Qaraqalpaq Grammar

PART ONE: PHONOLOGY

Karl H. Menges

OP
KING’S CROWN PRESS
MORNINGSIDE HEIGHTS, NEW YORK
194
7
PREFACE

The present study on Qaraqaipaq Phonology was originally written in German. It

was completed after my return to the Berlin Academy of Sciences from a second
scientific trip to Russia in 1934. The Phonology was to become Part I of a
comparative historical grammar of the Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq languages which was to
comprise four chapters: I. Phonology; II. Morphology; III. Syntax; and IV. Glos-
sary. The slip catalogues of Parts II and III are still in my possession, although
Part III so far contains only material on particular features of Qaraqaipaq. Part
IV consists of lexical material gathered from both the Qaraqaipaq speech and the
first publications made in that language. The glossary was arranged
etymologically; it contained about two thousand items, i.e., words hitherto either
completely unknown or unknown in their specific modern connotations.
The slip catalogue of Part IV, unfortunately, shared the fate of my printed
Qaraqaipaq material — and of the greatest part of ny library; it has never reached
this country.
The circumstances of ny departure from Berlin, and thus, from the Prussian
Academy of Sciences, in 1936, rendered publication of the phonology in Germany
impossible. During the subsequent years of emigration and war, I did not find time
to prepare the manuscript for publication elsewhere. However, three years spent at
the University of Ankara enabled me to collect important comparative data from
southwestern Turkic as found in numerous modern Osman dialects.
After my arrival in the United States of America, in the autumn of 1940, plans
for publishing this study were again taken up. The English version is the work of
Leora P. Cunningham, M.A., (at present with the U.S. Navy Department, Washington,
D.C.), a graduate student of the Departments of East-European Languages and of
Indo- Iranian and Comparative Linguistics. The expert will easily understand the
merits in solving the many technical and scientific difficulties involved in such
a translation. For their kind advice, encouragement and comment, I am much
indebted to ny colleagues,
Drs. R. H. Fife, L. H. Gray, R. 0. Jakobson, and A. Jeffery, all
viii Qaraqalpaq Grammar

of Columbia University. I am also not unmindful of a series of previous

discussions concerning many problems of this study with the late Dr. H. Liiders,
then Chairman of the Oriental Division of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, Dr. A.
von Gabain, my colleague at the Academy and later at Ankara University, and Drs.
E. Haenisch and H. H. Schaeder, both of Berlin University.
Last but not least, I wish to express my deep-felt gratitude to Dr. F. D.
Fackenthal, Acting President of Columbia University, for his continued interest in
my scholarly pursuits, and for his assistance in making this publication possible.

Karl H. Menges, Ph.D.

Department of East-European Languages,

Columbia University New
York, N. Y.
 FOREWORD
1. NOTES ON THE TRANSCRIPTION

As far as the transcription used in this study is not explained by the

phonetic description of the Qaraqalpaq sounds, the following remarks are added:

A. Consonants:
The unvoiced velar spirant is always transcribed as x; in Arabic words, this
sound is pronounced with a particular compression of the air stream necessary for
its production. Thus, since Arabic £ differs from x, h is used for its
transcription in Arabic words. The use of x being found expedient, it is
adhibited throughout this study, also in little known proper names.

g is the voiced deep-velar stop, the voiced equivalent of q. It is found in

Turkmen only, where it has developed from q. The same development is observed in
modern Persian.

■f is the palatal voiced spirant, a spirantic g, a phonetic peculiarity of

Altaj and Teleut, or Ojrat, as they are called today.

g occurs in the languages of the northern slope of the Altaj Mountains, and
designates a semi-fricative g, according to Radloff's description of this sound.2

t' in the T&vaS language designates a palatalized cerebral t which has

developed from common-Turkic S.
The Greek 0 designates the unvoiced equivalent of 3, i.e., unvoiced N.-Engl.
th. These sounds occur in modern Tttrkmen where they have developed from common-
Tk. s and z in any position. This transcription is used for the same sounds of
Semitic or Iranian.

dZ represents one sound, the palato-alveolar voiced affricate, the voiced

equivalent of в. Some scholars prefer to use g or J

2 Cf. m, I, p. 14.
X Qaraqalpaq Grammar
in its stead. lj, (j, g, or small majuscular B, D, G, as used by the Socidtd
Finno-Ougrienne, designate the "lenis" or the "tenuis media" of TSvaS, Mongol, or
Finno-Ugric languages. The sound originates as a tenuis (unvoiced stop) and
immediately passes over into its voiced equivalent. These sounds are common in
NHG and Chinese, for example. The use of the small majuscular letters is given
preference in this study.

- designates palatalization (d*, t\ b^ etc.); at the n it is given by й.

- designates velarization (except for T&vag t', and for the Indian languages,
where it means cerebralization).

x designates laryngal occlusion (in Caucasian, Hamitic languages). B. Vowels; 3

& is a labialized, velar a, dulled toward o; ё is a closed e, dulled toward

i; i.is an i, dulled toward у (ъ).

Й designates the sound intermediary between о and u (WB: 9);

Й designates the sound intermediary between 0 and О (WB: 0).

In TSvaS, reduced and dulled sounds are frequent: ^

a is a reduced a,

ё is a reduced e, э is a dulled e, э a tense dulled e; e is an open e - a, a

is a dulled a ~ &, i is a dulled i - j, u is a dulled u - 0 .

The reduced vowels are generally marked by - (short sign), the dulled ones by

3 Cf. for the transcription of the vowels, K, Menges, "Drei Sz— bekische Texte,"
Der Islam, XXI, 145.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar i
The official TSvaS script has always been the Kyrillica. Reduced and dulled
vowels are not distinguished; both are marked by - (the short sign) above the
vocalic symbol.

- designates main accent (stress),

- designates secondary accent (stress).

- designates length (long vowel).

In examples quoted from Tftvag, Mongol and Finno-Ugric:

- designates pronunciation with back articulation (a - our ft),

<<
- designates pronunciation with front articulation (a ~ our a).
> >
/ divides the two alternate forms of the suffixes, velar and palatal; e.g., -
y/-g means that the suffix has the quality -of -y in velar and that of -g in
palatal words or after palatal syllables.

A verbal base or stem is always recognizable as such by its final hyphen;

e.g., jaryg- "to compete (horse-racing, etc.)" gftplftn- "to speak, talk," are
verbal stems, while jaryS "(horse-)race, competition," ikki "two," kop "much" are
nominal ones. Hyphens divide the suffixes and suffixal elements from stems or
bases: jar-уЗ- is a verbal stem, the base being jar-, jar-ys, a nominal stem,
the base being the same, gftp-lft-n-, dZums-a-d-y-lar "they worked," third pi.
pf. (act.).

means that a certain sound may alternate with another one.

The above transcription is used for all languages.

2. ABBREVIATIONS OF THE LANGUAGES QUOTED

Since all the nationalities whose languages are quoted in this study are, as
far as they live in the Sovfet-Union, officially designated by their own national
names, I follow the same rule when preferring their own national names to one
they may have formerly been given by their neighbors or by foreigners. In some
instances, those names are incorrect (e.g., Qyryyz, Kirghiz, Khirghiz, Киргизы
for Qazaq, since, as we have seen, between them is an important linguistic
difference), in some instances unprecise (e.g., Tatars, or even faultily
Tartars!), or adaptations to other languages, as Turcomans, Truchmens, for the
Turkmen, and, in some instances, these names are considered derogatory, as e.g.,
Sart for Ozbek, because the still nomadic Ozbek called those having settled in
the cities and towns of TUrkistan derisorily "Sart." The same rules apply to a
number of the tribes mentioned many of whom are becoming or have become
ii Qaraqalpaq Grammar
nationalities. The Russian scholars working in the same fields and many European
scholars follow the same rules.

Ab., Abaq. ^ Abaqan.

Ait. - Altaj proper or Ojrat.

Anat. or Osm. Anat. - Anatolian dialects of Osman.

Ar., Arab. - Arabic.

Arm. - Armenian.

Az. - Az&rbajd2ani.
Baiq., Biq. - Baiqar (N.-Caucasus).

Bar. - Baraba (W.-Siberia).

Bagq. - Bagqurt (Bagkir), in SW-Ural.

CC - Language of the Codex Cumanicus, usually quoted as Qom.

Ca., Cay., or Cy. - Cayataj, the medieval literary language op' Central Asia.

Chin. - Chinese.

Dolg. - Language of the Dolgans, the Jakutized Samojeds on the lower Jenisej
and on the Tajnyr Peninsula.

Hung. - Hungarian.

IS., or ISim - Language of the iSimli or ISim-Tatars (W.-Siberia).

Jak. - Jakut - Language of the Jakut or Saxa (NE-Siberia).

Jap. - Japanese.

Kar. - Karalms on the Crimea.

Kar„L. - Karaims of Buck (Poland).

 Qaraqaipaq Grammar xiii

Kar.T. - Karalms of Troki (Poland).

Ky. - Karayas (on the NE Sajan Mts., S. Siberia).

Ktl., Ktiar. - Ktmrik (S. Siberia), teb. -

Lebe<$-Tatars (S. Siberia).

Mad., Magy. - Magyar, Hung.

Md2 . - MandXu, "Manchu."

My., Mong. - Mongol. Without further designation as to language or dialect,
Mong. means Literary Mongolian.

MHG - Middle-High German.

MiS., MiS&r - Language of the MiSar, Russian Мещеряки, near NiZnij-

Novgorod (alias Goflrij).

Mod. Uj. - Modem Ujyur, the language of Eastern Turkestan, Chinese Province of
Sin-Kiang (Sin- fejarj) /j|[ - N.Cj .

Mong. - My.

NHG - New-High German.

N-Pers. - New Persian.

N. Uj. - New or Modern Ujyur.

OChSl. - Old-Church-Slavonic.

OHG - Old-High German.

Ojrat - Altaj languages proper, together with Teleut and Tuba. Also Ojrot.

O. Russ. - Old Russian.

Orx., Orxon - Language of the Orxon— (and Jenisej-) Inscriptions Also called
Ancient Turkic, Roktiirk'ic.

Osm. - Osman or Turkish proper.

Osm. Anat. - Anatolian dialects of Osm.,

ОТ. - "Turki" or Eastern Turkish after WB, i.e., Mod. Uj. or N.Uj.
xiv Qaraqalpaq Grammar

Ozb. - Ozbek. QpS.-Ozb. - QypCaq (non-Iranized) dialects of Ozbek.

Pers. - Modern or New Persian.

 Qara5'. - Qarafi'aj (in N. Caucasus).
Qy - Qyryyz (in the westernmost T 'jftn-San, Pamir and
Qaraqorum Mts.)
Qim. - Qaimyq (W. of the lower Volga, in the Caspian depression and on the
Oterer) Hills).
Qmnd. - Qumandu (NE Altaj).

Qn. - Qazanly, language of the Qazan-Tatars, in the ASSR Tatar- istan (also
called Tatar proper).

Qq. - Qazaq.

Qqlpq. - Qaraqalpaq.

Qom. - Language of the Qoman (Cumans), or Polovci - CC. j

Qrm. - Language of the QyrymCaq, the Turks of the s. coast of the Crimea.
Qum. - Qumyq (E. Caucasus).

Qur. - QiTrdaq, language of the Qurdaq (-Tatars) in W. Siberia).

Qyz. - Language of the Qyzyl (-Tatars), in S. Siberia.

Russ. - Modern Russian.

Sa. - Sayaj (S. Siberia).

Sart. - Sartic, after WB, = Ozb. (Iranized dialects).

Skr. - Sanskrit.
Soj. - Sojog, called also Ufagxaj or T^ba, the language of the Republic of
TagniT-Tuva (source valleys of the Jenisej). Often given in the form of the Mong.
pi.: Sojot. Their own name is Tbba, Tyva, Tuva, which is avoided here to
differentiate them from the Ojratio Tuba.
Suomi - Suomi-Fjnnic or Finnisli proper, in Finland.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar i

§or - Language of the Sor, living in and near the "Kuzbass," the Basin of
Kuzfleck, S. Siberia.

Tuba - Language of the Tuba or Jy§-KiZi, Radloff's "Schwarzwald- Tataren,"

belonging to the Ojrat group.

Tar. - TaranSi, in the Hi Valley, n. of Eastern Turkestan; Tar. is a dialect of

N. Uj.

Tara - Language of the Tara-Таtars (W. Siberia).

Tel. - Teleut or Talgat, in the Altaj Mts., belonging to the Oj rat group.

Tkm. - Turkmen ("Turcoman").

Toboi, Tob. - Language of the Toboi-Tatars, along the Tobol River, W. Siberia.

Tur. - TiTraiy, Tatars of the Tura River, westernmost Siberia.

TUm. - TtUn&nli or Tuman-Tatars, W. Siberia.

Uj. - Ujyur or "classical" Ujyur, the ancient language of Eastern Tflrkistan.

Ufagxaj - Soj.

YrtyS - The language of the Yrtyg-Tatars, W. Siberia.

Xakas - The languages of the Abaqan or Xakas group, S. Siberia.

Xalx., Xalxa - The modern language of the Mongolian People's Republic ("Outer
Mongolia").

3. ABBREVIATIONS OF WORKS AND PERIODICALS

ABAW - Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist.

Klasse.

ASIPh - Archiv fttr Slavische Philologie.

BB - Bezzenberger's Beitrage.

FUF - Finnisch-llgrische Forschungen.

IF - Indogermanische Forschungen.
XVI Qaraqaipaq Grammar
Izv. AN (SSSR) or ЙЗВ. АН (СССР) - Bulletin de l'Acaddmie des Sciences de
отделение
Russie (de l'URSS);-if not specified:
гуманитарных, обществеиных, исторических,
наук (section of humanitarian, social, historical, sciences).
JA - Journal Asiatique.

JAOS - Journal of the American Oriental Society.

JSFOu - Journal de la Socidte Finno-Ougrienne (Soumalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran

Aikakauskirja).

KaS. - Word material as contained in Mahmud al-KaSyari's

Diwan luyat at-Turk. Ed. C. Brockelmann, "Mitteltttrki- scher
Wortschatz."

KZ - Kuhn's Zeitschrift, or Zeitschrift ftlr Yergleichende Sprach-

wissenschaft.

MSFOu. - Mdmoires de la Soeidtd Finno-Ougrienne (Suomalais-Ugri- laisen Seuran

Toimituksia).

ПСРЛ - Complete Collection of the (Old) Russian Chronicles.

SBAW - Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissen- schaften, phil.-

hist. Klasse.

T'P - T'oung-Pao.

UJh., or Ung. Jb. - Ungarische JahrbOcher (Berlin).t

WB - Yersuch eines Worterbuchs der Tflrk-Dialecte, hy W. Radloff. Four vols.

WZKM - Wiener Zeitschrift ftlr die Kunde des Morgenlandes.

ZDMG - Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

ZSiPh - Zeitschrift far Slavisehe Philologie.

 Izv. AN (SSSR) or йзв. АН (СССР) - Bulletin de l'Acaddmie des Sciences de
отделение
Russie (de l'URSS); if not specified:
гуманитарных, общественных, исторических,
наук (section of humanitarian, social, historical, sciences).
JA - Journal Asiatique.

JAOS - Journal of the American Oriental Society.

JSFOu - Journal de la Socidte Finno-Ougrienne (Soumalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran

Aikakauskirja).
J
RaS. - Word material as contained in Mahmud al-KaSyarT's
o\i) Dlwan luyat at-Turk. Ed. C. Brockelmann, "Mitteltttrki- scher
Wortschatz."

KZ - Kuhn's Zeitschrift, or Zeitschrift ftlr Yergleichende Sprach-

wissenschaft.

MSFOu. - Mdmoires de la Socidtd Finno-Ougrienne (Suomalais-Ugri- laisen Seuran

Toimituksia).

ПСРЛ - Complete Collection of the (Old) Russian Chronicles.

SBAW - Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissen- schaften, phil.-

hist. Klasse.

T'P - T'oung-Pao.

UJb., or Ung. Jb. - Ungarische Jahrbtlcher (Berlin).,

WB - Versuch eines WOrterbuchs der Tttrk-Dialecte, by W. Radioff. Four vols.

WZKM - Wiener Zeitschrift ftlr die Kunde des Morgenlandes.

ZDMG - Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

ZSIPh - Zeitschrift ftlr Slavische Philologie.

щ
XVI Qaraqalpaq Grammar
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE ..................... . vii

FOREWORD ......................................... ix
1. Notes on the Transcription . . . . ix

2. Abbreviations of the Languages Quoted . xi

3 . Abbreviations of Works and Periodicals. XV

INTRODUCTION........................ . . * 1 1
The Position of Qaraqaipaq in the Turkic Group. 4 : r
Phonetic Description•of the Qaraqaipaq Sounds . 17

Deep Velar . . . . • 19

Velar ... . . • • • • 19
Prepalatal . . . . . . 19 1
Palato-Alveoiar . . . . •. 20 ,
5

Dentals . . . . 21
-
Labials . . ./ . . • 22
Liquids . . . . . . 22
. .
Asyllabic i . . • • 23

COMPARATIVE HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY • • • 26

•
CONSONANTISM . . . • • 26
• Classificatory Marks 26
.
Palato-Alveolars . . . . . . 26
-y/-g in Final Position . . . . 27
.
-v in Final Position . . . 28

Alternation of v: y/g . ... . 28 t

Proto-Turkic, Kokturk-Orxon, Ujyur 3 > j . 30 —
g- and d- in Initial Position. . . . 30
Ancient' Initial *3-. . . • • • 34
Alternation of Voiceless and Voiced Consonants 36
t
Geminates. . . . • • • 37
Assimilation and Dissimilation . 43
-m in Suffixes > p . ... 50 a
Metathesis . . 50
The Quality of 1. . . . 51
Initial Sound Change in the Auxiliary dzat- 52
 VOCAI.TSM............................ ...
Vowel-Harmony (Synharmonism) . . . . .
Prothesis . . . • • • • .
The Vowels у, i, о, and ti . . . • .
Reduced Grade ........
Vowel Length. . . . . . ...
Labial Harmony and Labial Attraction . . . .
Labialization . . . . . . .
Syllable Disappearance. . • . . . .
Transitional Vowel . . . . . . .
Contraction . . . . . . . . .
Assimilation of Vowels. . .
Palatalization of Yowels . . . ...
Vowel Elision in Sandhi and Other Sandhi-like Appearances Accent . .
. . . . • • • •
Special Phenomena. . . . . • • •
FOREIGN"WORDS (INCLUDING FOREIGN NAMES) AND LOAN WORDS.
Arabic and Persian Loan and Foreign Words . . •
Russian Loan Words and Foreign Words . . • •
Sanskrit Loan and Foreign Words in Old Djyur
CONCLUSION ........................................• V

and Altyn К61 (near Andizan) . 4 They call themselves Qaralpaq, a contracted
form of Qaraqaipaq, and belong linguistically to the Qypcaq group of the Ozbek
dialects, 5 6
which is an indication of their northwestern origin. Before their
immigration with the Ozbeks into Western Tiirkistan, it is quite possible that
they belonged to these Qaraqalpaqs whose language is the subject of the present
research. The Ozbek QAralpaqs were investigated by Poli- vanov in 1932. In his
opinion, their dialect is closely related to the Qazaq-Najman dialect spoken
near Samarqand. He published his conclusions on the Qazaq-Najman dialect in an
article in 1931*s Polivanov's description of the dialects of the Farghanian
QAralpaqs, to appear in the Труды Ферганской
Экспедиции (Publications of the Parghana Expedition) is eagerly

4 On the Russian Forty-Verst Map ("Sorokovorstka"), i.e., scale 1 : 1,707,000, sheet

XIX, Talkent, a settlement with the name of Qara-Qalpaq is indicated 2 0 miles south of
Namangan, halfway on the road from Namangan to Margilan, in the center of the Faryana Valley.
Evidently the population of that settlement has some connection with that of the District of
Balyqcy.
5 Cf. K. Menges, "Drei ozbekische Texte," Der Islam, XXI, 141 ff.
6.. 5. Cf. J. D. Polivanov, "Samples of Synharmonic Dialects of the Ozbek Language," No. 3>
Izvestija Akademii Sauk SSSR (Bulletin de I’Academie des
in Ike
Sciences de I'URSS) 1931/ Oriental Division.
 awaited. 7
THE POSITION OF QARAQAZPAQ IN THE TURKIC GROUP

Much further investigation is needed before a final classification of the

Turkic languages can be completed. For this reason it is impossible at this time
to assign Qaraqalpaq to a definite group. The results of the present study
indicate close affinity between Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq.
Thus, Qaraqalpaq in regard to its position among the other Turkic languages is
to be assigned to the same group as Qazaq. According to the generally accepted
classification of the Turkic languages by A. N. Samojlovic, 7 Qaraqalpaq belongs to
the northwest, or Qypcaq, division of the Turkic languages (he regards the
northwestern languages of this entire far-flung section of the Turkic group, such
as Karaim, or Qazan-Tatar, as offshoots Of the language of the ancient Qypcaqs).
The latest attempt at classification is that made by the excellent Qazan linguist
V. A. Bogorodickij. 8 He places Qaraqalpaq in his group VI, "Central Asiatic
Dialects," in which he also includes the dialects of Eastern Turkestan, Qazaq,
Qyryyz, and Ozbek. It is precisely in consideration of a more detailed classi-
fication of the Turkic languages, such as Bogorodickij endeavored to achieve, that
generalizations such as "Central Asiatic Dialects" cannot be correctly employed.
Bogorodickij's efforts were therefore successful only for certain sections. Since
I intend to devote a special article to this subject, I will only intimate at this
point
. . ~' " v ' 1. . ............................... . . . . .... ........«•■—
■I-
of Turkistan, and on the Circik River (east and northeast of Tas- kent), in other
words, in regions where no Qaraqalpaqs are found today. It is possible, however,
that they might have been overlooked or considered as Qazaqs who occasionally roam
as far southwest as the territory of the Ozbeks. These Qaraqalpaqs were called the
Upper Qaraqalpaqs in contradistinction to the bulk of that nation around Lake
Aral, the "Lower Qaraqalpaqs." At the beginning of the eighteenth century they
Красный
paid the jasaq (tribute) to the Xug-Tajdzi of the Dzurjyars. Cf.
Архив, 1938),
(Moscow,215-16. XCI,
7. "Некоторые Дополнения к классификации
Турецких Языков," Нар- комнац, Институт
Живых Восточных Языков; Петроград, 1922
(Supplements to the Classification of the Turkic Languages,
edited by the People's Commissariat for Nationalities' Affairs and the institute
1922).
of Living Eastern Languages, Petrograd,
Cf. V. A.
8. "Введение в Татарское
Bogorodickij,
Языкознание в СВЯЗИ с Другими Тюркскими
Языками," (Introduction to Tatar Linguistics, in
Comparison with the Other Turkic Languages) Kazan (Qazan),
1934» Tatgosizdat, pp. 5-18.

7 As may be seen from historical sources of the eighteenth century, some Qaraqaipaq tribes
roamed in the neighborhood of the city
 10 Qaraqaipaq Grammar

that both Qazaq and Qaraqalpaq, in a series of important features, have

differentiated themselves from the dialects of Eastern Turkestan as well as from
Qyryyz and Ozbek. For Ozbek this relates only to the Iranized dialects of the
urban and semi-stationary popula- tion;'the dialects of the nomads, however, are
to be grouped in Samojlovic's northwest, or Qypcaq, division. 8 This circumstance,
in the classification so far attempted, has not been taken into consideration
(or could not be taken into consideration due to the lack of corresponding
linguistic material).
Whether to leave Qazaq and Qaraqalpaq in Samojlovic's northwest division
remains a problem. There is no doubt that there was a long period of historical
unity between the Qaraqalpaqs and the people of the northwest division since it
may be assumed with certainty that the modern Qaraqalpaqs are the descendants
of the Чьрнш Клобоуци ('Black Caps") mentioned in the Old-Russian
Chronicles. In the twelfth century they placed auxiliary troops at the disposal
of the Great Princes of Kijev in order to furnish assistance against the Turkic
Qumans (the ПОЛОВЫЩ of the Old-Russian Chronicles). It is difficult to
determine where the Black Caps dwelt or, rather, over just what territory they
ranged in their nomadic existence.
The Old-Russian period may have found them located in those sections between the
Dnepr, the Don, and the Volga. Чьрнии Клобоуци (Qara Qalpaq) was
the collective designation applied to those remnants of the Torky, Pecenegy,
Berendeji, Kajepici, Kovuji, and Turpeji of the Old-Russian Chronicles, who
remained in Russia and were settled in the Ukraina by the Russians. In these
Chronicles, the first appearance of this name occurs in the year 1146, and its
last appearance was in 1202 (e.g., in the Lavrentios Chronicle). Mention is once
more made of them in RasTd ed-DTn's description of the Mongolian campaign under
Batu-Xan in Southern Russia (1240).9 It is quite possible that those Qaraqalpaqs
who had not become assimilated with the Russians were led away by the Mongols as
prisoners and later settled in the region near their present home on Lake Aral.
The oral tradition of the modern Qaraqalpaq supports this hypothesis
since it describes their migrations from the northwest to their present location. 1 1
Before the Qaraqaipaq immigration which took place at the end of the fifteenth
century, the Ozbeks occupied the present habitation of the Qaraqalpaqs. They appear
to have formed at that time an ethnical and linguistic unity with the Qazaqs, for

89- Cf. K. Menges, op. cit., 180 ff. . <

9 Here their name is translated into Persian as a
"The Tribe of the Black Caps"; cf. E. Blochet's edition of RasTd ed-DTn in E. J. V. Gibb
Memorial Series, XVIII, No. 2, p,• ОУ-
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 11
their inroads upon the Turkestan urban culture did not commence until the end of
the fifteenth century. The Qazaq separated from the Ozbeks during the rise of Ozbek
power under their Xan, Abu-'l-Xajr, in the middle of the fifteenth century. 1 2 Since
that time, the number of the Qazaqs has been frequently increased by the addition
of rebel Ozbek tribes and also, apparently, by other Turkic tribes who sought
refuge with them in the freedom of the steppes.
In contradistinction to these historical facts, linguistic aspects, both in
Qaraqaipaq and its closest kindred, Qazaq, point to the east. In the phonology,
there exists a shifting of c > s and of s > s.
There is assimilation and dissimilation, characteristic of both Qaraqaipaq and
Qazaq, as well as labial attraction. The simultaneous combination of these latter
phenomena does not appear in other languages of the. northwest division. The
existence of these phenomena connects Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq on the one hand with the
Central Siberian languages (on the'Abaqan River: Sayaj, Qojbal, Qaca), and on the
other hand with the Altaj group (Oj rot, Tala rat). Possibly only after a:'!;;
systematic examination of Chinese documentary evidence relating tb.:;: the Turkic
migrations in Siberia will their complicated history emerge from its present
obscurity. At this time we can only entertain tentatively the supposition that the
same (Samojed, Jenisej- Ostjak?) substratum originating from Central Siberia which
effected changes within the Central Siberian Turkic languages may also have

11. Cf. D. A. Rasovskij, "Печенеги, Торки и Берендеи

на Руси и в Угрий" ("The Pecenegs, Torks, and Berendejs in Russia and
Dgria"), Seminarium Kondakovianum, VI, 16-17, 61-63• Idem: "О
роли Черных Клобуков В истории Древней Руси"
("On the Role of the Qaraqalpaqs in the History of Old Russia"), op. cit., I,
93~Ю9-
12. Cf. W. Barthold, "12 Vorlesungen йЪег die Geschichte der Tiir- ken
Mittelasiens," Deutsche Bearbeituni von Theodor Menzel, pp. 229
235 f-, 243 f. ■
been responsible for the linguistic peculiarities observable in Qazaq. 10
A recent immigration of Qaraqalpaqs from the northwest into the area south of
Lake Aral, such as has just been assumed, might explain the linguistic
peculiarities connecting Qaraqalpaq with Qazaq as the product of Qazaqization
occurring in the region of their present home. Proof of this cannot be offered
until we learn whether the Qaraqalpaqs have been in a loose contact with the
Qazaqs only subsequent to their arrival south of Lake Aral or whether already in
their former homeland north of the Caspian Sea — or on the Jajyq and Volga

101 ^. In addition to this the change of c to s occurs in Basqurd (Baskir). This is

remarkable when it is remembered that the Basqurds who today dwell only west of the Ural
Mountains were present in great numbers also on the other side of the Ural in the sixteenth
century. Cf. V. A. Bogorodickij, op. clt., pp. 10-11.
 12 Qaraqaipaq Grammar

Rivers,— they lived in immediate proximity with and were closely united to them
by dialect. So far as the history of the Qazaqs is known at the present it
cannot be proved or disproved. 11
The problem is further complicated by the fact that we are unable to
determine at what period the distinctive linguistic characteristics of Qazaq and
Qaraqalpaq originated; in other words, when and where the Qazaqs began to
overlap the substratum such as has been suggested: whether it occurred during
the migrations of the "Proto- Qazaqs" to the east, or whether a substratum
drifting to the West left its impression subsequently.
At this point a short excursus on the southern and the eastern neighbors of
the Qazaqs — the Qyryyz and the South-Siberian Turkic tribes — will prove useful
in connection with this theory of a substratum.
The Qyryyz, also earlier known as the Qara-Qyryyz in order to distinguish
them from the Qazaqs, who were incorrectly termed Киргизы (Kirgizy) in
pre-revolutionary Russian literature, belong to a linguistic category quite
different from that of the Qazaqs. Prom the standpoint of language they belong
to Samojlovic's southeastern division, also called the Central-Asiatic or
Cayataj group. Contempo-

11 The latest publication which has appeared concerning the Qazaqs seems to be Kazak
Social Structure, by Alfred E. Hudson; ("Yale University Publications in Anthropology,"
XX, 1938). The accessible sources appear to be well used by Hudson. For the history of the
Qazaqs refer to pp. 12-16.
 13 Oaraqalpaq Grammar
raiy Qyryyz is closely related to Old Ujyur, the dialects of Eastern Turkestan
and those of the settled (jzheks. Their name appears in the Orxon inscriptions as
Qyrqyz12 and was already known in the Hunnic era, but it occurs only at the time
of the Old-Turkic empire in more specific Chinese records on that people, which
give their name in the forms Sja-6 zja-Sy ("Hia-Kia-Ssi," from which the
designations Hakka, Xakas — see infra), Czje-Czja-Sy ("Kie-Kia-Sseu"), and Ki-
li-ki-sy: 13 fk % Щ% Mff .
The Qyryyz can have been in possession of their present territory — the lofty
valleys of western T'jan-§an (Aia-Tau), the eastern ranges of the Alaj and the
Pamir — only since the middle of the seventeenth century, at which time they
abandoned the valleys of the Abaqan and the upper Jenisej in the Minusinsk area. 14
To this South-Siberian area may belong both the Qyrqyz of the Orxon
inscriptions and the 6 j a-(5z j a-Sy of the Chinese records. 15 Several Qyrqyz
words occurring in the T’aij-Su are of Turkic origin, evidence that the Qyrqyz
probably became early tiirkicized. The amount of Turkic influence exerted upon
the people as a whole cannot be determined from this fact. The Qyrqyz were
probably completely tiirkicized only after the conquest ,of Qara-Balyasun and the
overthrow of the Ujyur state on the Orxon (A.D. 840), while the T'ag Dynasty was
still flourishing. Following the research in Jenisej- Ostjak by Anucin, Ramstedt,
and later, Kai Donner, it was generally assumed that before their turkization the
Qyrqyz spoke a language akin to modern Jenisej-Ostjak and the extinct £i-£ja (Si-
Hia, Tangut) and, therefore, belonging to the Tibeto-Chinese family. 16 The hy-
pothesis of a relationship of Jenisej-Ostjak with Tibeto-Chinese is now being
abandoned and it appears preferable to leave Jenisej-
Ostjak in the collective group of Palaeo-Asiatic languages which have not yet been
classified either with regard to their internal or with regard to their external
relationships. Both in the Chinese records and in the Persian historian Gardezi
(eleventh century A.D.) mention is made of their light-colored skin, blond hair

12 Cf. V. Thomsen, "Inscriptions de l'Orkhon dechiffrees," Memo ires de

laSociete Finno-Ouirtenne, V, 102, 140.
13 Cf. W. Barthold, op. cit., p. 34 ff.
14 Cf. W. R"dloff, Proben der Volkslitteratur der nordltchen
Tilrkstamme, II, x.
15 W. Barthold, op. cit., p. 35, believes the form Sja-Czja-Sy ("Hia-Kia-Ssi") to be
"the incorrect rendering of the exact transcription Ki-li-ki-si (also Kie-Kia-Sseu)," while
according to V. Thomsen, "Inscriptions...," p. 140, No, 8 , the form Ki-li-ki-sy first
appears in the Mongolian era.
16 Cf. P. W. Schmidt, Sprachfamilien und Sprachenkreise der Erde, p.
134.
 14 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
and blue eyes; 2 0 for which reason they are sometimes called simply "the Blond
Kirghiz." Their coloring might be considered the convergence of a people living
over a long period of time in the north, but there are more reasons for
considering it as the consequence of intermixture with white-skinned Siberians (of
Finno-Ugro-Samojedic descent?). The theory of an Indo-European infiltration does
not seem plausible. While it is true that Indo-Europeans penetrated into Eastern
Central Asia as far as Gan-Su, perhaps even as far as Northern Sze-C2uan,

20. Cf. Father Iakinf Bicurin, "Собрание Сведений о

Народах Обитавших в Средней Азии" ("Collection of
information on the people who inhabited Central Asia"), (St. Petersburg, 1851), I,
473> where he states, in accordance with Chinese sources, that the Qyryyz were
blond, of fair complexion, and red-haired. Radloff, in his "Die Alt- tiirkischen
Inschriften der Mongolei," I, 310-11, thinks the Qyryyz were Jenisejans. Cf. also
Josef Markwart, "Kultur- und sprachge- schichtliche Analekten," Ungarlsche
Jahrbttcher (1929), IX, No. 1,
99, hut, except Markwart's acceptance, at that time, of K. Donner's and G.
Ramstedt's theories of the Tibeto-Chinese relationships of the Jenisej-Ostjaks.
Cf. furthermore, Barthold, op. ett., p. 35, and the reference made there to his
Отчет о Поездке в Среднюю Азию, р. 85 ff. Light-
colored, with red hair and green eyes, were, according to Chinese, the Wu-Sun who-
Семиречье,
must have dwelt in the river- basin of the Hi (Russian:
Semirecje, or Turkic: Dzeti- Su) during the time of the Han, and who toward the
end of their reign (first century A.D.) vanished from history. According to
llaloun, the basis of the Wu-Sun were the ’Aoiavof, the later Alans or As, the
Ad/ , Asy, or /Ad/ , Jasy, of the Old-Russian Chronicles, or the ancestors of
the contemporary.Osethis (Ossetes) in the Central Caucasus. But this is merely
repeating Jarl Charpentier's hypothesis (see his article: "Die ethnographische
Stellung der Tocharer," ZDMG, LXXI, 347-88, 1917). We must also consider the
possibility that a certain part of the Wu-Sun may have belonged to one of the
groups closely related to the contemporary Finno-Ugrians or Finno-Ugro-Samojeds.
For certain linguistic relationships between Osethi and Mordva (belonging to the
Yolga-Finnic languages), cf.
Ernst Levy, "Zum Ossetischen," Uniarlsche Jahrbiicher (Berlin, 1935), XV,
511-16. On blond hair and fair skin found with ancient peoples of Central and
Northern Asia, cf. Markwart, "Osteuropaeische und Ostasiatische Streifzuge," p.
360, n.l, and "(jber das Volkstum der Komanen," pp. 54-55, 65^-68, 79, 140, n. 8 ,
175-
and came into contact with Chinese, yet it is not to he supposed that people of
Indo-European or semi-Indo-European speech migrated beyond 48° Lat. N., in other
words beyond Altaj and Ektay towards the north. In the second place, there is no
basis for the supposition that these people of Indo-European or semi-Indo-
European speech were necessarily of fair complexion. Thirdly, immediate contact
between Indo-Europeans and Chinese took place geographically much farther south,
and chronologically their terminus post quern non occurred much earlier than the
Pinno-Ugro-Samojedic and Jenisej- Ostjak contacts which still continue even
today around the central region of the Jenisej. This early contact between the
Finno-Ugro- Samojeds and the Jenisej-Ostjaks was interrupted in Southern Central
Siberia — in the area around Minusinsk and at the sources of the Jenisej (today
the Republic of Таgnu-Tuva) — at the beginning of the Turkic migrations,
probably even in the Hunnic era (i.e., at the beginning of the second century
B.C. when the Jiia-Czi were expelled from Gan-Su by the Huns).
Recently R. Grousset has been strongly inclined to accept the theory that the
Skytho-Sarmatians — whose language he classifies in the Iranian division of
Indo-European — in the steppes of Central and West Siberia, may have moved
eastwards skirting the mountain ranges separating the Central Asiatic Plateaus
and penetrated as far as the upper Jenisej in the Minusinsk district. 2 1 Whether
and at what time the majority of the Skythians were Iranian and how strong the
Iranian linguistic element in Skythian was during different periods of their
migrations, it is impossible to establish. Ancient historians considered the
Skythians as akin to the Medes and Persians and believed their languages to be
cognate. Such early sources of information, especially in matters relating to
linguistic relationships are, of course, not to be taken too seriously.
The etymology of the majority of Skythian profane onomastics indicates Iranian
derivation; but this does not solve the problem of the spoken language of the
people. Tungus tribes, such as the Udexe and Solons, who still speak Tungus,
have Chinese personal names almost

21. Cf. R. Grousset, L'empire des steppes, pp. 47 ff., 52, 64, 79-
This theory is even carried further by William Montgomery McGovern, in his The
Early Empires of Central Asia, pp. 35 ff- The leitmotiv of that book
is given in Chapter I, "The Aryan Background."
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar Ц

exclusively, Turkic tribes in Siberia make use of Mongolian and Russian names,
while those of Central and Hither-Asia have Arabic and Persian names almost
exclusively. Contemporary European peoples have, in addition to their own,
Latin, Greek, or Hebrew names. But there are a number of Skythian names of
divinities which defy Iranian etymologizing. Perhaps there are contained in
them non-Iranian appellatives (names of the animistic type such as "lord of the
mountain, of the wind, of the water," etc.). For the few remaining appellatives
thus far no plausible etymology can be found in any linguistic group, not even
in Iranian. What has just been said of Skythian may also be applied, in great
measure, to Sarmatian. Linguistically, it is yet impossible to classify
Skythian with Iranian; but it is very probable that, at some stage in its
development, the Skythian upper stratum was to a considerable degree Iranized,
or that it had preserved its Iranian native character. 17 Respecting the degree
of Iranization, a comparison might be made here with the Turkic-speaking
populations in the cities of Soviet Turkistan.
As usually assumed, the name of the Skythai shows doubtless close
relationship with that of the Sakai, Saka, belonging to the East- Iranian
division. It is merely enlarged by a suffix -t, which either corresponds to the
Iranian plural suffix -t18 or developed only in Skythian where it may be related
to a Caucasian ethnic (?) suffix, cf. the K'art'vel Ethnikon in -et'i), or it
may be the -t of a Finno-Ugric plural. For historico-geographical reasons we
are compelled to exclude the -t of an Altajic plural formation. But in de-
termining linguistic relationship the name of a people has no significance,
even when it is the distinctive designation of the prevailing tribe or of the
people as a whole.
Both the basic composition of the Skythians and the anthropological elements
which modified it are far from certain. Even if we accept the theory that the
Skythians originally spoke an Iranian language, it is apparent that they must
necessarily have been exposed to Finno-Ugric and Caucasian influence north and
northeast of the Black Sea. In their migration to West-Siberia the Skytho-
Sarma-

1722. Cf. Vsevolod IvanoviS Miller, "Die Sprache der Osseten," Grundriss der
Iranischen Philoloiie, I, Anhang, p. 4f., Strassburg, 1903.
18 Cf. P. Tedesco, "Ostiranische Nominalflexion," Zettschrtft filr Indologie und
Iranistlk, IV, 149 ff.
 1 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

tians seem to have absorbed groups of Pirmo-Ugro-Samojedic tribes (Wu-Sun?) who

gradually gained preponderance, weakening the Iranian element of the upper
stratum. Possibly to this people may actually be attributed the skulls,
supposedly from the first century A.D., found in Oylaqty, north of Minusinsk,
which Grousset mentions19 because of their non-Turco-Mongolian structure. But one
can scarcely postulate from such evidence "Indo-European relationships" and
"Iranian" Slytho-Sarmatians. In a complicated archaeological and anthropological
district such as Minusinsk it should not prove difficult to discover other people
of non-Turco-Mongolian type. The "Blond Qyryyz," the Qyrqyz of the Orxon
Inscriptions, who, so Grousset believes, 20 replaced "l'aristocratie indo-
europdenne d'affinites sarmates A Minoussinsk," after the third century A.D., may
have belonged to an anthropological group of that type.
The modem Qyryyz have not inherited the fair complexion of their ancestors, the
Qyrqyz. From the close linguistic relationship, already mentioned, of Qyryyz to
the urban dialects of Ozbek, to the dialects of East-Turkestan and to Old-Ujyur,
I assume that, after the fall of the Ujyur state (840 A.D.), Ujyur was
superimposed on Qyrqyz which, as a result, became part of the Central Asiatic
group of Turkic languages. For nearly half a millennium after the overthrow of
the Ujyur state, the Qyryyz disappear from written history. It must be pointed
out that Radloff's mention of the emigration of the Qyryyz from the valleys of
the Abaqan and Jenisej in the seventeenth century refers only to that section of
the Qyryyz who were still living at that time in South Central Siberia; for, by
the beginning of the sixteenth century the Qyryyz had already entered the region
of Dzeti-Su (Семиречие, Semirecje, the "Land of the Seven Rivers"), south of Lake
Balxas. 21 Historical mention of them in this instance seems to have been made
solely because their Xan, Xaltl- Sultan, was a son of the Mongolian Xan, Ahmed.
During this century, the Qyryyz often came under the subjection of the Qazaq Xans
and joined with them in fighting the Turkicized Mongolian Xans of Eastern
Turkestan. But these cannot have been the only contacts of the Qyryyz with the
Qazaqs; nor are there reasons to suppose that those Qyryyz who had been in
contact with the Qazaqs prior to the sixteenth century furnished the substratum,
postulated above, for the Qazaqs. Those ethnic layers, which furnished the Qazaqs
the subsequent substratum must have undergone turkization much later than the

19 Op. cit., p. 49*

2025- Op. cit., p. 52.
21 Barthold, "12 Yorlesungen...," p. 244. According to Radloff's Proben..., V,
translation, p. v, the Qyryyz "are the descendants of that part of the Xakas who left the
area of the sources of the Jenisej as early as the tenth century and moved off farther
southwest."
 ' 2
Sja-C^ja-Sy, ^faqaipaq
the pre-Turkic Qyrqyz. Grammarof turkization of those
The commencement
tribes or tribal divisions who compose the Qazaq substratum must have been nearly
synchronous with that of the Southern Samojedie peoples whose turkization is
still being completed at the present time22 and from which have resulted the
contemporary Southern Siberian Turks on the Northern Altaj (Sor, Qumanda, Jy5-
Kizi), on the Abaqan and Jenisej (Sayaj, Qojbal, Qaca, Motor [Madur], Baltir
Qyzyl, Kuarik) , 23 in Tagnu-Tuva (Sojog, or in the Mongol plural:
Sojot [Tuba or Uraqxaj]), and on the northern slopes of the Eastern Sajan Mts.
(Karayas). The substratum in Qazaq had less effect, naturally, since contact was
less intensive here than among the Turks of Southern Siberia.
In the consideration of substrata elements in the recent turkization in
Southern Siberia it becomes evident that Southern Samojedie is not the only
element; Jenisej-Ostjak components may equally well

2227- Castren had already written on the turkization of the Southern Samojeds in his travel
report, Melanies Asiatiques, (St. Petersburg, 1852), I, 16-27-
23 Xakas (Russian plural, Хакйсы) is now the official designation for these
peoples. While studying in the Soviet Union, 1928-29,
I saw only one Xakas. This was M. Sipunov, a Moscow custom-house official whose
acquaintance I made during a trip to Lapland and Murmansk. Sipunov called
himself a Xakas, but actually spoke very little Abaqan, for his 'ancestry was
half Russian and he had been educated in that tongue. He was at that time around
thirty-five and was really a "blond Qyryyz," light-complexioned, blue-eyed and
blond. Moreover, on his features was impressed the stamp of the Americanoid type
which is said to be repeatedly encountered in Southern Central Siberia. For
evidence of the Americanoid type in Siberia, e.g., among the Finno-Ugric-Ostjaks
(Xanty), cf., W. Steinitz, "Totemismus bei den Ostjaken in Sibirien," Ethnos
(1938), no. 4-5, 132- 139»
For the discovery of a prehistoric civilization on the Jamal peninsula (mouth of the OB
River) which seems to be connected in some way with the coastal civilization of the East-
"Древняя
Siberian Cukci (and therefore with North America), cf., V. N. Cernecov,

Приморская Культура на Полуострове Ямал," ("An Ancient

Coastal Civilization on the Jamal Peninsula,1 1 Sovetskaja Ethnoirafija (1935)» * 4-
no

5, 109
 ■ have entered in. In Castren's time, three of the Qojba. 1 tribes were
(
still entirely of Jenisej-Ostjak origin. These were tbe Great Baj- gado and the
Snail Bajgado, found on the Saiba, and the Kajderj on tiie Tuba (close to the Щпй-Tuva
 border) . 24 The five remaining щ Oojbal tribes were probably of Samojedic descent.25»
The Arins, of I Jenisej-Ostjak origin, had by that time already been absorbed by the
| Qaca-Turks. 26 There are in existence glossaries of the turkicized
| Southern Siberians, the Qojbais, Motors [Madurs], a,nd Karayas', which were
assembled either just before or at the beginning of the turkization of these
tribes as they still spoke a Samojedic language. 27 Our information concerning the
Jenisej-Ostjak origin of the Arins and of the three Qojbal clans mentioned above
rests solely on Castren's report and a few linguistic notes taken by Klaproth. 28
Anthropological evidence, when fully clarified, will prove an important factor
for the solution of the substrata problems in the South- and West-Siberian Turkic
languages. Such evidence may be expected to be forthcoming especially from the
Minusinsk area where the majority of Siberian archaeological discoveries have been
made (bronze-finds of Minusinsk). TMs was the crossroads, both for tribes moving east
and west and for those moving north and south along the Jenisej, On the basis of
our present knowledge — sketched purely schematically -ц appears that the oldest known
)
ethnical stratum in the Minusinsk area constituted a Palaeo-Asiatic (Jenisej- Ostjak
element. This was then superimposed to a considerable extent by a Finno-
Ugro-Samojedic stratum coming from the northwest, west or southwest, and
in which might have been contained the Skytho-Sarma- tian element. The third ethnic
element was composed of Turks who entered from the south, southeast and west,
and continue to enter from

24 Cf. M. A. Castren, Versuch einer jenissej-ostjakischen und

kottischen Sprachlehre, p, viii, there is also a reference to places m
this connection in^Castren's travel reports.
25 Cf. M. A. Castren, Versuch einer koibalischen und
karagassi- schen Sprachlehre, p. V.
26‘11. Idem, Versuch einer Jenisej-ostjakischen und kottischen
Sprachlehre, p. viii.
27Tv' kni Dormer, "Samojedische Wlrterverzeichnisse, " ftSPOu,
28LA1V, passim; ffeikki Paasonen, "Bel trage zur Finnisch-Ugrisch-
Smnojedischen Lautgeschichte," reprint from vols. ХШ-Ш1 of Keleti
Szemle, pp. 4 aiKf 33- Asia Polyglotta, pp. 166 ff.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar IS
the west even at the present time The Bufats arrived from the east after the
Mongol upheaval; hut made contact only with those Jenisej- Ostjaks and South-
Samojedic tribes who were farthest east at the northern foot of the eastern Sajan
Mts. Later the ancestors of the Tungus pressed down from the northeast, but, like
the Bufats, without extending over the Minusinsk area. Finally, since the end of
the sixteenth century, the Russians have been arriving from the west. By reason
both of superior civilization and superior numbers, Russians represent the element
with the greatest power of assimilation. They have been effecting the colonization
of Southern Siberia as far as the shore of the Pacific Ocean during almost three
hundred years of expansive activity which is now rapidly becoming intensive. The
introduction of many Russian loan-words in most of the Siberian languages has been
a natural sequence of Russian immigration.
This brief outline of the relationship of Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq to their eastern
neighbors has been inserted in order to indicate the approximate direction to be
followed in an investigation of the substrata which have been so substantial in
the development of these languages. The relationship of Qaraqalpaq to its southern
and southwestern neighbors is much less complex in proportion, for it dates only
from relatively recent times; that is to say, it could not have taken place before
the entrance of the Qaraqalpaqs into the area around Lake Aral. The Qazaqs have,
quite naturally, taken only a very unimportant part in this relation.
Turkoman (Turkmen) influence is clearly distinguishable in Qaraqai- paq. It is
particularly noticeable in a number of words in which g- and d- appear initially
in place of the usual Turkic k- and t-. This is a characteristic not only of
Turkmen but of the whole division to which it belongs (i.e., the so-called
southwestern or Oyuz Division). The occasional use of long vowels should also be
attributed to a Turkmen source; although a long vowel also occurs sporadically in
Turkic languages which have otherwise lost the pre-Turkic vowel length. 29 In the
realm of morphology Turkmen influence is found in the use of a future in -dzaq/-
d2 ak.
Ozbek doubtless exercised much influence on Qaraqalpaq, but evidence of it,
unlike Turkmen, is difficult to obtain due to the fact

29 Cf. K. Menges, "Einige Bemerkungen zur vergleichenden Gramma- tik des

Turkmenischen," Archtv Orientalni (Prague, 1939)» X, 7~34-
 1 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
have entered in. In Castren's time, three of the Qojhal tribes were still entirely
of Jenisej-Ostjak origin. These were the Great Baj- gado and the Small Bajgado,
found on the Salba, and the Kajdeq on the Tuba (close to the Tag nil-Tuva
border). 30 The five remaining Oojbai tribes were probably of Samojedic descent. 31
The Arins, of Jenisej-Ostjak origin, had by that time already been absorbed by the
Qaca-Turks. 32 There are in existence glossaries of the turkicized Southern
Siberians, the Qojbais, Motors [Madurs], and Rarayas1, which were assembled either
just before or at the beginning of the turkization of these tribes as they still
spoke a Samojedic language. 33 Our information concerning the Jenisej-Ostjak origin
of the Arins and of the three Qojbal clans mentioned above rests solely on
Castren's report and a few linguistic notes taken by Klaproth. 34
Anthropological evidence, when fully clarified, will prove an important factor
for the solution of the substrata problems in the South- and West-Siberian Turkic
languages. Such evidence may be expected to be forthcoming especially from the
Minusinsk area where the majority of Siberian archaeological discoveries have been
made (bronze-finds of Minusinsk). This was the crossroads, both for tribes moving
east and west and for those moving north and south along the Jenisej. On the basis
of our present knowledge — sketched purely schematically — it appears that the
oldest known ethnical stratum in the Minusinsk area constituted a Palaeo-Asiatic
(Jenisej- Ostjak) element. This was then superimposed to a considerable extent by
a Finno-Ugro-Samojedic stratum coming from the northwest, west or southwest, and
in which might have been contained the Skytho-Sarma- tian element. The third
ethnic element was composed of Turks who entered from the south, southeast and
west, and continue to enter from

30 Cf. M. A. Castren, Versuch einer jenissej-ostjakischen und

kottischen Sprachlehre, p. viii, there is also a reference to places in
this connection in Castren's travel reports.
31 Cf. M. A. Castren, Versuch einer koibalischen und
karaiassi- schen Sprachlehre, p. V.
32 Idem, Versuch einer jenisej-ostjakischen und kottlschen
Sprachlehre, p. viii.
33 Cf. Kai Donner, "Samojedische Worterverzeichnisse," MSFOu, LXIY,
passim; Heikki Paasonen, "Beitrage zur Finnisch-Ugrisch- Samojedischen
Lautgeschichte," reprint from vols. XIII-XVII of Keleti Szemle, pp. 4 and
304.
3433- 4sia Polyilotta, pp. 166 ff.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar IS
the west even at the present time The Bufats arrived from the east after the
Mongol upheaval, but made contact only with those Jenisej- Ostjaks and South-
Samojedic tribes who were farthest east at the northern foot of the eastern Sajan
Mts. Later the ancestors of the Tungus pressed down from the northeast, but, like
the Bui'ats, without extending over the Minusinsk area. Finally, since the end of
the sixteenth century, the Russians have been arriving from the west. By reason
both of superior civilization and superior numbers, Russians represent the element
with the greatest power of assimilation. They have been effecting the colonization
of Southern Siberia as far as the shore of the Pacific Ocean during almost three
hundred years of expansive activity which is now rapidly becoming intensive. The
introduction of many Russian loan-words in most of the Siberian languages has been
a natural sequence of Russian immigration.
This brief outline of the relationship of Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq to their eastern
neighbors has been inserted in order to indicate the approximate direction to be
followed in an investigation of the substrata which have been so substantial in
the development of these languages. The relationship of Qaraqaipaq to its southern
and southwestern neighbors is much less complex in proportion, for it dates only
from relatively recent times; that is to say, it could not have taken place before
the entrance of the Qaraqalpaqs into the area around Lake Aral. The Qazaqs have,
quite naturally, taken only a very unimportant part in this relation.
Turkoman (Turkmen) influence is clearly distinguishable in Qaraqaipaq. It is
particularly noticeable in a number of words in which g- and d- appear initially
in place of the usual Turkic k- and t-. This is a characteristic not only of
Turkmen but of the whole division to which it belongs (i.e., the so-called
southwestern or Oyuz Division). The occasional use of long vowels should also be
attributed to a Turkmen source; although a long vowel also occurs sporadically in
Turkic languages which have otherwise lost the pre-Turkic vowel length. 35 In the
realm of morphology Turkmen influence is found in the use of a future in -dzaq/-
dzak.
Ozbek doubtless exercised much influence on Qaraqaipaq, but evidence of it, \
mlike Turkmen, is difficult to obtain due to the fact

35 Cf. K. Menges, "Einige Bemerkungen zur vergleichenden Gramma- tik des

Turkmenischen," Archlv Orlentalni (Prague, 1939)> X, 7_34*
 1 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
that Ozbek loan-words were easily affected by the laws of Qaraqaipaq phonology.
It is, therefore, impossible to indicate Ozbek influence with any degree of
certainty except in the domain of vocabulary. In the section on vocabulary, words
will be found which may be recognized as Ozbek loan-words. On the other side, the
dichotomy of initial vowels which is a typical feature of both Qaraqaipaq and
Qazaq, has influenced the neighboring Qypcaq-Ozbek dialects of Nur-Ata and Qyrq
(62j miles northeast of Buxara). 3 5 , 3 6 The occurrence of this same phenomenon has
been definitely established by Gunnar Jarring for the Ozbek dialect spoken in
Qylyc, an Ozbek village near Kasan (25 miles north-northwest of Namangan in
Paryana). 36 37 38 This might be interpreted as an influence upon a Faryanian Ozbek
dialect by means of Qaraqaipaq and actually by the above-mentioned Q&ralpaqs
living only 12j and 31 miles farther southeast, according to Polivanov, between
Namangan and Andizan and near Andizan. This would be proof, indirectly, that these
QAraipaqs emigrated into East-Faryana as a Qaraqaipaq-speaking clan and only there
were Ozbekicized.
Further influence of Qaraqaipaq on Ozbek is, presumably, an extremely
contracted form, used in the verbal composition kifttim "I was coming" < kel-a -
jat-dym, likewise noted by Jarring as occurring in the Qylyc dialect, 39 for these
strongly contracted forms were previously known only in Qaraqaipaq where they are
regularly required in composition with the auxiliary or descriptive verb jat-.
Our first endeavor has been to show how Qaraqaipaq has been influenced by other
languages and, in turn, has exerted its influence upon other languages. We have
likewise tried to indicate, in the light of our present historical knowledge,
those limits to which we must confine ourselves in the consideration, not only of
sociological, anthropological and political problems, but also of the linguistic
development of a people who have only just come into possession of a written
language.

36 In this area it is impossible to determine whether Qazaq or Qaraqaipaq

influence is present.
37 Cf. J. D. Polivanov, Известия Академии Наук
(1931),No. 1, p. 106, and K. Menges, "Drei Ozbekische Texte," p. 189*
3837• Cf. Gunnar Jarring, "The Uzbek Dialect of Qilich," Lunds
Universitets Irsskrlft. N.F., Avd. I, XXXIII, No. 3» P- 13 sub
"diphthongization," and my review of it in Anthropos, XXXIII, 711-12.
39 Op. c t t . , p. 22, and my review, p. 713*
 PHONETIC DESCRIPTION OF QARAQAtPAQ
SOUNDS39
Qaraqalpaq has the following sound system: A.

Consonants:
Stops Spirants Affricates Nasals

voiced unvoiced voiced unvoiced voiced unvoiced voiced unvoiced

Laiyngal
- - fi h - - - -

Beep-Velar - q Y X - - - -

Velar - - — - - - -
В
Prepalatal g k - - - - -
V
Palato-Alveolar - — ъ s dz c - -
Dental d t z s - - n —

Labial b P V f - - m -

T, vibrant r
Liquids lateral 1, i (velarized)

j
i consonans (asyllabic i)

39- Through the kindness of my colleague, Professor Roman 0. Jakobson, then still in Brno, I received a copy of
"Некоторые Фонетические особенности Каракалпакского
Polivanov's
Языка," Труды Хварезмской
(Some Phonetic Peculiarities of the Qqipq Language," in the
Экспедиции Узгиз
(Results of the XwJrazm Expedition), (State Publishing House of Ozhekistan), Taskent,
1933, 27 pp. Contained in the booklet are two stories taken down by Polivanov after dictation. His observations in
general agree with mine. Forms which appeared to me of special significance, have been utilized in this study, and are
quoted accordingly.
 1 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

There is a rigid distinction in Qaraqalpaq between sounds (both consonants and

vowels) of back or velar (or, as in the traditional Turcological terminology: guttural)
and front or palatal articulation, characteristic of all Turkic languages which have not
undergone an overwhelming structure-changing influence of the phonological system of
heterogenuous languages. Twelve hundred years ago, this bipartition in the phonological
system must have been extremely clear- cut, in other words, the phonetic difference
between velar (guttural) and palatal sounds must have been so distinct and so typical
that the people who introduced the Orxon script as known from the oldest Turkic
inscriptions of Northern Mongolia (Orxon River, Qara Baiyasun, i.e., the later center of
the Mongol Empire, Qara-Qorum), Tagnii-Tuva, Southern Siberia, and east and southeast
Qazaqistan, invariably used separate letters when designating velar or palatal sounds.
We may assume, of course, that, on the one hand, consonants had a deep velar (guttural)
base of articulation when occurring in velar words, but that, on the other hand, they
had a palatal articulation when occurring in palatal words, of the same type as the
palatalized consonants of modern Great-Russian, or of the Volga-Pinnic languages like
Mordva and Ceremis. These differences, so so far as they still exist today, appear to be
in the process of being levelled out. They still are clearly distinguished only in the
guttural category, whereas the differences in the pronunciation of dental and labial
consonants (in the so-called palatalized on the one hand and in the non- palatalized on
the other) is that of presence or absence of the secondary articulation (the so-called
Nebenarbeit), in so far as it still exists. Therefore, as in the case of all modern
Turkic languages, we distinguish the velar (guttural) and palatal varieties of
articulation by special symbols or diacritical marks only in the guttural category, and
omit indications as to velar or palatal articulation within the other categories,

LARKNGAL

The laryngal spirant h is an un-Turkic sound and does not occur in genuine Turkic
words. An initial h- may have existed in pre-Turkic, and is still found in old Mongol,
but disappeared in Turkic in the pre-literary period. H in intervocalic position is
voiced (- fi)
It may likewise become sonantic initially, in Sandhi, when preceded by a word ending in
a vowel. It then resembles in quality the Cech h < common-Slavic g.

DEEP-VELAR

q is the unvoiced guttural-velar stop with deep articulation on the back part of the
velum. Its voiced equivalent is lacking in all Turkic languages with the exception of
Turkmen. There it seems to be caused by an influence of Iranization. Of the deep-
guttural spirants, Qaraqalpaq has coimnon-Tk. y, with articulation as in all Turkic
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 2

languages except Osman where in the western dialects (among them the "educated" Turkish
speech) it is progressively fading. Its unvoiced equivalent x is no indigenous phoneme;
where it occurs, it is a combinatory variant of the phoneme y, or it occurs only in loan
words from Arabic, Persian, or Russian. The liquid 1 is velarized like the deep velar
consonants and has a deep velar timbre due to the constriction of the pharynx. It is
still deeper than Russian or Polish 1 which is of mid-back articulation accompanied by a
certain simultaneous action of the lips. It differs still more from English 1 as in
"all," "wall," "will," "belt." Qaraqalpaq 1 is much more velar than Osman 1. It is
without voiceless equivalent.

VELAR

Oral consonants articulated toward the front part of the velum, as in European, are
not found in Qaraqalpaq. An exception is the nasal q, which is articulated toward the
front part of the- velum in both palatal and velar words and corresponds to the sound
spelled ng in modern English or NHG.

PREPALATAL

The gutturals of palatal articulation are the two stops g and k. They are articulated
toward the rear part of the hard palate; in Osman and certain Turkmen and adjoining
Ozbek dialects they are more frontal. The palatalized sounds are transcribed with the
palatalization mark (gS k). Spirantic counterparts do not occur in Qaraqalpaq. The
voiced palatal stop g corresponds to the voiced velar spirant у in velar words, к in
initial position, as in the majority of Turkic languages, is slightly aspirated, though
lighter than the initial
 m Qaraqaipaq Grammar

voiceless stops in Mongol-Xalxa, NE or in N1IG. Initial g-, though rarely found, is

less voiced than the g of Slavic or Romance, as e.g. also initial g- of Osman. The
difference between g- and k- is not only that of the participation of the voice, i.e.,
of the sonorizing element, but also that of Lenis and Fortis, very similar to the po-
larity between Lenis and Fortis in Mongol-Xalxa or in NHG, though not attaining the same
degree.

PALATO-ALVEOLAR

The hushing (chuintantes) s and z are dorsal sounds, 40 i.e., their place of
articulation is behind the tip of the tongue on the hard palate, and they essentially
differ from the cacuminal Russian s and z or even the cerebral (retroflex) Sanskrit s.
They closely approach in quality Sanskrit and Polish s, though with a different position
of the tongue whose entire front portion (not only the tip) remains raised against the
hard palate. Almost identical with this Qaraqaipaq s is the s- sound of the Middle-
Rhine-Franconian dialects of NHG where it stands for the palatal "ch" as in "ich, 1 1
"sicher" - NHG Middle-Rhine-Franconian is, sis e®, and "g" in palatal antecon- sonantic
position as in "fliegt," "legt," "richtig" yielding there first, le§t,- riStis.
Initially, z is found alternating with dz; both go back to common- Tk. j-. Just as
the affricates c and dz, s and z may, by their very nature, be considered palatal, or,
at least palato-indifferent, without requiring palatal (front) vowels. They also occur
in immediate neighborhood of velar sounds, both vowels and consonants, but they have a
certain palatalizing effect which varies in power in the different Turkic and Mongol
languages.
s, when preceded by n, may become c, but usually only in rapid speech. This is
especially true for the ordinal suffixes: birinci,

40 According to Basqaq-Ulu's little grammar, p. 20, s sometimes is "palatalized,"

i.e., s. He cites as examples for s the word qosqar "ram," and suyurme "cap," and for s:
sapan "Х8ЛЗ.Т, 'xalat, ’ long overgarment," kimesek "woman's garb." According to
Ilminskij, s in Qazaq, that is to say, in the western dialects, is always "palatal." I
am not able to interpret Basqaq-Ulu's assertion except as meaning that s (< c) is
pronounced initially and intervocalically, as s, whereas in the vicinity of (only?)
velar sounds it has the quality of s, and that Basqaq-Ulu's examples must be inadequate.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 1

ekinci, etc., alternating with birinsi, iekinsi, etc., i.e., c after n does not
undergo the Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq sound-change c > s. When following the dental liquid n
the coimnon-Tk. s becomes c, e.g., in verbal nouns in -nc < -yn-ys: saqync "thought" <
*saq-yn-ys, otiinc "debts" < *ot-iin-iis, where there is no necessity to suppose a nomi-
nal suffix -nc as is occasionally done.
As already mentioned, dz in initial position may alternate with z. Common-Tk. c has
become s in Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq; where c occurs it is of heterogeneous origin, as will
be discussed later. The stream of air used for its production is not so strong as that
used for this sound in Slavic or English. The same is true for the c of: most Turkic
languages, such as Osman, Turkmen, and Ozbek.

DENTALS

The above statement concerning a light aspiration of initial stops is valid for the
two dental stops when found in initial position.! Initial d- is rare. Their
articulation, when occurring in velar j words, is accompanied by strong velarization
with noticeably deeper timbre than that of the equivalent sounds in Slavic or Romance.
It is especially noticeable in the case of t, less in that of d. As their velar
articulation is determined by position, I do not consider the addition of diacritical
marks necessary. Notice the consistent differentiation between the two varieties cf t in
the Arabic orthography of Osman.
Of the spirants, z is unknown in initial position in genuine Turkic words. There is a
distinctly noticeable difference between s in velar and s in palatal words. The velar s
approaches Semitic s, though not reaching its deep-guttural quality. This is valid for
the velar s-sounds of most Turkic languages which have not undergone too strong IE or
Caucasian influences upon their phonological systems. In the Orxon Inscriptions, of
course, s and s are distinguished, the same is observed in the Arabic orthography of
Osman soundly differentiating s and s. In the modern pronunciation of Osman, the
difference between s and s is distinct still in the Central- and East-Anatolian
dialects, not in the so-called educated speech. But in the case of z, neither Orxon, nor
Arabic written Osman distinguish these two varieties.
The corresponding liquid sound is n. Orxon had two varieties of n: 3 n (velar) and Hi
в (palatal).

LABIALS

The difference between p and b is, likewise, that of the respective participation of
the voice as well as that of Lenis and Portis. There is no noticeable difference between
these sounds when occurring in velar or palatal words. In the Orxon period they must
have been clearly distinguishable sounds (ft b' definitely palatalized, and 6 b,
probably velarized). The voiced spirant v has weaker frictional noise than a typical
 2 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

labio-dental v as in Italian or Russian, but rather that of NHG w. For the acoustical
impression, it holds an intermediate position between Russian labio-dental v and the
English labio-dental semivowel w. It therefore never undergoes unvoicing > f, even if
found in immediate neighborhood with unvoiced consonants. The labial unvoiced spirant f
is rare and occurs sporadically in Qaraqalpaq. It does not exist at all in Qazaq and in
many other Turkic languages, just as in popular Russian and Ukrainian. Qaraqalpaq
replaces foreign f by p in any position, as often found in old Russian, just as modern
Russian and Ukrainian replace it by x or xv. In Russian, v naturally becomes f in final
position or before following unvoiced consonant, while Ukrainian в which equals English
w remains w (u consonans).
The nasal labial is m.
J. D. Polivanov made the interesting statement that the unvoiced stops -p and -t in
final position may be pronounced as "implosives." He has not, unfortunately, expressed
an opinion regarding the causes of this phenomenon.
After a voiceless sound, the voiced labial stop b may continue to be voiced, e.g.,
myltyy atba "do not shoot the rifle!"

LIQUIDS

Of the liquids, the 1-sound has two varieties, a velarized and a palatal one. The
velarized variety, 1, belongs equally to the deep- velar group, and has already been
treated there The 1-sound occurring in palatal words is not the palatal 1 of Croatian or
Slovak, nor the palatalized Y of Russian or Romance, but the same sound as the so-
called European 1 as in Cech, NHG, or French.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 3

г is the voiced liquid produced hy vibrations of the tip of the tongue. The amount of
vibrations seems to be lesser than that for the equivalent sound in Russian, thus being
more similar to the Osman r which usually makes only 3~5 vibrations. Exact
measurements, however, have not yet been made, neither in Qaraqalpaq nor in the much
better and longer known Osman. Velarized and palatalized varieties of this phoneme are
clearly distinguished in the Orxon Inscriptions, but must have been since lost, r does
not occur initially in genuine Turkic words. Its unvoiced variant does not exist, which
is, so far, known only from the Osman dialects of Armenia (Syvas, Erzindzan, Erzurum)
where -r in absolute final position becomes unvoiced and is fused with a s-sound which
seems to result
v
from the unvoicing of this final -r; thus, we regularly find vaRs,
< var, "exists," geliR* < gelir "arrives, comes," gid&Rs < gidar "goes
(away)."41

ASYLLABIC i
j is an asyllabic i (i consonans). It has the same quality as Slavic j, or English у
in the function of i.

B. Vowels:
The language has the following nine vocalic phonemes:
Back (velar, guttural): (unrounded) - a, y; (rounded) - o, u; Central (mid [-high]): a.
Front (palatal): (unrounded) e, i; (rounded) 6 , fi. Schematically, they may be shown
thus:

Back (velar) Central Front (palatal)

unrounded rounded unrounded rounded

a 0 e 0
a
У u i a

a has deep back pronunciation, typical of this sound in the Turkic languages. It
differs from a in that the tip of the tongue does not touch the front teeth but is
somewhat drawn back. The mouth is well-opened for the articulation of this sound and the
back part of the tongue elevated.

41 The R designates a voiced sound gradually losing its sonority toward the end of
its duration. As far as I know, no attention has as yet been called to this final -RS in
Osman. The fact that initial r- may become 2-, e.g., in the dialect of Qonja, is known
from Martti R&s&nenfe "Turkische Sprachproben aus Mittel-Anatolien" (Acad. Scient.
Fennica)'. r- > Z- is likewise known from the modern Ujyur dialect of JarkSud in
Eastern Tttrkistan.
 4 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

The extent of the mouth opening as well as the lip position in the pronunciation of у
is the same as for that of i. This у has not the clear sound of Russian or Polish y, and
is still duller than the у of the Osman dialects of Anatolia. It may be transcribed as
T>, though it is not a reduced vowel, as the corresponding sound in, e.g., modern Qazan-
Tatar. Initially as well as medially, both у and i assume a shading toward e.
Initial о is always diphthongized:uo. It is a more closed sound than Russian or
Italian o, and more nearly resembles the NHG closed o, but with a strong inclination
toward the quality of u.
In any position, u appears as a very closed о having entirely the same particular
timbre as Qazaq and Mongol-Xaixa u, sound mixed between о and u, and, therefore, often
transcribed as such "(tf, e, etc. etc.) 42 The position of the tongue is the same as used
for the formation of the back a.
a is an а-sound of very open articulation, approaching but not reaching the quality
of Italian a. In the production of the a the tongue is arched while the tip of the
tongue is pressed against the lower front teeth. The result is a pronunciation similar
to that of English a as heard in "man" and not the sound of French a in "patte. This
latter sound is found in the strongly Iranianized dialects of Ozbek (of the Samarqand-
Buxdrd subdivision).
The palatal equivalent of a is less open than the corresponding vowel in Ozbek (non-
Iranianized dialects) or Qazaq and Tatar, which usually is transcribed as a, but it has
about the same quality as the corresponding sounds in Turkmen and Osman. Therefore,
I .tran-*- scribe it as e, meaning the e of English "less," or German (NHG) "wenn." In
initial position, it is always diphthongized: ie.
The pronunciation of i approaches that of e. The sound, thus, approaches the quality
of short English i in closed syllables, tending toward reduction and the quality of e,
as in "sit," "bit," "slip." Only when lengthened, i has the quality of an undulled i, as
Russian
German, French or Italian i. Thus, even unstressed Russian i appears often as Г in
Russian loan words in Qaraqaipaq (and other Turkic languages).
In initial position, 0 is always diphthongized: s0 , like о and e. It is relatively
very open, even when it is diphthongized.
The same lip position is used for the pronunciation of 11 as for u; the tip of the
tongue is pressed against the lower front teeth. Just as 0 has a tendency toward an open
articulation, tl has not the quality of the 11 -sounds of Osman, French, or NHG, hut it
is rather a closed 0 approaching у or even Ъ.
As regards the phonemes u and И, it appears to me that in Qaraqaipaq a vowel shift is
to be observed in statu nascendi proceeding along the same lines as that known from

42 Cf. Menges and Sakir-Ishaqf, "Qazaqische Texte," etc.

 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 5
Qazan-Tatar.
 COMPARATIVE HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY

CONSONANTISM
CLASSIFICATORY MARKS

Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq have in common characteristic correspondences which differentiate them from the
other Turkic languages. In phonology, these are as follows:
Palato-Alveolars:
Common-Turkic (Orxon, Ujyur, Altaj, southeast and southwest groups) initial j- > Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq
dZ-: jurt "tent, country" > dZurt, jat- "to lie (down)" > dZat-, jol "way" > dZol. In Qazaq the first
element of the affricate dZ is scarcely audible1 and in the western dialects has entirely disappeared. 43 44
Ilminskij and Katarinskij, for this reason, write only Z in their Qazaq grammars. Since modem Qaraqaipaq
orthography marks a distinction between dZ and Z we have to suppose the sound dZ, and not Z, in initial
position. But it has not been possible to ascertain the pronunciation in use in the northern and
northwestern dialects, adjacent to those Qazaq dialects which do not employ the affricate; thus, it is
very possible that the former resort to a similar pronunciation. In connection with the disappearance of
the affricate, attention should be called to the Qazan pronunciation of Tatar in which original initial
Й- is pronounced exactly as Щ in the central and northern dialects of Great- Russian.; Parallel to this
occurrence is the other phonetic law according to which common-Turkic й becomes 2 in all positions:
gyyys "exit" < ttyq-yS, ug- "to fly" < ий-, qag- "to escape" < qafi-. Common- Turkic g > s in all'
positions: dZaqsy "good" < jaxgy, dZumus "work"
< jumug, qus "bird" < qu2 , samal "wind" < gamal (Persian, < Arab., gamal, originally "north[-wind]").
Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq are further characterized by the law of labial attraction and by that of
assimilation and dissimilation. The presence of these two’ phonological laws places them in close
relationship with the Turkic languages of Siberia and the neighboring Mongolian

43 According to Radloff, Proben—, Щ, p. xxvi, the affricating component is distinctly heard in

Eastern Qazaqistan.
44 Cf. Melioranskij, Qazaq Grammar, §1 , 2 f.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 1
languages, Xalxa and Butfat. Furthermore, there is found both in Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq a
dichotomy of initial vowels, concerning which research has not yet been made. (All these
phenomena will be considered more fully later.)
-y/-g in Final Position:
-y and -g in final position disappear after у and i. After a,'a,
6 , u, ti, -y and -g develop to -u (-w, or -JJ) or -ti (-w, -y). These are changes common to
the majority of the languages of the northwest and southwest groups: Qq., Tat. tau "mount,
mountain," - Tar., E.T. taq (also tay), Alt. til; Osm. day (also da), Tkm. day; dgajlau
"summer camp; places where the summer is spent" < jaj-la-y = Osm. jajla, jajla, Qrm. jajla,
Tlon. jajla, Qq., Ozbek-Qypgaq dZajlau; dZajau "on foot," < jaga-y, Osm. jaja, Abaqan,
Sayaj gazag; tiri "living" < tiri-g, Osm. diri, Tjm. dlri, but Alt., tirii, Tar., N.-Oj.
tirik; sary "yellow" < sary-y, Qq., Tat. saiy, Osm. sary, Tkm. sary, N.-Uj., E.T. seriq,
Qp6.-0zb. s&ry, 6 a. saryy, saryq, Alt. saru. The final guttural in the suffix (forming
denominal nouns [adjectives]) -lyy/-lig also disappears: dSSuqpaly "infecting (diseases)"
<juq-ma- lyy, tijisli "touching, concerning" < tSg-ig-lig, kOgpeli "wandering, roaming
(nomads)" < k52-ma-lig, kilAlii "powerful" < кОб-lflg. This is a correspondence occurring
not only in Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq, but in all the languages of the northwest and southwest
groups. This consonant loss in Altaj, however, has caused labialization45 of the preceding
vowel with compensatory lengthening: attu "with (the) horse(s)" < *at-luu < *at-lyu < at-
lyy; itttt "with (the) dog(s)" < *it-ltlu < *it-liu < it-lig.
Final -g > -j in the palatal verb-base when followed by an initial vowel suffix. When
followed by a consonant, the final consonant of the verb-base disappears if preceded by e
and i: ti- < teg- "to attain, to reach," tise < teg-sS, 3 sg. condit., tijetuyun < teg-3-
turyan "who must reach; usually reaching, etc.," tigiz- < teg-giz- (causat.); Г- < eg- "t<?
bend," ijil-dir- < eg-il-dir- (causat. of the pass.) "to oppress." According to examples
given in the WB, the same correspondence occurs in the following languages: Alt., Tel.,
Qq., Qy., Bar., Tob., Qn., Qom., Kar.; but the old form t£g- has remained in the following:
Orxon, Uj., Ca., Tar., Leb., Sor, KilSr., teg- in Sayaj and QojbaL; Г- < 3g- is quoted by
the WB from: Qn.,
Qq., Qy., Tel., also ftrj- in Tel., Alt., and Qom., 3j- in Osm., Tkm., Az.; Sg- in Uj.
(together with Sq-), 46 47 Sart., Tar., E.T., eg- in Ozbek, Sa., Qb.,- Q6 . Compare here Qq.
bilS- < beg-13- "to rule"

45 This labialization is explicable only by a transition of the final —у/—g into a

labial: -u, -w, which then caused the labialization of the preceding у or i into u or U (or
u or 5) before it completely disappeared.
46 Cf. W. Bang and A. v. Gabain, TUrktsche Turfan-Texte, V (ab
47breviated as TT V),*A 57.
5< In sucb cases, in Qazaq still another step, contraction, takes place: sur- < suwur- <
syyyr- "to draw," bun < buwun (so Qaraqalpaq) < buyun "joint, articulation, link," cf.
Qazan buwyn, Balqar bu’un.
 2 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
(e.g., in Proben, III, 302, 28), Qq. flj- "to heap, amass" (e.g., in Proben, III,
66 , 15; 301> 30) <Og- = Alt., Tel. 0-, Sa., Qb. tig-;
Ok- in Ka3. and in the WB is to be read as tig- since in Qn. it appears as Sj-. This
change of original final -g in intervocalic position and in final position in syllables is
a regular correspondence in Osm. and Az.: dejirmen "mill" < tSgirmSn, Oj- "to praise" <
3 g-
ttJj.).
-v in Pinal Position
Original -v in final position disappeared: sil < suv < sub "water" (Orxon). In the newly
introduced Latin orthography the sound -v is preserved: "suv." Upon the addition of a
suffix having a vowel in initial position, the -v is automatically restored: ksldiq suvy
"the water of the lake," dSrjanyq suvy "the water of the river." A final u in qff "the
swan" is treated in the same manner, although it has no original final labial; cf. Uj.,
Kas. qoyu, but in the orthography "quv." No examples of forms with a suffix with initial
vowel attached to qii have been secured.

Alternation of v: y/g
A further characteristic of the western groups is the alternation between v and y/g.
This is an early development already found in Ka§.: Cayy/Cavy "lash," 8 gttt/6 wtit
"counsel, advise," qoyur-(qayur-)/ qovur- "to roast, 1 1 qoyurmaC/qavurmaC "parched barley"
(WB: only qav-, and qavrul-), qoySa- (qoxSa-)/qovga- "to become weak," qayruS-/qavru2- "to
help roast," qayut/qavut "a kind of food for women in childbed," sflglin/silvliin
"pheasant" (Brockelmann writes incorrectly sflklin; cf. Osm. sujlun, Ca- sfllgttn, with
metathesis; sflklfln instead of sugliin in the WB is also incorrect), uyniy/uvruy,
also
oyruy/ovruy "limb, nape of the neck, mountain pass." A similar change may be concealed in
Cavar, Cava г Cuvar "a lighter of fire" and Cavarlyy jir "earth for burning, peat, turf," <
Cayar, partic.
aor. of 2 aq- "to light, kindle a fire (hy flint), 1 1 and possibly also in MnSak gaviy
"apricot-stones and nut-shells, used for kindling a fire," < Saq-yl-y(y) (?). A sole form
for "nightingale," sanduwaS, is found in Kag., which is represented in the modem languages
(E.T., Ozbek) hy sanduyaS.
Qaraqalpaq shows regular change of y/g > v (w, u [5 ]): avuz < ayyz "mouth," avur- <
ayyr- "to become ill," cp. Qq. auz, aur- "id.," as in Qn., Toh., Qrm., Qom.; suvur- <
syyyr- "to draw, pull" - the entire word is, therefore, labialized^- dgavady < jay-a-turur
"it is raining," sau- < say- "to milk," Qq., Ojr. sau-, Osm. say-, sa- "id.," turu < toyru
"exact(ly), precise(ly)," with lengthening of preceding vowel; further the instances of
final -y/-g > -u according to the phonetic rule mentioned above: qyslau < qyg-la-y "winter
quarters, village." This is a change frequently found in distributives and verbal nouns
which in Ujyur and the southeast division end in -yu/gtt: eketi (ekew) "bini," ilSOil
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 3
(tlgbw) "terai," tertbtl (thrtSw) "quaterni," atau "the naming, designation," qarau
"seeing," baslau "the beginning," etc. The nature of the suffix -y/-g or -yy/-ig will be
discussed later in the section on morphology. In internal position, when followed by a
consonant, the result is first diph- thongization and then length: turn < *towru < toyry,
toyru, biTdaj "wheat" <-buydaj, sudur], gen. sg., "of the water" < suv-nui).
The alternation v: y/g also occurs sporadically in other languages: Ozb. magyz » mavyz
"raisins," Judaxin, Lex., p. 605 (< Pers. Jr** yz "brain, marrow, innermost, best,
ma

pearl"), 6 a., Osm. qoya "bucket" and Osm. qova. Note in this connection the conversion in
E. T. whereby w (u) of foreign words is represented by g: 48 aggal < arab. awwal "first,"
gOli < arab.^ jy wall "representative, deputy, proxy," gaxt < arab. waqt "time"; many
examples in
the Volkskundliche Texte aus Ost-Tlirktstan, by Katanov and Menges.
y/g>vis normally found in favag; syva "healthy" » say, sau, tiv- "to obtain, reach" »
teg-, saval "wedge" » Qmnd., Leb. syyys, su- "to milk" = say-/sau-, du- "to rain" =
jay-/jau-, jeven "bridle" -

48 Cf. the replacement in Romance of foreign w by g, as in French guerre, Ital. guerra <
Germ, wer, Spanish Guadalquivir < Arab.
Wadi-al-Kebir, "the great river."
 4 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

jdgan, xaval "emptiness" = Uj. qoyuS, = Mong. xoyosun. In some of the Osman dialects
this same change is observed even in loan words: (Jsm., dialect of Adana diiven "shop" <
*dOgen < *duken < dttkan <
Arab, \Sj dukkan "id."
Proto-Turkic, Koktiirk-Orxon, Ujyur 8 > j:
Proto-Turkic, Orxon, and Ujyur 3 is represented as in all groups with the exception of
East-Siberian, Xakas, Jakut, and TavaS, by j: kij- < ka3- "to clothe," kijim > kaSim
"dress," dgajau < jaSay "on foot," ajaq < aSaq "foot";
KaS.,as was noted above, gives all three
forms, aSaq, ajaq, and azaq, but quotes only the tribes having azaq:
QyfCaq, Jamak, Suvar, and Bulyar. 49 In Tavag, which is based on Bul- yar, this -z- was
further changed to -r-: Tav. ura < azaq < a8 aq "foot," Tav. Suran "on foot" <
jaSa-y, Tav. xor- "to place" < qo8 -..
In the Xakas group -8 - > -z-, in TavaS further > -r-, 50 in Jakut -t-:
Jakut saty "on foot" < jaSa-y, atax "foot" < a3aq. The term adaq arba ("name of a small
cart in which children learn to walk,"
"baiany dXiirilge amalyan arbanyrj aty") contains an entirely different word. I do not
share the view of the authors of the little Qaraqalpaq OrammatTke (Gramar) that
the word is a preserved archaic form of aSaq "foot" (Kirisfi, "Introduction," p. 4, top)
apparently based on WB, I, 478, quoting this word adaq under adaq51 (Sojoq, "foot," < aSaq)
and as- Ca. with our special meaning — likewise from Yambdry in the form aday. There is
no reason to suppose that the sound change 8 > d which occurs only in Sojoq and Karayas,
probably languages of late tiirkization, should have taken place here, contrary to an
otherwise regular correspondence of 3 > j in the languages of the northwest, southeast, and
southwest groups.
g- and d- in Initial Position:
A peculiarity of Qaraqalpaq is the occasional use of g- and d- in initial position in
place of common-Turkic k- and t-. Qaraqalpaq has this tendency in common with the
tdrkmenized dialects of Ozbek in the Oasis of Xiwa and in the villages Qnra-Bulaq and Iqan
(between the cities Ttlrkistan and Arys in northeast Ozbekistan). 9 This is a transition
occurring in a number of instances in the southwest group; but in accordance with what laws
it takes place cannot yet be determined. A peculiarity of this sound-change is the fact
that not all of the languages of the southwest group are affected by it, even under
apparently identical conditions. The following examples serve as illustrations.

497* These assertions of Kagyari's are quoted here with reservation, for KagyarT was not
in Bulyar. As a rule, his dialectological statements are to be taken with caution.
50 Cf. the developments in IE of ancient s-, z-sounds to r, e.g.,
51in Latin and Germanic.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 5

Initial g-: In the words gflz "autumn," Osm. gaz, Tkm. gttS; gttrOs- "to fight," gttrOs
"fight, struggle," Osm., Tkm. gtlreS-, gttreg; garok "oar," lacking in WB, Osm. ktlrak,
Kag. kflrgak; gOmfls "silver," Osm. gOmflg, but Tkm. kttmig; gflC "burden," gtlgaj-"to
become heavy, difficult," Osm. gflC, Tkm. gtt8 ; together with that there exists the
regular form kflg in the sense of "power," e.g., eliktir kaga "electric power" and its
derivative kttgttt (often spelled historically as kttgltt) "strong, powerful," in a few
words whose etymology is not determined: gegir "carrot," Tkm. kegir, WB Kar. Troki gagtlг,
ба. Va. kagir, < Pers.?; gevde "trunk, torso, 1 1 WB. Qrm., Osm. gavda "id.," Kar. luck
gavda, Qq. kaada, Hem. gevde, gevre (cf. infra the Mong. parallels), "id.," 6 zb. Judaxin
gauda, by Judaxin supposed to be Persian (?); Pers. Yullers gavda "medulla cujusvis rei"
while gavda "the body" according to Yullers is Turkic. The
word is lacking in Kag. But cf. Mong. xeberdek "id.," Qlm. (Ramstedt) kewpdoo together with
kewpke and kCwpdsk (OlOt) "id."; gezek "bag," otherwise unknown, < Pers.?; gej, forming
indetermined numerals: gej bir "a few," gej para "some, several," perhaps from Pers. с/ kaj
and para; 1 0 gudu bob- "to lie on the stomach, to rest (as
cattle do)"; initial g- is also found in the loan word gallan "all, each." < arab. Jp
kull "id." plus Pers. plural suffix -an: Pers.
ij&j kullan "all." Osm. has here kall(a), Tkm. kall(i) "id."
In these words gllfi may be established as a loan word from Tflrkmen or from Tarkmenized
dialects, since it clearly shows the -6 taken over from Tkm. In other cases where a voiced
consonant is used in

9. Cf. К. K. Judaxin, "Некоторые Особенности

Карабулаксксго
Говора," ("Some Peculiarities of the dialect of Qara-Bulaq"), in the ('Iqd-ud-
Dxuman) for W. Barthold, "Труды Восточного
Факульт. САГУ"("Publications of the Oriental Faculty of the Central- Asiatic
State University," Tagkent, 1927); and K. Menges, "Drei (Jzbekische Texte," p. 141 ff.
10. Parallels from Qazaq are quoted in the WB under kej.
in the southwest group, a voiceless consonant is found in Qaraqalpaq: kel- "to come," ket-
"to go," kOr- "to see," kir- "to enter," koS- "to roam, migrate," kOk "blue." It should he
emphasized here that not all word bases having initial g- in Osman likewise have initial g-
in TOrkmen: cf. the above Qaraqalpaq gfflstls, Osm. gttmttS, with Tkm. kOmiS "silver," Osm.
gOl with Tkm. kol "lake," and conversely: Qaraqalpaq gdrSk "oar, paddle," Osm. kttrak "oar,
shovel."
To what extent loan words were introduced into Osman from Cayataj, and from Cayataj and
Ozbek into Tttrkmen, must be temporarily left undecided. This change was also extended to
include foreign words: gflze "can, pot, jug" < Pers. kuza, lacking in WB as Osm.; 1 1
in Tkm., this word appears as kflze (in the modern Latin orthography kyjze, with diphthong;
concerning it, v. infra). 1 2
 6 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

Parallel to the above we have many instances in which d- is used initially for common-
Turkic t-, as in the southwest group and, sporadically, also in Qazaq: d(iz "the plain,"
WB: Osm., Qrm., Az.; tflz WB Qq., ttls Qy.; dflz- "to order," so in Osm., Tkm.; KaS. ttlz-;
diz- "to thread, to string," Osm., Tkm.; KaS. tiz-; dizim, a noun in -m from the same base,
"a drawing-up, index"; dijirmen "mill,"
Osm. dejirmen, older degirmen, Tkm. degirmen, Ozb. tigyrman, KaS. tagirmSCn; doquz "hog,
swine," Osm. doquz, domuz, Tkm. doqyz, KaS. tor]uz, hut Qq. also-doquz (WB); duman "fog,
mist," Osm., Tkm., Qrm. the same, KaS. tuman; duz "salt," KaS. tuz ( bi-l-iSha'),
Tkm. duS, lacking in WB, which has only tuz for all languages including Qrm., except Osm.,
Az., Tkm.; Osm., however, has tuz; 1 3 daraq "arable land," lacking in WB, from tara-, KaS.
"to comb," then, by transfer of meaning, probably, became wrongly identified with tary- "to
cultivate" and resulted in the meaning "to harrow,

11. But it occurs in the classical Osman poetry as a Persian loan

word in the form gflza.
"Некоторые
12. In Polivanov's small qaraqalpaq texts in
Фонетические Особенности Каракалпакского
Языка," (Труды Хорезмской Экспедиции; Ташкент,-
1933) J gQn "day" is used in expressions which already form an entity as bir gttn "one day,"
btlgfln "today" while kfln is invariably given for "day, sun." As Polivanov correctly
states, there is
no Turkmen influence present in these cases but a sandhi which will be discussed below.
13. Cf. here common-Tk. tag "stone": Qrm. dag (WB), Tkm. d£S,
Osm. taS!
plough"; 52 53 note meanings given in WB for tara-, and compare the tribal name TaranSi
"fanning people, peasant(s)"; dOn- "to return," as in Osm., and Tkm. Whether doz "bast,
birch-bast" in composition with qajyq "birch," qajyq doz, is to be considered here, is
uncertain. The WB has here only toz Ca., E.T., Qq., tos Qy., Altaj and Siberia. The absence
of the possessive suffix indicates a close composition with qajyij. Therefore, one can
consider the voiced initial as a result of sandhi.
d- is present also in foreign words: daret "excrement," < arab. 4,1^ taharat "the
ritual purification"; its Tkm. form is taret. Other examples are given in the Glossary.
The development of d- in initial position must be regarded as a result peculiar to Qqlpq.
and not as a modification due to the in fluence of the southwest group; for these words are
lacking in the vocabulary of that group: davus "tone, sound" < tabyS, WB tabyS Ait., Tel.,
'Leb., Sor, Knar.; for Qq. both taus and daus; dOre- "to originate," lacking in WB, to:
tora- WB Uj., Osm., Qom., Sor, Sa., Qb., Q<5., tore- Ait., Tel., Leb. "to be born," as an
ablaut form: IKS. torn- "to be created"; degis "declivity," for which no etymology has been
found; duadaq "bustard," WB Qq. duadaq, dualaq;ls dOgOrek (and dOgerek, in the emphatic form
dOp-dOgerek and top- tOgerek) "round, round about," in postposition function dOgereginde
"about, um...herum," is to be compared with WB Qrm. tOgarak "round," 6 a. tavarik (and
tavarttk) "round, surroundings," Tkm., postposition, tovereginde, "about, around," in the
emphatic form tOs-teverek "entirely round," Uj. tagirmi (< *tag-ir-im-i?), tagra (< tag-ir-
a) "about, um...herum," and with E.T. tObflr- "to be around...." 54 Qq. tOqOrOk "circumference,
radius," is lacking in WB, but is found in "Proben" III, e.g., 301, 31* Cf. Tkm. tegelek
"id."; dala "prairie, steppe," WB Qq., Qn., apparently a loan word from Mong. tala "id." in
which form it appears also in Qq., Ca., Tar., E.T.; dOq- gelek, "round, wheel," WB doqgolok
Qq. "id." also appears in some

52 One might consider here a tara-, with ablaut, equivalent to tary-, as is usually
the case in Kas. tOrU- "to be created" and Uj. tOra-, Alt., Tel., Leb. tOrO-, Qqlpq. dOre-
"id."
53 Cf. also 'far. doydaq, E.T. (Turfan, Le Coq) doydrfr (where final -r [uvular]
alternates with -y), Qy. todaq, Soj. toyduq; Mong. toyodaq (Kov., 1807), toyodoq (Schmidt,
250, c).
54 Cf. Katanov-Menges, p. 1291 (121).
 8 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
manner akin to dogerek listed above; dtlpaq, lacking in this form in WB, "gun, musket,
rifle," < Pers. <dCl*> tufang (< ?), Tkm. tflpaq, Osm. tOfak; davul "storm," WB Qq. daul,
6 a. davul; Ozbek, davyi and Tkm. davyi, < ??; dymiy and dymqyl "moist, damp," lacking in
WB, to WB Qq., Qn. dym (and derivations) "moisture"; dtlmpOk "hill, knoll," lacking in WB,
unknown in Mong.; cf. Hung, domb "hill, knoll"; dflr- sfllle- "to knock, beat (as the
heart)," lacking in WB, apparently an onomatopoetic formation; dumaiaq "round," WB Qq.
domalaq "round," to WB Qq., Osm. domala- "to bend together," Qq., specifically, "to roll,"
Osm. also domal- "to become round, curved, bent," and derivatives: domalt-, domalan,
domalyC; cp. hereto jumalaq "round," and jumalan- "to become round," jumalat- "to make
round" (WB: Bar., Qrm. Ca.); both bases must go back to a common proto-Turkic word base
which possibly had *S- in initial position: *Somala- /*8 umala-. This word is apparently
lacking in TSCvaS. There might be a parallel in Mong. in doma- "сучить, to thread,
twist," translated into 6 a. as 4.S-, 1 7 corresponding to Kovalevslcij 1862-63 tomo-"tordre,
filer, etc." (and derivatives, as tomolya "action de filer, etc.," tomomal "fil£").
Probably, this word is to be read, in Kovalevskij's Dictionary, as domo- (with
derivatives). Perhaps in this manner some of the words having initial d- in Qq. may be
explained, as dttz, dflz- ("face; hundred; to swim") together with d2 tlz, d2 ttz-, unless
in these words there is present merely a simple case of combinatory sound change
(incontiguous dissimilation). 1 8 Cp. further dauruq- "to sob, to speak in a loud voice" with
Qrm. jawra- "to bark"; Qqipq. dastyq "cushion," with jastyq, jastuq in the other languages
(v. WB)

Ancient Initial *5-

Indications of old initial *&-in Turkic are seen in the Greek writing Д<Щ1 9 by Ptolemy,
for the Jajyq ("the extended one," the Ural River), and five hundred years later Да(у by
Menandros Protek- tor. There is further the word Soyia for the dirge in the embassy report
of Valentinos. Both words are still alive, the former as jaj-,

17. In ZamaxgarT's Mongol-Cayataj-Persian glossary, cf. N. N.

"Монгольский Словарь Мукадднмат ал-адаб," I-
Poppe,
II, 142.
18. Cp. Uj., Kag., Qom., Kar. julduz, Osm. jyldyz "star" - Qq. d2 oiduz, d2 ulduz, Sa.,
Sor Cyltys, but Balqar duldiiz (< d2 ulduz). Radloff lists such cases in his "Phonetik," §§
219* 228, where he apparently accepts them as the result of dissimilation.
19. In is contained the -s of the nom. sg. masc., while the form Да(х renders the Turkic
word relatively unchanged.
dZaj- "to extend, scatter, 1 1 and the latter in KaS. joy "funeral meal," verbal derivative
joy-la-, and in Qq. dZoq "dirge," with a verbal derivative in -la-, dissimilated here into
dZoq-ta-; Orxon, Uj. joq (WB III, 400). Poppe in his paper on TSvag remarks regarding its
relationship with the other Turkic languages that the TStvaS initial d- from common-Turkic
j- is to be regarded only as having developed through the voiced palatal i (cp. common-Tk.
jflz "hundred" > fav. SSr, jay- "to rain" > Su-, jaS "age" > Sul, etc.), and that this sound
was eventually devoiced, so that we may assume the prototype of the Bulyar-l^tvaS group to
have had the development initial j- > *i-which is very plausible. Qq., Qqlpq. dZ- <
initial j- may, of course, have evolved independently (and later). Moreover, it is possible
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 9
that, in the northwest group, dZ- or 2- may have originated later from the *i- assumed by
Poppe.
If one now accepts the theory that the Byzantines were in contact with the Bulyars of the
Volga among whom the sound-change j- > *i- had already taken place, it becomes impossible to
understand why the Byzantines should have represented this sound by means of their 6 , which
in the Byzantine era already was spirantized (-3), and not by means of C, at least in
initial position. Furthermore, one must take into consideration the fact that Ptolemy's
writing already represents an initial dental, i.e., likewise 3.
The hypothesis of a Proto-Turkic initial *3- (or *d-) is strengthened by the existence
of words which in common-Turkic have j- initially, but in Mongolian and MandZu (Manchu)
have d~, e.g., KaS. jilin, Osm., Qrm. jalin, Qq. dZelfn, Qn. dZilln, dZillm, Bar. jilin,
T&v. Silg "udder" « Mong. deleq, MandZu delen "id." (the WB does not contain any Turkic
parallels beginning with initial d- to correspond to jalin, etc.); KaS. jal, Tttrkmen jal,
Osm. jala, elsewhere jal, Ktiar. jalak (dim.), Tav. Silxe (dim.), Jakut. sial "mane" ■
Mong., Buf. del, MandZu delun "id."; KaS. jayyr, Osm. jayyr, Tar., N.Uj. jeyir, Qq. dZaur,
"become sore or chafed (horse's back)," Jakut. saryn "place between the shoulder blades,
shoulder," Tav. S\iram "back" = Mong. dayari, Qaim. dars "region of the shoulders; place
where the saddle is laid; sores from the saddle" (Ramstedt), MandZu darin "sore spot,"
darimbi "to chafe" (according to Ramstedt, "Kal- mttckisches Worterbuch," MandZu darin is a
loan word from Mongolian [?]); Orxon jayy, KaS. jayy "enemy," Qq., Qp6q.-0zb. dZau "war,
enemy" = Mong. dajin, Qaim. din < *dayyn "enem , war, etc." = MandXu
 10 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

dan "detachment" (?); according to Ramstedt's "Kalm. Wb.," Mong. dajin "< Chin. >
Japan, tekin"; Ramstedt here appears to be referring to Chin. Canton <}ik, according
to Karlgren, "Analytic Dictionary," no. 987 < 55 56
dЧек "attack, enemy" which also
represents Japan, teki. It is not necessary to consider this as a loan word from
Chinese, for Mong. *dayyn may be closely related to Japanese teki, and remotely
to .Chinese *d 'iek.
A second proof of the initial proto-Turkic *3- (*d-) may be seen in Ossetic,
Digoric dialect doy, Ironic duy "horse-race," semantically < "horse-race at funerals"
which are still held in the Central Caucasus, by the Xevsurs, T'uSs, and P'2 avs.
This is certainly to he regarded as a loan word from Turkic joq / Soywc mentioned
above, an opinion which I share with Josef Markwart. 2 0
Considering the above statements we must not disregard the fact that the change of
j- > *i~, and in T&vaS the further development to must be very old, whereas that of
the northwest group to d2 - is a comparatively late one. This is illustrated by cases
in which the auxiliary verb d2 at- following a vowel preserves the old initial j-
(e.g., Qp6q.-0zb. b&ra-jatyr "he comes, he is on his way," in place of b&ra-dZatyr),
or may even lose it, as is- usual in Qqipq.: baratyr < baraatyr (< bara-jatyr),
occurring together with bara-dZatyr, "he comes."
There are, however, special cases for which we can as yet apply no rules, such as
where the proto-Turkic initial *3- (*d-) does not evolve into j-but into d-. A glance
through the WB under d- shows a number of words in Qq. andQy. (alsoa few in Qn.). I
reserve discussion of these for a later comparative investigation of initial d- and
g- in Turkic.
Alternation of Voiceless and Voiced Consonants:
When a suffix CQntaining a vowel in initial position is added to a word-base with
a final consonant, the conversion of a voiceless final to a voiced sound is
effected. A final -t is not affected by this rule: baq- "to look," bayamys, 1 st
pers. pi. praes., hayynbajdy (3 rd sg./pl. pres, med.); dzaq- "to kindle," dzayamys
1 st pi. prs.); §yq- "to come out," Syya (3 rd sg./pl. prs.);

55й(). Cf. Dngarlsche JahrbXicher, IX, p. 81. Another example is OChSl.,

OR.Aojfzrjff "-rcpoo-xecpdAouov, pillow," < proto-Turkic
566 oydar, *doydar = Tav. ^э^аг, ij^ar "bed-cloth, pillow"; (cf. also Mikkola, MSFOu,
XXXj 33> P- ll)^ Кгй- joydu (ruzz, QyfSaq dzoydu) "beard-hair of the camel," while Mong.
dzoydar, dzoydur, "long neck- hair of the camel, bunch of camel-hair for stuffing pillows"
is to.be considered a loan word from Turkic.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 11

birlik "unit, unity," birligi (poss; 3rd pers.) "his, her, its unit(y)" - but:
suvuta baslady "it commenced to become cold," < suvu-t-a; dZyllytady "it warms" <
dZyllyt- "to warm" (the geminates here are written incorrectly - see following
section); otarba < ot-arba ("fire-car") "locomotive"; paxta zavuty "cotton
factory"
< zavut-y (poss. 3rd pers.), cp. WB; dZatyq "horizontal" < jat-yq ("put, being put, laid").
When the gerund-suffix in -p is added to a verbal base ending originally in -p, the -p
final of the verbal base changes to -b, then to -u: taup < tab-up < tap-up, tap-yp "having
found," dZaup
< dZab-up < dZap-up < jap-up, jap-yp "having made," Saup < 2ab-up
< йар-ур "having beaten," precisely as in Qq.: dZaup < jap-yp, e.g., "Proben," III, 64, 24,
taup < tap-yp III, 67, 1, tetlp < teb-ip "having kicked (camel, horse)," III, 98, 10, 11.
The remaining sound- changes in Qq. of this category are the same as here: tabamyz < tap-a-
myz "we (shall) find" (1 st pi. prs./fut.), Ill, 66 , 27, tabajyq "let us find" (1st pi.
imper.), III, 66 , 27; -t never is sonorized: dZatarmyn "I lie down, I lie," III, 66 , 3,
4, dZatyp "hav ing lain down," III, 66 , 11, atarya "for throwing, shooting," III, 66 , 11,
atyp "having thrown, shot," III, 66 , 12, korsototuyun "one who must show, who shows
usually," III, 119, 2. у of a verbal base in final position is affected by the same change
to -u when the gerund-suffix -p is attached: aup < avup < ayup < ayyp "getting across,
surmounting," the same in Qq.: Ill, 65, 5- But this is only a special development of final -
y which becomes, in general, in this position -JJ, -w: aup < awup < ayyp. The form ayyp also
exists: it is the gerund in -p from aq- "to flow, to stream"; also Qq.: Ill, 66 , 24, 27,
29.
Geminates:
When a voiceless consonant appears in a word between the final vowel of the word-base
and the initial vowel of a suffixal element, whether this exists as an independent suffix or
merely as an historical one, the voiceless consonant appears to result from earlier
geminates: dZoqary"up, hinauf" < joq-qa-ry, with the dative plus directive suffix from the
noun joq, proof of which is found in KaS. joq jir "highland," Orxon, Uj. joqaru, the WB
quotes a Ca. instance with joqqari; dZaqyn "near," (with derivates), < *jaq-qyn < *jaq-yyn
57
aqyryn "slow, weak" < *aqqyryn (ptc. in -yn from oausat. in -qyr- from aq- "to stream, to
flow"?), cf. Uj. aquru-aquru (ger. in -u from aq-ur-, a caus. from aq-?) "low, soft," Ca.
RabyuzT "id.," 2 2 WB. Alt., Tel. aqqyryn "calm, quiet," Qq., Qy., Qn. aqyryn "slow," Sor,
Turaly ayyryn, Sa. ayyrin "id."; tyraqaj, or in emphasized form tym-tyraqaj, < tyraqqaj
"smashed," to WB Qq. tyrayaj et-, tyrayaj ia- "to scatter, drive apart"; Radloff compares
this word with tara- "to drive apart," tarqa- "to scatter" so that one might derive tyraqqaj
from tara-q-qaj, ptc. pass. in -q from tara- plus suffix -qaj/-yaj; Saqyria- "to call,
shout" which in Qq. appears in the form gaqyr-, always retaining -q-: III, 69, 8 ; 110, 1,

57 Cf. W. Bang, "Siebenter Turkologischer Brief," Uniarische Jahr bncher, XIY, §§

8 , 9» P- 193 ff-
 12 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
2; 107, 11; 108, 10 f.h.; 108, 7, 6 f.b.; cf. also WB Qq. Saqru "invitation,"
< Caqyr-yy, Saqrym "versta, a Russian mile," < fiaq-yr-ym (literally "as far as one can
shout"). The word gokkilg "hammer" appears with gemination; cf. here WB Osm. йВкИй, Ca.,
Az. ййкйй, Osm. also бЭДай; other forms are lacking; cf. Qn. йпк!й, and Ka§. Sakiik (yuzz.)
with different suffix. The word is obscure, probably a loan word.
Its form in Qn. implies *5 in the root syllable, in Ka2. a so that
one might be inclined to consider it related to the verb йак-. The
Osm. and Az. forms indicate an earlier geminated form. Tiken "thorn" is equally uncertain:
Qq. tikfin, Ka2 . tikSn "thorn," WB quotes Qq. tikan (and also a form tik&na), Ca., Tar.,
E.T.-tiganak (dim.) Qom., Qn., Bar., Sa.,tiganak = tifanak Ait., Tel. "hawthorn,"
Sor tigana,
Leb., Sa., Qb.,Q2 . tigan = tifan Ait., Tel. "spruce," < *tik-kan,
to the verb tik- "to implant, erect, fix, set, pin, sting." 1
Since in intervocalic position, the sound t is not affected by sonorization, its
gemination is preserved, rendered also in modern orthography: qatty "solid, strong, hard";
the original form qatyy, Orxon, Uj., is still found in Ca. qatiy, qatiq, Tel., Bar. qadyq,
Sor, Leb., Kliar. qadyg, Qn., Qom., Aq. qaty, Ka§. qatyy; with gemination: E.T. qattiq,
Tar. qattiq ("Proben," VI), Ozb. q&ttyq, Sa., Qb., Qй. qattyg, Ait., Tel. qattu, Qq. qatty.
-ss- is always found in yssy "warm," but the transitive verb has ysyt- "to heat," and the
verbal noun ysytpa "fever, malaria." -§§- 58 59
is found in a22y "bitter," Ozb. &6 Cyq <
аббуу, < *at-sy-y; 60
ne§Se is apparently the result of double suffixation of -63. after nS,:
< *пЯ-ба-йа "quidcunque, quanticunque." The geminates -22- in pe22e
"gnat," a Persian loan word, are du£ to the preservation of the original -22 - in Persian:
pa22 a (Steingass, p. 2.53) which was
not altered to -ss- In the E. Turkestan dialects which are characterized by regressive
assimilation (the so-called E.T. umlaut), there are a number of words which often remain
unchanged even after the simplification of the geminated consonants: jaqin/jeqin, qattiq/
qetiq (this latter only in WB, not in "Proben," VI), afiiq and others. 61

The forms apar- < appar- < alyp-bar- "to fetch, go for," akel-
< akkel- < alyp-kel- "to bring" are always given with single con
sonant, but the "emphasizing prefix" is found with gemination: aq "white"; appaq "entirely
white," cf. WB Aq. appay, Qn., Qom. ap-aq, Tel., Sor ap-aya2 (< ap-aq-a2 , with diminutive
suffix); elsewhere, Qqlpq. has always op-oqaj "completely light" (lacking in WB). These
forms with voiceless consonant and hyphen - which here indicates a slide on-glide similar to

5822. For Uj. cf. F. W. K.„Muller's Uigurica, II, p. 24, 2, Uigurica,

59 p. 7» 19; 56? 4. For Ca. cf. Simkevifi, "Rabghuzi's Syntax,"
p. 12 .
6023* Cf. Bang's article, "Gewagte TUrkische Worterkl&rungen," Liber
Semisaecularis Societatis Fenno-Ogricae, pp. 36-37.
61 Cf. Gunnar Jarring, "Studien zu einer ost-tUrkischen Laut- lehre," p. 80 f., p. 91,
and "У review of it in the G'dttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, IX (1934), P- 370.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 13
Arabic hamza - may be phonologically nearly equal to the geminated forms. Intervocalic -p-
is found in the word 2 apaq "sheet-lightning" < *2 appaq < Sap-maq; the WB gives for Qq.
§apaq the meaning "horizon"(?). However, Qqlpq. and Qq. 2 apaq may be considered as a loan
word from Arabic 2 afaq "dawn,
sunset-glow, sunrise-glow." Further, intervocalic -p- is always found in dZiper- "to send";
consequently, this dZiper- must be formed with the gerund in -p and not with the vocalic
gerund: dZiper- < уЗур-Ъег-, although Qq., Qn. dZiber-, dZib&r- go back to yS-y-ber- (or
y5-a-ber-), cf. WB and "Proben," III, 78, 7 f.b., 3^5, 1 f.b., 326 , 1 , 8 , 17-
Liquid geminates are always present in qarry "old," qarry- "to grow old," cf. here Tkm.
qarry, qarry- "id."; previously, such forms were unknown: cf. WB qary, qari, qeri, and qejri
(Qq. also k3ri); also in uiiu "great," for etymological reasons.62In dZyliy "warm"

62 W. Bang, "Ffinfter Turkologischer Brief," §6 , no. 3, Dngarische

Jahrbucher, X, pp. 16-26.
 14 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
< jyly-y (act. ptc. of jyly- "tepere, to be warm") the geminates may be an instance of
false division in which the speakers may mistakenly suppose the suffix -ly < -lyy to be
contained. The following are doubtful cases: estilledi "is heard," 3 rd sg./pi. pres, from
es(i)t- "to hear," and qanSelli "how many, how much" < *qan-Ca- lyy which we cannot
attribute to false suffixal division or erroneous spelling without further consideration. I
believe that the accentuation may here be a factor quite analogous to that of Middle- High
German and Modem-High German, in which gemination may be conditional upon the accent.2®
Gemination and simplification are found side by side in the verb Saxxyz-, Sayyz-,
causat. of Saq- < <5aq "to beat." Instead of Saxxyz-, the etymological writing Saxyyz- is
often found. 63 64
According to a given language, the disyllabic cardinal numerals show either gemination
of the voiceless consonant in internal position or the single consonant, either voiced or
voiceless. Qqlpq. has the following correspondences:
eki "two," Ait., Tel. Skki; Qom., Kar., Qrm., Osm., Ca. aki, Qq., 0y. eki, Tar., 6a.,
Osm., Az., Bar. iki, Sor igi, Ky. jqj, Soj. iji, KaS. iki and ikki(!), Jakut. alcki, ikki;
dfceti "seven," Qq. d2 eti, Qn. dSidy, Alt., Tel., Leb. jatti, Jyg, Qb., Q5. detti,
Orxon, 6 a., Qom. jati, Osm., 6 a., Kar. jadi, Bar. jidi, §or eattl and fsadi(!), Sa. Cetti,
KaS., jati and jiti, Jakut. satta;
segiz "eight," Orxon, Qom., 6 a., Tar., Osm., Kar. sakiz, KaS. skkiz and sakkiz (s&kkiz
lacking in WB), Qq., Qy. segiz, Alt., Tel., Leb. sefis, Sor, Qb., Q6 . segis/sagis, Jakut,
ayys;
toyuz "nine," 65 Orxon, ба., Tar., E.T. toquz, KaS. toquz, Qq.
toyuz, all Siberian Tk. languages in WB toyus (Sa. also toyys), Osm. doquz, Jakut. toyus;
otuz "thirty," 2 8 Qom., Qq., Qrm., Osm., Az. otuz, Tkm. otyz, Qy. otus (and another form
oltus which is found in the southeast group: 6 a, oltuz and Tar. ottuz). In Siberia, otuz is
usually replaced by llZOn, ttz»n, < Чй-on ("three tens, thrice ten") where the formation by
tens is customary; but cp. Sa. ottys in "Proben," II, 8 , 31- Jakut. has otut. Qqlpq. always
conforms with Qq.
Meli oranski j66 has for the presumable Old-AzArbaj d2 ani these numerals with tasdid in
the Arabic writing:

63 In the modem Osman writing is also noticeable occasional un- etymological

gemination. On the board-fences and walls of houses is often scrawled e^ek "donkey" which
according to the standard usage must be written esek (cf. i^ek = iSSak, dialect of Ankara
[in H. Z. Ko^ay, "Ankara Budun Bilgisi," "The Folklore of Ankara," p. 3 O-3 I passim]).
Cp.,'however, KaS. asak and alternate forms aSj&k, askak. With the exception of e^ek I have
stated the prevalence of 1 and t in cases of unetyroological gemination.
64 As just stated for Osm., there appears to be some uncertainty
in the case of the liquids; thus, forms with simplication are found as aqyly "intelligent,
wise" < aqyl-lyy (aqyl < Ar. ^«-.'aql "intelligence"), divaly "wall-," < dxval-lyy (dival
< Pers. /»♦»-* devar "wall") ^ s"
65 Cf. p. 42, note 33-
66 "Араб-Филолог о турецком языке," ("An Arab Philologist
on the Turkish Language"), p. LIII.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 15
ikki, jatti, sakkiz, toqquz, ottuz.
In TAvaS, voiceless consonants are always used and each word has
two, sometimes three, forms: one (or two) forms with single and one
// 0
with geminated consonants: "two" ikk8 , ikb, ik; "seven" SittS, AitB £i{; "eight" sakk&r,
sakar; "nine" tAxxAr, tAxAr; "thirty" (only one form): vatar. Jakut, on the other hand,
shows a striking parallelism to Qazaq and Qaraqalpaq in respect to the problem of geminates
in the numerals: ikki (akki), satta, ayys, toyus, otut.
v

The characteristic double forms used in TAvaS may be the product of a mixture from two
different linguistic periods (two Turkization periods) 67 of TAvaS, whereas the unambiguous
type of Jakut shows a uniform development, i.e., it goes back, after its relatively late
origin, to one uniform prototype. This prototype must be found in one or another of the
predecessors of the contemporary Siberian Turkic languages. Since the latter make use of the
voiced, voiceless and geminated consonant in many instances in the same word, 68

67 For further discussion cf. Ramstedt, "Zur Frage nach der Stel- lung des
Tschuwassischen," in JSFOu., XXXVIII, 1-34.
68 As Sor 6 АШ and 6 adl (WB, "Proben," I, passim); Sa., "Prob- en," II, 14, 140 adyn
(acc. poss.) "his horse," 119, 483 attygnyq "of thy horse"; 7, 199 adyl- "to be shot," 14,
458 adarzyq (2 nd sg. fut; of at- "to shoot"); 41, 732 tag adyp "after it became morning";
75 , 161; 101 , 451 adarya "in order to shoot"; 72 , 229 ;
87, 579 adyp, 85 , 498 adyzarya "in order to shoot one another [co- operat.]"; but:
125 , 1270 attylap-6adyr "shoots (dur.)"; 183, 319 syyar "comes out," but 183, 342
syqar "id."; Qojbal: II, 275, 60 adarya "in order to shoot"; 275, 76 adyp-ys- "to shoot
(perfective asp.)"; Sayaj: II, 373, 2399 adar "shooting"; 383, 147 atyp "shooting"; 391,
415; 403, 810 atyp "id."; 38З, 158 edlp "doing"; 386,
Urns indicating considerable variation which can scarcely be explained other than by the
process of admixtures, so Jakut must have had its origin before these processes began,
i.e., from the assumed prototype of contemporary Sayaj, Sojoq, Xakas, Abaqan, Qojbal,
Qafia, and Karayas.
The question of gemination which has only been set forth provisionally here with a few
examples69 70 can only be treated, with some prospect of success, fully after the collection
of material relating to this problem from all the Turkic languages, especially the
Siberian group. A solution of the accent problem is a matter of greater importance, but
for this scarcely any material has been brought forward. For example, it is remarkable
that Katanov in the Abaqan material in "Proben," IX, indicates the accent occurring in
some isolated instances precisely on syllables where it is entirely unexpected. A similar
phenomenon occurs in recent books on Xakas. Gemination must surely be closely connected
with accentuation71 and is, moreover, to be compared, in regard to the laws bringing it
into effect, with the Finno-Ugric sound alternation (Stufenwechsel) which has been com-
pletely preserved only in Baltic-Sea-Finnic and Lappic.72 Compare

69253, 256 etib-al- "to do (pf.)"; 395, 564-66 etlp, etarbls (1st pi. aor.), etc.
Cf. Radloff,Phonetik, §§ 314, 396 , 8, and Radloff in "Melanges Asiatiques" (tirds du
Bull.de l 'Aca.d6n.le des Sc. de St. P6t., 1883), IX, 99; also Pedersen in
ZDMG, LVII, 557-
70 Cf. Bang's cry for help in his Sixth Turcoloiical Letter, p. 101, note 1,
and p. 103, no. 10.
71 Cf. the remark, GramnatTke, p. 56, bottom, that the numerals toyuz "nine"
and otuz "thirty" are always accented on the first syllable. The cases of unetymological
gemination (cf. supra, p. 40, n. 26, occurring, e.g., in Qazaq tHattuyun qaqyt "time of
birth," (III, 310, 13), < tuw-a-tur-yan waqyt, perhaps also that in nyq qatta "a
thousand times" (80, 60) < myq qat-a (not < qat-la, formation as in N.Uj., Tarandi jola <
jol-a "times") are without doubt caused by the accent. It is worth while to call also
attention to the regular gemination in Xalxa by which x, t, 2, c, 4, d2, dz, j, i, 1, s, £
when following a stressed vowel and preceding a short unstressed vowel are geminated - a
substantial point of phonological similarity between Mongol and Germanic (cf. Viadimircov,
op. c i t . , § 280, p. 412).
72 Already E. N. SetalS pointed out for the theory of an Ural- Altaic relationship
the importance of the definite establishment of the existence of the Stufenwechsel also in
Altaic. I realize that the material brought forward here is insufficient for the
assumption of the presence in Turkic of an actual Stufenwechsel, although I do not doubt
that we shall be able to establish it for Turkic after a thorough investigation of the
whole group as well as especially of its Siberian subdivisions.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 17

also the above mentioned effect of accent (and quantity) in Germanic (MUG and Mod.
German) gemination as expressed in Yerner's Law.
Assimilation and Dissimilation:
Qaraqalpaq inclines more to assimilation than to dissimilation, differing somewhat in
this respect from Qq.; and, while many instances of combinatoiy sound-change occur in Qq.,
Qqlpq. has preserved the original form: the initial 1 of suffixes following q, k, n, s,
2: basla- < bag-la- "to begin," toluqla- < toluq-la- "to accomplish, achieve, finish,"
dZoqla- < joq-la- "to bedew, hold funeral ceremonies," bajanla- < bajan-la- "to explain"
(bajan < Ar.^jU; bajan "explanation"), sesler < sas-l&r "voices," dXumuslar < jumug- iar
"works," alysla- "to withdraw" < alys "far, distant" plus -ia-, isle- < ig-la- "to work."
In these cases, dissimilation appears in Qq.: basta-, dZoqta-, toluqta-, bajanda-, sestar,
dZumustar, alysta-, ista-. Assimilation takes place in the following cases: n before a
guttural > velar q: buruqyy < burun-yy "previous, earlier," azaqyy < azan (< kv.(j\'/\
"call to prayer") plus -yy "morning-, in the morning," tttqgtt < tUn-gtl "night-, at
night." This is not indicated in the orthography unless n precedes a suffix with an
initial velar without which the word in question does not occur. As illustrations the
following examples are given: toqqaia "somersault" (lacking in WB), marjqa "mucus,
glanders" (WB), dZoqqa "chip, splinter" (WB only Qrm. jonya from jon- "to plane,"- Kag.
jon-, also in medial and cooperative aspect, "to saw or cut evenly" (suffix in
joq-ya/dZoqqa as in bil-gft "knowledge"). With the exception of dZoqqa, these examples are
doubtful in regard to the suffix, n is labialized before b, also when the latter
represents, etymologically, an m, i.e., the sound groups -nb- and *-nm- > -mb-: kOrOmbedi
< квг-йп-ий-di "it was not seen, it did not appear, seem," dZambady < jan-ma-dy "it did
not burn." Here also, as in all following examples, evidence of this sound change is
apparent only in the speech and is not indicated in the orthography. Accordingly, the
creators of the Qqlpq. orthography considered the establishment of an etymological
orthography to be useful, -nl- > -11-: ollayan < on-la-yan "by tens, десятками,"
dZally < dZan-lyy "alive, animate," bajallama <bajan-la-ma "explanation," ketpelle-
ketman-la- "to shovel with the ketmen (a tool combining the work of spade and mattock),"
<

ttllU < Un-lttg "voiced." In these cases, dissimilation is seen in Qazaq: bajan-da- "to
explain," d2an-dy "animated," fin-dS- < un-la- "to utter." Pinal -n of the word base plus
1 initial of the plural suffix result in -nn- or -11-: sen "thou," pi. senner or seller
"you," qan "prince," pi. qannar or qallar; but in these cases, Qq. has dissimilation:
qatyndar "women," III, 310, 14, 15; 10 f.b.
Final -m and - r of a root or word base plus initial d of a suffix are assimilated > -
ml- and -mr-: avqamlas "adherent, partisan"
< avqam (metathetic < Ar. I aqwam) plus -daS, and qurlas "neighbor" < *qur-daS, cf. KaS.
qurdaS- "to be sitting on the same step" from qur "neighborhood, environs" (verified in
qury "about him," "around him," literally "his environs," a formation similar to ttst-ll
 18 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

"above him," literally "his above region") plus -da-g-, cooperative from qur-da-, from
which a noun qurdaS < qur-da-g "he who has the same surroundings" > "neighbor." Ilminskij,
p. 12, states that as a result of dissimilation the 1 of Qq. suffixes became d, except
after vowels, "double-vowels" (i.e., long vowels or diphthongs), and r; but d of the
suffix -das (< -da-g) was affected, he says, in exactly the opposite талпег, and following
a vowel, a diphthong or r became 1 (cf. also Melioranskij, p. 25); e.g., syrlas "friend,
confidant" < syr (< Ar. sirr "secret") plus -dag,
suias "water-neighbor (one who has the same irrigation ditch in common)" < suw-da-g,
Aqperli (nom. pr.) < Aq (< Ar. £_£>• haqq "right; God") plus ber-di ["God gave"],
Esemberli (n. pr.) < Esen (< Pers.
L-*'! asan "easy"; in Tk. > "agreeable, healthy") plus berdi ["He gave a healthy
one"]; only qurdas "neighbor" was an exception, says Ilminskij. Actually, qurdas
"neighbor" is found in "Proben,"
III, 608, 451-53; 609, 459, and syrlas "confidant" III, 569, 243;
570, 251; 584, 324; 608, 453- We moreover find dXoldas "comrade, companion," III, 569,
243; 570, 251; 584, 324, and muqdas "fellow- sufferer" (in the same places as dgoldas and
609, 459) <
muq-da-g. Such facts, it appears to me, may be indications that this
combinatory sound change, at least in Qq., is still vacillating and is not yet stabilized
into one definite form, in other words, that its evolution has not yet been completed.
Moreover, the form in Qq. syrlas may be due to the influence of the verb syrlas- < syr-la-
g- "to entrust secrets to each other" (as found, e.g., in III, 608, 452 and 616, 594
[bis]).
The genitive and accusative suffixes - nyq and -ny undergo dis- «imilation, as in Qq.,
to -tyq and -ty following q, k, t, s, and to -dyjj and -dy after z, 1, r, and the
diphthongs (aj, au, ell, etc.).
A different treatment, however, is seen after m, n, and IJ; the genitive retains the
original suffix in -nyq, but by dissimilation the accusative has -dy. The retention of the
original genitive suffix -nyq following the base final in -m, -n, or -q is a result of the
effect of assimilation exerted by the final -q of the suffix. This type of regressive
assimilation is also found in the ablative suffix in -nan/-nen (see infra), but otherwise
it is a form not normally found in the Turkic languages. Identical processes of
assimilation and dissimilation occur in Qazaq and Ojrat:73 Qq., genit. balanyq "of the
child," 98, 13; kisinlq "of the man," 86, 6; tauduq "of the mountain," 98, b. 2; qojduq
"of the sheep," 242, 178; d2ylqynyq "of the mare," 85, b, 3-2; attyq "of the horse,” 90,
1; 96, 25, 33»‘ 241, 169; alyptyq "of the hero," 101, 3; d2alyyzdyq "of the single
one," 86, b. 4; 87, b. 1; Qyryyzdyq "of the Оугууг," 85, b. 6 ; Ertlstlq "of the IrtiA

73 bevoicing of -z in final position takes place in Ojrat: genit. of qyz "girl" in

Qqipq. qyzdyq, Qq. qyzdyq, Ojrat qystyq; accus. Qqlpq., Qq. qyzdy, Ojrat qysty; plur.
Qqipq. qyzlar, Qq. qyzdar,
Ojrat qystar.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 19
(River)," 98, b. 2; batyrdyq "of the hero," 84, b. ; sirdyq "of the cow," 97, b. 14; 98,
16; aulduq "of the village,"
99, 3; 100, 1; qyzyqnyq "of thy girl," 76, 41; sSztlmntlq "of ny word," 76 , 43;
qanatymnyq "of my wing," 79, 33J saqalymnyq "of my beard," 108, Ъ. 3; Ю9, 1; baiamnyq "of
my child," 110, $; malymnyq "of ny property," 110, 15; kSzfimnttq "of my e y e " 518, 116;
Esimniq "of Esim (< Ar. *Asym)," 68, 34» dXaryqnyq "of thy beloved," 584, 10;
Qyrymnyq "of (the peninsula of) Crimea," 122, 25; 130, 29; with simplification of final -n
of the word base plus initial -n of the suffix: -nn- > -n-: qanyq "of the khan," 63» b.
14, 12, 8; 64, 10, 12, 15; 65, 6, b. 10; 67» 14-17; 68, b. 7; khntlq "of the day," 97,
6;
zamanyt] "of the time," 63, 10; qatynyq "of the woman(wife)," 66, 17; qazanyq "of the
kettle," 105, 13»' deghniq "of the saying, of the words," 116, 15; duspanyrj "of the
eneny," (< Pers. duSman
"id."), 370, 7; Bajanyq "of Bajan (nom. pr.)," 248, 175, 176, 178; mixed forms due to
analogy: i,l&mdiq "of the world," (< Ar. Jk*- 'alam), 428, 92; qyznyq "of the girl," 332,
12; qojnuq "of the sheep," 104, 1; fljnflq "of the house," 297, b. 6, 5; sunuq "of the
water," 297, b. 3: omraunuq "of the breast," 86, 5» kimdlkl (< kim-
nig-ki) "whose, to whom belonging," 236, 125; AqSaryBTniq "of Aq Sary ВТ," 94, b. 8 (but:
Aq Safy BTdig, 98, b. 1; 99, 3)? Qosajnyq "of Qosaj," 99, 14; Manap Qandyq "of Manap
Khan," 228, 59 (but: Manap Qanyq, 228, 60); accusative: bakany "the child," 98, b. 7;
6/5; dSylqyny "the mare," 85, b. 5/4; 86, 1; qyzdy "the girl," 322, 16; Qozy Kor- poStu
"Q. K. (nom. pr.)," 251, b. 6; 252, 7; sudu "the water," 93, b. 6; 227, 46; Bota Qyz
Suiudu [< sylyy + accus. suff.] "B. Q. S. (nom. pr.)," 100, 10; qandy "the khan," 69, 15,
17,' qazandy "the kettle," 105, 1, 14; ajtaryndy, ajtpasyndy "what he says, what he does
not say," 116, 14; bojttqdtt "thy stature, figure," 407, 22; Synygdy "thy truth," 93, 19,
20; qyzygdy "thy girl, thy daughter," 408, 35; soziiqdu "thy word," 233, 193; atymdy "my
horse,4 78, b. 2; okpSmdu "my lungs," 98, 7; qojHmdil "my sheep," 242, 177; etc., etc.
Mixed forms by analogy to instances of non-dissimilated accusatives or to the genitive:
ojugntt "thy game, sport," 407, 21; bojumnu "my stature, figure," 557, 181; these forms,
however, are rarely met with. Examples from Ojrat: Genitive, with dissimilation: 8.rdlrj
"of the man,” "Proben," I, 172, b. 8; qonoqtyq "of the staying overnight," 173, 14; jyidyq
"of the year," 173, b. 2; pidip "of the pT (< beg "leader")," 173, b. 1; 174, 25; talajdyq
"of the sea," 175, U; 175? b. ,11; b'arttdtlri (Karu < earig) "of the army," 176, b. 4, 3;
tffdurj "of the mountain," 83, 815; suduq "of the water," 83, 816; after -n, -m, -rj:
ajtqanymnyq "of my saying, of that I have said," 75,
527; paiamnyq "of my child," 89, 145; 101, 551, 554; ulumnuq "of my son," 89, 151; 90,
169; pojymnyq "of my body, of myself," 90, 171; adamnyfl "of my father," 99, 482; 172, b.
5; 174, 10; kamnlq "whose?" 173, 5, 28; tonymnyg "of my fur-coat," 177, 1-2; qajyqnyq "of
the father-in-law," 60, 28, 29; aqnyq "of the game, venison," 65, 208, 209; 83, 817, 818;
 20 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

with simplification in -n-: qanyo "of the khan," 78, 640, 645; 94, 304, 325; 96, 384; 98,
432, 446; 100, 498, 531;
103, 602, 611, 620, 629-631; 104, 643; 108, 780; 172 b. 4; 173, 3; 179, b. 11; jyianyq "of
the snake," 65, 74; 86, 48; 87, 63; hbSfOntiq "of the old man," 180, 11; Jftrftn■Cattanlq
"of J. C.," 181, 1, b. 5; mixed forms are Qara Quia Mattymyq "of Q. Q. M.," 68, 298;
palamdyq "of my child," 85, 10; tajyandyp "of the greyhound," 100, 499- Accusative:
ki£ini "the man," 173, 1; 174, 22; taq&rlnl "the sky, heaven," 177, b. 5; porony "the
white horse," 23, 55> abaqajdy "the
 Oaraqaipaq Grammar 21

woman," 174, b. 2; 175. 2; adymdy "my horse," 174, 2; adyqdy "thy horse," 174, 11;
kiZilarimdl "игу people," 174, 23; Jaran Cacandl "J. 6.," 180, b. 3; qusqundu "the raven,"
67. 268; qandy "the khan," 104, 645; jylandy "the snake," 86, 46; 91. 207; palamdy "my
child,"
101, 557. 561; 102, 569; etc.
Viewed from a mere phonological standpoint, we find, in the suf- fixation of the
ablative in -dan/-den, together with the assimilation to the preceding voiceless final of
the word base, the same assimilation as with the genitive suffix following -m, -n, -q > -
nan/-nen: baladan "from the child," qaiadan "from the, out of the city," taudan "from the
mountain," ekettden "from the two, from both of them," qyslaqtan "from the village,"
qustan "from the bird," bir- likten "from the unit, union," qumnan "from sand, from out of
the desert," bilimnen "by knowledge," kimnen "from whom," Turkistannan "from Tttrkistan,"
Sapannan "from, out of the over-garment (as worn in Central Asia, also called xalat < Ar.
xyl'at ’gown of
honour’)," kelgennen-soq "after the arrival," arjnan "from the game, venison," mennen,
sennen, onnan, munnan, sonnan "from me, you, him, this one, that one"; it is impossible to
say to what extent, in these cases, simplification is present in the spoken language; in
Qq., at all events, it is prevalent as the following examples indicate: Qq. dZalSydan
"from the day-laborer," III, 171, 183; dtlntlOdOn "from the world," (dttnU» < Ar.#Ui_>
dunjl’) 428, 111-117; Alladan "from God," 430, b. 3; burunyudan "from former times," 430,
b. 7; dZoidan "from the way," 365. 106; qardan "from [the] snow,” 180, 489.’ d2aiyyzymnan
"from me alone," 166, 125; balamnan "from my child,"
110, 4; Qyrymnan "from the Crimea," 130, 35; Sk&mnan "from my father, 110, 11; SeSamnan
"from my mother," 243. 182; artyqnan "after you," 243. 182; qujruyumnan "from my tail,"
99. 4; Sqnon "from before,"
393. 1; Qoqannan "from Qokand," 78, 3; burunnan-aq "also from earlier," 79. 15: blgOnnOn
"after death," 68, 24; 77. 1; Syqqannan "after the departure," 78, 20; mennan "from me,"
80, 46; sennan "from you," 108, 25; with frequent simplification: ketkanan "after the
departure," 66, 16; teraslnan "from his skin," 67. 7; kottinOn "from his back,
posterior," 101, 8; sonan "from him, thereby, therefrom," 67, 24, 27; 162, 6; 231, 80
and passim; onan,"from him, therefrom," 332, 13; 568, 8, and passim; munan "from this
one, hereby," 568, 8, and passim; astynan "from below," 68, 4; nsttinOn "from above,"
64, 4/5;
tljПпЗп "from the, out of the house," 76, 39> saqaiynan "from his beard," 102, b. 6;
soqynan "afterwards, after," 163, b. 14; 225, 36; aldynan "before him, in front of....,"
104, 28; 222, b. 6; 300» 23; mixed forms due to analogy, e.g.: sojlOskOndOn "after the
discussion, agreement," 167, 56; altyndan "from gold," 177, 391 (preceded, in the verse
390, by ktlmttstan "from silver"!); gynyndan "truly, correct," 181, 533; bajiaryqdan "from
your rich [men]," 423 , 40. The same phenomena occur in the Altaj, except that here the
 22 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

ablative suffix has velar -q in final position: -daq/-d&q; cf. tumadaq "from the crane,"
I, 195, l1- 1> tulkudaq "from the fox," 196, 1; qystaq "from the girl," 175, b. 2; adam
anamnaq "from my parents," 183, b.
6; pojymnar) "from me myself," 77, 612; qannaq "from the khan," 73» 459; 173» b. 1; and
passim; abaqajynaq "from his wife," 173, 25, 27; sttm&zHnaq "by his word, counsel," 174,
7; iClnaq "out of..., from..., 176, 8; manaq "from me," 60, 14; mynag "from him,
therefrom," 67»
275, 277; pudunaq "from his foot," 104, 635; Sltinaq "from his son," 30, 12; tubfinOq
"from his land, earth," 159, b. 3» mixed forms are: palanaq "from the child," 106,
701; qazandaq "from the kettle," 32, 95- Notice particularly the ablative ulduq "from
the son," 173, 8!
The phenomena of combinatory sound change which have just been discussed are of great
significance for the morphology and case syntax of the languages in question. In this
field, however, no definite conclusion can be reached until the use of the cases in Qazaq
and particularly the Siberian Turkic languages has been closely investigated. I would like
merely to point out here the vacillation occurring, in greater or less degree, in the use
of the genitive and ablative cases in So г and the neighboring eastern languages. It is
possible that, by this combinatory sound change, in Qaraqalpaq,
Qazaq, and Ojrat, we have a preliminary to the blending of forms of the genitive and
ablative suffixes,- despite the fact that both suffixes may nevertheless still be
differentiated by their vocalism: gen. -nyg/-dyg, abl. -dan (-dag) /-nan (-nag). Final
velar -1} of the Ojrat -dag appears to me to be an assimilation to the genitive suffix,
although in several Turkic languages of Siberia the tendency toward a transition of all
final -n to -ц is observed.36 An incipi-

36. For Xalxa s. Vladimircov, op. cit., §§ 201-13; for Bufat s. Castrdn, "Versuch
"Практический
einer burjatischen Sprachlehre," § 27; furthermore, Poppe,
учебник монгольского разговорного языка," § 26.
ent confusion of this kind may later become significant for both morphology and syntax.
On the other hand, it must be noted that -d of the locative suffix is never
assimilated. In these languages -n before the case suffix occurs frequently in the
possessive suffix of the third person. Should we construct a parallel in the locative
according to the process just discussed the result would be -ynda > *-ynna > *-yna; in
other words, the locative fonn would blend with the dative. Bang was accustomed here to
speak of "arrested development." This naturally does not exclude the possibility of a
later development intruding in the locative. If we look for parallels here, we again find
them in the Siberian Turkic languages (Sor and its eastern neighbors) where a reciprocal
substitution of dative and locative occurs.
Juxtaposition, concurrence of sibilants, results in regressive or, in special cases, in
reciprocal assimilation: the sound group -dZs-
> -SS-: yladZ-syz > yiaSSyz "without means" (yladZ < Ar.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 23

'iladZ "remedy, means"); -dZg- > -§§-: yladZ-gy (< yladZ-Cy) > ylaSSy
"physician, pharmacist"; -zg- > -SS-: duz-Sy (< duz-Cy) > duggu "salt-worker";
kalxoz-Sy > kalxoggy "member of a kolxoz, a collective"; -sS- > -SS-: bas-gy >
baggy "leader"; qos-gy (< qog-Cy)
> qoggy "plougher, tiller, peasant," Ozbek qoggy; -zs- > ss-: dZaz- sa > dZassa "when, if
he writes," toz-sa > tossa "when, if one scatters; when, if it scatters [people, dust]."
As far as orthography is concerned, the inaugurators of the new orthography consider
etymological spelling useful, e.g., kslxozqb (=kalxozgy), bas^b, qos§b, blaijsbz, etc.
Some examples of the same changes in Qq.: tagga < taz-ба74 "scurfy head," III, 107, 16;
241, 165 ff•; 242, 187; iSSam < iB-sam "if I drink," 271, 31» 273» Ъ* 2; dZumuggu < jumuS-
йу "worker" WB; qoggy "plougher, tiller," 230, 77» aSSa <
ac-sa "if he opens," 65, 3- Baggy
and basgy both are quoted in the WB.
Incontiguous dissimilation occurs in tygqan "mouse" < CyCqan which for its part is a
result of contiguous assimilation from syC- qan, and this dissimilation must already have
appeared while B was still present initially, i.e., before C changed to g in Qazaq and
Qaraqalpaq. Compare here Qq. tySqan, Qazan tySqan, Uj., KaS. sybyan, Osm. sydan, Ait.,
Tel. Cybqan, E.T. sabqan, Tar. sagqan.38 This word is a tabu expression.
The occasional appearance of p- in initial position in place of la- may be the result
of incontiguous assimilation in instances where the final phoneme of the same syllable or
the initial phoneme of the following syllable was voiceless: ptttkttl, ptttlln "whole,
entire," pygaq < byC-(y)aq39 "knife," pySqy < byb-qy39 "saw," patpan < batman (see also
Kag.), in Central Asia in use as weight, » 1 Russ, pud = 16, 38 kg. Batman is an early
loan word < Iran, patman.
For discussion of p from f in loan-words and foreign words see below, under loan and
foreign words.

-m in Suffixes > -p
Following unvoiced sounds, m in suffixes is dissimilated into -p-: iSpejdi <
iS-maj-di
"he (one) does not drink," patpayan < bat-ma-yan "one who did not perish," men Marjyyt-
pan "I am a Maqyyt" (Maijyyt is a name of a Qara-Qalpaq and Qazaq tribe; the same tribe
name occurs in whole Central Asia, also among Mongols). Some of the Qaraqalpaq dialects,
e.g., that of Qara-Ozek, show a further development of this sound to -v-: iSpejdi >
iSvejdi "he (one) does not drink." Similarly, forms such as ketben occur together with
ketpen < ketm&n "mattock."40

METATHESIS

74 An hypokoristikon; see Bang, "Erster turkolog.Brief," Un- iar.

Jahrhncher,\, p. 47-
 24 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

Metathesis occurs in the following: d5arpaq "leaf" < japraq (< japyryaq) from an
earlier form jaibraq;41 this form may further be analyzed from jal-by-r-ya-q, a noun (ptc.
perf. pass, in -q) from an iterative formation from jal-by- "to stream" (in the wind like
the mane, jal). Further, in torpaq "earth, dust" < topraq (KaS., Qom., Ca., Osm., Qrm.,
Qq.) - Leb. torboq; from an earlier topuryaq; kopiir "bridge" < koprtl < koprttg (KaS.),
and also, apparently, in Ojrok "duck" which must be added to the list of the other
unexplain-

38. A similai incontiguous dissimilation is evident in the name of the. city of

TASkand: TaS-kand < Soyd. Сай-кап0; CaC in Ar. spelling
^y^Ui'Sss.
39- -(y)aq and the unusual -qy form nomina instrumenti.
40. Cf. the Grammar of Basqaq-Uln (Baskakov), p. Ю.
41. Cf. W. Bang, KSz, XVII, p. 123f.
able forms: cf. WB Qq. Ordbk, Qn. tlrdak, Turaly flrtak, Alt. Ortok,
Soг ortak and Ortok, Sa., Qb., Qa6. Urtak; concerning this latter form, Radloff refers to
a form Urak, but no further evidence of such a form is found. Ortak is mentioned by
Castrdn for Qb., but for Sojoq tlderak and for Karayas Oderak, forms which are closer to
Qqlpq. OjrOk. Turkmen has Ordek, Osm. Ordak. Urak, apparently known to Radloff, seems to
be the most closely related to our form. The sound j in Uj rOk may be considered as having
comparatively lately developed from d (8? - cf. the Soj. and Ky. forms) followed by r.
[Equally unclear are the sound changes found in the word Urtttq "back of the axe," Ktta.
WB, but Tel. Urttq, Sor UrU (Verbickij)]. In the word for "cover" the metathesis may
assume either of two forms: qapqaq or qaqpaq. Syllabic metathesis occurs in the word qusa-
"to resemble, to be like" (also in Qq., WB) < uqsa- (e.g., Qq., "Proben, III, 265, 25, 26)
< oxsa-; cf. similarly, uspu and subu "that one," and acki and kaci "goat."

THE QUALITY OF L
As in the majority of Turkic languages, I has a velar articulation (I) in velar words,
whereas in palatal words it is pronounced in middle position as in German or French.75 The
iranized dialects of Ozbek do not distinguish between the two sounds but possess only
middle 1. Radloff assumed this to be true for Ca. and used the middle 1 also for TaranSi,
whereas Katanov's New Ujyur texts clearly distinguish between 1 and 1. With the above
exceptions, all the investigated Turkic languages, even Osman, notwithstanding the strong
foreign .influences exerted upon it, make this distinction. Ilminskij (pp. 14-15) states
that 1 in guttural words, in position before 2 or s, closely approaches a palatal I in
quality and transcribes such an an 1 as ль (= T): e.g., Alzan (a proper name), ulza
"booty, spoils" Mong. oldza(n) "id." The basis for such a pronunciation rests in the
nature of the z and § sounds which are not cacuminal but pronounced in the front region of

75 Basqaq-Ulu, p. 18.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 25

the mouth (almost as 4, §). The tongue is thus influenced by this position and velar 1
does not result.76
In Xalxa 1 when preceding й or d2, becomes 1 which closely ap-

7643* Cf- also Melioranskij, p. 27, note 1.

 1 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
Qaraqaipaq. Compare here Qq. tySqan, Qazan tyKqan, Uj., KaS. sydyan, Osm. syCan, Ait.,
Tel. SySqan, E.T. saCqan, Tar. sagqan.38 This word is a tabu expression.
The occasional appearance of p- in initial position in place of b- may be the result of
incontiguous assimilation in instances where the final phoneme of the same syllable or the
initial phoneme of the following syllable was voiceless: ptltkQl, ptltttn "whole, entire,"
pygaq < byS-(y)aq39 "knife," pygqy < Ъуб-qy39 "saw," patpan < batman (see also Kag.), in
Central Asia in use as weight, » 1 Russ, pud = 16, 38 kg-. Batman is an early loan word <
Iran, patman.
For discussion of p from f in loan-words and foreign words see below, under loan and
foreign words.

-m in Suffixes > -p
Following unvoiced sounds, m in suffixes is dissimilated into -p-: iSpejdi < iS-maj-di
"he (one) does not drink," patpayan < bat-ma-yan "one who did not perish," men Maqyyt-pan
"I am a Maqyyt" (Ma^yyt is a name of a Qara-Qalpaq and Qazaq tribe; the same tribe name
occurs in whole Central Asia, also among Mongols). Some of the Qaraqaipaq dialects, e.g.,
that of Qara-Ozek, show a further development of this sound to -v-: iSpejdi > iSvejdi "he
(one) does not drink." Similarly, forms such as ketben occur together with ketpen < ketman
"mattock."40

METATHESIS

Metathesis occurs in the following: d?,arpaq "leaf" < japraq (< japyryaq) from an
earlier form jaibraq; 41
this form may further be analyzed from jai-by-r-ya-q, a noun (ptc.
perf. pass, in -q) from an iterative formation from jal-by- "to stream" (in the wind like
the mane, jai). Further, in torpaq "earth, dust" < topraq (KaS. Qom., Ca., Osm., Qrm.,
Qq.) » Leb. torboq; from an earlier topuryaq; kopiir "bridge" < koprtl < kOprUg (KaS.),
and also, apparently, in UjrOk "duck" which must be added to the list of the other
unexplain-

38. A similar incontiguous dissimilation is evident in the name of the, city of

T&Skand: TaS-k&nd < Soyd. CaC-kan9; Саб in Ar. spelling
g.
39. -(y)aq and the unusual -qy form nomina instrumenti.
40. Cf. the Grammar of Basqaq-UIu (Baskakov), p. 10.
41. Cf. W. Bang, KSz, Till, p. 123f.
able forms: cf. WB Qq. OrdBk, Qn. Urdak, Turaly Artak, Alt. Ortok,
Sor Ortak and Ortok, Sa., Qb., Qa6. Ortak; concerning this latter form, Radloff refers to
a form urak, but no further evidence of such a form is found. Ortak is mentioned by
Castrdn for Qb., but for Sojoq Oderak and for Karayas oderak, forms which are closer to
Qqlpq. OjrOk. Turkmen has Ordek, Osm. Ordak. Urak, apparently known to Radloff, seems to
be the most closely related to our form. The sound j in OjrOk may be considered as having
 2 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
comparatively lately developed from d (8? - cf. the Soj. and Ky. forms) followed by r.
[Equally unclear are the sound changes found in the word Qrttlq "back of the axe," Kua.
WB, but Tel. OrUq, So г nrO (Yerbickij)]. In the word for "cover" the metathesis may
assume either of two forms: qapqaq or qaqpaq. Syllabic metathesis occurs in the word qusa-
"to resemble, to be like" (also in Qq., WB) < uqsa- (e.g., Qq., "Proben," III, 265, ^5,
26) < oxsa-; cf. similarly, uspu and subu "that one," and acki and kaci "goat."

THE QUALITY OF L
As in the majority of Turkic languages, 1 has a velar articulation (1) in velar words,
whereas in palatal words it is pronounced in middle position as in German or French.77 The
iranized dialects of Ozbek do not distinguish between the two sounds but possess only
middle 1. Radloff assumed this to be true for Ca. and used the middle 1 also for TaranCi,
whereas Katanov's New Ujyur texts clearly distinguish between 1 and 1. With the above
exceptions, all the investigated Turkic languages, even Osman, notwithstanding the strong
/
foreign influences exerted upon it, make this distinction. Ilminskij (pp. 14-15) states
that 1 in guttural words, in position before 2 or s, closely approaches a palatal 1 in
quality and transcribes such an an 1 as ЛЬ (= 1): e.g., Alzan (a proper name), ulza
"booty, spoils" < Mong. oldza(n) "id." The basis for such a pronunciation rests in the
nature of the z and § sounds which are not cacuminal but pronounced in the front region of
the mouth (almost as 2, 2). The tongue is thus influenced by this position and velar i
does not result.78
In Xalxa 1 when preceding 8 or d2, becomes 1 which closely approaches a palatal l";
boldZ "became" < literary Mong. boldZu (from boi- "to become").79
A Qq. peculiarity is the sporadic disappearance of 1, 1 as the final of a base or stem
before a suffix beginning with a consonant, unless it constitutes a case suffix. This is
also a feature of Qqlpq. and of the QypCaq dialects of Ozbek;80 but in Qqlpq. this
disappearance occurs with more regularity than in the other languages mentioned: e.g.,
from qal- "to remain": qama, qasa, qayan, qap (< qal- ma, qai-sa, qai-yan, qal-yp); from
al- "to take": ayan, ama, asa, etc.; from akel- "to fetch": akegen, akesem, akemejdi,
akemejtuyun; from bol- "to become": bop, bosam, bomajtuyun, bomayan; from qyl- "to do,
make": qyp, qysam, etc. Gerunds in -p of the type ap, kep, bop, qyp, qap, are frequent in
Qazaq whereas in other cases this disappearance of 1 is seldom observed. There likewise
seems to be no evidence of the loss of -1 before the suffix of the perfect in -dym, etc.,

77Basqaq-Ulu, p. 18.
78 Cf. also Melioranskij, p. 27, note 1.
79 Other examples are found in Vladimircov, op. clt., § 220, p. 364.
8045* Menges, loc. cit., p. 190 (bottom).
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 3

nor before the case suffixes. L is lost occasionally not only in the position of root- or
base-final in Qazaq, but also quite frequently when followed by a consonant: cf. muktln (<
mOlkttn), acc. sg. poss. 3rd pers., "his property, possessions" (< Ar.<^* mulk), "Proben,"
III, 266, 13* The WB contains a form kimagan (< kil-magan) "he (she) who did not arrive"
for Qazan and Cayataj(?), and kimi " <= kilmi ’he does not come’" for Qazan and Cayataj
(?).
These forms are distinctly those of Qazan, in which length due to contraction is clearly
indicated in the negative present-future; at most kimagan might have originated from a
QypCaq dialect of Ozbek. For this reason the loss of 1 also occurs sporadically in Qazan.
For a similar occasional loss of 1, 1 as word-base final before a following consonant of a
denominative suffix in Xalxa, cf. Vladi- mircov, op. clt., § 222, pp. 364-65*

INITIAL SOUND CHANGE IN THE AUXILIARY DZAT-

Initial Ai- (< j-) frequently disappears in the auxiliary verb dZat- (< jat- "to lie
down"). When the gerund in -a is combined with this auxiliary, vowel contraction usually
occurs. Then, we frequently find such forms as qazyp-atyr "he digs, is digging," Saup
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar ^3

atyr "he rushes, is rushing (on horseback)," araiap-atyr "he goes about, rides to and
fro," atyp-atyr "he is occupied with shooting."
As far as Qq. is concerned, there is no evidence of it in the "Proben," although this
occurrence was noted as frequent in Ilmin- skij 's brief grammar.81

81 Op. clt., p. 12 (bottom).

 VOCALISM
VOWEL-HARMONY

Vowel-harmony occurs in Qaraqaipaq under the same conditions as in Qazaq, that is to say, it is
carefully observed, and there are only slight infringements of the general laws, contrasting sharply in
this respect with the Iranized dialects of Ozbek. Its original remoteness, over a long period of time,
from a Tttrkistan strongly influenced, both politically and culturally, by Iran, is evident in another
quality which Qaraqaipaq shares in common with Qazaq and the languages of Southern Siberia and the Altaj
- the tendency toward labialization or labial-harmony (called erin llndesligi in Qaraqaipaq).
Whenever personal pronouns are suffixed to a verbal or nominal base they are modified, in accordance
with the laws of vowel harmony, to agree with the base: men baraman "I go," sen barasai] "you go (thou
goest)," biz baramys "we go"; men Maqyytpan "I am a Maqyyt," sen Maiyyyt-saq "you are a Maqyyt," etc.
The postposition -menen/ -penen "with" is attached without changing according to the quality of the
preceding word (or syllable): temir d2ol-menen "with the railroad, by railroad," paraxot-penen "with the
steamer," exactly as in Qazaq where it is also not changed in accordance with vowel- liarmony; only
occasionally does it appear in the abbreviated form -man: onur) minStn "with him, her," III, 332, 28;
qyz minan "with the girl," 333, 3; qaryndasy minan "with his brother," 334> 3 L; altyn minan "with
gold," 631, 3 b; taraq-рап "with a comb," 332* 13» balaman "with a child," 334, 6,8. This postposition
is probably written, in modem orthography, as an independent word because it is not affected by the
preceding noun as far as vowel-harmony is concerned. But Radloff customarily joins it to the noun which
it modifies.
Palatal suffixes are in general added to the base akel- "to bring, fetch," akemejmen "I do not fetch,"
akesem "if I fetch," akemejtuyun "one who does not fetch, who has not to fetch." Guttural suffixes,
however, are also found: akelar (pres.-fut.).
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 1
Migirma "twenty" is invariably found with -a in the final syllable (cf. in this respect the
contracted form d2Trma in Qazaq, e.g., "Proben," III, 67, 5, 19-20). Bang assumed d2irma to have
developed in phonological enclisis with on and otuz.
Whenever a occurs in Qaraqalpaq, it has the same value as the a of Tatar, Qazaq, Ozbek,1
TaranSi, and New-Ujyur (Eastern Tttrkestan), namely, a back rounded а-sound midway between о and
a, written phonetically as &.82 83
This & corresponds to the common-Turkic a. Another sound,
transcribed in the modern orthography by a, is the halfpalatal a which is found, for example, in
Ozbek.84 In addition to the above sounds, there is a half-closed e, as in French 6td, German Heer.
This e is also transcribed in the modem orthography as e. It corresponds to the common-Turkic &.
Where individual Turkic languages fluctuate between a, e, and i, this sound is given as e in
Qaraqalpaq in the preponderant number of cases. However, together with kej- "to dress" and kejim
"clothing" (< kaS-/ke3-), there are likewise found cases such as kij- and kijim. -
The half-palatal a (written a) is used only for the representation of a vowel having an a- or
а-quality occurring in foreign words. In such instances, however, it is found only in the first
syllable, or in the second syllable when preceded by a guttural consonant of back (velar or
uvular) articulation. Examples: aj.nek "glasses, spectacles," < Ar. frs- ajn "eye" plus Pers.
dimin.-suffix -ak (formation the same as Russian ОЧКЙ o2ki "glasses"); agerde "if however," <
Pers. agar plus Tk. conjunction da; zalel t"in- jury, damage" <dapter "notebook," < Pers.^-^J
daftar,
< Grk. 6iip9dpoi; salemet "greeting" < Аг.Д^ЗЦ^ salamat; aste - aste "slowly, gradually," <
P e r s 1 ahasta - Shasta; Hasen < Ar. Hasan, nom. propr.; hakke
"magpie,1,3 < Ar.
'akka; Amet < Ar. Ahmad, nom. pr.; yalle "herd, flock" <
(Pers.) ЛГgalla; hamme "also, likewise," < Pers. *J> hama; d2amijet "society," < Ar. d2am
'ijjSt; Sanem, nom. pr., < Ar.
Sanam; Salmen, nom. pr., < Ar. jLU" Salman; bahar "spring," < P e r s . b a h a r ;
qaharli "powerful, mighty,"

82 For peculiarities see Menges, "Drei Ozbekische Texte," pp. 145,

152, 172-73, 186 f.
83 Radloff, Phonetik, p. x, B, 2.
843* Will be discussed in the Glossary to be published later.
56 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

< A r q a h r plus suffix -li. This appearance is peculiar because it occurs

only in the first syllable. It is to be explained by the fact that its use is
limited to the position after gutturals of velar (or uvular) articulation. It is
supposed that Qaraqalpaq acquired this sound either from contact with an Iranian
language, such as TAd2Tk, or from an Iranized dialect as spoken by the city-
dwellers of Turkistan, in this instance particularly in Bukhara (BuxlrA),’
Khiwa (XiwS), or Urg&nd2. Among these groups this sound is actually pronounced as
a, that is to say, it closely approaches a clear a- sound4 although it has not yet
been determined whether this sound differs in quality within the different
syllables of a word. The Russian a of syllables preceding the accent, as well as
the a sound developing from unaccented o, is also rendered by a: kamffnis <
коммунист "communist," pronounced kammunist. Further examples are to be
found in the chapter on foreign words. In contrast to cases of the type salemet <
Ar. mamleket < Ar. , there appears invariably
mektep < Ar. "school." The quality of the
vowel in the first syllable appears to have been effected here by the following
consonant of palatal (front) articulation.

PROTHESIS

The initial vowels e-, о-, a- are resolved, in Qaraqalpaq, as in Qazaq, into the
complexes *e~, uo-, and uo-: uon "ten" < on; u8t- "to pass by" < 0t~; u8i]kej "all,
whole " < Sqkej (cf. Uj. Bngi "id."). This phenomenon is not the result of the
division of an original long vowel, as in Jakut (and in further development like-
wise in T&vag); it is rather to be explained as the result of prothesis such as is
usual in Proto-Slavic in which the sounds e, b, in initial position assume a j-
prothesis, and vowels like Ъ, у which possibly might have had a labial component
in their articulation, a v-prothesis. Thus, 1e§ike "goat" is sometimes transcribed
in the form jeSike, ier "saddle" (< er < agar < a’ar < ajar < &Sar) as jer;
similarly, we find v8k8 "two" and v8n "ten," for a8k8 (labialized), and u8n
(palatalized), from eki and on.5

4. Radloff, Phonetik, p. ix, A, 1; Proben, I, p. xvi, xvii.

5. No material has as yet been published in regard to prothesis in
Qazaq; compare examples for *e- > *&- given in WB, I, 1411-14, and
Polivanov’s remarks in Известия Академии Наук
СССР, 1931J N .
O 1,
 1
Qaraqalpaq Grammar

THE VOWELS Y, I, 0, AND U

Both initially and medially у and i shade towards e, parallel to the shading of u
towards o.
Examples of misprints best illustrate this feature: bete for beti "his, her face,"
besenSi for besinSi "the fifth" (Basqaq-Ulu, p. 29), bizde, acc., for bizdi, in the
"Grammatike," § 59, P- 37, top, seziq, gen., "of you," in the "Grammatike," p. 30, top,
meneke for meniki "belonging to me" (Basqaq-Ulu, p. 40-41). Still more numerous are
instances which are not the result of misprints but of vacillations in the
orthography. This is especially to he observed in cases where i, as a result of its
position in the unstressed middle syllable, has approached the quality of e.6 The
result of a similar uncertainty is apparent in the Qazan orthography in which every i
which has taken on the coloring of e, given by Radloff as i, is now transcribed by e.
With the dulling of u towards о naturally considerable uncertainty in the
distinction of the two vowels arose. Kflta "very" - a word whose etymology has not as
yet been established - was invariably written in the form kftta in the earlier annual
issues of Qaraqalpaq literature, i.e., of the years 1932 or 1933* On the other hand,
many instances of the change from о > u are found. In Qazan, this change is already
regular. It is in process of development in the Turkic languages of Central Asia and
appears sporadically in the western as well as in the easternmost groups: ura "pit,
hole" < ora, kill "lake" < kSl (Basqaq-Ulu, p. 14-15), kilmek "mutual labour assist-
ance" < k0m&k, uqsas "similar, like" < oqsas, also qusa- < oqsa- "to be similar, to
resemble," bujunSa "near, along” < bojun5a (Basqaq-Ulu, P. 29).

REDUCED GRADE
Vowel reduction is found in the following: bylaj < bulaj < bu-la-ju "thus (doing) 1',
in contrast to olaj, solaj "id.," and ylajyq < olaj-oq < o-la-ju-oq "thus (doing)."

p. 106. Cf. further Menges,.op. clt., p. 189. According to Radloff, Proben, III, p.
XXV, *e- > 2e- appears occasionally in the dialects of Eastern Qazaqistan.
6. Cf. Iiminskij, pp. 6-7, on West-Qazaq, and Radloff, Proben,
III, p. XXV.
7- Cf. Bogorodickij, "Введение," p. 2V ff., 37-38.
 VOWEL LENGTH
With the exception of az "little, few" which seems impossible to explain unless as a result
of Ttlrkmen influence (Tkm. aS < *az), length occurs only in the vowels I, u, and u. It is
usually found in foreign words where, except in the case of Russian, it represents original long
vowels.8 Syllables representing length, either original or the result of contraction, have become
anceps: ier "saddle"
< ar < agar < a’ar < aSar (Ka2.), sen- "to rejoice" < sen- < sev-in-, qurt- < qurt- < qoyurt-,
caus. of qoy- (V®: Ca., Osm.) /qov- (WB: Osm.) = qog- (WB: Sa., Qb., Q2., Leb.) "to drive off,
to expel," uru < uru < oyry, oyru "thief," ul < ill < oyul "son"; comp. Qq. exs.: ysta-/Tlsta- <
u§la- < avy6-la- » Osm. avud2-la- "to seize, to grip (with the hand)," "Proben,» III, 67, 12;
253, 12; 325, 32-33; uru "thief" 328, 17; ul < oyul 68, 22; 322 ff.; urlat- < oyur-la-t-
"to have s.b. steal s.th., to cause to steal," 324, 30; d2ayyn acc. poss. 3rd pers. < jaqaq-yn
"his cheek," 274, 3 f- b.; er "saddle," 330, 6. An example of true length is found in Ts "odor,
scent," comp. WB Qq. Is "vapor, coal gas." The problem arises as to whether the meanings of two
or three originally different words have coincided in these two words. Their variants are found
in the WSrter- buch in the following forms: is, it; jyt, jit, I; ys, ys, Is; Uj. has jy3, and
Jakut ys. Their mutual relationship and etymology still remain to be explained. The presence of
length in the word It '.!dog" should also be noticed: Tkm. it, T&vaS jyt& (jyOb), Modern Uj., of
the city of Kagyar, according to Jarring, iSt.9 In Qaraqalpaq orthography, long i- and u-vowels
are invariably indicated by diphthongs: bj, ij, uv, and yv (i.e., flv for fl). jt is to be hoped
that this method will not be permanent since it is completely misleading.10

8. See examples below, in the chapter on foreign words.

9. Modern Ujyur and fevaS give indications of proto-Turkic length; compare also my
explanation regarding the Mod. Uj. change of i§t <
*It in "Einige Bemerkungen zur vergleichenden Grammatik des Tllrk- menischen," Archiv
Orientdlnf, XI, p. 16, and the examples given there. f
10. Ilminskij also follows this method. See his remarks, however, in which he states that
identical double vowels are to be pronounced as long vowels (page 8). Compare, furthermore,
Radloff, Proben, III,
p. ml.
Inasmuch as I have heard in Qaraqalpaq the word Tt "dog" spoken with a long vowel, I have here
included it under length.
In such instances, however, may he seen the same phenomenon as is already familiar to us in
the diphthongization of the i of closed root syllables or of the vowels o-, e-, and 0- in
initial position in Qazaq. In such cases, individual languages vary between the use of the
diphthong and the long vowel. In the case of Tt < *ijt, *iH. length seems actually to have
arisen as a result of a (secondary) diphthongization, following the same procedure as in tT- <
tij- < teg- "to arrive, reach," and su < suw < sub (/ sup) "water," although historically the
origin of the last two words is quite different. This reversed procedure — the development of
diphthongs from long vowels — is known to us from Turkmen and from the Tttrk- menized dialects
of Ozbek in Qara Bulaq and Iqan where Tkm. у > yj: Proto-Turk. *qyz "girl" > Jak. kys, Tkm. gyg
> gyjS,11 or: Tkm. gtiC > gUj6 "strength" - Jak. kus, < Proto-Tk. *kttC.
In dZTdek "berry," T would seem to be the result of contraction,
< dZigda-k (diminutive). The form dZigda is also found in TaranCi and Modern Uj yur;85 86
Mahmud
al-KaSyarl has bar jigdS.. It is probable that the long vowel in dZIdek may have arisen under
the same circumstances as those which gave rise to ti- < teg-. Qazaq (WB) has dXusan. But the u
has contraction length, as evidenced by Osm. javSan "id.," Ca. (Yd.) jauSan "hyssop" (WB).

LABIAL HARMONY AND LABIAL ATTRACTION87

The Qaraqalpaq "Grammatike," § 4, 2, p. 7» mentions only the fact that, when in the first
syllable of a word a labial vowel occurs, this must be followed unconditionally by a labial
vowel in the second syllable. Not only is this rule lacking in clearness, but it omits all
discussion of the much more far-reaching effect caused l^y the labial vowel.

85 Cf. Polivanov in the Доклады Академии Наук, 1927, p. 153. As g is

represented by Polivanov the voiced deep-guttural occlusive corresponding to the unvoiced q.
This latter common-Turkic sound resulted, in Turkmen, in g- (in initial position). Concerning
the diphthongization of long vowels in Turkmen compare ny article in Archlv Orientdlni,
XI, pp. 15-16.
86 Menges-Katanov, p. 1276 (106).
87 For both labial harmony and labial attraction the Qaraqalpaq terminus technicus
erin Undesligi ("lip-sounding") has been formed.
 Qaraqaipaq as well as Qazaq is characterized both try labial harmony and labial attraction.
labial harmony occurs when of the suffix variants y, i / u, 0 only the labial variants, u, 11,
appear whenever they are preceded by a syllable containing a labial vowel. This is an essential
principle, e.g., in Osmanly, Ojrat, and other Turkic languages, whereas in Ozbek it is
restricted to the dialects of the nomadic tribes; the city dwellers and the semi-settled popu-
lation are not familiar with this rule. Labial attraction, on the other hand, is the change
produced upon the suffix vowels a/a when the preceding syllable contains a labial vowel. This
labial attraction results in the change of a/а to o/O. In Qaraqaipaq and . Qazaq the influence
of labial attraction is restricted to vowels of front articulation, whereas in the Altaj
languages proper (Ojrat,
Teleut, etc.) this attraction already influences vowels of back articulation; it is, however,
limited to the position after о of the preceding syllable.
The phenomenon of labial attraction postulates the closest affinity of Qaraqaipaq with Qazaq.
Qaraqaipaq, then, may be considered as the westernmost outpost for labial attraction having its
center in the Altaj group. East of the Altaj, its occurrence is less frequent,
appearing only sporadically in Sayaj (which has labial harmony), and entirely lacking
in the northeastern group. West of the Altaj, it is completely regular in Qazaq and
Qyryyz. It is occasionally found in TaranSi and Modem Ujyur, due possibly to the

I
influence of Qazaq and Qyryyz, but is unknown in Ozbek, Turkmen,88 and Osman.89 Labial attraction
is .by no means confined to the Turkic languages; it is-likewise an important feature in
Mongolian, particularly in Xalxa90 and Bufat,91 both of which are contiguous to Turkic languages
affected by labial attraction.92

88 With the exception of the Goklen and Tekke dialects; cf. my article in Archiv
Ortentdlnf , XI, 14, ‘£-
89 Said to be found also in several (which?!) Osman dialects in the province of Ajdyn.
Material for research, however, is lacking.
90 Yladimircov, op.ctt., §§ 153J 166-169; PP- 289, 3H ff-
91 Castrdn, Versuch etner burjdtischen Sprachlehre, § 16, p. 4.
92 Labial attraction also occurs in IE: in Greek, the sound groups ap and cxX in the
position before a syllable containing и or po become op and oX. Cf. H. Hirt, Randbuch
der £rtechtschen Laut~ und Formen~ lehre, 2nd ed., p. 107, with reference
to J. Schmidt in KZ, XXXII, 376. Partially different Sciiwyzer, "Griechischc Grammatik," 343 f.,
362 f. These facts completely correspond to the direction of assimilation: in Turkic,
progressive assimilation is dominant, while in most of the IE languages regressive assimilation
is the rule.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 1
In Qaraqalpaq, when several suffixes follow the labial syllable, only
the first vowel is affected by labial harmony or labial attraction,
contrasting, in this respect, to the changes occurring in Qazaq, Aitaj,
and Sor:93 dZuvunyp (< juv-un-up) "washing himself," tljttmis "our
house," QjUqis "your house," ajUmniq "of my house," tljtlqni]^ "of thy
house," Ojflmdi, acc., "my house," Qjttqdi, acc., "thy house,"
boiatuyuniyyyn, acc., poss. 3rd person, "that it must be, its
necessity," kordtiq-be? "did you see?"; ttjdtt acc., "the house," ttjti,
poss. 3rd person, "his, her house," 5zQ, "he himself, she herself"; in
the genit., ttjdiq may occur instead of tljdtlq "of the house"; Oskon
"grown," tuskon "having fallen," kOSktm "having roamed (no- made,"
kOllOr "lakes," OlgOn "having died," kOldO, kOlgO "in the lake, to the
lake," bolok "otherwise," tttso-almady "he could not dismount, fall";
Otodi "he passes by," sojlojmen, sOjlOjseq "I speak, thou speakest,"
dSurBsei; "thou goest, livest," livest," kflnnOri "his, her days,"
kOrOmis "we see," dZtlrOmis "we live, we go," kOrOjik "let us see,"
DtkOrOdi and otkoredi "he lets pass," kollordiq "of the lakes,"
kollorinde "in his, hers, its lakes," OspOjdi "does not grow," OmbOjdi
"does not rise," dtlzotti "has smoothed, made level," kotorip "raising,
lifting," tllspOgen "not having fallen," OzlOri "they themselves,"
gtlrosemis "we (shall) fight," ttjrOnedi "he learas," dtlzOtedi (comp,
otkorodi "he lets pass") "he smooths." Besides these vacillations in the
dynamics of labial harmony and labial attraction, there are frequent
cases in which the results of that phenomenon do not appear: tOmOndegi
occurs as well as tOmendegi "on the above, on high," korsetemis "we
show," kOrtlnedi "he, it appears," kOrtlmbejdi "he, it does not appear,"
totoledi "he calls the chickens (with the call toto)," ttlken "great,
large," tflje "camel," kflqge "to the day," kunde "on the day," otken
"gone by," buruqyy "gone, past," Osedi "he, she, it grows," nnedi "it
rises," Ozgeredi "he changes," sOzlerdiq "of the words," kOzge "to the
eye," tortetl "four (together)", Od2ek "dispute, quarrel," Osek "gossip,
calumniation," kojlek "shirt," кйгре "lambskin," boleк "other,
different," bOgOtler "dams, sluice,"
Stegen (nom. pr.), Otep (nom. pr.), stljemis "we love," turyyzbaq "the erection," uryyzbaq
"action of causing to heat."
The following examples show the absence of labial attraction in words containing back vowels:
boiady "he is, becomes," turady "he stands," bolyan "having become," etc. This is not the case

93 The same rule applies in TOrkmen which, moreover, strictly avoids u and О in absolute
final position. Cf. the quoted article in Archiv Orient&lnt, XI, p. 24.
 2 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
in Ojrat, where labial attraction is found, in a nascent state, after a back vowel.94
Qazaq examples: Labial attraction occurs only in words containing a palatal vowel (vowel of
front articulation). One or two pages from Proben, vol. Ill, will serve to illustrate this
point: bolsa 66, 3> "if he, she, it becomes"; bolmady 66, 21, 23, "he did not become"; Sudan
66, 6, "from, out of the water"; turarmyn 66, 6 "I stand (up)"; bol’almas 66, 26, "he cannot
become"; bolyan 63, 1;
68, 6, 28, 29, 33, 34, "having been, become"; tuyanda 65, 25, "having been bom"; qojyan 67, 7,
"having put"; tur’almajdy 67 , 28, "he cannot stand"; tozyan 68, 11 "(having been) dispersed";
bolmady 68, 24, "he did not become"; but: OtsOm "if I pass by"; OtOrmtin 66, 3,
"I am passing by"; OtOlmOsOm 66, 4, "if I am unable to pass"; OtpOsO 66, 7, "if he does not
pass by"; ktlndOrdO 67, 6, 13, "on the days," dZllnilnO, dat., 67, 11, "to his wool";
kOrttnbOjOk 67, 10, "we do not wish to appear, to be seen"; kotbrsb 68, 1-2, "if he raises";
kOrtlqd&r 68, 6, "behold!"; oltUrllqdOr 68, 8-9, "kill!"; OlgOnnOn 68, 24 "after having
died"; tbrolSrdtti] 68, 28, "of the princes"; dZUrOgtlnOn 69, 7 f- h., "from his heart',';
kbSkOnSO 69, 4 f.b., "as one roamed (nomads)." Some pages farther, the same rules always apply:
Otpbjdti 104, 6, "he does not pass"; toqgan 104, 9, "frozen"; muzdady 104, 13, "became iced";
toqyan,104, 32, "frozen"; bolyanda 105, 17-18 (loc.), "having become", dZtlrgbn 105, 20,
"having gone"; tUskOn 105, 29, 30, "having fallen"; dZolda, loc., "on the way";
d2oldasym 106, 19, "my (travelling) companion"; BskBn 106, 23, "having grown"; tolyan 106, 24,
"having become filled"; kOtBr, imp.,
"lift up!"; kBtBrdfl 106 , 35, 36, "he lifted," sBjlBptfi 106 , 38, "he had spoken"; qojyan 107,
3,""having placed, put"; t'sttndB kBrg&n 107, 6, "having seen in (his, her) dream"; tojya 107,
9, 11»"to the wedding, festival"; boqtady 107, 14, 18, "he scolded, insulted"; boqtama 107, 3,
"4° n°t insult, scold"; d2orya at 107, 23, "ал ambler (horse)"; ttlrB-gel 107, 29, 30 <
tura-kel
"arise!"; bolad'ek&n 108,
28, "he probably is, he is supposed to be"; bolsa 109, 3 "if he (she, it) becomes"; bolyanyn
109, 6, acc. poss. 3rd person, "his becoming, being"; ttjgB 109, 20, dat., "to the house";
dZtlgOndtt, acc.,
"the bridle"; d2flgBndBjd8 111, 34, "he bridles," bolady 111, 35, 37, 39, 41, "he becomes";
d2llrOgtt 112, 1, "his heart"; kBrUnSmB 112, 15, "does he appear?"; toqtayanda 113, 9_10,
"after having stopped (in- trans.)"; Ujd'Bn, abl., 114, 14, "out of the house"; ojiayanyqdy,
acc. poss. 2nd person, 117, 15 "what you thought, thy, your thought."
Labial attraction in Ojrat, as indicated above, has already been further developed, but does

94 Polivanov is of the opinion that a labial vowel, in accordance with the normal pattern
of vowel succession in the suffix, occurs only ,in those cases where the final vowel of the
word-base is u or 11. In support of this theory the following words in his texts serve as
examples: “oziniq (p. 15) "of him himself," *»liniq (bis, 16) "of the corpse." Such forms as
6
3ltlp "haying died," of course, may occur, he says, and ^ttlimiq may replace '“Bliniq. I find
further examples of this type, in his texts: guzotejin (1. sg. imperat.) "let me greet
reverently, let me pay reverence" (15), dZllrgbnde (16) "in going," displaying the same phonetic
changes as were found in my own examples.-.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 3
not yet occur after u: (Examples from the epic song, Qan Pfldaj 8М Mos-pyla jiilaSqan, "Qan
Ptldaj fighting the two Mos," in Radloffs Proben, I, p. 22 ff.), BbBfBn "a man, old man," 1;
julap-BlBdilm "I die in battle," 4; kBdBrB "lifting," 10; toqpoqtop-turarda "while he is busy
with striking blows," 12; sojordo "while he removes (clothes, skin),"29; polzoq "if you become,"
30; ojtto "then," 18, 23, 33; BgtSp "bearing ill-will, revenging," 41; poromdy, acc., "my gray
horse," 44; ujlap "weeping," 48; ulBaq "little son," 38; uya-Y&la "hearing, understanding," 38;
soqpos "he does not strike," 59; ВГВ0 "grass," 64, 65; pBdtlnB "quail," 65; plifhltpBj "without
cracking," 65; tBgS.lb'dj "without spilling," 66; joryo-byla "with an ambler," 66; tUq&j "even
(matching), equal," 76, 78; kBrzO "if he sees," 81; poizo "if he becomes," polor "he becomes"
90, 91; jUrfBn "having arrived" 93>' P°lzo 98; kllrBSBjn, 1. sg. imp., "I wish to fight, let me
fight," 98;. junadyp-aldy "he collected, gathered," 132. Isolated labial attraction
infringements: BltttrS, "killing," 9; ktlrOStftl&r "they fought," 25; tttq&j 83- Examples from
the Tardanaq Saga, Proben, I, 26 ff.: ujuqtap "sleeping," 14; BlBrj "grass," 12, 17, 20,
23; pulap-saldy "he bound fast," 32; oro "up, up to," 47; unBuqpas "they do not speak," 61»
turaldy "he arose," <
 4 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
tura-aldy or tura-yaldy (< qaldy or keldi?), 62; опту a "onto the place," 62; polCoq "round,"
64; tokonyp "rolling," 64; ujka-bardi "he, she began to weep," 69; koriinmOs "he is not seen, is
invisible," 87; from the Altajn Sajn Salam Saga (I, 10 ff.): qnrsaq "stomach,"
5; jtirolo "walking, going," 8; polyon "having become," 2; polor "he is becoming," 4; ujlady "he
wept," 24; ujuqtap "sleeping," 25; jttk- tOnOryO "in order to burden himself," 22; jflktonfip
"having burdened himself," 28; joldo "on the way," 206; jnmr-polzo "if, when he wanted to go,"
213; knrOr-polzo "if he wishes to see," 216; ottur- yanyn, acc. poss. 3rd person, "his sitting,
dwelling," 384.
Labial attraction takes place in Qazan only after tf, о (< common- Turk. u, U): qbStAn, abl.,
"from the bird," kttnnSn, abl., "from the day, sun," etc. It is to be observed that labial
attraction is not so strongly felt here as in the examples noted above. Following u,
П, resulting from the Qazan vowel change from common-Turkic o, 0, labial attraction does not
occur: juldan, abl., "from the- road,"_
< jol-dan, kOldan, abl., "from the lake," < kol-dan. It is evident that in Qazan labial
attraction can only have arisen after the vowel change, that is to say, at a relatively late
period.21

LABIALIZATION

Separate cases of labialization in Qaraqaipaq are found in a‘6k8, voko "two." These forms are
apparently only to be found in Basqaq- Ulu's GrammatTke, p. 9* It is invariably written,
in the school books, as eki. The form listed by Basqaq-Ulu may possibly have originated in the
still little-known Qaraqaipaq dialects of Qara 6zek.
It can only be explained as the result of proclisis to the numerals US "three" and tort "four."
Even more difficult to explain is the form dZilxB "mare," likewise given by Basqaq-Ulu, p. 9- It
must have developed from jylqy "mare, horse (in herds)" as a result of later palatalization
while q in position after liquida became spirantized (q > x).22 The presence of 0 in the second
syllable can be explained only if a labial vowel originally stood in the first syllable. Possi-
bly the course of development was similar to that which occurred in

21. For examples cf. Bogorodickij, "Введение...," 31-32, 106, and passim.
22. Particular examples under paragraph on special cases at end of the phonologic section.
the word for "fox": Ka§. tilktt, Uj., Ca., E.T. tfllki, Qom., Ait.,
Tuba, Sor, Qq. tttlktt, Osm. tilki, Osm., Qrm. dilki, which becomes tfllkO (from an older
*ttllka) in Qaraqalpaq, but with the labial vowel still preserved in the first syllable. The WB
contains only the following varieties: Koktk., Uj., Alt., Tel., Tuba, Qom. jylqy "cattle, horses
in herds," Osm. ylqy and ylyy, Az. jylxy, KtlAr., Qyz. jyiyy> Qojb., Qa6. dylyy, Qq., Qn.
d2ylqy, 6a. jilqi, ilqi, and ilyi (obviously from Ca., the word was borrowed by Persian: ilqi,
and TlxT "id."); Kag. has jylqy "cattle."

SYLLABLE DISAPPEARANCE

The frequent use of the verb et- "to do, to make" in combination with the interrogative qaju
 Qaraqaitpaq Grammar 5
or the demonstrative so (< §u) results in a loss of a syllable, as in Qazaq: qajt- "to do how" <
qaj’ et-, and sBjt- "to do thus," < so et-. Here, the use of the gerund in -p may be compared
with the corresponding adverbs "how" and "thus" in Indo-European.
The use of the definitive or iterative auxiliary d2at- (< jat- "to lie down") in combination
with an a- or p-gerund of the main verb also generally results in the loss of the initial
consonant or even of the initial syllable:95 96
qazyp-atyr "he is digging," Saup- atyr "he comes
on at full gallop," aralap-atyr "he comes and goes," atyp-atyr "he is shooting," islep-atyr "he
is working,"14 etc. The combination of the gerund in -a with the auxiliary causes contraction of
the two a's occurring in juxtaposition: baratyr "he goes, is going," baratqanda "as he went, was
going." The orthography is here entirely in accordance with the etymology; both elements of the
verbal complex are invariably written separately: bara atbr, bara atqanda. No instance of the
loss of initial d2- in the auxiliary jat-/d2at- is found in Proben, III; that means that
j-/d2- has not disappeared
in the eastern section of the Qazaqistan steppes, whereas in the
*
west and southwest it is frequently lost, as Ilminskij's reference also indicates.97 In Qazaq,
d£at- is usually combined with the a- gerund: kel&-d2atsa "if, as he is approaching," Proben,
III, 103,
11 f.b., 107, 9 f.b.; kelft-dZatyr "he is approaching, coming," 103, 10 f.b.; bara-d2atyr "he
is going," 101, 11-12; 105, 7;kel&-dZatqan, 107, 10 f.b., "coming, having come," occasionally
with the gerund in -p: baryp-dXatty 100, 10-11; 101, 4.
If we conceive these combinations as one complex, we then have before us instances of elision
of the intermediary syllable which is a very common occurrence in the Turkic languages. Such
examples of elision are found in the following examples: kijat- < kela-jat- "to be coming." From
the relatively old combination kela-jat- the procedure to kijat- would be as follows: kelS-jat-
> keli-jat-> kel-jat-26 and, since in this language there is a strong tendency toward the loss of
i or 1 in position before a consonant, > kejat- and, in this case, > kijat-. This verb appears,
even though not in accordance with the rules of vowel-harmony, as a complete uniform complex:
kijatyrman "I am coming (along)," qajdan kijatyrsaq? "from whence doest thou come, from where
are you coming?, from where are you?", sojtup kijatqanda "thus having been coming." Compare this
with the similar occurrence in Ozbek forms in -jap < jatyp, of the type qyljappan "I am making,
doing," which are called "progressive (tense)" by Polivanov.27
Besides the auxiliary at-, there appears still another form, atyr- ujqusyrap-atyryan "one who
is, uses to be, continually sleepy."
Atyr- developed from jat-/d2at- in the gerund in -a form and in union with the auxiliary tur-: <

95 Ilminskij,„op. c i t . , p. 12 f., moreover, already made the observation that "2at- from
time to time loses its initial z-, and from time to time changes it into j-."
96 The -p of the gerund may become -w in this position; e.g., aralaw-atyr, islew-atyr,
etc. (see below).
9725- I have discovered only one Ojrat parallel of this, with.short-
 6 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
jata-tur-. Also in Qazaq and Ojrat the auxiliary compositions with tur- undergo severe
contractions; compare, e.g., Qq; alatyn "having to take" < ala-turyan, bolatyn "having to be,
become" < bola^turyan, * Ojrat alattan, polotton "id." No instances of combinations with atyr- <
jata-tur- are found in Proben, III.
Elision of the intermediary syllable of the customary type is to be
found in the following: dZumsa- "to work," a verbal derivative
ening of the contraction-syllable: kim Cyyatqan (< 6yqa-jatqan) janynda
"on its side of the rising sun = East of it," Proben, I,
161, 14.
26. Forms like kel-5adyr, kel-Car, both < kela-jatyr, are usual in Sor and Sayaj.
27. In Известия Академии Наук, 1929, No. 7, p. 516; 1931, No. 1, p.
99, and for detailed account see K. Menges, Der Islam, XXI, pp. 191-92.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 7
in -a from dXumus < jumuS "work"; saryyS "yellowish" < saryyyC98 (s. WB); saryaj- "to become
yellow," < saryy-aS-, ayajynSylyq "brotherliness" < aya-ini-fiy-lyq (aya "older brother," ini
"younger brother," whereby both ini and the suffixes, in accordance with the rules of vowel-
harmony, are affected by aya); dZinal- "to be gathered, to congregate" < jyyyna- < jyy-yn-a-, an
a-verb derived from a noun jyyyn (WB: Ait., Osm.) < jyy-yn (cf. W. Bang,"7. Turkologischer
Brief," p. 193 ff•)j compare WB 6a. jiyna-, jiyna-S-, jiynaq, Qq. dZyjna-, dZyjnaq beside
dZina-, dZTnaq, Tkm. jyyna- (beside jyy—), Ojrat jun-, jun, juna-, juna-t- "id."
The verb dZUr- "to go, to live," when having the function of an auxiliary and when used in the
present or aorist, respectively, loses the temporal element: qolianyiyp-dZUr "it is (always,
continually) applied, used"<qoiianylyp-jtlгаг; dep-dZUrmOs "we say (always)"
< dep-jttrttrmttz. We should best interpret these as aorist forms and consider their origin as a
result of haplology. On the other hand, one may consider them as a result of analogy to the
Ozbek, Cayataj, and Modern Ujyur forms compound with tur-, or to those with jat- (dZat-,
Bat-/Cyt~) in Qazaq, Ojrat, in the Xakas and Northeast groups. Compare the Qazaq examples: dZUr
"being, living, going,"
108, 2 f.b.; qatyp-dZOr-ekan "having become solid," 311, 9 f.b.; baryp-dZar-ekan "having been
going (on)", 326, 11; the latter forms appear to indicate an origin due to haplology.

TRANSITIONAL VOWEL
A species of transitional vowel sporadically appears, for the sake of euphony, it would seem,
between the consonant root-ending and the consonant initial suffixes. It is found almost without
exception99 before the comparative suffix -raq/-rak: az: azyraq "less," kep: koharek "more," keq:
kerjirek "wider," aSyq "open" < аб-yq: agyyyraq, artyq: artyyyraq "more, bigger, higher
(quantity)," soq; soquraq "later." Forms with omission of the transitional vowel occur, hut less
frequently: azraq "less," uzunraq ^'longer, taller," bijigrek "larger, bigger" (from bij ik),
dZuvanraq "heavier, thicker" (< juvan < joyan), d2aqynraq "nearer," aqyrynraq "slower, more
quiet." Only two instances of the transitional vowel appear among the Basqaq-Ulu examples:
kOgttrek "greener" and bijigerek (for bijigirek) "larger, bigger." No examples are to be found
in Proben, III. A transitional consonant replaces the vowel in the examples of Ilminskij:
Xamandraq "worse" and fllkSndrek "greater, larger, more powerful" (p. 13). Unfortunately, there
are only these examples of the development of d between n and r, a feature common to Indo-
European. In the Modern Ujyur texts of Eastern Turkistan taken down by Katanov the forms azaraq
"less, a little" and doqaraq "greater, larger" are occasionally found.100 In Turkmen the

9828. The suffix may be either -yyS or -yB. If it is assumed to be -уб we may consider it as
an ablaut degree of -ай which is found, e.g., in Tel., Sor ap-ayaS < ap-aq-afi "entirely white,"
Karayas CoyaS < jay-uq-ай "near, quite near" (Proben, IX, 616, 11), where it has a
diminutive sense.
99 The transitional vowel is algo found in the word qysyraq "young mare," cf. WB Qy. qyzyraq,
Sor. Leb., Ob., Qa6. qyzraq, Osm., Qrm., Qq., Qmnd. qysraq; KaS. qysraq "id."
100 Menges-Katanov, p. 100 (1270), where it is explained as diminutive from azar (WB). This
does not, however, explain Coqaraq; the form*боцаг is not found.
 8 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
transitional vowel is likewise found in the comparative: jaSyraq "younger," kopirak "more,"
artyyyraq "more, higher," agayyraq "lower," gldirak "later."
These are the mere phonetic facts. In all these cases, we may suppose this so-called
transitional vowel not to be the result of recent development, but to have existed earlier and
to be now gradually disappearing; from the latter viewpoint, one might draw certain conclusions
as to the verbal origin of the Turkic comparative. Possibly qyzraq, qysraq "young mare" had the
same or similar origin.
On the other hand, however, we might consider the Turkic comparative suffix -raq/-rak (< raq/-
r5k, as evident from Turkmen) to be the old partic. perf. pass, yraq, Tkm. yraq, "far, remote,
distant"101 attached to nouns and then having developed into an actual nominal suffix. Thus, the
so-called transitional vowel found between the nominal stem and the comparative suffix would be
a relic of the initial root-vowel of *yra-q.

101 The WB quotes the following forms: Tel. yraq, Tar., Az. irax, Osm., Ca. iraq, Ca., Tar.
jiraq, Uj., Qom., Tob. jyraq, Qn. dXyraq, Bar., Alt., Tel., Leb., Sor, Sa., Qb., Q2. raq; and
the verbal stem: Uj. jyra- "to become distant," Tel. yra-, elsewhere ira- "id.," in Siberia ra-
"id." Kag. has jyra- "sich entfemen," jyraq "fern." As the Siberian forms (ra-, raq) show, the
initial j-, though rather old (Uj., Qom. jyra-, jyraq), must be of secondary origin.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar <59

CONTRACTION
Vowel contraction takes place in the collective numerals altou "six together" and dSetefl
"seven together." It will not he necessary at this point to make special mention of the fact
that collectives are of verbal origin. I am entirely convinced, as I shall explain in detail in
the section on Morphology, that the suffix -y/-g is
v

used to form the verbal noun, just like the Ujyur and Cayataj -yu/ -gQ, and is identical with
the present active participle described by Bang.102 I believe, therefore, that altou has developed
from a form *alty-a-y, and dieted from *d5Seti-a-g, in which the suffix -y/-g is added to the
verbal element -a/-&.103 The addition of the verbal element a/& must obviously have occurred at
some period previous to the appearance of -j- as a glide sound between it and the vowel final of
the numeral. This procedure is comparable to that which has been observed in the contraction
arising from a vowel stem plus the aorist suffix found in the languages of the Xakas and Sbrth-
eastern groups: tlr "he says," Sir "he eats" < Н&-&Г, *Si-ir (< *je-ir). Here, contraction
necessarily resulted before the appearance of -j- between the two vowels. Compare, in this
respect, Qq. altau "the six, six together," Proben, III, 94, 6 f.b.; besSAl "the five" 94,
5 f-Ь.; dJSetatl "the seven," 50, 137> occasionally with length: ек8Л "the two, both," 50 >
136; altatim "my six (together),"
50, 134.

ASSIMILATION OF VOWELS

Vowel assimilation occurs in isolated cases: buyun "today" < bu- kttn, with progressive
assimilation, byjyi "this year" < bu-jyl, with rarely found regressive assimilation; in the
frequentative suffix -qyla-/-kila-: kes-kele- (< kes-kilft-) "to chop," ketkele- (< ket-
kila-) "to go away (often)"; in the emphasizing suffix aq < (Oj., Siberia) oq which remains
unaffected by the rules of vowel harmony: dJSalyyz-aq "only, solely" which is very frequent;
bilgennen-sorj-aq "after having known, according to experience"; esteden-aq "according

102 "Siebter Turkologischer Brief," Uniartsche JahrbUcher, XIV (1934), 193-214.

103 When in absolute final position, -y/-g disappeared or developed into -u/-tt, -w
respectively. See page 27 above for a detailed explanation.
 1 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
to things heard"; on toyuz-aq kisi "nineteen people." This petrified 'form aq is also found
in Qazaq: burunnan-aq "earlier,"1 III, 79, 15*
In this way altou may also he classified here, whereby о has developed from a by assimilation
before a final u < w < y.
PALATALIZATION OF VOWELS
Palatalization is present in the numeral uon "ten" < on (see Basqaq-Ulu's brief grammar, p.
9)104 where it is due to proclisis in numerals with front vowels, e.g., in the enumeration 10-
15. In addition to the form akel- "to carry, bring, fetch" < alyp-kel-, a later form akel- is
also found. However, there are no instances of palatalization through consonants, either palatal
in nature or palatal in origin, such as are occasionally found in Qazaq and even more frequently
in Qazan and Baraba. Neither is the verb ajt- "to say" found here in palatalized form as it is
found, for example, in Eastern Turkestan: ajt-. This verb is also found in palatalized form in
Ozbek dialects: Polivanov (cf. his study in Qaraqaipaq, p. 15, 19) recorded both 3,jt- and ajt-
in the QypSaq dialects of the Qazaq-Najman, near Samarqand. It should be noted that the palatal-
ized form ajt- is found only in the immediate vicinity of Samarqand, but Ajt- is found some
distance away in the steppes. This would seem to indicate that the palatalized form is due to
Iranization.
The material gathered by lapt’ev contains several interesting ex-
amples of palatalization. It is to be regretted that -Laptev neglected to
mention the exact section from which his Qazaq texts were obtained. It
is probable that they are from the western section inasmuch as the following
examples are completely lacking in the Proben: ajran "sour milk," < ajran (p. 110); bttUr-
"to command"
< hujur-, 117; 2Ut- "to devour" < jut-, 124; sutll "stick, cudgel"
< sojul (WB), placed, for the sake of comparison, beside soj- "to hit, slaughter, strip off
(skin, clothing)," 141; uttqu "sleep" < ujuqu, 146, also ujqu, whence uttqta- "to sleep"; ojram
together with a later form Ojram "whirlpool, eddy" < oj-ra-m from oj- "to wear away," 137; ottn
"play" < ojun, 138; motln "nape of the neck, neck" < mojun, 135- Palatalization similar to that
which was found in the word ajran, namely that in which the effect of j in the first syllable is
exerted upon the vowel of the second syllable through an intervening liquid, is found in

104 Basqaq-Ulu, p. 14-15, is mistaken in speaking of "softened (Смягчённые)"

(palatalized) y, U, etc., vowels. It should be briefly mentioned in this connection that no
investigation that might ultimately point to occurrences of palatalized consonants has as yet
been made in Qazaq. To my mind, it appears in some few instances as though such cases of
palatalization may actually be present; but in any case, in examples of the type ajran, ojlady
it should be pointed out that the liquids are the carriers of palatalization caused by the j
sound ^preceding it. К. K. Judaxin, who is familiar with Qazaq as well.as Ozbek, is of the
opinion that the liquids land r received a palatalized pronunciation in palatal words. I am not
sure but that Judaxin has been somewhat influenced by Russian conceptions in this matter; it
should be noted here that in certain instances of Russian transcription of geographical names,
not only Turkic, but also Tungus, Paleo-Asiatic and even Caucasian, consonants are represented
as palatal when final, a phenomenon which hitherto has received no attention. Cf. above on the
nature of 1, pp. 51 f.
 2 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
Ilminskij, p. 14: ojlady > ojlady "he (she) thinks," bajlyq > bajliq "riches."
Instances of palatalization in Qazan include the following: jaj- \'
< jab- "to spread, expand," jas < jag "age," jaSa- < jaSa- "to live,'!.
janiC- < janC- "to crush, shatter," jaSin < jaSyn "lightning," j
jaSin- < jaSyn- "to hide oneself." In the WB I find such examples J
as the following quite common in Baraba: jaza- < jaSa- "to live," j
jazar- < jagar- "to become green," japgttr- < jap-ug-ur- "to stick l on,
paste (trans.)," japgQn- < jap-u§- un- "to adhere (intr.).," j japgtlndzak
< jap-ug-un-sa-q "adhesive," jaZln < jagyn "lightning," j jaail < jagyl <
*jag-sy-l "green."
Depalatalization occurs in the word oyuz "ox" (lacking in WB)
< OgUz, okliz. -Laptev notes the forms oyuz and oyyz in addition to 6gflz (p. 136). Similarly,
the form dSuz < jiiz "hundred," occurs invariably in this form in the numerals listed in Basqaq-
Ulu,
pp. 42-43- Forms such as these were not found in Qazaq in Proben, III. In Laptev, p. 138,
there occurs a form og "revenge" <05 < 0 6 ; og is lacking in WB. The reason for the
transformation of these words into guttural quality is not evident, at the present moment.
Many examples, both of palatalization and depalatalization, are found in Proben, III.
Their causes are closely related to the rules for sandhi.

VOWEL ELISION IN SANDHI AND OTHER SANDHI-LIKE APPEARANCES

The elision of vowels in sandhi is a feature common to both Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq. In this
respect, they show a close connection with the Turkic groups of the Altaj and Siberia. The
effect of vowel elision, however, just as that of combinatory sound change, is not indicated in
the orthography. Forms with vowel elision as a result of sandhi when in final position, as the
following: al* at < ala at "a piebald horse," tor* at < toru at "a chestnut horse," or qara-yoj
"just look!" ala-yoj "let him only take!" < qara-qoj, ala-qoj, continue to be written according
to their etymology and not according to the current pronunciation. The following Qazaq examples
should be compared here (in Qazaq, as also in the Siberian languages, vowel elision in the final
syllable is optional):105 sar' atty (acc.) "light bay horse" 98, 9> Ю0, 10, 9 f.b.; saiy at
100, 9 f.b.; qar'al* at "a blue-roan horse," 182, 534; qul’ at mlnftn "with the gray horse"
317, 5 f.b. Sandhi in connection with palatalization and depalatalization respectively: ttlrO-
geldi < tura-keldi "he arose" 107, 6, 5» f.b.; 3O6, 9; 327; 3; nayylyan < na qyl-yan "what kind
of?, qualis?," 325, 2 f.b.; nayyp < na qyp < na qyl-yp "how (< what doing)?" 329,
15; d2etti-yoj "he did arrive" < jatti + qoj 551» 80, 82; Ottn-yoj
< OttU + qoj "he did pass, did die" 551> 83» together with OltrOdO- qoj "he does kill, he

105 One does not receive sufficient illustration of this feature in the texts of Radloff,
for Radloff says in Proben, III, p. XXVI that, in his records, he usually (not always, as
evident from the examples! M.) does not pay any attention to cases of sandhi, neither to those
of vocalic nor to those of consonantic sandhi.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 3
actually kills," 306, 9* Compare also the examples in Ilminskij, p. 13, top. There
are ..likewise a few examples of sandhi in the Qaraqaipaq texts of Polivanov: tojya waryp (p.
15)
< tojya baryp "gone to the wedding"; d5ayyw-oturuq beside 2ayyw- oturuj] < jaq-yp ot-ur-uq "take
a seat close by!" (15); dSiwere— w^rdi (16) < d2ivera-berdi < y5-y ber-a ber-d-i "he began to
let go"; d2uluw-d!lyp < jul-up al-yp "having pulled out" (perfective) (16); *oliiw-atyr (bis) <
ol-up jat-уг "he is dying" (16); "olewatqanyn (24) < Ol-Up jat-qan-yn (acc. poss. 3rd person)
"his dying."

ACCENT
*
Concerning the accent, Qaraqaipaq pat (< Ar. g** fath "opening") on p. 12, §9 °f the
GrammatJke, evidence of special interest is not lacking. The accent falls, as a rule,
according to the explanation given, upon the final syllable. There are, however, certain "excep-
tions" among which the following cases are listed: 1. Interrogatives:
ndge "hoch much?'1; n^SinSi "7tT]Xixoc; quotus?"; qdjda "where?"; qdjsy "which?". 2. Imperatives,
second person singular: otur "sit down!"; rfjla "think!"; hysdpla (< Ar. hisab "account"
plus '
-la-) "count!"; qartCstyr "let (me, us) see!" (< qara-5-tyr), komdkles "assist!" (< komak-la-
S-), dqu "read!". These are all instances which might be explained as caused hy emphatic or
tonic stress.36 $. Isolated cases: jd, jdmasa "or" (will he found in the lexicon), dndi
*•* •
"now, at the present time," kfita "very" in kSta dZaqsy "veiy good, very well," et al. The
accentuation of the latter category may also have arisen as a result of the tonic stress. I
distinctly remember that the QypCaq-Szhek dndi, Indi "now, at present" invariably bore the
accent apon the first syllable. Compare also dndi, jendi in QaraCaj and the derivatives dnduwa,
dntta, jdhtta (s. Prohle, Keleti Szemle X, 101). More difficult to explain are the cases of
suffixes which never receive the accent under any circumstances: 1. the personal suffix of the
perfect participle in -yan: oquydnman "I read";
*
2. the negative suffix -ma/-ma: dqu, oqtfma "don't read!”; sSjlS (sic!)"speak!"; sBjHm& "don't
speak, say!"; aldy "he took," dlmady "he did not take";37 3. the equative suffix -Sa/-Se:
qaraqalpdqSa "(in) Qaraqalpaq (language)," ndmiSSe "(in) German (language)," from ndmis "German"
with accent patterned after the Russian нёмец Нёйес "German"; this is generally the case
in Osman too, according to my observations; 4. the comparative suffix -daj/-dej: aju "bear":
ajudaj "like a bear," tttjo "camel"; tiljodej and tiljodoj "like a camel"; 5- the following
separately written suffixes: -yana (-yyna) /-gene (gine), -da (-ta) /-de (-te) < taqy, tayy
"also," -my/-mi (interrogative), -dyr/-dir, -Sy/-Si (adhortative; in Ojrat: -Cy), -sana, -1аДе
(emphasizing suffix, as in Qazaq, and frequently in

^6. Compare the recessive accent of the Greek vocative: &6eX<p6<;:

3 a6e\<pe, ’АЯОХХЫУ: 3 "ATOXXOV, cf. Hirt, Indoiermanische Gramatlk, V, 335 ff..>
Brugmann, Kurze verileichende Gramatlk, p. 377> § 455*
 4 Qaraqaipaq Grammar
37- In Osman, Turkmen, and Qumyq, the accent also falls upon the syllable which immediately
precedes the negative suffix with the exception of the negative aorist forms in -maz/-maz. For
the place of accent in Turkmen, see my article mentioned above, p. 20 ff.
Ojrat shows the same accentuation as stated here for Qaraqalpaq, with only one essential
exception: that the negative suffix -та/ -Ъа/-ра/-та/-Ъа/-рй always assumes the stress: ajtpddym
Грамматика
_(< ajt-ma- d-ym) "I did not say," cf. N. P. Dyfenkova,
Ойротского Языка, § 24, pp. 39-40-
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 5
Siberian) and -na (emphasizing, demonstrative): dZaqsjf-yana "pretty well, хорошенько,
xoroSeflko," qajttyijys-pa "did you return?" (-та/ -me may occur with dissimilatory ablaut to -
my/-mi). Unfortunately, there are no further examples.
It would be difficult to attempt to explain all these examples as a result of the tonic
stress. It would, perhaps, be possible to explain it thus in the case of dlmady when it
expresses impossibility as is usual in Ozbek. Even so, the fact that this book furnishes a
number of examples under this chapter is a valuable contribution of material toward the problem
of the Turkic accent which still remains to be solved.
In Basqaq-Ulu the following material is to be found scattered elsewhere: tdyuz "nine" and
dtuz "thirty," and as a remark in regard to the single tenses: the accent of the historical
perfect falls, in the positive as well as in the negative form, on the suffix -yan/-gSn:
Akelgdni dZoq "he has not brought"; in the negative forms of the perfect the accent will no
longer fall upon the last syllable but will be thrown back upon the last syllable of the stem
(p. 75) — in other words, the accent falls upon the syllable preceding the negative suffix /-
та/-me; in the progressive tense (see Morphology) it lies upon the syllable having final -p of
the gerund of the main verb. This agrees in the main with those points mentioned above in the
GrammatTke.
The "shortened" gerunds of the type ap, kep, bop, etc., may be considered as the remnants of
an ancient initial stress. Their origin is doubtless from such forms as £Clyp, kdlip, bdlup,
etc. An ancient initial stress may be discovered from the following examples in KaSyari: balq,
together with balyq "clay,11 qylq together with qylyq "deed, character," birt "tax" < bir-it,
from bir-/ber- "to give," i.e., balq < b£lyq, qylq < q^lyq, birt < birit.
The following examples, as relating to the problem of accent, have been collected from
Polivanov's Qaraqalpaq texts. These show considerable uncertainty in the accent and are
frequently in contradiction to the statements made above: qylatuyunbddi (p. 15) "he was not on
the point of doing, he ought not to have done, he should not have done, he was not to have been
permitted to have done," < qyi-a-tur- yan — Яг-тй-d-i, while bdrmegen (16) "he has not given"
conforms to the rule; koredi (15) "he sees," beside the forms ajtJtdy (15) "he says," keledi
(15) "he comes," which are again according to rule; kelip (15) "having come," and kelip-xarasa
(24) "when he comes and looks, as he came looking" is in the transitional stage towards the form
kep, which is apt to he the universally prevailing form at the present time; sayattan-кёjin (15)
"after an hour," dSiwere-werdi (beside d2iwere-werdi), (15) "he let go," < yS-y ber-a ber-d-i;
d2uluw-alyp (15) "having torn out" < jul-up - al-yp; in verbal composition the accent falls upon
the root vowel of the auxiliary (the second element of the composition). This was stated by
Gunnar Jarring in regard to the Ozbek dialect of QylyS106 and it occurs sporadically also in the
closely connected verbal composition of the Ozbek of Northern Afghanistan. Similarly, the
formative element of the progressive, being morphologically a compound tense, bears the accent:
oliiw4tyr (bis, 16) "he is dying" < oliip-jatyr, kijatyr (24 and passim) "he is coming," < kel-a
u

106 Cf. G. Jarring, The Uzbek Dialect of Qillch," p. 19, middle.

 6 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
- jat-yr, nolew4t- qanyn (acc. poss. 3rd person), (24) "his dying," which, as has been said, does
not agree with the assertion of Basqaq-Ulu. According to Polivanov, in Qazaq and in the Ozbek
dialect of Xiwl the progressive receives corresponding stress: Qq. (Western dialects) geb-Mtyr
"he is eating," Ozb. XiwJ geljdtyr "he is coming," QypSaq of Xwarazm kijatyr "he is coming."
Other examples again show the accent in the usual position: dijdi (16) "he says," salady (16)
"he puts," waramyz (the sandhi form after a preceding vowel: < baramyz), (16) "we go," barma
(16) "go thou not!’1, keteveredi (24) "he departs," qalady (24) "he remains," sojady (24) "he
slaughters,"
“olddi (24) "he dies," dzep-ketddi (24) "he finishes eating and departs." An example of a
weaker, secondary accent is seen in the root vowel of the descriptive auxiliary in Yaryyj-almaj
(24) "it (horse) is not able to jump over." In nanyn (acc. 3rd person poss.) "his bread" accent
is found in place of original (Persian) length, the reversal of the general rule according to
which foreign (e.g., Russian) accent in Qaraqaipaq occasionally, usually in the case of y, i, u,
u, but in the Siberian Turkic languages regularly, causes length (concerning this, see below, p.
92 ff.).
The few examples given above are, of course, not sufficient for a solution of the accent problem
of Qaraqaipaq, which needs much fur-
ther careful investigation on the spot. In the Siberian Turkic languages, too, special
characteristics of accentuation are to he observed which offer similar difficulties.
SPECIAL PHENOMENA
Before passing to the phonological development of foreign and loan words, it would be well
to list a number of particular cases such as the following:
In the possessive suffixes of the 1st and 2nd person plural -s is used invariably in the
place of the expected -z: -(y)mys, -(y)rjys, similarly in the 1st person plural of the
conjugation: -mys/-bys.
The 2nd person plural present and aorist, however, are invariably represented by -syz. The
preservation of the -z as final in the latter case appears to be the result of dissimilation
within the suffix. In all other cases, however, the -z phoneme has been retained in final
position, conforming in this respect with the other languages of the southeast, southwest and
northwest groups: segiz "eight," toyuz "nine," otuz "thirty," atyz "field (under cultivation),"
etc.
As in Modern Djyur, the word for "goose" has always initial y-: yaz, Mod. Uj. yaz (Katanov-
Menges, p. 1276 [106]), cf. WB Tar. yaz and Turkmen gaS.
Prothetic h- is found in the word for "humid," hoi, cf. WB Tar., Ca., 0T.; Turkmen uses both
61 and hoi.
The variable word for "shirt" appears here, in analogy to Qazaq kojlok, with the forms kojlok
and kojlek (the latter lacking in WB).107
In the word for "sixty," as in Qazaq, -t- has disappeared: alpys < altmy§.

10739- For a complete discussion of this word,^read Willi Bang's "Be it rage zur tiirkischen
Wortforschung," in Turan, 1918, p. 299, § 9-
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 7
D2uvan "heavy, coarse, thick" is also similar in form to the Qazaq equivalent d2uan (WB) <
*juwan < joyan.
D2iqi§ke < jiqiiSka. "thin, fine"; the WB lists only a derivative in -la-, d2iqi§k§,lsi-;
comp. Modern Uj . jinSika108 and Sor (with contraction of the first two syllables plus secondary
reduction): 6iSk&.109
The suffix of the ordinals is, as in Qazaq, -(y)ngy: birin§i, 1ekinli, etc. Cf. Qazaq ekinSi
"second," USttnStl "third," Proben, III, 691,64; tbrtflnStt "fourth," beSinSi (with
incontiguous assimilation in place of ал expected besinSi) "fifth," 691-2,65; altyngy "sixth,"
d2etin§i "seventh," 692,66; ortanSy "medius, middle," 323,5, 17-110
The suffix of the nomen futuri varies between -agaq and -ad2aq: d2asad2aq "will live" and
qylaSaq "will do" (Grammatlke, p. 37); -aSaq is from an early form *-a-6aq, -ad2aq is probably a
later sonant variant which has remained unchanged.
Hie word hurun/murun, as in Qazaq, has two meanings; one concrete and the other abstract: the
form murun means "nose, cape, protruding mountain" (e.g., Proben, III, 100, 6 f.b.; 100,28;
142,230; 228,53,54), whereas burun expresses "that which existed earlier, in former times," used
only with the locative suffix -yy/-yu (< -qy): buruqyy/burugyu "earlier, former" (III, 262,35;
537,89) -
Prothetic vowel. Both Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq (see WB) have ylaj from laj "mixed clay, slime,
filth," and oramal "kerchief, handkerchief" < Pers. гй-mal "id," cf. 5zbek rom&l, rum&l "id.,"
since the initial liquids 1-, 1-, r- are never admissible in Turkic and are avoided hy the use
of a supporting prothetic vowel: cf. Karayas ylaba "(Lamaistic and Christian) priest, lama" <
Mong. lama < Tibet, lama < blama (Proben, IX, 617,5),' furthermore,
uruqsat "permission" < Ar. ruhsat; cf. here Karayas
urumakky "shirt, blouse" < Russ. рубАха rubdxa, Proben, IX, 621,45; and without length:
urumakky 615.20,21. The same phenomenon may he likewise observed in Old Ujyur: ardini (passim,
also in Mong.) <
Skt. ratna- "jewel," Irivati, proper name, < Skt. Revata-.111 Likewise, Literary Mongol and Xalxa
avoid initial r.112
Common-Turkic unut- "to forget" is found as umut-, with incontiguous dissimilation of
consonants.
The demonstrative so < Su has, as in Qazaq, the vowel o: so "this," soyan, dat., "to this
one," sondaj "thus," etc.
The pronoun bari "all" appears without length in contrast to Qazaq bSri ( Proben, III, 67-2
f.h.; 68.5; 77-1; 370. 9 f.b.; 466.127; 556. 174; 557.182; 558-124; 743-31; 752-79).

108 Katanov-Menges, loc. cit., 109 (1279)•

109 Potapov and Menges, WS0S, XXXVII, 64, 92, no. 56.
110 For Qazaq, see Melioranskij, loc. ctt., 66, § 2.
11143- F. W. K. Mtlller, "Uigurica," II, 64 mid., line 2.
112 B. Ja. Vladimircov, Comparative Grammar., 366-67, § 224.
 8 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
In two instances the sound group -rq- has become -rx-: torxa < torqa "silk cord," cf. Ojrat,
Xakas torqa, Ka§., Uj. (QutaSyu Bilig) torqu "dilk" (> Russ, торока toroka "border, edging
[clothes]"), and arxaly < arqaly, the usual Qaraqalpaq form, "by means of, through."113 When used
in the immediate neighborhood of sibilants, q has a tendency to become spirant (e.g., ox§a- <
oqSa- "to resemble"). In this case, the change to the spirant may be explained as follows:
before the voiceless q, r loses its sonant quality as a result of which the complete occlusion
necessary for the production of q is easily' omitted and, thus, q quite naturally is
spirantized: cf. a parallel development in KaS.: qulxaq beside qulqaq, qulaq "ear," olxut- < ol-
qut- "to have sit down, cause to sit down." In the Qaraqalpaq texts of Polivanov, p. 15, a
similar development is noticed: “olyende (loc.) "on the point of dying, after dying" <
el-gan-da.
In Basqaq-Ulu, p. 19, final -n becomes -g in the word qag "blood," whereas in all other
instances it is found as qan. No parallel cases occur.
An intervocalic -f- is found in d2ifek "silk" (e.g., Basqaq-Ulu, p. 17) < jip-ak, diminutive
of jip "cord, string, thread." The appearance of -f- is a special feature and is used in a place
where -b- would be expected. A comparison may be made with -f- occurring sporadically in Karayas
where it supplants an intervocalic labial plosive, which in that language may appear either as a
voiced stop or as voiceless geminates; cf. the following examples from Castren's Versuch etner
koibalischen und karagassischen Sprachlehre: {ofora, also tefera (< ?) "bark," kafarmen "I
burn," kofadeS "fist," Sojog kowades, lacking in WB, < Jenisej-Ostjak kufak' "id.,"114 115
koffik
"foam," beside kopiik, Qojbal kobok; WB kopiik Osm., Ca., kobiik in the east, kofiiriig
"bridge," beside Qojbal koberga (common-Turk. kopriig). Here we notice -f- occurring in place of
-b- or -pp-. Castren, in his Sprachlehre, § 30, remarked that "p and f may alternate with each
other in Karayas." I have not found any instances of labial geminates in the Siberian languages;
the correspondence is -b- in all instances. In Castren's examples quoted above, intervocalic -f-
apparently takes the place of labial voiceless geminates. In the Turkic languages f is as
foreign as it is, for example, in
Slavic. It is found in KaSyari, but its appearance there would seem due to an original v (w):
cf. Cafsaq (Cigil) "shears for clipping sheep's wool," QyfCaq, the name of the well-known tribe,
taf beside tav "trick, craft," jufqa "tender," jufya "bastard," kafSSq "present in the shape of
food for those assisting the harvest," < kftv-Sa- "to chew." There are no instances of f in the
Karayas texts of Katanov (Proben, IX). I believe the f found in Castrdn's examples to be of
Jenisej-Ostjak provenience, or to be at least due to the Jenisej-Ostjak substratum. Concerning
the Qaraqaipaq examples, I am rather of the opinion that we have a phenomenon similar to cases
offering intervocalic -b- or -p- < *-pp-, as, for example, in appaq, apaq "entirely white,1147 and
that we are not dealing with "pseudo- correctness" trying to give "literary forms" and thus

11345-. Will be discussed in the glossary.

114 M. A. Castren, Versuch etner jenisset-ostjahischen und kotti-
115schen Sprachlehre, p. 237-
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 9
causing the restitution of "literary forms" on the wrong place, as when, for example, in New
York English forms such as it boalz, bOals for it bojlz ("it boils") occur, with erroneous
reversal of the phonological development of the type "church" > SOjC, CojC, "girl" > gojl, gojl,
in New York dialect, or as NHG dialects having no voiceless affricates introduce them
incorrectly in creation of "literary forms": Sropfe pfelsen instead of "schroffe Felsen," etc. 48

FOREIGN WORDS (INCLUDING FOREIGN NAMES) AND LOAN WORDS

All foreign words, foreign names, and loan words, when adopted in the Turkic languages,
undergo more or less change in their new environment. This assimilation is much less among the
western Turkic groups which come in contact with various types of languages widely differing
from their own, than among those groups which are more limited in their contacts. This is
particularly the case among the nomads of Central Asia and in Siberia.
The Qaraqaipaq forms of foreign words and loan words are, in general, identical with those of
Qazaq. Foreign words "are written as they are pronounced by the people (qalyq avuzynda ajtyluv
bojunSa d2azylady).1149
Foreign words and loan words in Qaraqaipaq may be divided into two distinct categories: an
older group consisting of Arabic and Persian words borrowed during and after the Islamic
conquest, and 116 117

11647* See above, p. 39.

48. Cf. tike discussion of the fricatives b and p in intervocalic position in Turkmen, in my
"Bemerkungen...," Archtv Orient,, XI, 22-23.
117 Grammatlke, § 10.2, p. 15*
 10 Qaraqaipaq Grammar

reflecting the culture of the conquering people, and a more recent group of Russian loan words
and of both classical and modem European words introduced through Russian. Both types of loan
words have undergone similar radical sound changes due to the Turkic phonetic system. It is
difficult to determine summarily which stratum of foreign words is more strongly represented in
Qaraqaipaq at the present time. However, it is not difficult to predict that, due to the
progress of industrialization and likewise to the successful elimination of illiteracy, Russian
and other European loan words undoubtedly will soon become preponderant. Another important
factor is compulsory school attendance which is being universally enforced. In the schools the
interesting experiment of organizing the whole instruction according to modem science and
technique is made together with a complete change of terminology according to the western
pattern,118 with the result that many terms of European origin, chiefly Greek and Latin, are being
acquired through Russian mediation. Formerly, such terms, in so far as they existed in the lan-
guage at all, were expressed by means of Arabic or Persian terminology.
.In the following paragraphs it will be noticed that in the older stratum, that of Persian and
Arabic words, the consonantism was more strongly assimilated, whereas Russian words underwent
changes principally in respect to their vowel system.

ARABIC AND PERSIAN LOAN AND FOREIGN WORDS

£■ h, x is represented invariably by q: qat < hatt "letter,

document," qabar "news, information" < habar, asqana "restaurant" < Pers.aS-
хЯпа. Intervocal icly between palatal
vowels 2 represented by j: pejil "verb" < Ar. fi '1, tabi-
jat "nature" < Ar. tabi'at; in the word sahat < Ar. Xcl—•
sa’at "hour, watch" it is represented by h due to the influence of the preceding original a. In
union with consonants, £ ' becomes у in both non palatal and palatal surroundings: ayzalar
"members," Turkic pi. of Ar. ’a'da’, pi. of ^caz- 'udw; muyallim
"teacher < Ar. mu'allim; neymat "gift, present" (also as a
proper name), < Ar. ‘j*** ni'mat; dBemyyjet "society" < Ar.
d2am'ijat; bayzy "some, a few" < Ar. ba'«
"partly." It is assimilated to q before a following q in maqqullayan (beside the more frequent
maqullayan) "consenting, agreeing" < Ar.
ma'qul plus -la-yan; or it may disappear: malim "known" <
Ar. ma'iiim (also in TaranCi and E.T.); qade "rule," strongly
reduced < Ar. qa’ida; malttmat "knowledge" < Ar. pi.
ma'lumat. No distinction is made between £ h and i h;both become h and, occasionally, as a
result of assimilation, x: xaxyqat "truth"
< Ar. AA\O>- haqiqat. Disappearance of initial h- is found for example in esap "account"
alternating with hisab < Ar.«_/t»—<^-hisab.

118 Similar reforms have recently been instituted by Turkey and Egypt;
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 11
The following is an example of special development: gone "old" •< Pers. kuhna, which is
always used in place of (Qazaq, Ozbek)
eski. This is also found in place names: Gone-Urgenig (Ozb. Kiina- 0rgand2, the famous old city
near XiwS). The initial g- is probably not due to the influence of the (Turkmenized) dialects of
XiwS, since Turkmen has kone. In VUmbSry's Cayataj texts which are largely from XiwS, the form
kohne is found. On the other hand, in Turk en where initial g- is known, the Persian word gab
"word" is represented by kep, verbal derivative kep-le- "to speak."
c^f becomes p: pejil "verb" < Ar. Ji» fi*l, pat "accent" < Ar. fath "opening, disclusion,
entering," Sapar (masc. proper name)
< Ar. Safar, qaup, qavyp "anxiety, fear" < Ar.
hawf.
Whereas Й in foreign words is generally represented by S, the Qazaq and Qaraqalpaq change of
S > s only takes place sporadically in foreign words: qoS "good, all rig^t" < Pers. xoS,
ravig
"course, manner, form" < Pers. ravig, dugpan "enemy" <
Pers. dugman, gert "stipulation, condition" < Ar.
Sart, pege and pegge "fly, midge" < Pers. paga,5‘ but samal
"wind" < Pers. < Ar. J И gimal "north," Samrat (masc. proper name)
< Pers. plus^Ar. о §5h-Murad; whereas Qazaq duspan "enemy"
< Pers. dugman, Proben, III, 370.7; 405-15; 405-19; sert <
Ar. J?,-----' gart, Proben, III, 97, 22, 26, 27.52 52 119
The use of initial liquids is avoided, as in the majority of Turkic languages: uruqsat
"permission" < Ar. ruhsat.53 When
two consonants occur in final position, either the second is dropped or a new syllable is
developed: dos "friend < Pers. < dost,
pat "accent" < Ar. ^ fath, paqyr "pride" < Ar. fa{jr. The
addition of a vocalic suffix causes loss of vowel in the resulting new syllable: paqry, poss.
3rd person of paqyr < Ar. faftr. The second consonant may reappear when vocalic suffixes are
attached: the poss. 3rd person of dos "friend" < Pers. dost occurs both as dosu and dostu.
The use of prothetic h- is observed in Hamu-darja / Hamu-darja "the Amu river." This
prothetic h- is not a Turkic feature, since the Turkic languages originally do not possess h. It
seems to be due to an Iranian influence: the two examples of this phenomenon found in KaSyarT,
hata "father," and hana "mother," occur, according to KaSyarT, in the language of Xotan (!) and
of the K&nC&k tribe.
The vowel system. As previously mentioned, a is found only in the first syllable, or in the
second syllable when preceded by h: Amet (proper name) < Ar. «л*а'1 'Ahmad; Salmen (proper name)

52 Cf. above, p. 39, top.

119 In Polivanov's Qaraqalpaq texts I find one example in whicl
Arabic g has been preserved: Seriklesip (p. 24) < Sarik-la-g-ip "having become comrades," from
Ar. Sarik "companion."
 12 Qaraqaipaq Grammar

< Ar.
Salman; Sanem (fem. proper name) < Ar. sanam "idol";
Amine (fem. prop, n.) < Ar. 'Amina; Salime (fem. prop, n.)
< Ar. Salima; DZamlle (fem. prop, n.) < Ar. DZamTla;
ajnek "spectacles" < Ar.-Pers. 'ajnak (Pers. dimin. of Ar.
'ajn "eye" — cf. the Russian word очки oCkf with the sane procedure and meaning);
salemetlik "well-being" < Ar. salamat plus Tk. —lik; ager "if" < Pers. agar; zalel "damage,
harm" < Аг^^-и^ darar; tarep "side," < Ar. taraf; hakke
"magpie" < P e r s ' a k k a ; yalle "herd, flock" < (Pers.) galla;54 hamme "together,
simultaneously" < Pers. hama; aste — aste "slowly, gently" < Pers.^^^Ol Shasta — ahasta;
sahat "hour, watch" < Ar. A > s a ' a t ; qahar "victory, victorious annihilation" < Ar. qahr;
bahar "spring" < Pers. j
bahar, etc.; but, however, consistently mektep "school" < Ar. maktab.
Original length has been preserved in the vowels i, u, and 4:

' 53- Of. above, p. 77, mid.

54. The reasons for this treatment of galla, galle in Qaraqaipaq are not clear. The word is
either an ancient borrowing, or a borrowing from a dialect which possessed a form like yalle or
galla.
Amine, Salime, HamTde, D2amlle, BibigUl (all feminine proper names), malumat "knowledge,"
hilkumet "government," ISan "a clerical dignity" < Ar. (j UU/) ISan. Persian i/е resulted in
two short vowels in the word myjyq "nail" < Pers. mix / mex: A development from an original long
syllable to disyllable as seen in this type, is frequently found in Qazaq (see below).
In anteconsonantal position, -ih- > 1 in mlman "guest" < Pers. mihman, while both forms dixan
and dyjxan are found for "peasant" < Pers. dihqan.
Mien two or more long vowels occur, length is usually preserved only in the first vowel:
Sirin "sweet" < Pers. Sirin.
Qazaq has more examples of this feature (see below).
Examples of labialization are found in mtlmkun "possible" < Ar.
o& mumkin120 and in totu "parrot" < Pers. tiiti. The
form muqujt "ocean" < Ar. muhit likewise is due to labial
ization on an intermediary stage of development < *muqyjt with a diphthong from an original long
vowel muhit.
Qymbat "worth, value" < Ar. qimat. Due to the original
length of i, a following m is lengthened, and in its quality of a geminate dissimilation takes
place. Thus, the Sanskrit proper name Bhimasena- undergoes a similar sound change and appears in
Old Ujyur as Bimbasini.121 Concerning the physiology of that development, compare a like phonetic
procedure in Romance or Slavic in which the effect of double consonants increases the quantity
of a preceding vowel. Qazaq has qymbat, but Turkmen qymmat.

12055< Likewise Osman mUmkin and mUmkUn "id."

121 P. W. K. Muller, "Uigurica," II, p. 26.15,19; 27.20,22.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 13
The sole example of ambivalence with respect to guttural or palatal quality in Qaraqalpaq is
qale- "to wish, will” < Pers. a j^- xwah plus -la- (Ozbek xAhla-, xAla- "id"), whereas many
examples are found in Qazaq.
Qazaq in Proben, III, offers numerous examples of the earlier stratum of borrowings, the
Arabic and Persian loan words. Some of these will be selected below. Examples of the recent
stratum, the Russian loan words, are more frequent in Qaraqalpaq, whereas, owing to their
nature, Proben, III, contain almost no examples of Russian loan words.
The sound changes are characterized above are also valid, in eral, when foreign words are
borrowed into Qazaq. ' S

Velars: Buqara "the city of Bukhara" < Iran. I.& Buxara "Bukhara," 35*17: qo2a "teacher,
master" < Pers. xwSdZa*
25-56 : 26.79: qahar "news" < habar, 77.28; paraqar "corruptible"^ < JPers.
ojh para-xwar, 66.21; akiqat "truth" <
Ar. haqlqat, 236, 130; katlkar "jewel" < Pers. J> t
gawhar, 362.19; Капа "Eve" < Ar. ^ Hawa? 426.16; yigiST^eas ure (in drinking, at banquets)" <
Ar. 'iSrat, 735.356
nigmat "gift" < Ar. ni'mat, 735-357; qanayat "contentment
< Ar. qana'at, 327.13; mayraZ "ascension (of Muhammad)' to
heaven" < Ar. mi'radz, 678.43; asaiau mayalajqym —
7
nalikama salam! "Peace_be with you — and with you be the peace!"
as-salajm *alajfaun______
wa alajkum as-salamu! 323*4-5; qudaj tafala "God be exalted!" < Pers., Ar. <_> 1_лХ
xudaj ta'ala, 364.102; S&rig&t "religious law" < Ar. garl’at 15.20; 492.299; duyaj salam
"prayer for peace" < Ar. (in Pers. "izafat") _> du'a-ji
salam, 79*19»28; 80.50; dZamayat "society" < Ar. ^!>*- dZama'at, IO3.5 f
*b*; qazap "tortures,"<
Ar. c-slX* 'aSLb, 691.93; kiznfit "service, duty" < Ar. Jiidmat, 15*22; qajla "cunning,
trick, craft" < Ar. hila, 726 , 46.
Labials; c-'f > p: pajda "profit" < Ar.<»-wL* fa’ida, 42.36; kELpir "unbeliever" 80-58, and
qapyr "id." 105-7ДЗ; 104.8, both < Ar.
kafir; uapa "fidelity" < Ar. 'U? wafa, 359.82; apip "chaste" < Ar. 'afif, 726.45;
Bibi Patpa "the lady Fatima,
< Pers., Ar. jjb\jr^y^ ЪТЫ Fatima, 675*22,24; lepas "word," <
Ar. _iz»J lafz 43*4,2. v, w > b in dZubap "answer"' < Ar. dZawab, 352 ff., contrasting with
Ozbek and TaranCi dZuap "id.".
The laws of assimilation and dissimilation also affect foreign words (including foreign names):
alia "God" < Ar. aDl 'ailah, 356. 70; 359.82; 361.90; 364-98,100 is the usual form, but alda is
also found, usually in the expression alda tayala "God be exalted!" <
Ar. ■’ailah ta'ala, 75*5*1 and passim. For the phrase "in 122

122 These words have been erroneously separated in the consciousness of the speakers as a
result of lack of understanding of their special individual meaning. In Qazaq, as in the
southern QypCaq dialects of Ozbek, final -a > -au; for details, see my "Three Ozbek Texts," 188-
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 85
***** 0

the name of God!" the form bismylla < Ar. ^i-smi

ilahi, 107-5 f-h., is the usual form. In the western dialects the tendency toward
dissimilation appears to be stronger. In Ilminskij the following forms are almost universally
used: alda "God," AJJ1J b&rekeldi (cf. bara keldi, Proben, III, 325.8), < Ar.,^ Jii baraka
’ilahu "may God bless!", wulda-bilda < Ar. M 'MJ wa llaha bi-'llahi, "by God!" (solemn
asseveration).123 For "clergyman, the usual rendering is molda < Ar. mawla" 24.4.1; Muqambat
<
Ar. _A>^ Muhammad, 22.3-3: 27-108; 36.27 and passim; Ospan (pr. n.)
< Ar. 'O0man, 30.7»8; Raqpan
(pr. n.) < Ar. Rahman,
77-28; danispan "scholar" < Pers. danigmand, 25.47;
sarshmbi "Wednesday," with assimilation of the initial sound of the first syllable to that of
the second, < Pers. ллЛ^/У{/>: Cahar- gamba, 13-7; 17-1» 240.159- Final double consonants
may in addition to the development mentioned above also add aA as a supporting vowel, the same
procedure as in TaranSi and Modern Ujyur: zuima "tyranny," < Ar. Ji7 zulm, 65-22.
Special cases: TSigal "Antichrist" < Ar. Jlf-7 DaddSal, 730.197, 204; D2usup "Joseph," <
Ar. < — J u s u f , 426.40; Zekirja "Zacha- rias," < Ar. Zakarija, 427.17; dXaqyt "ruby"
< Ar.
jaqut < Gr. Mxtv9o<, 362.19; dtlsambi "Monday" < Pers. du-gamba,
678.43; serik "partner, companion" < Ar. garlk,
327.17; asyq "being in love^<Ar. 'agiq, 358.80,81; but
gttkUr "thanks," < Ar. gukr, 595.379; 607.448; tagbir
"praising God with the fommula ySI <sJM aliahu’akbar, 'God [is] the Greatest!’", with seldom
found regressive assimilation, < Ar.
^takbTr, as in Modem Ujyur;124 dXurayat (sic!) "posterity,
< Ar. Sirrijjat, 262.1 f.b.
Foreign words, including proper names, when being introduced into Qazaq (and in so far as may
be determined, also in Ozbek and Qazan- Tatar) may pass over, quite independently of the
consonant system of the original language, into the palatal as well as into the guttural series:
assaiau mayaiajqym — ttalikama sSlam (cf. above) 323. 4-5; tattr "good, suitable, agreeable,
able" < Ar. tawr "man
ner, method," interchanges with dgaqsy "good" in opposition to dgaman "bad, wicked"; klpir
80.58 with qapyr, 104.8; 105-7, "unbe-

89*
123 Ilminskij, loc. clt., p. 12.
124 Katanov-Menges, loc. clt., XI.11,12, p. 40 (1210).
 1 Qaraqaipaq Grammar <
liever"; ldldrSt "power" < Ar. qudrat, 329.16; 641.1?;
Ar.
649-1;
721.164; Daut "David," < Ar,
Jfij Dawud, 427-52, with Datlt 51.162; a?,al "hour of death" < Ar. 'adZal, 29.168 ;
725.27; Qosar "the
Source of KauSar (in paradise)» < Ar. Каиваг, 353.31; qytap
"book" < Ar. kitab, 717-130; 719-180; myqnat "toil, difficulty" < Ar.
mihnat, 718-133; quna "sin" < Pers. a U-f
gunah, 718.165- We find very few examples for co-existing guttural and palatal forms.
A number of examples best illustrating the ambivalence of foreign words in modem Qazaq
is found in the Qazaq newspaper Satsyjaidy Qazayystan, published in Aima-Ata, in an
article by D£amyaiy, entitled, "TtlrlidZe dZazylatyn bir manili sOzder turaiy (On words of
similar meaning which may be variously written)," in the issue of January 14, 1935- I have
selected the following examples from this article: bayasy/basi "its, worth, value" < Pers.
baba plus
poss. -sy; mayylmat / malimet "knowledge" < Ar. pi. * 0 \*JL*~* ma'lumat; yasyr / asir
"century" < Ar. 'asr; qadZet /
adZet, kadZet "necessity" < Ar. b>- haddZat; iiijas / Ylyjas, proper name, < Ar. ’Iljas;
madZyna / madZTne "machine" <
Russ, мажйна maSina; yadet / adet "custom" < Ar. \J- ’adat; yuryp / ilrip / quryp "habit,
custom, usages" < Ar. 'urf;
qorek / kbrek "food" < Pers. xurak; qazyr / kazir / azir
"ready, present, at once" < Ar. hadir "appearing, present,
ready"; abdan / abden / abdan "good, nice, all right" < Pers abdan; yyiym / ilim "science"
< Ar. J-C 'ilm; qaziret / aziret "Excellency" < Ar. hadrat "appearance, presence"; yalym
/
alim "scholar" < Ar. 'alim; qurmet / ttrmet "high esteem" <
Ar. kurmat; yyzzet / izzet "dignity" < Ar. 'izzat;
yumyr / qumyr / omir "life" < kv.'umr; yybrat / ibret "example" < Ar. 'ibrat; mejman /
myjman "guest" < Pers.
mihman. The author of the article 'made the extremely noteworthy remark that within these
ambivalent variants originating from one and the same word in the language from which it was
borrowed, varying shades of meaning originate which, in the course of time, express, or may
express, two or more completely different concepts. The following sentence serves as
paradigm for this phenomenon: men qazyr baram, azir tursyn! "I am going immediately, let him
(then) be ready!" Qazyr "immediately" may be replaced by kazir, but not by
 2 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

azir. Ar. hadir, which is represented by the forms

ha.z'br, х&гЪг in Ozbek and still has both the meanings "immediately" and "present,"
whereas, in Qazaq, it has already been simultaneously divided into phonetic and semantic
variants: qazyr / kazir and azir have become two different words. I have not as yet
discovered examples of similar differentiation of meaning in Proben, III. Possibly they are
of very recent date.
In Qazaq, there is a tendency to shift the length, regardless of its original position
in the word, to the first syllable, as if it preponderantly dealt, in Arabic loan material,
with words of the tyPe cJfl* fk'il, as^ adil "just" < Ar. J->U 'adil; Proben,
III, 65-17; 657-46; nasip "distributing" < Ar. nSsib,
327-IB; but: salam "peace, security" < Ar, salam, 26.82,86;
79-19,28; 107-18,19; 373-136-1; Ali, pr. n., < Ar. 'All 32,- 36-23; 37-30; pala
"disaster" < Ar. *)b bala’, 330.28; 364.102;
365-ЮЗ; askar "soldier" < A r . ' a s k a r , 372.132; Hamra,
P e r s r . n. Hamrah, 443 ff-; Sajpvil Malik, pr. n., < Ar.
Saj fu- ’ 1-Malik ("The King's Sword"), 521 ff. ;
Badi UlBomol, pr. n., < Ar. Bad!'u-’d-D2amal, 586-326;
Madina, n. pr., <Ar. MadTnaf 643-44; kalimat "talk,
speech," <■ Ar. 'iJS' 2Lif*lea lima t, kalimat, 721.263; karamat "mercy" < Ar.^jS
karamat; 721.239; abibi, Ar. poss. 1st person sg., "my friend" < habibi, 724.1; sipa
"recovery," < Ar.
Sifi, 725.17; apip "chaste," < Ar. cJwi*- 'afTf, 726.45; zTna "adultery," < Ar. zina^
729-17.4; Midi, pr. n., < Ar.^-x^# Mahdi, 730-205 ff-; sirat "path, way," < Ar.
sirat, 732.
272; plrayat "state of being unmolested," < Ar. 'faravat
735-359; Asrapyl pr. n., < Ar. ’AsrafTl, 737-413; Szrat
2li "His Sublime Highness 'All," < Ar. c - > . ‘ hadrat *АИ> 36-21, 23: 37-30;
468.135, 136, 138; Ш Talip, pr. П." < Ar.
J>\ ’Abu Talib, 37.31; azrat qo2a "the revered teacher, master," < A r . , -
P e r s . h a d r a t - i xwad2a, 48.87. Length occurring spontaneously, partly as a
result of following consonant pairs: sa2da "prostration for prayer," < Ar. + sad2da,
732
256; salda "turban" dissimilated < Pers. < Arab.„ JL—' salla* "wicker, basket," 729-142;
Мака, pr. n., < Ar. X
Макка, 649.2;
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 3

adap "education" < Ar. ’adab, 729-169; SSmarkant, pr. n., <
Iran. ^X'y***' Samarqand, 130-17, alternating with Samarqan 29.-
171;125 uada, 66.8, and iiada, "interval, space of time" < Ar. > wa'da, 325*18; 359*82,85;
invariably iiazir "vizier" < Ar. wazir, 524.17; 537*88. When more than one long syllable
occurs, only the first is^preserved in Qazaq, as in Qaraqalpaq: Sirin "sweet," < Pers.
Sirin, 735*358; kSriian "caravan" < Pers.^l^l/^
karvan, 454.57; 526.29,30; 592.364 ff. Also the reverse of this procedure may occur: nala
"lamenting, weeping," < Pers. Л nala, 733• 280; jibiij&usar "water from the source of
Kau0ar" < Pers., Ar.
ab-i Kau0ar, 733*309- Original length is lost in th§ following
apparently much used word: bekar "in vain" < Pers. Ul/ bekar, 559*192. In the following
words, original long vowels have become diphthongs: Fajsa "Jesus" < Ar. ‘Isa, 730.207.ff.;
qajla "cunning, craft" < Ar. Juu>-hila, 726.46; bejSara, 109.3; 350-44; 355*66, alternating
with bejSara, 305.6, "destitute," <
Pers. Ъё-Cara; bajyus "poor," synonym for bejSara, <
Pers. be-xoS, 54*1 f.b. .
Examples of labialization: Abu Biikiir, n. pr. < Ar. ’Abu
Bikr, 671,2,3; taiiokiil "(God) rule" < Ar. kawakkil, 591*363;
duniio "world" < Ar. dunja', 426.40 ff.; Muijgur, pr. n., 718.-
164, alternating with Muijkur, 728.125, < Ar./X'^* Munkir (the name of the other angel; Ar.
NakTr, is found in the forms Narjgir,
718.164, and Nerkir, 728.125) .
These loan words and foreign words seem to have been borrowed at different periods, as
hinted by the examples of seemingly irregular development (both with preserved original S
and the shift S > s), and by the ambivalent cases. But there is no historical basis to
support this hypothesis. Likewise, the strict distinction between loan words and foreign
words, as it exists in IE, has no place. It rather seems to me that such words originate
from different sociological spheres existing side by side. Those words which more nearly
resemble the original forms from which they are borrowed are seldom found in everyday
speech, but belong rather to the literary language — in so far as it may Ъё called such —
which even as late as Radloff's time was entirely in the custody of the mullas. These
priests very naturally embellished their speech with Arabic and

125 In QypCaq-Ozbek: Samartqan (thus, passim in the §AjbAni X&n Dhsttab, the Shjbtai-
X&n saga; cf. Ozbek el adatoj&t'bd&n d&sttalAr ЬоРЬтЪ, No. 1, edd. FAzi 'Alim (Junusov),
Samarqand, 1928.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 4

Persian words more than those of the qara siiqok, "the Black Bones" (i.e., the common
people) were able to, not only because they enjoyed another tongue, hut also, in certain
cases, for the purpose of not being understood, without further ado, hy the common people.
Moreover, a large proportion of these mullSs were Qazan-Tatars who considered that they were
teaching the "barbarous steppe people" a "better form of speech." The confusion arising in
the resulting ".elevated" written style was already remarked by Ilminskij,61 and later by
Melioranskij .62

RUSSIAN LOAN WORDS AND FOREIGN WORDS63

Sound changes occurring in words borrowed from Russian are more apparent. There the
general trend to subordinate the borrowed words to the system of Turkic sound harmony is
still stronger. The procedure seems to be as follows: In general, words whose vowels are
not preponderantly back vowels are considered "palatal," i.e., they assume both vowels and
consonants of front articulation. It should, moreover, be remembered that the guttural
consonants, as, for example, q, characteristic of Turkic, are not found in Russian, though
it possesses у in many dialects. But the place of articulation of back vowels is not so far
back in Russian as in Turkic; likewise, t, s, etc., in Russian, in combination with back
vowels, do not have the same guttural coloring as the corresponding sounds in Turkic,64
i.e., in words with vowels of back articulation. The palato-
61. Cf. his Grammar, p. 5-
62. "Краткая Грамматика...," pp. 3-4-
63. Cf. the material of Russian loan words and borrowed names in Sayaj as given in N.
Katanov's article, "Die aus dem Russischen entlehnten Premdworter des Sagai-Dialectes," in
the M6lan§es Asia- tiques, tirds du Bulletin de l'Acaddmie Imp. des Sciences de St.-
Pdtersbourg, IX, 277-99 (SPbg., 1880-88).
64. As already mentioned, almost each consonant in tne Urxon In
scriptions is represented by two signs, one for the palatal and one for the velar (guttural)
articulation of the sounds. This characteristic of Turkic sounds was taken into
consideration when it was later represented by the Arabic script, which carefully
distinguishes velar (guttural) and non-velar sounds, according to the phonetic system of
Arabic. Thus, Osman developed a rather consistent orthography, e.g.: s’lmq for salmaq "to
put, throw," £_j> trn'q for
tyrnaq "nail, claw," twlmq for dolmaq "tobe "filled," in contrast to ed^A^swmk
for sevmak "tci. love," twktmk for
takatmak "to exhaust, consume," cx*£_f-* dwnmk for donmak "to return," etc..
indifferent g and к of Russian are considered palatal also when in position before oandu
(also у in certain Russian dialects); consequently, the entire word passes into the
category of front articulation.126 The result of this phenomenon is that the majority of the
borrowings from Russian belong to the category of front, palatal, articulation. There are,
in addition, many borderline cases that are in part guttural and in part palatal.

126 For the same phenomenon in the Mongol languages, cf. B. Ja. Yladimircov, loc.
cit., § 74, p. 139 ff., with numerous examples.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 5

Examples: aliimen < ЭЛЛЮМЙНИЙ, alluminij "aluminum"; aptik < аптбКЭ, aptdka,
бензйн, benzin
"apothecary"; apatyt < апатйт, apatit, "apathite"; benzin <
"gasoline"; beton < бетбн, betdn "concrete"; hagon < вагбн, vagon "(railway) car";
bazelin < вазелЙН, vazelin "vaseline"; garSitse < горчйца, gorCica
"mustard"; graderin < градйрни, gradimi, f.pi., "graduation works (for obtaining
salt from mineral waters)"; granit < гранЙТ, granit, "granite"; dinamit <
ДИНЭМЙТ, dinamit, "dynamite"; diridXahyl < дирижабль, diri2ahl (< Fr.
diri- geahle), "airship (type Zeppelin)," also hava kemesi "airship, air- boat"; zabojSy <
заббЙДИК zabojgSik, "seal-killer"; kaalin < каолин, kaolin, "kaolin (porcelain-
earth)"; karer < карьбры, karjery, m, or f. pi. "quarry" (techn.); kislata <
КИСД0ТЙ, kislota, "sourness, acidity"; koks (alternating with kSktis) < KOKC, koks, "coke";
labaratoiyja < лаборатория, lahoratorija, "laboratory"; margen <
< марганец, margafiec, "manganese"; kali < кадий, kalij, "potassium,"
meneral < минерал miilerdl, "mineral"; oazes < оазис, oazis, "oasis"; poliis <
ПОЛЮС, polus, "pole"; endvistirje < инд/стрия, inddstrija, "industry"; a derivative
from it is endflstirjeleu, "industrialize^ tion"; ekiskvlrsije < екскурсия,
ekskdrsija, "excursion"; ekispedit- sije < экспедиция, ekspedicija, "expedition";
elektirik "electricity, current, electric power," — the Russian equivalent is эле-
ктричество, elektriCestvo, — and the Osman form is also elektrik (in popular
speech only elektirik), obviously borrowed from the French adj. dlectrique; in Qaraqalpaq,
the word has either been borrowed from Osman, or it underwent secondary reduction; ehonit
< эбонит, ebonxt, "ebonite"; ekiskabatyr < экскаватор, ekskavdtor, "excavator"; tapagrapija <
топография, topogrdfija, "topography"; mergel < Мбргель, mergel' "marl"; mekrob < МИКрбб,
"microbe"; mekraskop < микроскбп, mikroskdp, "microscope," matdr < MOTdp, motor, "motor"; mOk <
MOx, mox, "moss"; nekil < НЙККель, nikkel, "nickel"; obu§ < ОЮЩ, dvoSC,
"vegetable(s)"; akean (also muqujt, see above) < океён, okeKn "ocean"; pamik < пёрник,
pdmik, "(steam) boiler"; papyrtnik < пёпоротннк, paporotnik, "fern"; pamador < помидбр,
pomidor, "tomato"; tdala] ySpaty < [ПОЛевбЙ]шПат, polevoj Spat, "feldspat"; relse < рельсы,
relsy, [< Eng.] "rails"; samorodik
< саморбдок, samorodok, "unalloyed metal"; silitre < селитра, seli- tra,
"saltpeter"; sliida < СЛЮДё, sludd, "glimmer"; ysport (also dene Synyqtyrii "physical
exercise, gymnastics") < спорт, sport
(< Eng.) "sport"; superfasfat < суперфосфат, superfosfat, "superphosphate";
termbmetir < термометр, tfermomdtr, "thermometer"; tor- muz < тормоз,
tormdz, "brake (techn.)"; turbun < турбина, turbina, "turbine"; fantan <
фонтён, font An, "fountain"; fasfor < фосфбр, fosfdr, "phosphorus"; fasfaryt <
фосфорит, "phosphorite"; fliiger
< флюгер, fldger (< Germ. Flieger), "weathervane"; xboS < хвбщ, xvoSb,
"equisetum, shave-grass"; senk < ЦИНК, cink (cynk), "zinc"; silindir < Цилиндр,
 6 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

cylindr, "cylinder"; sement < цемент, ceifidnt, "cement"; San < ЧЭН, ban, "tub,
vat"; Siima < чумё, "pestilence" (popularly called Qorasan keseli, "the sickness of
XSrSsan," i.e.,
NE. Persia, NW. Afghanistan, and S. Turkmenistan); Sar < шар, gar, "globe" (geography,
physics)"; garik < щёрик, Sdrik, "ball (bearing"; dezenterije < дизентерия
difentferlj a, "dysentery"; Karalenko < Короленко, Korolenko (pr. n.); nezabiidke
[gfilii] < незабудки., iSeza- bddki, "forget-me-not"; selke < сбялка,
sejalka, "sowing machine"; kalxoz < колхбз, kolxoz, one of the many favorite
abbreviations, stands for коллективное хозяйство, kollektivnoje
xozijstvo, "agricultural cooperative, collective farm"; sapxoz < СОВХОЗ, sovxoz,
abbrev. for советское ХОЗЯЙСТВО, soi/Atskoje xodAjstvo, "government-
managed farm"; akadimik < акадёмик, akadKmik "member of the Academy" prafesir <
профёссор, professor, "id."; tbSke < тбчка, togka, "period (grammat.)";
samavyr < самовёр, samovar "tea-kettle," seems not the result of direct borrowing
from Russian but a borrowing through Ozbek: In the Ozbek- and T£d2Tk-speaking cities of
Tiirkistan
the following varieties of Russ, samovar are heard: s&m&ur, s&rnSr, sArnur; the Qaraqalpaq
form points to the first example; gajnek
< чайник, gajnik, "tea-pot, -kettle," may have been either a direct borrowing or it
may likewise have been borrowed through Ozbek, where three expressions are used for this
word in addition to the
Persian words C&jd&n < C a j d a h a n d 6ajdi§ (dissimilation < Caj -d2uS (_f^),
also Cajnik (and, with vowel assimilation,
cajnek) < ЧЙЙНИК, Kajnik.
It is not clear whether kartftp is a direct borrowing from Russian картофель,
kartoffel (< Germ. Kartoffel) "potato" or whether it was borrowed through Ozbek: cf. Ozb.
kartOp together with kartCISka < картбшка, kartoSka, occurring in Russian popular
speech. Arfografije (or, in translation, given as "durus d2azu qadeleri") <
орфография, пунктуация,
orfografija, "orthography"; puqkytuvatsije <
"punctuation"; kampas < компас, kompas, "compass"; garizont < горизонт,
gorizont, "horizon"; maStap < масштаб, masStdb (< Germ. Maasstab) "ruler, standard,
scale (map)"; mOlijOn, labialized < МИЛЛИбн, million, "million," miilijart <
миллиард, milliard, "billion"; minot < минута, miniita, "minute"; kflrort <
курорт (< Germ. Kurort) "a spa, health-resort," maSyn / maSTne < машйна,
maSlna (i.e., magyna), "machine," fabrtk / fabrike < фабрика, fdbrika, "factory."
The Russian accent is sometimes represented by length, a regular correspondence among the
город, gorod, "city,
Siberian Turkic languages; compare, for example, Karayas korat <
town" (Proben, IX, 618.6), salyobaj <целковый, celkdvyj, "one ruble
(coin)," (617-6 f.b.); yspyrabnyk < исправник, ispravnik, "chief of police,"
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 7

(625-8 f.b.); xylSma < хлеба, xleba (gen. part.) "bread"; xortopka < (popular
R.) картбвка, kartovka, "potato," (655» #198); in place names, such as
Kyrasnyjaryskaj < Красноярский, Krasnojarskij (-skaj, in dialects), Kanyskaj <
Канский, Kanskij (-skaj), 622, #51- In Qaraqalpaq only the vowels y, i, u,
127

fl are lengthened:, tundyra < Тундра tiindra (< Suomi tunturi) "'tundra', arctic
prairies"; leninizm < ленинизм, leninizm, "Leninism"; gazit < газёта, gazeta,
"newspaper"; fizike < фЙЗИКа, fizika, "physics"; kammiina < коммуна,
kommilna,
"Commune"; klimit <
y /
климат, kllmat, "climat"; temperatiira < темпера-
тура, temperatiira., "temperature." As is shown by the examples, this representation
ofaccent by length occurs only sporadically: satsy- jalizm < Социализм,
sociallzm, "socialism." On the other hand, an unaccented Russian i or u is frequently
represented in Qaraqalpaq by T or II: mino't < минута, minuta, "minute," fizike <
фЙзика, fizika, "physics"; leninizm < ленинизм, leninizm, "Leninism";
botanlke < ботаника, botanika, "botany," gramattke < грамматика, grammatika, "grammar"; kapitai <
капитал, kapitdl, "capital"; respiiblTke < республика, fespdblika, "republic"; i.e., the clearly
pronounced Russian vowels, even those of unstressed syllables, are represented by long
vowels since they are not so strongly reduced as are the Turkic vowels in unaccented
syllables (i.e., middle syllables), unless standing in position three or more syllables
before the accented syllable. Cf. furthermore: riida < руд&, rudst, "ore, metal"; Suma < чума,
cuma, "pestilence"; limon < ЛИМОН, limon, "lemon"; kurortler (pi.) < курбрт(ЬГ), knrdrt(y,
pi.;), "health resorts, spas"; kilametir < километр, kilorfiAtr, "kilometer"; sarTko-
potSepntk < шарикоподшипник, garikopodgipnik, "ball-bearings" (this sample is remarkable also
because of the rendering by Qaraqaipaq e of Russ, i [or у resp.] after g.
A prothetic vowel usually develops before initial consonant pairs: igkap < шкаф, gkaf,
"closet, cupboard"; ispirt < спирт, spirt, "spirits"; ysport and sport < спорт, sport, "sport";
ystanok < станбк, standk, "workbench"; but sliida < СЛИдА, sludd, "glimmer"; stansa < станция,
stdncija, "station"; slanes < сланец, slaHAc "slate"; xbog < ХВОЩ, xvogg, "shave grass,
equisetum."
Corresponding to the Russian form of writing, o, though before the accent it is
pronounced as a, appears in the Qaraqaipaq orthography: arfografije < орфография, orfografija
(arfagrafija), "orthography." The use of a (rendered by the sign of э) is not restricted to
the first syllable, as found in the Persian and Arabic foreign words, but represents Russian
a occurring in palatal128 words: kampas < КОМПАС, kompds, "compass"; iSkap < шкаф, Skaf,
"cupboard"; Karalenko < ХорОЛёНКО, Koroldnko.
Unaccented vowels occurring in final position in Russian words frequently undergo sound

127 The adjective originally refers to острог (ostrdg) "palisades, fort, prison."
128 From the point of view of Thrkic phonology, cf. above, p. 89*
 8 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

changes. The reason for this is not so much the stronger or weaker reduction of final vowels
in Russian, as the fact that such Russian words are permanently encountered in declined
form, i.e., with different final vowels; e.g., formu for форма, forma, "form (gramm.)";
tajgi for ТЙЙГЙ, tdjgd129 "Tayga (Siberian virgin forest)"; bronzy for брбнза, bronza,
"bronze"; Selsije obviously from the Russ. gen. ЦёлЬСИЯ, Cdlsija of ЦёльсиЙ, Cdlsij "Celsius"130
(cf. 6tuz gradtls Selsije suvyqiyyynda, при морозе в трйдцать
градусов Цёльсия/pri mor6£e V tridcat grddusov Cdlsija,
"at [a cold of] -30° C.").
The word канцелярия, kancel'^rija, "chancellery, (government) office" is, hy
way of popular etymology, believed to be a Turkic plural, hence the form kaijse found in
Qaraqalpaq.
Further examples relating to the consonant system. The Russian bilabial v is represented
by b: ekbatyr < экватор, экскаватор,
ekvdtor "equator"; ekiskabatyr <
ekskavator, "excavator"; paraboz < паровёз, parovoz, "locomotive" (also otarba
["fire-car"], cf. Lex.); balgebek < большевйк, bolSevik, "bolshevik"; PalTbanop <
Поливанов, Polivdnov (pr. name); xboS (!) < ХВОЩ, xvogd, "shave-grass, equise- tum";
however, the correspondence for завод, zavod, "factory" is zavut which leads us to
believe that it is an older and more strongly Turkicized loan word. The v (and w) of other
foreign words introduced through Russian is likewise represented by b: Bagiqgiton < ВАШИНГТОН,
VdSingtdn, "Washington" (the usual Russian correspondence to Anglo-Saxon w is u: УЙЛЬСОН,
Uilson, "Wilson").
Russian 2 (a sound not found in Qaraqalpaq) is represented by d2: vad2atyj <
вожатый, vo2dtyj, "leader, chief, conductor"; dydZumyj
< дежурный, de2drnyj, "watchman, watch officer"; gradZdan < гражданин, graZdanin
(pi.граждане, graZdaite) "citizen"; c is usually represented by s, although in position
after a vowel it is occasionally represented by ts: nemis < нёмец, fidtfiec, "German!1;
sentir
< центр, centr, "center, capital"; stansa < станция, staneija, "station"; sentner
< цёнтнер, centner,<Germ. Centner, Zentner, a weight of 100 pounds; Fransija <
Франция, Frdncija, "France"; Salotskij < Солоцкий, Soldckij (pr. n.);
Majatskij < Маяцкий, Majackij (pr. n.); purjkytuvatsije < пунктуация,
punktuacija, "punctuation"; kvars < Кварц, kvarc, "quatrtz"; slanes < сланец,
slaiidc, "slate"; Selsije < Цёльсия, Celsija (genit.), "Celsius," etc.
Russian § is preserved: gar < шар, gar, "ball, globe"; garik < шарик,
garik, dimin. of the preceding; gaxta < шахта, Sdxta, "pit, mine" < Genn. Schacht, but
6 and gg are always replaced by g, as has been noted above concerning the 6 in Persian
foreign words.

129 Russ, tdjgd < Sib. Turk, tajya, tajqa "id.," also found in Mong.
130 For whom the centigrade-scale of the thermometer is named.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 9

The sound f, occurring in Russian only in loan words or foreign words, except when found
as absolute final (< -v) or as the development from v before voiceless occlusives, has been
preserved in every instance — at least in the literary language — being represented by f:
fantan < фонтён, fontan, "fountain"; fasfor < фосфбр fosfor "phosphorus";
fliiger < флюгер, fluger, "weather vane," In popular speech, however, when occurring
in final position of Russian family or place names, it is replaced by -p: Palibanop <
Поливанов, Polivanov.70
The frequently occurring term for "owner, proprietor," qodzajyn (found also in Ozbek and
Turkmen), is a contaminated form of Persian xwad2a (> xod2a) "owner, lord, master" and
Russian
Х03ЙИН, xozain, "owner, proprietor," the latter being in turn an earlier borrowing from
Persian xwadza.71 Thus, this word

VO.In the case of place names, the popular forms with -p have been adopted even by the
literary language: Serpuqyp < Серпухов, Serpuxqv, Arexip-Zojup < Орёхово-
Зуево , Orexovo-Zujevo, etc.
71. T8va§ (acc. to Paasonen) xuza, хцга, "landlord." Compare also the fact, that Ar.
dzajb "pocket, bag" in Osman, Azarbajdzan,
джеб, зепь,
Qazan, etc., is found*as d2ep, d2eb, "id.," but in Russian as dzeb, and
2ej5, зеп, ДЖеб,
iep. Of these three forms d2eb has been borrowed directly from
Зеп, зепь,
Qazan or Qrym, whereas the older alternate forms, zep and zep (Miklosich,
зепъ,
Lex. Pal.-Slov.-Gr.- Lat., has зепь,герЪ and zepb, m., "saccus," found in
the__ Dtctlonartum Trilin£ue by Theodoras Polycarpi, Mosquae 1704, ami a form
з$пь, zSpb in Петр Алексеев, "Церковный Словарь,"
Sanktpeterburg, 1817-19) have gone through an intermediary stage between the Arabic and
ogy
Turkic on the one hand and Russian on the other, which in anal with the example of
xu2a / Х03ЙИН, xo2din would appear to have been Tavag (unfortunately, I have not as yet
been able to discover the word in TSva§). For the borrowing into Slavic, cf. also Miklo-
sich, "Turkische Elemente...," I. 289, Kor2, Archlv fllr Slavische Philoloile, IX,
499, and Bemeker, Slavisches Etymoloi. Vdrterbuch,
I, 242. The word has been widely borrowed: from Osman > Hungarian: zseb (»2eb), from which
it was borrowed into Slovenian as zep and into Ukrainian as жеб, zeb; it is also found in
Mordvinian: <5ej5S, AepS, ёере, 2ej5e (2e(5e < T&vas?), in Votak (Ud-Murt) d2ep, 2ep,
Zyran (Komi) dfep, iep (there appear to have been two periods of borrowing in Yo{ak and
Zyfan: 2ep as an earlier borrowing from _ lavas and d2ep as a later borrowing from Qazan
dzep[?]), Ostak sep, Vogul 3ep (these forms may have been borrowed in turn from Zyfan);_
from Ugric it was further borrowed into Samojed: Jurak seap, Ostak sep, seppa, sepa, sapak;
from Samojed into Jenisej-Osbak (Ket6):
Sym sejf, Imback seap (where Imback" borrowed i'rom durak, and Sym from Osfak-Samojed. ).
Among the Siberian Turkic languages the word is found in Qaca and in Qojbal: Qaca izap,
Qojbal izbp, izeap.
These latter forms show that their borrowing must have been from is an individual case of
double borrowing, though with a semantic nuance.
Iret "form, manner, category, time(s)" may quite conceivably represent an old loan word
from Russian. It shows the prothetic vowel before initial r-, typical of the earlier loan
words. It is found without the prothetic vowel in the form ret in the Qazaq chrestomathy by
Altynsarin (50.3; 57.11Д6) with the meaning "row, some, time(s)'" It is the Russian ряд,
fad, which does not have so comprehensive a meaning in modern Russian (only: "row,
 10 Qaraqalpaq Grammar

succession," while in older Russian it meant "order, arrangement, institution, contract,

term, time(s), justice"). It is listed in the Russo-Qazaq Lexicon under the word раз,
raz, "time(s).11 In the western Qazaq dialects the prothetic vowel is apparently considered
unnecessary; thus, in РгъЪеп, vol. Ill, the word for "posterity,11 except dXurayat <
Arab.
cSirrijjat (see above), appears in the form ru (e.g.,
Ill, 19.27; 26.74) where even an original initial vowel has disappeared ;72 but according
to" Melioranskij 73
the word is spoken with a distinctly heard initial u-.
DZayrapyja "geography" has not been borrowed from Russian география,
geografija, but owes its origin either to Persian or Osman where the word is found in the
Arabicized form diSu-
yrafija, d2oyrafija.74
The following list of geographical names appearing in Qaraqalpaq forms has been compiled
from the "D2ayrapyja": hadigi kolii, "Lake Ladoga"; OljanibiskT < УЛЬЯНОВСК, Ulianovsk; Kalumi
< Колбмна, Kolomna; Arexip-Zojup < ОрёхоВО-ЗУбЮ, Ordxovo-Zujevo;
Kabrop < Ковров, Kovrdv; Kalttg < Калуга, Kaluga; Lublin < ЛЙблино,
Lublino; Rilblibi, Рублево, Rubldvo; Kilnsebi < КУнцеВО, Kdncevo (a small
town in the neighborhood of Moscow); Maskefl < МОСКВА "Moscow"; D2avuz < Яуза, Jauza
(three syll.)-(is one to suppose a connection, by popu-

Russian, Ojrat, or from one of the West-Siberian Turkic languages because of the z and the
prothetic i-. A borrowing from Samojed or Jenisej-Ostak would not have undergone such
changes in QaCa and Qoj bal.
72. < uruy, Mong. uruy or urux "related tribe, clan; female relatives," cf. B. Ja.
Yladimircov, ObS6estvennyj Stroj Moniotov,
p. 59 ff.
73* loc. cit., p. 23-
74* Cf. Kramer s article, "Djughrafja," in the Encyklopaedte des Islam.
lar etymology, with dXavuz, Qn. dZawyz < javyz "hard, grim, angiy,
evil" with this calm, delightful little river?); LenTny < Лёнино,
tdnino; iosinoostrobiski < ЛоСИНООСТрбвская, -Losinoostrdvskaja;
MytySgy < МЫТЙЩИ, MytlSCi; Perdby < Пербю, Perdvo; Serpiiqyp <
Серпухов, Serpuxov; StalinagoriskT < Сталиногорск, Stalinogdrsk;
Razan < Рязань, fiazaii; Miirum < Муром, Murom; Byiadlmir <
Владимир, Yiadlmir; Ybaauba < Иванбво, Ivandvo; Gorki < Горький,
Gorkij;
BetlQg < Ветлуга, Орёл, Oroi; Xarkip < Харьков, Xarkov,
Vetiuga; Arol <
Минск,_ Minsk; Arqangil < Архангельск,
or Ukr. XApKiB, Xarlciw; Miniski <
Arxan^elsk; ErkutiskI < Иркутск, Irkutsk; JakutiskT < ЯКУТСК, Jakutsk; BladybastSk <
1

Владивосток, Vladivostok; Xabarubiski < Хабаровск, Xabarovsk; Enesej < i

Енисёй, Jenisdj "Yenissey-River," Op < Обь, Об "Ob-River."

Russian adjectival place names formed with the suffix of the adj. originis, masc. -CK,
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 11

-sk (rarely -СКИЙ, -skij), fem. -Скаяь -skaja, ntr. -skoje, -ское, end uniformly,
in Qaraqalpaq, in -ski.131 One may see in this the Turkic fondness for generalization in such
borrowings. This generalization is probably dependent first upon the absence of gender in
Turkic, and, second, on the unchangeable existence of the permanently recurring element -sk
in the variants -sk, -skaja, -skoje. The appearance of T in -ski is no doubt due to the need
for a supporting vowel whenever two or more consonants occur either as word finals or as
base finals before the endings of gender, as has been treated above (compare also
Калуга, Kaltiga > Kalffg, Ветлуга, fetldga > BetlUg, but Колбмна,
Koldmna > KalQmi). Length usually occurring in this final T may be the result of the
masculine ending -skij rarely occurring in place names (cf. also Gorki < Горький,
Gorkij), or it may represent a contraction of the final syllables of either the feminine -
skaja or the neuter -skoje, which likewise receive a slight reduction in Russian.132 Examples
of

13175* At the station of Asxabad, the former capital of the SSR Turkmenistan, I
noticed, the following inscription on the station signboard: , PaltaratskT
and Russian Полторацк ,
Poltorack, as Ш5new city of Asxabad was then called. Such examples are numerous throughout
Central Asia.
132 We cannot accept the theory that I has arisen from a special case form such as the
loc. sg. masc. -CK6, -sire, since these place names are likewise found in other cases and
there would be no reasons for a long vowel.-The representation of Russ, -skij by means of -
skaj in Karayas in such words (place names) as in Kyrasnyjary-
 12 Qaraqaipaq Grammar

the inaccurate correspondence in Qaraqaipaq of Russian syllables following the accent are
found in Rublibi < Rubldvo, Kflnsebi < Kun- cevo, or even iadigi < ladoga.

SANSKRIT LOAN AND FOREIGN WORDS IN OLD ШГШ

This same principle is observed in the rendering of Sanskrit masculine names into Old
Ujyur, where, as it seems, preponderantly the correspondence with the Sanskrit nominative in
-a (-as, -ah,
-o) is i or y, together with a and zero. It must be taken into consideration that Old Ujyur
probably had more intensive relationships with Indo-Iranian than has been the case with
modern Qaraqaipaq and Russian. And, in general, the same rules apply to the treatment of
foreign words or loan words in Ujyur as was stated above, p. 79 ff*, concerning the
treatment of foreign words in the modern Turkic languages — other than the western gronps:
they undergo intensive Turkization.
Listed below are occurrences in Ujyur texts showing the correspondence between Sanskrit
-a with Ujyur —i/—у:133 (from F. W. K. Miiller, "Uigurica II") Purany < Purana, 8.13;
M(a)kintrasini < Mahendrasena 21.9,17; Br(axma)dati 22.3» Brxmadati 22.5,8; 23.11,
14,l7(bis) < Brahmadatta; Arcuni < Ardzuna, 24.6; 25.23,2 f.b.; 26.4; Kilimbi < Hidimba
24.7,12; 25-16,19,24,27 ; 26.4,7Д1Д7Д8; 27,23,27; Bimbasini < Bhimasena 26.15,19; 27.20,22;
Buty < Bhuta 35Д9; 61.16; 66.31; Pisaci < PiAaca 35Д9; 67.4; Pudany < Putana 35*20; 67*5;
Katapudany < Kataputana 35*20; Apasmaiy < Apasmara 35*20; Aditi-a-karba < Iditjagarbha
36*52/37*53; Vytjadary < Vidhjadhara 53*3 f*t., 2 m.; Makisvary < Mahesvara 53, 5 ;
Varuny
< Vanina 53*1 f*b.; Maxakady < Mahakala (Mahaikala?) 53*4 f.b.; Karuty < Garuda 62.4 f.b.;
67*1 m.; Parivaracaki < Parivradzaka 62.3 m.; Narajany < Narajana 62.5 m., also Narajan,
TTYI (Sakiz
Jukmak)78 359; Matukaiy < Madhukara 63.1; Osdaraki < AuStraka 64.1
* * *

m.; Irivaty < Revata 64.2 m.; Sakuny < Sakuna 64.3 m-; Amanizi (for Amanizi) < Amanufja
66.31; Kumbanty < Kumbhanda 67.5 m.; Alambany Jlambhana 67.2 f.b.; Sitadapatiri <
Sitatapatra 70.2 m.; Asury < Asura 34.18; 39-97; 67.1 m.; also Asur TTVL 432; Intradaty <
Indra- datta TTVI. 361; Gantarwy < Gandharva TTYI. 432; Kinari < Kimnara, ibid., Maxoragi
< Mahoraga, ibid. Cf. also the dharani (magic formula) in "Uigurica II," 64. The
correspondence to Skr. ratnam "jewel" is invariably ardini. In contradistinction to the
above are: sansar < samsara, "metempsychosis," "Uigurica II," passim, arqant < arhat,

133skaj < Красноярский, Krasnojarskij, Kanyskaj < Конский, Kanskij, in

Proben, IX, 622, No. 51, instead of the present more usual forms Krasnojarsk, Kansk, is
due to the fact that they were taken from one of the Russian dialects in which the ending of
the nom. sg. masc. of the adjectives ending in -kij and -skij, has the phonetic value of -
kaj and -skaj (beside -koj, -skoj and -kyj-, -skyj of other dialects).
77* In some instances, disagreeing with P. W. K. Miiller, I transcribe, according to the
rules of vowel harmony, у instead of i, as e.g., in Buty 35*19, Pudany 35*20 where Miiller
has buti, pudani < Skr. Bhuta, Putana.
 Qaraqaipaq Grammar 13

TTVI. 209, nyrwan < nirvana "Nirvana," TTVI. 462; joga < joga "Yoga," TTVI. 417; Pratikubut
< Pratjekabuddha, TTVI. 209; Bodiswt, Bodistw, Bodisawat < Bodhisattva, passim, in all
Buddhist Ujyur texts.

78. TTVI - Tttrkische Turfantexte, in Verbindung mit Dr. A. v. Gabain und Dr. G. R.
Rachmati herausgegeben von W. Bang; VT. "Das Buddhistische Sutra SSkiz YflkmSk," SBAV XX
(Berlin, 1934), 93-102
 CONCLUSION

We have found that Qaraqalpaq has not only classificatory marks in common with Qazaq, hut the vast
majority of its determinant phonological features are identical.
In consonantism these include: 1) the same treatment of the palato-alveolars, 2) the same development
of final -y/-g to either -u(-w) or zero, 3) the disappearance of an older final -v, 4) the alternation
v: y/g, 5) the same treatment of proto-Turkic *3, 6) the sporadic occurrence of initial d- (whereas most
of the Turkic languages with the exception of the southwest group have t-), 7) usually similar
alternations of voiceless and voiced consonants,
,8) the same laws of assimilation and dissimilation, and 9) loss of 1/1 after vowel before following
consonant.
In the domain of vocalism, we find: 1) the same rules of vowel harmony, including labial harmony and
labial attraction, 2) the phenomenon of a prothetic vowel before initial e-, о-, Й-, 3) the elision of
vowels in sandhi, and 4) in general, the same treatment of loan words and foreign words.
It is, therefore, obvious that Qaraqalpaq need not be considered as a separate Turkic language, but
may be composed with Qazaq into one unit, the Qazaq-Qaraqalpaq language. As such this language occupies
the widest geographical space not only among the northwest group, but among all Turkic languages. A
possible exception, is Jakut, if we take into its territory the uninhabited Yiluj - Range and the
Oriilgan Mountains. Thus, Qazaq-Qaraqalpaq ranges from the western and northwestern slopes of the Altaj
Mountains in the east down to the Caspian depression and the lower Volga in the west, from the central
course of the ISim and Tobol rivers in the north to the lower Amu-Darja and the northern slopes of the
T'jan-San in the south. Numerically, it would be the strongest language of the northwest group,
numbering about five million speakers.
The Qazaq-Qaraqalpaq language would, consequently, comprise three major dialectological areas: 1)
East Qazaq, from the Dzungarian Gate to probably the Muyod2ar Hills, 2) West Qazaq, the dialects of the
Caspian depression, and 3) Qaraqalpaq.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 1
Returning to the historical problem, it is impossible to determine whether Qaraqalpaq
before the Mongol invasion (i.e., at the time when the Qaraqalpaq — or at least a
considerable part of them — still lived in South Russia) spoke essentially the same
language. No names or words, such as are found in the Old-Russian Chronicles, have as yet
been acknowledged as being definitely Qara- qaipaq.
A number of Turkic words which were presumably of Pafianflg origin — such as those
found in Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos1 "De Ad- ministrando Imperio" — show definite
features of the northwest group, but no names or other words have been found, so far,
which would exhibit one of the most important distinctive features of Qaraqalpaq, e.g.,
the sound shifts within the palato-alveolar group.
A careful observer of Qaraqalpaq will find (some hints are to be found in that respect in
this study) that the shift of initial j- to d2- is of rather recent date; it is very
possible that the shifts S > g, § > s are relatively recent likewise, or, in other words,
that the shifts S > S, g > s did not exist in that language at the time when at least a
great part of the tribe still lived in South Russia, just as j- had not yet shifted to
d£- at that period, i.e., that the language of the Чьрнии Клобоущ was still much
closer to common Turkic than Qaraqalpaq is today, although it definitely showed some
classificatoiy marks of the northwest group (also in the sense of SamojloviX's northwest
group). The major changes of the language must have taken place only after the Mongol
campaigns to the west and following the formation of the realm of the Golden Horde.
In other words, they could only have occurred after a more thorough amalgamation of the
different tribes who had come from the east had taken place, and who, in the course of
the first centuries after the Mongol invasion, formed the Qazaq hordes.
The thesis of a Qazaq-Qaraqalpaq language unity will furthermore be strengthened by
numerous data from morphology, syntax, and the glossary of Qazaq and Qaraqalpaq.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY134

Of a more general interest are:

I.Библиографический указатель по Каракалпакии,
йзд. АН СССР. ООПС
(совет по изючению производительных сил).
Серия каракалпакская, No. 8. (Bibliographical Index on
Qaraqalpaqistan), published by the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, Council on
Research in Productive Potentials. Qaraqalpaq Series, No. 8. 307 cols., Moscow,
1937. This Index contains nothing on linguistics, anthropology, or archeology.
II.Материалы по истории каракалпаков» Сборник.
Труды Ин-та Востоко
ведения АН СССР, No. VII. (Material on the History of the
Qaraqaipaqs), publications of the Oriental Institute of the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR, No. YII, 238 pp., Moscow, Leningrad, 1935» Cf. especially
P. P. Ivanov's article on the history of the Qaraqaipaqs.
III. Article, "К истории Каракалпаков XVIII века,"- ("On the
History
of the Qaraqaipaqs in the XVIIIth Century"), in Красный Архив, Vol.
91, pp. 225-54, Vol. 92, pp. 177-214, Moscow, 1938-39-

1. Bang, W. "Gewagte Ttlrkische ^rterklArungen," Liber Semisaecu-

laris Societatis Fenno-Uiricae, HSFOu, LXVII; Helsinki, 1933*
2. "Vom Koktiirkischen zum Osmanischen," No. 1, Abhand-
--------
lungen der Berliner Akadenie der Hissenschaften, 1917, Fhil.- Hist. Klasse No. 6;
Nos. 2-3, ibidem, 1919, No. 5; No. 4 ibidem, 1921, No, 2.
3. --------- "Beitrage zur Tttrkischen Wortforschung," Тйгйп, 1918,
pp. 289-ЗЮ, 516-40.
4. --------- "Aus tttrkischen Dialekten," Keleti Szemle, XVIII, 7-
28, Budapest, 1919.
5. ________ "Turkologische Briefe aus dem Berliner Ungarischen In-
stitut," Briefe 1-3, Hniarische Jahrbllcher, V, 41 ff., 231 ff., 392 ff.; 4
ibidem, YII, 36 ff.; 5 ibidem X, 16 ff.;

134 This bibliography does not claim completeness. As will be noticed, in- some
instances data are incomplete. This is due to the fact that these books or articles are
not accessible during the present emergency.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 1
6 ibidem, ibidem, XIV, 193 ff. Berlin 1925- 34.
XII, 90 ff.; 7
6. Tiirkische Turfan-Texte, I and II,
Bang, W,, and A. von Gabain.
Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1929; HI and IV, ibidem, 1930; V, ibidem, 1931. Abbreviated as TT I, TT II,
etc.
7. Bang, W., A, von Gabain, G. R. Rachmati. Tiirkische Turfan-Texte,
VI, Das Buddhistische Sutra Sakiz Yilkmak. Ibidem, 1934. Abbr.,
TT VI.
8. Barthold W. "12 Vorlesungen fiber die Geschichte der Tttrken Mit-
tel-Asiens," Deutsche Bearbeituni von Theodor Menzel, Berlin:
1935- 278 pP.
9._____. Отчет о поездке в Среднюю Азию с
научной целью 1893-94
гг. - Записки Имп. Академии Наук, Phil.-Hist.
Class I, 4. Sanktpeterburg: 1897*
10. Basqaq-Ulu (Baskakov), Грамматика каракалпакского
языка, (Gram
mar of the Qaraqalpaq Laniuaie). Moscow: 1933» Very brief and incomplete; about
120 small sized pages.
11. Berneker, E. Slavisches Etymologisches Wdrterbuch. I: A-L (pp.
1-760), Heidelberg: 1908-13; and supplement, М-тогь, 80 pp. Heidelberg: s.a.
12.BiSurin, Father I. 1еромонахь Varraeb Бичуринт, -
Собрание
сведений о народах обитавших в Средней Азии.
Sanktpeterburg: 1851.
13. В. А. Введение в татарское языкознание
Bogorodickij,
в связи с
другими тюркскими языками, (Introduction into
Tatar Linguistics in Connection with Other Turkic
Languages). TatGosIzdat, Kazait: 1934.
14. Brockelmann, C. "Mittelturkischer Wortschatz, nach Mahmud al-
KaSyarl's Divan Luyat at Turk," Bibliotheca Orientalis Bun- gar
ica, I. Budapest, Leipzig: 1928. 252 pp.
15. Grundriss der vergleichenden
Brugmann, K., and B. Delbrttck.
Grammatik der IndogermanlschenSprachen. Strassburg: 1897 ff.
7 vols., 2nd ed.
16. __________ Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der
indogermanischen
Sprachen. Strassburg: 1904, (reprint, 1926).
17. Castrdn, Mag. A. Grammatik der samojedischen Sprachen. Ed. by
A. Schiefner. Sanktpeterburg: 1854.
 2 Qaraqalpaq Grammar
18. Castrdn, Mag. A. Versuch elner burjat tschen Sprachlehre. Ed. by
A. Schiefner. Sanktpeterburg: 1857- 244 pp.
19. _____. Versuch einer jenissei-ostjakischen und kottischen
Sprachlehre. Ed. by A. Schiefner. Sanktpeterburg: 1858. 264
pp.
20. ______ Vom Elnfluss des Accents In der lapplUndischen Sprache.
ймп. Академия Наук, 1845» 44 pp. (MSmoires de I'Acaddmte... par
divers savants 4trangers, t. VI).
21. _____ Versuch einer koibalischen und karagassischen Sprach
lehre. Ed. by A. Schiefner..Sanktpeterburg: 1857» 210 pp.
22___________ Versuch einer tungusischen Sprachlehre. Ed. by A. Schief
ner. Sanktpeterburg: 1856. Translated into Russian by M. G. Pegkova, and edited by
Тунгусско—Русский
Je. I. Titov, as an appendix (64 pp.) to his
Словарь (Tungus-Russian Dictionary), Irkutsk: 1926, 179 PP., under the
title Основы изучения тунгусского языка ( Elements
of the Tungus Language).
23. _____. Nordische Reisen und Forschungen. Ed. by A. Schiefner.
Sanktpeterburg: 1853 If»
24. ______ Report on his travels in Siberia, in M4langes Asiatiques
de l'Acad4mie des Sciences Russe, I, pp. 16-27. Sanktpeterburg: 1852.
25. Charpentier, Jarl. "Die ethnographische Stellung der Tocharer,".
^ ZDMG, LXXI, 347-88. 1917.
26.Cernecov, V. N. Древняя приморская культура на
полуострове Ямал
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27. Dmitrijev, N. К. Грамматика Кумыкского языка (Grammar
of the
Qumyq Language). Moscow, Leningrad: 1940. 203 PP.
28. Donner, K. "Samojedische Worterverzeichnisse," MSFOu, LXIV.
Helsinki: 1932. 171 pp.
29. Dyrenkova, H. P. Грамматика Ойротского Языка (Grammar of
the
Ojrat Language). Moscow, Leningrad: 1940. 302pp.
30. The Encyclopedia of Islam. London, Leiden: 1908-36. 4 vols.
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1933»
32. ______. Oquv Kitabb (Qaraqalpaq Reader). Moscow: 1934:.
33- __________ Qaraqalpaq Ana Tiii (Grammatijke), (Qaraqalpaq Mother
Tongue) Grammar.
34. Erman-Ulu, et al. Adabijet Xrestamatjasb (Anthology from Qara- qalpaq literature).
Moscow: 1934.
35- Geiger, W., and E. Kuhn, eds. Grundriss der Iranischen Philo- logie. Strassburg:
1895-1901.
36. Gray, L. H. Foundations of Language. New York: 1939. 530 pp.
 Qaraqalpnq Grammar 3
37. Gronbech, Karl. Der TUrklsche Sprachbau, I. Kebenhavn: 1936.
182 pp.
38. Grousset, R. L'empire des steppes. Paris: 1939- 639 pp.
39. Hirt, Hermann. Bandbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre.
2nd ed. Heidelberg: 1912. 652 pp.
40. _______. Indogermanische Grammatik. Heidelberg: 1921-37.
41. Hudson, A. E. Kazak Social Structure. Yale University Publica
tions in Anthropology, XX, 1938.
42. IJjninskij. Материалы к изучению киргизского
языка (Material for
the Study of the Qazaq Language). Kazafl: 1861.
43. Jakobson, R. 0. "Principien der historischen Phonologie," Tra-
oaux du Cercle Linguistique de Prague, IV. Prague: 1931.
44. _______.. "Uber die phonologischen Sprachbunde," Travaux du Cercle
Linguistique de Prague, IV. Prague: 1931*
45. Jarring, G. Studien zu einer osttdrkischen Lautlehre. Leipzig:
Lund, 1933-
46. ______. The Uzbek Dialect of Qilich (Russian Turkestan), with
texts and glossary, Lunds Universitets Arsskrift, N. F., Avd. 1, Bd. 33) Nr. 3-
Lund: 1937. 75 PP. Cf. my review in Anthro- pos, XXXIII, 708-14. Vienna: 1938.
47« Judaxin, К. К. Узбекско-Русский Словарь (Ozbek-Russian
Dictionary). Samarqand: 1927(?)• Ca. 600 pp.
48______Некоторые фонетические особенности
карабулакского
го юра ("Some Phonological Peculiarities of the Dialect of Qara-Bulaq"), in
(’Yqdu-'d-DzumanJ. Hommage to
W. Barthold, Труды Восточного Факультета САГУ
(Publications of the Oriental Faculty of the Central Asiatic State University).
Taskent: 1927.
49- Karlgren, B. Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Paris: 1923* 436 pp.
50. _____ Grammata Serica. Museum of Far-Eastern Antiquities,
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osteuropaischen Sprachen," Archil) fttr Sla-
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vische Philologie, IX, 487 f f 6 5 3 ff •
54. Kovaievskij, St. 0. Dictionnaire Mongol-Russe-.Franqais. Kazan: 1844. 3 v°ls.
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55- Ko§ay, H. Z. Ankara Budun Bilgisi (Folklore of Ankara). Ankara:
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56. v. Knielitz-Greifenhorst, F. "Corollarien zu F. Miklosich's
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60. Laptev, I. P. Материалы по казах-киргизскому языку
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Москва, 1900. 148 pp.
61. le Coq, A. v. "Sprichworter und R&tsel aus der Gegend von
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62. McGovern, W. M. The Early Empires of Central Asia. Chapel Hill:
1939.529PP.
63. Melioranskij, P. M. Араб-филолог о турецком языке (An
Arabian
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64._____ Краткая грамматика казак-киргизокого
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Grammar of the Qazaq Language), I-II. Sanktpeterburg: 1894-97.
65-____________ and W, Bang. "La syntaxe kirghize," Le Mus&on, XXXIY-V.
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66. Menges, К. (H.) "Drei ozbekische Texte," Der Islam, XXI, 141-94.
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67. ________ "Einige Bemerkungen zur vergleichenden Grammatik des
TELrkmenischen," Archiv Orientdlnt, XI, 7-34. Prague: 1939.
 Qaraqalpaq Grammar 5
68. Menges, К. (H.), N. F. Katanov. "Volkskundliche Texte aus Ost- Tilrkistan, aus dem
Nachlass von N. Th. Katanov herausgegeben von K. Menges," Sitzunisberichte der
Preussischen Akademie der Vissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Kl. XXXII, 1171-1293-
Berlin: 1933. (Quoted as Katanov-Menges.)
69___________and Si Sakir-IshaqT. "Qazaqisch," Texte zu den Sprach-
platten des Instituts ftlr Lautforschuni an der Oniversitat Berlin, herausgegeben
von D. Westermann. Nr. 148. Berlin: 1935♦
70. v. Middendorff, A. Th. Betse in den dussersten Borden und Osten
Sibirlens, wdhrend der Jahre 1843 und 184Л, etc.
Cf. especially vol. IV. Sanktpeterburg: 1847-75-
71. Miklosich, F. "Die tflrkischen. Elemente in den sttdost- und
osteurop&ischen Sprachen, I-II, Denkschriften der Kais. Akademie der
Vissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Kl., XXXIY-XXXV. Wien: 1884-85. Reviews by KorS
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72. Muller, F. W. K. "Uigurica," Abhandlunien der Preussischen Aka
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73. ' and A. v. Gabain, "Uigurica," IY, Sitzunisberichte der
Pr. Akademie der vissenschaften. Berlin: 1931.
74. Paasonen, H. Csuvas sz6jeiyz6k (fdvaS-German-Huniarian Diction
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75. __________ "Beitrage zur finno-ugrisch-samojedischen Lautge-
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77. Polivanov, Je. D. Некоторые фонетические
особенности каракалпак
ского языка ("Some phonological peculiarities of the Qara-
qaipaq language"), in Труды Хварезмской
Экспедиции (Publications of the Xbiarazm-Expedition). Ta§kent:
1933 - 27 pp.
78. - Образцы не-иранизованных
(сингармонистических) говоров узбекского
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iranized [synharmonistic] dialects of Ozbek, I, the dialect of the City of
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1929» No. 7, pp. 5H-26. II.
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турецком праязыке
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80.Полное Собрание Русских летописей,
издаваемое ПОСТОЯННОЕ
историко-археологическою комиссией АН
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81.Poppe, N. N. Монгольский Словарь Мукаддимат ал-
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1938. 451 pp.
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* ж *

Note: After the change in the administrative division of Soviet- Turkistan into five
inter-independent federative republics, Qazaq- istan, Qyryyzistan, Ozbekistan,
Turkmenistan, and Tadjikistan, Qaraqalpaqistan has become an ASSR of Uzbekistan.