable comments
and suggestions for revising the manuscript.
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page 1

Introduction

P aco’s Café sat at the bustling intersection of Calle El Conde and


Palo Hicado, a broad avenue that formed part of the traffic-choked
ring road surrounding Parque Independencia at the edge of Santo
Domingo’s Colonial Zone. A favorite meeting place for foreign expatri-
ates and Dominicans, Paco’s was jammed with patrons who would pass
the hours talking and watching the throngs of people that circulated
through El Conde, a pedestrian promenade lined with fast-food restau-
rants, clothing stores, and street vendors.
From my table I could see the military honor guard posted at the
Puerta del Conde (Gate of the Count), an imposing redbrick arch and
belfry that is the main entrance to the tree-shaded park. It was there, in
1844, that Dominican patriots had proclaimed the birth of the Republic,
marking the beginning of the war for independence from Haitian rule.
Two young soldiers dressed in nineteenth-century-style white tunics and
baggy blue trousers stood at rigid attention, rifles shouldered, indifferent
to the traffic melee before them. It was late in the afternoon, and the
pedestrian traffic along El Conde was emptying into Palo Hicado and the
park beyond. Shoppers, students, and working people, free for the day,
fearlessly dodged the traffic as they made their connections to public
minivans and guaguas (buses) for the journey home.
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page 2

2 INTRODUCTION

I was killing time. I had an appointment later in the evening, and it


was too hot to do anything productive. A tall, lean man approached my
table and greeted me in Spanish. He was a licensed tour guide and was
wearing a New York Yankees baseball cap and a plastic ID card clipped
to the pocket of his neatly pressed white shirt.
“Ahí,” I replied, trying to sound Dominican and indifferent. He
paused. I could see that he was trying to figure out what I was.
“You’re from Puerto Rico?” he continued in Spanish. “Boricua!”1 He
shook my hand with enthusiasm. (A San Juan–based cruise ship had
docked in the port earlier, and many of the tourists now exploring El
Conde were Puerto Rican.) I told him that I was from the United States
and that I was working in the Dominican Republic. He frowned.
“But you look Hispanic,” he continued in English. I explained that
my father was African American and my mother white. After puzzling
over that for a few moments, he sat down at my table and introduced
himself as Alberto.
Alberto, it turned out, had lived in Washington, D.C., for five years
and spoke English with an African American southern accent. “Ain’t
that some shit,” he remarked, twisting his mouth in irony after he
described to me how he had been deported by the U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Service (INS) while looking for work in Tacoma. Once he
was back in the Dominican Republic, a motorcycle accident had left his
right leg mangled. No longer fit for manual labor but fluent in English,
Alberto had found work as a tour guide.
Two shoeshine boys approached our table, wooden boxes tucked un-
der their tiny arms. “Limpia!” (Shoe shine!), cried the older boy, beam-
ing and placing his shoeshine box at my feet. “Boricua!” shouted the
other, gleefully mistaking me for a Puerto Rican.
Alberto made eye contact with the older boy and shook his head in
disapproval. The boy hesitated, frowned, and then began to unpack an
odd assortment of plastic bottles filled with white and caramel-colored
liquids.
“Child, he doesn’t want one,” Alberto said firmly. His face relaxed
into a smile. The children pouted but stood their ground. Alberto looked
to me with an expression of pride and amusement and then gave each
boy a worn bronze peso.
“You see, I’m not hard on them,” he said, watching the children race
down El Conde. “Their parents need the money. But they must have
respect.”
Alberto was still trying to place me, to figure out how I fit into the
UC_Gregory.qxd 8/16/06 12:57 PM Page 3

INTRODUCTION 3

social landscape of the global economy. He asked me if I worked in Las


Américas Free Trade Zone (FTZ) at one of the export processing facto-
ries. I told him that I was a college professor and that I was doing a study
on the impact of globalization and tourism in the Dominican Republic.
Alberto thought for a moment and lit a cigarette. Tourism was not
helping the country, he said, because the government’s policies prevented
poor people from benefiting from it. “The rich people in this country
want to keep it all for themselves,” he continued, clasping his hands and
squeezing. “They don’t care about the poor.” Alberto pointed with his
cigarette at the throng of people waiting for buses.
“Today I have no work. You see me, I am here all day hanging out,
not doin’ shit.” The thought angered him, and his gestures and facial
expressions seemed to me more African American than Dominican.
Alberto explained that he charged 750 pesos (US $45)2 to take a group of
tourists on an all-day tour of the colonial city. But with the rise of the all-
inclusive resort hotels, these excursions were now arranged by the hotels
with on-site tour operators who charged as much as US $50 per head.
“It’s crazy, man! They want it all for themselves and the people have
nothing to live.”
A bald, sunburned man, looking somewhat disoriented, sat at a
nearby table and ordered a beer. Alberto caught his eye and smiled.
“Deutschlander?” (German?).
“No,” the man replied in English. “I am from Norway.” The Nor-
wegian pulled a guidebook from his backpack and set to work.
Alberto lost interest and returned to our conversation. “The govern-
ment we have now, they make many projects and spend money, but it’s
not for the people. It’s for the rich. Only for the rich.” He gazed at the
large banner ads for Burger King and Nokia suspended between the
kiosks on El Conde. “You see all this shit? It’s just paper.” Alberto eyed
the four-foot-wide Whopper with Cheese. “It does nothing for the coun-
try. It’s only a mirror. And the devil is on the other side.”
Alberto’s metaphor stunned me. There was no better way to put to
language the seductive lure of the commodity than as a Narcissus-like
engagement with a mirror. And there was no better way to represent the
ravenous will-to-profit of transnational capital than as a devil, poised
behind the mirror as if to ensure that the relation between the subject
and the object of consumption would be immediate and mute—a surface
not of reflection, as Jean Baudrillard (1990: 67) put it, but of absorption.
This book proceeds from Alberto’s deft metaphor and examines the
dissonance between what transnational capital promises and what it
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