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 GENERAL HISTORY

CHRISTIAN RELIGION AND CHURCH.

VOLUME FIFTH.
 GRAL HISTORY

CHRISTIAN RELIGION AND CHURCH

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN OF

DR. AUGUSTUS NEANDER,

BY

JOSEPH TORREY,
raoFESson of mokal philosophy in ike tfrmnusxr? or tssmoni.

NEW EDITION, CAREFULLY REVISED.

"
Iam come to send fire on the earth."— JVords of our Lord.
"
And the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is.'' " But other foundation
can no man lay than that is laid, which is Christ Jesus."— St. Paul.

VOLUME FIFTH, A A\

LONDON:
HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
1851.
LONDON: PRINTED BY W* CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET.
 ( v )

DEDICATION OF THE THIRD VOLUME.

TO MY HONOURED FRIEND,
THE REVEREND JOSEPH BLANCO WHITE, OF DUBLIN,
A PRESBYTER OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
I dedicate this volume, my
dear sir, to you, in token of the
fellowship of mind and heart existing between us a fellowship
—
springing out of our common consciousness of that evangelical
truth which, fitted and designed to unite all men together in one
community, begets friendship on both sides the ocean between those
who, by the eye of the spirit, can recognise each other as kinsmen and
brethren, though they have never seen each other face to face. And
as we are united by the consciousness of that truth which for eighteen
centuries has been at work to found among all mankind a fellowship
which will destroy all separating intervals of time and space, so are
we more particularly bound together by our peculiar mode of appre-
hending that truth, resulting from the history of our lives, which,
differing as they do in other respects, resemble each other in this —
that they have run through the same opposite extremes, agitating
the times in which we live ; as well as by our common conviction
of what it is which constitutes the essence of the gospel, and of its
relation to the changing forms of human culture. Out of your
struggle with superstition and infidelity, with dogmatism and scep-
ticism, you have reached and found repose in the settled conviction
that, as in your last work you finely express it, the essence of
Christianity consists not so much in the revelation of a new specu-
lative theory or system of morality, as in the bestowment of a new
divine life fitted to penetrate and refine, from its inmost centre,
man's entire nature, with all its powers and capacities, and also to
give a new direction to all human thought and action. This divine
principle of life is one which ever retains the freshness and vigour of
youth while dogmatic systems, dependent on the changing forms of
;

culture among men, become superannuated. Humanity, as it ad-

vances in years, by this principle of the new life continually
grows
young again. From this divine life comes the consciousness which
conquers doubt, which dissipates <r*«v3aXa and *r£«<rx«7v ara which ,

overcomes all difficulties while human science ever continues to

;

be a patch-work, as it cannot
deny without contradicting itself.
VOL. v. b
vi DEDICATION OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.

To exhibit the progressive evolution and purification of this divine

lifewithin the whole compass of humanity, on the sides of thought
and of action, is precisely the task which the present work, feebly and
imperfectly as it may be done, aims to accomplish ; and because
you perceive this to be its aim and tendency, you have expressed
your agreement with it. May the Spirit of God ever keep us thus
united, that so with the greater energy we may till the last breath
of life bear witness of this Divine life which Jesus of Nazareth, the
Son of God, and Saviour of sinful mankind, has bestowed that we;

may promote, cherish, and refine it both in ourselves and in others ;

that we may contend with it and for it, against scepticism and
dogmatism, against the pride and presumption of a false philosophy,
and the arrogant idolatry of mere notions of the human understanding.
A - Meander.
Berlin, Oct. 4th, 1834.

DEDICATION OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.

TO MY BELOVED FRIEND AND COLLEAGUE,

DR. TWESTEE
When I dedicated to you a volume of this work some years ago,
my inward motive was, the consciousness of our spiritual fellowship
as Christians and theologians while at the same time the outward
;

occasion was presented in the pleasure I had of greeting you here

again, and of being able to compare our views with regard to many
points, on the spot where our ancient friendship first commenced.
And then again, when one of my dearest wishes seemed likely,
though by a painful occasion, to be fulfilled, and I was promising
myself the satisfaction of being permitted to labour with you for the
kingdom of God in a closer collegiate union, I felt desirous of dedi-
cating to you the third volume of my Church History by way of
saluting you as my colleague. I omitted to do so, because I was
unwilling to anticipate a decision of which I had not as yet been
certainly assured. Since then, you have followed the call of the Lord,
which invited you to join us ; and since then, I have experienced
and enjoyed, amid the jars and divisions of an all-separating, all-
isolating period, the rich and manifold blessing of our collegial con-
nection. First of all, then, I would thank God for this. I would
thank him, that he led you to us; for in such a time of the breaking
 DEDICATION OF THE FOURTH VOLUME. Vll

up of old foundations, in such a period of ferment, we do indeed

especially need theologians who can with calmness and composure,
with firmness and freedom, pursue right onward through the oppo-
sitions which agitate the times, that true middle course, which is
not to be found by falling in with every tendency of the good
and the evil spirit of the age, but which the pure and simple truth
of the gospel presents of itself, as the only way ultra quod citraque
—
nequit consistere rectum ; men who seek after nothing but the
simple truth, and who would let this have its sway who have re-
;

ceived from above that disposition which will not allow them to
comply with the wishes of those for whom this simple truth is not
good enough, nor to humour that sickly tendency of a false culture
and excitement which can be satisfied only with the piquant and
the striking. May God, therefore, who has bestowed this blessing
on you, preserve your health and strength to work amongst us yet
many years by your science and your life, in this spirit, for his king-
dom and may he give you to enjoy an ever increasing
; pleasure and
delight in this work. May he bless also our union, and cause us to
be a mutual help, as becomes Christian friends to be, to each other,
by strengthening each other's hands, encouraging each other's hearts,
and correcting each other's errors. May he enable us to labour to-
—
gether for one common end, even that to use the language of the
great
—
Erasmus ut Christus ille purus atque simplex inseratur men-
tibus hominum, an end to which science itself must also be subser-
vient.
Yours, with my whole heart,

Berlin, June 10th, 1836. Neander.

b2
 PREFACE TO THE THIRD AND FOURTH VOLUMES.

PREFACE TO THE THIRD VOLUME.

In presenting to the public this third volume of my Church His-
tory, I beg leave to remark that it would have given me great plea-
sure if I had found it possible to conclude in this volume my account
of the image-controversy but in considering the immense mass of
;

the materials, I have thought best to reserve the second part of this
controversy for the next succeeding period, where it chronologically
belongs. The thread of events which in this period served to pre-
pare the way for the schism betwixt the Greek and the Latin church,
I shall take up again in the genetic exposition of this controversy in
the following period.
Through the obliging assistance of my friend Dr. Petermann,
whose praiseworthy efforts have opened the way for establishing
among us a chair of Armenian literature, I have been enabled here
and there to avail myself of Armenian sources of information hitherto
unexplored.
May the indefatigable labours of this estimable man, in a field
which promises so rich a harvest, meet with the acknowledgment
.and the patronage they so eminently deserve.

Berlin, Oct. tih, 1834.

A N
- -

PREFACE TO THE FOURTH VOLUME.

God be thanked, that he has enabled me to complete this new and
important section of the present work, and to approach the flourish-
ing period of the middle ages.
I cannot forbear expressing my hearty acknowledgments to Coun-
cillor Eeuss of Gottingen, and to Mr. Kopitar,
keeper of the Im-
perial library in Vienna, for the kind assistance they have rendered
me on several points of literary inquiry. Mr. Kopitar has shown
the distinguished kindness of sending me from his private library
the Greek work mentioned in the course of my narrative, with
the request that, after having made such use of it as I needed for
myself, I should place it in the royal library of this city for the use
of other inquirers.
I must also express my obligations to Dr. Petermann for the ex-
tracts with which he has furnished me from books published only in
the Armenian language.

Berlin, June 10th, 1836.

Neander.
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V.

THIRD PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

FROM THE ROMAN BISHOP GREGORY THE GREAT
TO THE DEATH OF THE EMPEROR CHARLEMAGNE OR FROM ;

A.D. 590 TO A.D. 814.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, p. 1—4.

Page
POWER AND INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THIS PERIOD
AS COMPARED WITH THE FORMER PERIODS. CORRUPTING
ELEMENTS OF CHURCH-TRADITION. REACTION AGAINST
THEM. SOURCE OF THESE CORRUPTING ELEMENTS. EX-
TENT TO WHICH THE OLD TESTAMENT NOTIONS OF
CHRISTIANITY TENDED TO PROMOTE ITS PROGRESS . 1—3

SECTION FIRST.
RELATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH TO THE WORLD.
ITS EXTENSION AND LIMITATION, 4 145. —
1. In Europe, 4 — 115.
Means for the diffusion of Christianity 4 —5
Burgundians, their Arianism. Activity of the Avians (note).
Avitus of Vienne. Gundohad. Disputation (499). Bur-
gundians embrace the Nicene creed in the time of Sieges-
mund (517) 4—5
Franks. Conversion of Clovis (496), how prepared. Its influ-
ence. Ampulla Bemensis. Foreign admixtures in the
Frank church. Childebert's law against idolatry (554).
Regeneration of the Frank church by means of Britain and
Ireland 6—12
Ireland, abounds in monasteries, insula sanctorum, study of the
Bible, mission-schools. Abbot Comgal founds Bangor.
Nynyas among the southern, Columba among the Northern
Picts (565). Monastery on the island of Hy or St. Iona.
St. Columba 12
X CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Page
British church.Corruption in it (Gildas). Britons call in the
Anglo-Saxons. Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy. Gregory the
Great. Ethelbert king of Kent, his Christian wife Bertha.
Abbot Augustin sent by Gregory to the Anglo-Saxons
(59G). His reception by Ethelbert. Settles down in Can-

terbury. Apparent miracles. Ethelbert's baptism and

conduct after it. Gregory's principles touching conversion
(note). Augustin ordained bishop by Etherich of Aries.
Lawrence and Peter Rome.
sent to Gregory's prudent
advice to Augustin. sends abbot Mellitus with monks
He
to England. Augustin made archbishop Diversity of
ecclesiastical usages in Gaul and in the Romish church.
Gregory's view of it. Gregory on idol-temples and festi-
vals determines to make London and York seats of arch-
;

bishoprics. Sabereth of East Saxony. Mellitus archbishop

of London. Gregory's view of his power in the Western
church. Augustin's attempt to extend his primacy over the
ancient British abbot Deynoch of Bangor. Conference be-
tween Augustin and British bishops. Natural hatred of
Britons and Anglo-Saxons. Augustin's death (605), his
successor Lawrence. Ethelbert's death (616). His son Ead-
bald an idolator. Suppression of Christianity in Essex.
Bishop Mellitus driven away. Vision of Lawrence. Eadbald
converted and baptized —
12 25
Northumberland. Edwin and Ethelberga. Paulinus bishop
of York. Assembly of nobles, convened to deliberate on
the affairs of religion, decides in favour of Christianity.
Edwin dies (633) Oswald restorer of the kingdom and
;

the church; Aidan of St. lona. Oswald's death (642);

respect paid to his memory. Spread of Christianity
through all the provinces of the Heptarchy. Sussex.
Wilfrid of York 25—30
Difference in the ecclesiastical institutions of the Britannico-
Scottish and of the Romish church. Bede on the Scottish
missionaries. Contrariety of usage in the celebration of
Easter under bishop Aidan. Triumph of the constitution
of the Romish church. Synodus Pharensis (664). The
Scottish bishop Colemann and the presbyter Wilfrid.
Theodore of Canterbury and the abbot Hadrian. Council
at Hertford (673)
^
. 30—33
Germany. Seeds of Christianity scattered there at an earlier
period.
—
Severinus his descent (note) and place of resi-
—
dence his activity and influence. Labours of pious
Eremites. Goar. Wulflach. Great activity of the Irish
missionaries. Monkish colonies. Abbot Columban's la-
bours in the Frank empire. Anegrey. Luxeuil. Fon-
taine. Columban's rule — —
his trials his opinion touching
the of ecclesiastical usages.
diversities Banished by
Brunehault and Thierri II. from the Burgundian do-
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XI
Page
minions — his wanderings. Willimar. Gallus. Columbanin
Italy
— his conduct towards the Romish church. Labours
and death of Gallus (640). Magnoald. Fridolin. Thrud-
pert. Kyllena (Cilian) 33—51
Bavaria. Eustasius and Agil. False doctrines of Photinus
and Bonosus among the Waraskians, Bavarians, and Bur-
gundians. Emeran. Rudbert (Rupert). Corbinian . 51 — 54
Frieslanders their territory.
; Amandus (ex. 679). Eligius
(ex. 629). Livin (ex. 656). Englishmen receive their
education in Irish monasteries. Egbert. Wigbert. Wil-
librord. The brothers Heuwald. Svidbert among the
Boruchtuarians. Pipin of Heristal. Willibrord, arch-
bishop of Wilteburg (Utrecht). Wulfram of Sens.
Radbad (ex. 719). Willibrord in Denmark and Heligo-
land (ex. 739). Wursing Ado. Charles M
artel. Cir-
cumstances favourable to the missionaries in Germany . 54 — 62
Boniface (Winfrid, 680 —
755), father of the German church
— —
and civilization his birth and education first journey to
Friesland (715), Utrecht and Rome (718). Gregory II.—
his residence in Thuringia and Utrecht (719) —
his second
journey to Thuringia and Hessia (722). Boniface in
—
Rome (723) his confession of faith, ordination, and
oath. Important consequences of this oath to the Ger-
man church. Boniface, as compared with the mission-
aries from Ireland. Boniface in Hessia and Thuringia —
his mode of labouring and its success. The oak of
Geismar. Boniface makes provision for the religious
instruction of the people. Advice of Daniel of Worcester
on this subject. Boniface's sermons and biblical studies.
Attention bestowed by him on spiritual culture. Oppo-
nents of Boniface. Boniface in Rome (739) and Bavaria.
Bishoprics in that country. Death of Charles Martel
(741). Charlemagne and Pipin. New bishoprics (742).
Institution of provincial synods. Errorists. Adelbert
Desiderius, mentioned by Gregory of Tours (note). Boni-
face's report about him. Respect paid to Adelbert his —
followers. Adelbert's arrest. Clement opposed to the
—
authority of the church-fathers and councils in favour
of the marriage of bishops and opposed to the customary
hindrances to marriage. Boniface on hindrances to mar-
riage arising from the relations of god-parents and god-
children. Clement's view of the descensus and of the
doctrine of predestination. Just conduct of pope Zacharias
towards Adelbert and Clement (747). Ultimate fortunes
of these men. Controversy of Boniface with Virgilius —
with Samon. Frankness of Boniface towards pope Zacha-
rias with regard to abuses existing in the Romish church.
Efforts of Boniface to establish a fixed ecclesiastical orga-
nization. Boniface nominated archbishop (732) wishes —
Xll CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Page
to have Cologne for his metropolis. Gerold and Gewil-
lieb of Mentz. Mentz made an archbishopric. Wish of
Boniface to confer the archiepiscopal dignity on his
disciple Lull. Decision of the pope. Pipin anointed
king by Boniface (752). Solicitude shown by Boniface
for the English church. Synod for reform at Cloveshove
(747). Lull consecratted bishop. Letter of Boniface to
—
Fulrad his controversy with Hildegar bishop of Co-
logne.
—
Boniface in Friesland (755) his martyrdom
(5th June, 755) 62— 99
Disciples of Boniface. Gregory in Friesland— abbot of a
—
monastery in Utrecht his death (781). Abbot Sturm,
founder of the monastery of Hersfeld (736) and Fulda
— —
(744) his residence in Italy his labours and death
(779) 99—103
Saxony, resistance to Christianity there, increased by the ill-
chosen means for converting the people. Prudent coun-
sels of abbot Alcuin. Peace of Selz (804). Forced
conversion of individuals. Severe laws. Liudger, la-
bours in Friesland, on Heligoland, in the territory
—
around Munster is made bishop (ex. 809). Willehad
—
among the Frieslauders and Saxons in the province of
— —
Wigmodia (Bremen) in Rome Afternach. Willehad,
first bishop of Bremen (787 ex. 789) 104—113
Avares (Huns), their prince Tudun baptized. Archbishop
Arno of Salsburg. Alcuin's advice to the emperor Charles
and to Arno. Success of the mission. Hamburg . . 113 115 —

2. In Asia and Africa, 1 15 — 122.

Limitation of the Christian church, by Chosru-Parviz of
—
Persia his subjugation by Heraclius 115 — 116
Mohammedanism. First appearance of Mohammed. Condi-
tion of the Arabians. Mohammed's religious tone of
mind. Character of his religion. One-sided view of the
idea of God. Fanaticism. Absence of the ethical element.
God worshipped by external works. Original state of
man. Gnostic elements. Absence of the need of a
redemption. Mohammed's original design his oppo-—
sition to idolatry — at
a later period opposed to the Jews
and the Christians. He wished to be regarded as the
restorer of pure Theism, and to contend against the
corruptions of earlier revelations. Opposition of the
principles of Mohammed to the essence of Christianity.
Relation of Mohammedanism to Judaism. Defence of
Christianity by the church-teachers, particularly in rela-
tion to the doctrines of free-will and of the deity of Christ.
Causes which promoted Mohammedanism. Monophy-
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. Xlll

Page
sitism of the Copts. Melchites (note). Oppressions suf-
fered by the Christians from the Mohammedans . . . 116 — 122
Nestorians. Timotheus, their patriarch in Syria from 778 to
820. Missionaries to India and China. Cardag and
Jabdallaha. Inscription relating to the labours of the
Nestorian priest Olopuen in China. Christian kingdom in
Nubia standing under the Coptic patriarchs .... 122—124-

SECTION SECOND.
HISTORY OF THE CHURCH CONSTITUTION, 125— 1G8.

1. Relation of the Church to the State.

Appointment to church
offices. Interest of the church to
secure herself against the influence of the secular power.
Resistance of the French monarchs. King Chilperic's
doctrine of the Trinity (note). Belief in a visible The-
ocracy. Influence of the French monarchs in the nomi-
nation of bishops. Disregard of the ecclesiastical laws
touching the i?iterstitia. Bishoprics made presents of,
and sold. Laws against interference with ecclesiastical
elections. Deposition of Emeritus, bishop of Xaintes, and
its consequences. Pains taken by Gregory the Great to
remove abuses in the bestowment of benefices. Fifth
synod at Paris (615) decrees free ecclesiastical elections
— —
confirmed by Clotaire II. Boniface. Restoration of
free ecclesiastical elections by Charlemagne. Influence
of the English and Spanish monarchs on the bestowment
of benefices 125—130
Ecclesiastical legislation. Assembling of the synods with the
concurrence of the monarchs. Synods gradually fall out
of use. Complaints of Gregory the Great and of Boniface
on this subject. Diets pass ecclesiastical as well as civil
laws. Influence of the bishops on civil legislation. In
Spain, synods uphold the royal prerogative and exercise
great influence over the State. Charlemagne's determina-
tion with regard to general assemblies —
130 133
Exemption of the church from State burdens. Service in war.
Quarrel of the emperor Mauritius with Gregory the Great.
—
Bondmen admitted as ecclesiastics reason of this. Ordi-
nances against the abuse of this. Influence of Christianity
in abolishing slavery. Judgments of the church-fathers
—
concerning this institution Abbot Isidore of Pelusium
—
—
Johannes Eleemosynarius patriarch of Alexandria Plato
XIV CONTENTS OF VOL. V.

— Theodorus Studita— Gregory the Great. The church

Page

protects slaves. Redemption and manumission of slaves

regarded as a good work 133 — 139
Possessions of the Church —
Tithes (note). Superstition contri-
butes to their increase. Insecurity of her landed posses-
sions. Church-bailiffs. Advocati. Vicedomini (note).
Taxes on church property. Army-ban (Heerbann). Par-
ticipation of bishops and abbots in war. Ordinances of
Charlemagne on this subject 139 — 140
—
Administration ofjustice influence of the church on it. Judg-
ments of the church respecting suicide (note). Alcuin
opposed to the punishment of death. Intercessions of the
clergy for transgressors. Eparchius (note). Asylums
—
of the churches little regard paid to them. Cramnus
Ordinances relating to the treatment of persons
(note).
—
condemned to death in asylums relating to the care of
prisoners. Ordinances relating to the influence of the
church in Spain. Benefits and evils resulting from the
great influence of the bishops. Complaints of Alcuin with
regard to the clergy (note) .... 141 — 145
2. Internal Organization of the Church, 14G — 184.
Increasing consideration of the monks. Tonsure among the
clergy (note). Formation of societies of ecclesiastics after
the pattern of monkish fraternities. Chrodegang of Metz,
founder of the canonical life of the clergy. Hora; cano-
nical Capitula. Confirmation of the Rule of Chrode-
gang at Aix (816). Advantageous influence of this
institution. Church-visitations. Sends in the Frank
church. Abuses hurtful to the diocesan connection. Or-
dinationes absolute. Court. Clergy. Castle-priests.
Ordinances for the maintenance of parochial worship.
—
Rights of patronage, founded by Justinian augmenta-
tion and abuse —
laws against them. Capitula ruralia
among archi-presbyters. Great authority of arch-deacons.
Metropolitan constitution. Disinclination of the Frank
bishops to it 146—153
Papacy. Important bearing of its completion on the church
theocratical system. Gregory I. the Great. His mani-
fold activity. His conduct towards monarchs (note).
His zeal for the honour of the Romish church, and habit
of declining all honours shown to himself personally.
His conduct towards Natalis, bishop of Salona. His re-
—
cognition of the equal rank of all bishops refuses to be
called Papa universalis. His quarrel with the patriarch
Johannes nwnmrm of Constantinople. Relation of the
popes to the East-Roman emperors to the Longobards.
;
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XV
Page
Transition of Theodelinda queen of the Longobards to the
catholic church (587). Relation of the popes to the
Spanish church. Reckared king of the Visigoths comes
over to the catholic church (589). Leander of Seville.
Gregory the Great exercises his supreme judicial autho-
rity in Spain. Queen Witiza forbids appeals to Rome
(701). Dependence of the English on the Romish church.
Pilgrimages. Relation of the Romish to the Frank
church. Example of an acknowledged decision of pope
John III. (note). Gregory the Great. Boniface. Pal-
lium (note). Influence of the papal approbation on the
anointing of Pipin. Aid furnished to pope Stephen II.
by Pipin against the Longobards. Pipin adds the ter-
ritory taken from the Longobards (755), to the patrimo-
nium Petri. Charlemagne founds the Frank kingdom in
Italy. His coronation as emperor by pope Leo 111. (800).
Declarations of the popes concerning their power Ha- ;

drian I. (note). Stephen II. demands the right of confir-

mation in the case of princely and royal marriages. Al-
cuin's view of the spiritual power of the papacy. Attempts
made to create a feud between the emperor Charles and
the popes. His disposition towards them. Landed pro-
perty of the church. Forged deeds of gift by Constantine
the Great. Missi. Synods at Rome touching the case of
pope Leo III. the bishops decline to pass judgment on
;

the pope 154—168

SECTION THIRD.
CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CHRISTIAN WORSHIP, 169 — 193.
Christianity acquires true influence only by degrees. Foot-
holds for superstition. Deficiency of continued and pro-
gressive religious instruction. Synod of Cloveshove on
this subject. Determinations touching preaching in the
Rule of Chrodegang. Charlemagne Alcuin, on this sub-
;

ject. Alcuin on the study of the Scriptures. Decrees of

councils on the subject of preaching. Theodulf of Orleans
active in promoting the cause of religious instruction.
Great want of able clergymen. Homiliaria. The Homi-
liarum compiled by Paul the deacon with a preface of
Charlemagne. The Latin, the liturgical language 169
. .
— 177
Superstition.Seeking oracles in the sacred Scriptures. Sortes
sanctorum. Ordinances against these practices. Judg-
ments of God. Introduction of them into the Burgun-
dian code by Gundobad. Avitus of Vienne opposed to
them. Charlemagne approves them. Justification sought
XVI CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Fage
from external works. Charlemagne opposed to this :

Theodulf of Orleans. Worship of Saints. Determination

of this in the church system of faith. Pagan element in
it.
Gregory of Tours concerning Martin of Tours.
Frauds practised with relics: Unworthy persons exalted
to the rank of saints 177 — 184
Festivals. Presentation of Christ in the Greek church. Pu-
rificatio Mariaj in the Western church. Assumptio
Marise. Festival of Christ's circumcision. Festival of
St. Michael. Dies natalis apostolorum Petri et Pauli.
Nativity of John the Baptist. Natales of Sts. Andrew,
Remigius, and Martin. Festival of All Saints. Alcuin
on this subject 184 — 185
Lord's Supper. Idea of sacrifice in it. Gregory the Great.
Magical effects of the eucharist. Ignis purgatorius. Masses
for the dead. Missae privatae. Voices against these . 186 — 188
Church-discipline. Private exercises of penance. Absolution
given without permission to commune. Libelli pceniten-
tiales. Directions for the administration of church pe-
nance. Pecuniary mulcts. Compositiones. Origin of in-
dulgence. Mischiefs growing out of it. Synodal declara-
•
tion touching the giving ofalms and other external works,
touching the divine forgiveness of sin and priestly absolu-
tion. Theodulf of Orleans, Halitgar of Cambray on
these points. More rigid forms of penance .... 188 — 193

SECTION FOURTH.
HTSTORY OF CHRISTIANITY APPREHENDED AND DEVELOPED AS A
SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES, 194 372. —
1. In the Latin Church, 194—223.

Gregory the Circumstances of his life. Improves

Great.
the psalmody and liturgy of the church: a zealous
preacher his Regula pastoralis. Influence of Augustin
;

on him. His doctrine of predestination. Practical ap-

plication of it. Uncertainty respecting salvation. Inju-
rious consequences of this doctrine. Opposition of the
purely Christian and sensuous catholic elements. His
views of miracles of prayer. His mode of treating ethics.
;

His Moralia. His views of love the cardinal virtues.

;

Opposed to mere opus opera turn. His views of the new

creation. Of mock-humility and truthfulness. His views
of the relation of ratio to fides. Of the study of profane
literature. The commentary on the two books of Kings
ascribed to him on this pcint (note) 194 — 209
Decline of ancient culture. Libraries. Cassiodore (note) . 208
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XV11
Page
Isidore of Hispalis. His writings. His models. His in-
fluence 209
Theological culture
in Ireland. Archbishop Theodore of
Canterbury. Abbot Hadrian (Adrian). Their laudable
efforts in founding schools. The venerable Bede (a.d.
—
673 735). Egbert, archbishop of York. Elhert, master
of the school at York. Alcuin (a.d. 735—804). Events
of his life. Charlemagne's zeal for the advancement of
the sciences. Alcuin master of the Scola Palatina. His
intimate relations with Charlemagne
— he improves the
—
Latin version of the Bible becomes teacher to the abbey
of St. Martin of Tours— his end . . . . . . . 209— 215
Dogmatical oppositions of this age. In
the Carolingian period
the application of traditional dogmas prevailed over new
the doctrines of faith. Renewal
investigations concerning
of the opposition between the Antiochian and the Alexan-
drian schools in Spain. Elipandus, archbishop of Toledo.
His personal character. His controversies with the error-
ist Migetius (note). Felix of Urgellis, probably the
author of Adoptianism. Resemblance of the mode of de-
velopment of his dogmatical views with that of Theodore
of Mopsuestia. Whether Felix was instigated by the
writings of Theodore ? Possibility of the spread of these
writings in Spain. Felix defends Christianity against
Mohammedanism. Combats the confounding together of
the predicates of the two natures in Christ. In what
sense Christ is called Son of God and God. The antithe-
sis between natura, genere and voluntate, beneplacito.
Antithesis between a Alius genere et natura, and a Alius
adoptione. Idea of adoption. His appeal to Scripture.
Hypothesis of the d,vrift<0i<rrx<ri; ruv ovoy-a-Tcov (note). Com-
parison of the union between God and Christ with the
adoption of men by grace. Felix opposed to the designa-
tion of Mary as the mother of God. Connection of bap-
tism with the spiritalis generatio per adoptionem. Pro-
gressive steps of the revelation of God in the humanity of
Christ. Agnoetism
—
215 225
Opponents of Adoptianism. Etherius of Othma. Beatus. Vio-
lence of the dispute. Conduct of Elipandus. Spread of
the Controversy to France. Character of Felix of Ur-
Condemnation of Adoptianism at Regensburg
gellis.
(a. d. 792).
—
Felix in Rome his recantation. Felix in
Spain. Letter to the Spanish bishops. Council at Frank-
fort (a.d. 794). Alcuin. Felix defends Adoptianism
against Alcuin. His more liberal views concerning the
church. Letter of Elipandus to Alcuin. Elipandus on
the Romish church (note). Pope Adrian on the apostol.
Decret. Act 15 (note). Proposal of Alcuin for the re-
futation of Felix. Abbot Benedict of Aniana, archbishop
Leidrad of Lyons and bishop Nefrid of Narbonne are sent
XV111 CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Page
to south- France for the purpose of suppressing Adoptian-
ism. Their meeting with Felix of Urgellis. Felix be-
fore the
synod at Aix (a.d. 799) declares himself con-
vinced— committed
is to the oversight of Leidrad of Lyons.
Felix (ex. 816) retains his opinions. His avowal re-
specting Agnoetism 225 — 233
2. In the Greek Church, 233—335.

State of learninq. Free mental development placed under

check. Collections of the scriptural expositions of the
older church-teachers, catenas, <ruouL Predominant dia-
lectical tendency. John of Damascus. A dialectico-
mystical tendency fostered by Monachism. Spurious
—
writings of Dionysius the Areopagite first used (a.d.
533) by the Severianians. Presbyter Theodore defends
their genuineness. Influence of these writings. Distinc-
tion of a Szokoyict xttrutpuriKri and cl<TO<poc.rixn .... 233 — 237
Maximus, representative of the dialectico-contemplative ten-
dency. Character of his writings. On servitude. End
of creation. End of redemption. Continuous incarnation
of the Logos in the faithful. Natural ability and grace.
This belonging together of the divine and human in the
faithful, compared with the two natures in Christ. Pro-
gressive evolution of divine revelations.
—
Faith faith
compared with the kingdom of God. Love. Union of
the theoretical and the practical. Prayer. Everlasting
life and earthly existence. Restoration 237 — 242
Monotheletic controversies. Internal and external causes of
them. Emperor Heraclius proposes a formulary of union.
Cyrus, bishop of Phasis, after 630, patriarch of Alexandria,
hesitates about adopting the formulary of union. Judg-
ment of Sergius patriarch of Constantinople respecting it.
Covenant of Cyrus with the Egyptian Monophysites. .

Sophronius, opposes the covenant. Sergius endeavours to

suppress the dispute. His inclination to Monotheletism.
Sophronius, after 634, patriarch of Jerusalem. Honorius
of Rome declares in favour of Monotheletism, without
wishing for ecclesiastical determinations his judgment
;

respecting the controversy. Circular letter of Sophro-

expressing Dyotheletism. Edict of Heraclius:
nius,
fn$ rtltrnus (a.d. 638) favouring Monotheletism
'ixfatris
—
confirmed by a avvolos Ivhr^oZirci at Constantinople. Maxi-
mus, head of the Dyotheletian party. Theodore, bishop
of Pharan, head of the Monotheletian party. Dogmatical
interest of the latter. Positions maintained by Maximus
against him. Approximation of Monotheletism to Doce-
tism (note). The Monotheletians hold to an absorption
of the human will in the divine. Maximus against this.
Difference of interpretation of the older church-teachers. 242 — 254
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XIX
Page
Dyotholetism, predominant in Rome and Africa. Maximns
active as a writer. Gregorius, governor in Africa. Pyr-
rhus, patriarch of Constantinople resigns his office (a.d.
—
642) disputes with Maximus —
passes over for a time to
the Dyotheletians. Edict of the emperor Const ans two? :

rn; vimus (648). Paulus, patriarch of Constantinople.

Contents of the tuvos. Issue of it 254—256
Martin I., pope, zealous Dyotheletist. Assembles (a.d. 648)
the general Lateran council. This condemns Monothe-
letism and the edict. Olympius, Exarch of Ravenna.
Calliopas his successor (a.d. 653). Martin considered a
state criminal. Defends himself. Political charges laid
against him. Conduct of Calliopas. Martin deposed,
— —
taken prisoner suffers with submission is tried at Con-
—
stantinople—banished to Chersonesus dies, forsaken by
his friends 256 — 264
Maximus taken prisoner with Anastasius. Political charges-
At first treated with lenity. Attempts to induce Maximus
to yield. New formulary of union. Eugenius, bishop of
Rome. Banishment of Maximus. His death occasioned
by cruel treatment 264 — 266
Opposition of the Romish and Greek Churches. Eugenius and
Vitalian of Rome. Breaking out of the opposition from
the time of Adeodatus of Rome (a.d. 677). Theodore,
patriarch of Constantinople Macarius, patriarch of An-
;

tioch. Emperor Constantine Pogonatus. His letter to

Domnusof Rome (678) 266—267
Sixth general council, the third at Constantinople the first
Trullan. Vagueness of the language of the older church
teachers on the disputed points. Two letters of bishop
Agatho of Rome to the council expressing Dyotheletism.
Georgius, patriarch of Constantinople, declares himself
convinced by them. Macarius adheres to Monotheletism.
Polychronius. Establishment of Dyotheletism in a creed. The
Monotheletian patriarchs of Constantinople and Honorius
of Rome anathematized 267 — 270
Second Trullan council (cone, quini-sextum) under Justinian
II 270
Brief rule of Monotheletism by means of the emperor Philip-
picus. John, patriarch of Constantinople. Synod at
Constantinople draw up a symbol for Monotheletism.
Insurrection in Italy 270 — 272
Victory of Dyotheletism by means of the emperor Anastasius
II. Change of opinions by the patriarch John his—letter
to Constantine of Rome. John of Damascus propagates
the disputes against Monotheletism 272
Monotheletism of the Maronites 272
Controversies respecting image-worship —
general participation
in them. Theodorus Studita on the difference between these
and earlier disputes. History of the mode of thinking and
XX CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Pa= e
acting in relation to this matter. Gregory the Great on
image-worship— his affair with Serenus of Marseilles.
Zeal for image-worship among the later popes. Supersti-
'
Greek church. Axi^oToiYtra.
tious worship of images in the
Eeaction against this proceeding, especially from secular
power. Mischiefs of this 273 —279
Emperor Leo the Isaurian. Forcible measures against Jews
and Montanists —result of these. Individual bishops by
means of study led to oppose image-worhip. Constantine
of Nacolia. Motives and proceedings of Leo. Germanus,
patriarch of Constantinople, friend of image-worship.
Ordinance of Leo (ad. 726) against signs of a supersti-
tious worship of images. Interview between Leo and
Germanus. Reasons of Germanus in favour of image-
worship. Individual bishops act against images. Dis-
turbances among the people. Constantine at Nacolia
treats with Germanus at Constantinople. Thomas of
Claudiopolis operates against image-worship. Letter of
Germanus to him. Excitement produced by this attack
—
on image-worship. John of Damascus his education
(note)
—combats the tales of dragons and fairies (note) —
writes a discourse in defence of image-worship. Insur-
rection in the Cyclades island under Stephen. Prohibition
of all religious images (730). Germanus resigns his
office. Anastasius his successor. The recusant bishops
deposed. Second and third discourses of John in defence
of images. Dissolution of church-fellowship between the
two parties. Letter of Gregory II. to the emperor. Dif-
ficulty of carrying the edict into full effect. Abolition of
the most important images. Disturbances attending it
—
The image Xpia-ros o dvTfQavvrw; (note) T£otrx.vvn<rii to the
cross 279—295
Emperor Constantine Copronymus Insurrection of
(a.d. 741).
Artabasdus. Restoration of image- worship. Constantine
becomes (a.d. 744) once more master of the empire.
General council (a.d. 754) at Constantinople. Theodosius
of Ephesus. Abolition of images of Christ, the Virgin
Mary, and the saints. Causes of this. Decrees against
images of every sort against the art of painting ; against
;

arbitrary use of church utensils. Confession of faith.

Polemical attack of images in the doctrines concerning
the person of Christ. Opposite modes of view which
prevailed among the image-worshippers and the icono-
clasts. Anathemas pronounced on such as made images
—
of Christ and of the saints on such as did not wor-
ship Mary and the saints. Accusations brought against
the iconoclasts, that they injured the worship of Mary and
of the saints. Reports concerning the emperor Constan-
tine on this matter. Constantine of Syleum becomes
patriarch of Constantinople. Execution of the decrees of
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XXI
Page
the council.Burning of books on account of the pictures
inthem (note). Images secretly preserved. Resistance
made by the monks to the decree. Stephen. Cruel pro-
ceedings against the monks. Andrew the Calybite.
Description of the bishops of this period. Emperor
—
Constantine, enemy of monachism, of relics his opposi-
tion to the devotional classes generally —
opposed to the
title Bsotoxos bestowed on Mary. The patriarch Con-
stantine deposed and executed. Result of the efforts of
Constantine the emperor 295 —308
—
Emperor Leo IV. His wife Irene her religious disposition
and love for images— her oath not to worship images.
Leo's character. New influence of the monks result of —
it. Attempt to reintroduce Leo's pro-
—
ceedings against his death
image- worship.
308 — 310
Irene reigns in place of Constantine yet a minor. Obstacles
to the immediate restoration of the images. Favour shown
to monachism. Reverence of the empress for the monks.
Paul patriarch of Constantinople abdicates —
possible
motives which may have induced him. Tarasius, the
emperor's secretary, proposed by Paul as his successor
—
—
struggles against receiving the patriarchate presents his
reasons before the people, and makes conditions in favour
of image-worship. Arragement for a general council.
Correspondence for this purpose with pope Adrian I. Dif-
ficulty of bringing about the concurrence of all the four
patriarchs. The monks John and Thomas representatives
of the three failing patriarchs. Theodorus Studita on this
council (note). Opening of the council (a.d. 786) at Con-
stantinople. Many iconoclasts among the bishops. Heads
of the iconoclasts (note). The army, particularly the
body-guard, opposed to images. Secret transactions of the
iconoclasts —
their meetings forbidden by Tarasius. Op-
position of the iconoclasts to the council. Insurrection
of the body-guard. Prevention of the council. Body-
—
guard dissolved a new one formed. The general council
(a.d. 787) called to meet at Nicea. Testimonies are cited
in favour of images from the church-fathers, and from
the histories of saints. Sudden change of opinion in
many of the iconoclasts. Careless mode of proceeding
towards the recanting bishops. The monks opposed to it.
Indications of a protestant tendency of spirit among the
iconoclasts. Decrees of the council with regard to images.
The assembly repair to Constantinople. Eighth session
held there in presence of the empress and her son. Pro-
mulgation of the decrees. Reaction against this triumph
of image-worship necessary 310 — 322
Participation of the Western church in these controversies.
Worship of images predominant in the Romish church.
—
Opposition to it in the Frank church whether an ori-
VOL. V. C
XX11 CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Page
ginal one, or first called forth in the Carolingian age ?
Transactions concerning images at Gentiliacum (a.d. 767)
—
under Pipin the result unknown. Judgment of pope
—
Paul I. with regard to these transactions conclusions to
be drawn therefrom in respect to image-worship. Parti-
cipation of the Frank church in the image- controversies
under Charlemagne. Charlemagne opponent of the
—
second Nicene council for what reasons ? Eefutation of
the council in the Libris Carolinis. Their author. The
Libri Carolini opposed to the destruction of images, and
to the superstitious worship of them. Judgment respecting
the end and use of images. Opposition between the
standing points of the Old and New Testaments brought
prominently to view. Judgment respecting the sacred
Scriptures respecting the sign of the cross
; respecting
;

relics; respecting the use of lights and incense. Promi-

nence given to the fulfilment of Christian duties over
image-worship. Rejection of learned decisions respecting
image-worship. Declarations concerning the miracles
said to be wrought by means of images; concerning the
confirmation of image-worship given in dreams concern-
—
ing the worship of saints against the Byzantine Basile-
;

olatry— against the guiding of a council by a woman.

The emperor sends this written refutation to pope Adrian.
Reply of the pope. Decree of the council of Frankfort
(a.d. 794) against the service of images 322—335

3. Re-action of the sects against the dominant system of doctrine,

336-372.
Remains of the more ancient opposed to the
sects in the East,
fundamental doctrines of Christianity, but also particu-
larly to the corruption of it by the introduction of the
Jewish element 336 — 337
The Paulicians—whether they sprang out of Manichseanism ?
Callinice and her sons Paul and John. Points of opposi-
tion between the Paulicians and the Manichaeans. Agree-
ment of the Paulicians with the Marcionite sects possi- —
bility of their connection. Examination of the story
about Callinice and her sons. Origin of the name of the
Paulicians. Constantine (Silvanus) founder of the sect.
Attachment of the Paulicians to the New Testament, par-
ticularly to the writings of Paul. Persecution of them
under Constantine Pogonatus. Simeon sent to institute
inquiries against them (684). Constantine stoned. Simeon
becomes inclined to the principles of the Paulicians —
finally becomes head of the sect, and assumes the name of
Titus. New persecution under Justinian II. (690). Simeon
executed. Paul. Schism among the Paulicians by means
of Gegn&sius and Tlieodorus. Gegnsesius tried at Con-
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XX1U
Page
stantinople, and declared orthodox in the faith. The
Paulicians opposed to image-worship whether Leo the
;

I saurian was for this reason favourable to them ? John of

Oznun (note). New schism among the Paulicians by
means of Zacharias and Joseph. Spread of the Paulicians
to Asia Minor. Baanes o puvxgos. Sergius (Tychicus),
—
reformer of the sect result of his labours his self- —
exaltation. False accusation brought against Sergius and
the Paulicians by their adversaries. Whether Sergius
styled himself the Paraclete ? Emperor Nicephorus
against the Paulicians— cause of this. A
party in the
Greek church disapproves of the bloody persecution of
heretics. Theodorus Studita, its representative. Perse-
cution of the Paulicians under the emperor Michael Curo-
palates and Leo the Armenian. Conspiracy of the
Paulicians. Kwoxaoirm, ApyxouToct. Irruptions of the
Paulicians in Roman provinces. Sergius opposed to this
—his assassination 337 —354
Doctrine of the Paulicians. Dualistic principles whether —
they attributed the 'creation of the world to the evil
principle
—
? Demiurge and perfect God. Different views
of the creation of heaven. The corporeal world, a work
of the Demiurge. Constituent parts of human nature.
The anthropogony and anthropology of the Paulicians.
—
Fragment of a letter of Sergius sense of the word
vrotviix in it. Original affinity of the soul with God
—
enduring union of the same with God. Meaning of the
doctriue of redemption. Person and work of the Re-
deemer. Doctrine concerning Christ's body. Monophy-
—
sitism in the Armenian church different ways of appre-
hending the same. Point of attachment presented to the
Paulicians in the ultra-monophysite forms of expression.
Opposition to the worship of Mary. Christ's passion.
Symbolical meaning of the crucifixion. Opposition to
the adoration of the cross. Simplification of religious
Acts. Rejection of the celebration of the sacraments.
They style themselves the Catholic church, Xoi<rroirok7rcii.
Apostolic simplicity in ecclesiastical institutions. U^otiu-
%«/. Opposition to priesthood. Church offices. Apostles
and prophets TBt/j>ivis and l3a.<rxakoi erv/ixlnujoi vwrdgM.
; ; ;

Successors of Sergius in the guidance of the sect.

Ao-rarof. Moral system of the Paulicians. Allega-
tions of their opponents with regard to the hindrances
to marriage. Serious moral spirit of the Paulician doc-
trines. Opposition to the ascetic prescriptions in the
Greek church. View of the Old Testament. U^ockw^i;
before the books of the gospels. Special use of the
gospels
of Luke and John. Rejection of the epistles of Peter . 354—371
Other anti-hierarchical sects. A6!yyavoi 371—372
c 2
XXIV CONTENTS OF VOL. V.

FOURTH PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE

CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO POPE GREGORY VII.,

OR FROM A.D. 814 TO A.D. 1073.

SECTION FIRST.
EXTENSION AND LIMITATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 373—477.

Page
Denmark and Sweden. Disputes concerning the succession in
Denmark lead prince Harald Krag of Jutland to apply to
Lewis the Pious for assistance (a.d. 822). Lewis takes
advantage of this opportunity to found a mission. Ebbo
of Rheims and Halitgar of Cambray, missionaries. Harald
baptized (a.d. 826). Anschar from the monastery of Cor-
vey sent by Lewis to Denmark (a.d. 826). His labours
restricted by Harald's expulsion. Anschar goes (in 829)
to Sweden, labours to introduce Christianity, returns (in
831) to the Frank empire, Lewis makes Hamburgh a centre
for the northern missions. Anschar, Ebbo, Gauzbert ap-
pointed by pope Leo IV. to diffuse Christianity in the
North 371—531
In Denmark king Horik a hindrance to the spread of Christi-
anity. Anschar not discouraged. Gauzbert labours in
Sweden with good success. Hamburgh laid waste by the
Normans. Death of Lewis the Pious. Bremen united
with Hamburgh. Anschar takes advantage of the personal
friendship of king Horik (Erich) of Jutland to spread
Christianity in Denmark. Ardgar labours in Sweden.
Herigar converts the calamities which befel Sweden into
a means of advancing Christianity among the people.
Pious Christians in Sweden. Ardgar returns home.
Anschar goes with Erimbert to Sweden. Meets with an
unfavourable reception. Succeeds in persuading the king
to embrace Christianity. Anschar returns (in 854).
Horik II., an enemy of Christianity. Anschar's humility,
sickness, and death 381 — 395
Rimbert, Anschar's disciple, labours in Denmark and Sweden.
King Gurm in Denmark (934) hostile to Christianity.
Compelled by Henry I. of Germany to desist from perse-
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XXV
Page
curing Christianity. Archbishop Unni goes to Denmark.
Favourably received by the king's son, Harold Blaatand
(911). War between the latter and Otho I. (972) favour-
able to the introduction of Christianity. Harald receives
baptism. Sveno, Harald's son, opposed to his father, and
to Christianity (991). Canute the Great (1014) zealous
in favour of Christianity. Undertakes (1027) a pilgrim-
age to Rome. Records his sentiments in favour of Chris-
tianity in a letter to his people 395 — 400
Sweden. Labours of Rimbert and of Unni. Its union with
Denmark favourable to the cause of Christianity. The
Swedish king, Olof Stautkonnung, declares himself at first
decidedly in favour of Christianity. English ecclesiastics
accomplish nothing by their imprudent zeal. Jacob
Amund and his step-brother Emund (1051) promote
Christianity. Stenkil his successor (1059) active in
behalf of Christianity. The cure of an idolatrous priest
tends to advance Christianity. Opinion expressed by
Adam of Bremen respecting the preparation of Sweden
for receiving Christianity 400 — 403
Norway. The Normans become acquainted with Christianity
by means of their piratical expeditions against Christian
nations. Prince Hacon endeavours to found the Christian
church in Norway. Transfers the Yule festival of his
people to Christmas. Proposes to his people (945) that
they should renounce idolatry. Meets with violent oppo-
sition and is forced to conform to the usages of his country.
The Danish king Harald endeavours (967) to destroy
paganism in Norway by force. His vicegerent Yarl
Hacon restores idolatry. The Norwegian general Olof
Tryggweson becomes acquainted with Christianity through
his intercourse with Christian nations. Receives baptism
in England, obtains the government in Norway. Intro-
duces Christianity by force (1000). Under the foreign
regents, who divided Norway among them, paganism
revives. Olof the Thick (1017) a decided Christian. Pro-
ceeds with great violence against paganism. Scarcity in
some provinces causes the restoration of the pagan rites,
which Olof abolishes by force. Insurrection against Olof
under Gutbrand. Olof demolishes the great Thor (an
enormous idol). Is killed in a battle against Canute king
of Denmark and England (1033). Honoured as a martyr 402 — 412
Iceland. First attempt to introduce Christianity there. Thor-
wald, a respectable Icelander, carries bishop Frederic of
Saxony to Iceland (9S1). Thorwald meets with an indif-
ferent reception. Traverses the country amid many per-
secutions. Goes to Norway (98G). Olof TryggAveson
induces the Icelander Stefner to preach Christianity in his
native land. Obliged to leave his country (997), and to
return again to king Olof. A
like fate befalls the Ice-
XXVI CONTENTS OF VOL. V.

Page
lander Hiallti. Thangbrand (997) sent as an envoy to
Iceland by king Olof. Obliged to flee on account of a
murder (999). Gissur and Hiallti go as missionaries to
Iceland (1000). Are received. Sidu-Hallr, leader of the
Christians. Laws passed in favour of Christianity. Re-
cognition of Christianity as the public religion. Isleif,
the first Icelandic bishop 412 —420
The Orcades and Faroe Islands. Olof Tryggweson induces
one of the most powerful of the Faroe-islanders, Sigmund
Bresterson, to receive baptism (998). He proposed to the
islanders that they should receive Christianity. Meets
with violent opposition. Yet labours on zealously.
Thrand, a powerful islander, with his followers, returns
back to paganism 420 — 421
Greenland. The Icelander Leif conveys (999) Christianity
to Greenland. Adalbert (1055) bishop of the Green-
landers. Ion, said to have met with martyrdom in Green-
land (a.d. 1059) , 422
Bulgaria. Christians who had been taken prisoners by the
Bulgarians (813), diffuse Christianity in Bulgaria. Con-
stantius Cypharas, a captive monk. Bogoris, prince of
the Bulgarians, converted by his sister Theodora and by
the monk Methodius (864). Photius, patriarch of Con-
stantinople, exhorts him in a letter to take measures for
the conversion of his people. False teachers among the
Bulgarians. Pope Nicholas I. lays down rules for the Bul-
garians respecting the keeping of festivals, against super-
against the too frequent capital
stition, against cruelty,
punishments, against the employment of the rack, respect-
ing freedom and despotism. The Greek emperor, Basi-
lius Macedo, prevails upon the Bulgarians to adopt the
Greek church 422—432
Crimea. Cyrill and Methodius, meritorious efforts of, to con-
vert the Chazars inhabiting this peninsula 433
Moravia. Radislav, ruler of the Moravians, connects himself
from motives of policy first with the Greek, afterwards
with the German empire. Cyrill and Methodius labour
earnestly for Christianity. Methodius, archbishop of the
Moravian church, excites the jealousy of the German
clergy. Is complained of to pope John VII. Is sum-
moned to Rome, where he satisfies the pope (879). John
VIII. recommends Methodius in a letter to Swatopluk,
successor to Radislav. Methodius falls out with Radislav.
Bishop Wichin takes part against him, and he is defeated
(881) 434-44S
Bohemia. Duke Borziwoi of Bohemia becomes acquainted
with Chi-istianity at the Moravian court. His son Wra-
tislav leaves behind him (a.d. 925) two sons, Wenzeslav
and Boleslav. Wenzeslav, a zealous Christian, is assassi-
nated by his pagan brother Boleslav (938). Boleslav
 CONTENTS OF VOL. V. XXVll
Page
professes Christianity. His son, Boleslav the mild, a
zealous Christian. Adalbert, archbishop of Prague, labours
in Bohemia. Severus, archbishop of Prague (1038), makes
laws for the church 442 —444
Kingdom of the Wends. Boso, bishop of Merseburg, labours
first among the Slavonians. Insurrection of the Wends.
Otho I. avails himself of his victory over the Slavonian
tribes to found several bishoprics. Misiiwoi, a Wendian
prince, destroys all the Christian establishments in nor-
thern Germany (983). Repents and returns back to
Christianity. Gottshalk, founder of the kingdom of the
Wends (1047), a zealous Christian. Founds many
bishoprics. New insurrection of the Wends. Gottshalk
dies (1066) by martyrdom 444 — 449
Russia. Commercial connections and wars with the Greek
empire the means of spreading Christianity among the
Russians. Under the grand prince Igur (945) there are
already Christians in the Russian army. Kiew, the most
important place for the diffusion of Christianity. The
grand princess Olga embraces Christianity. Her son
Swaroslav is not to be won to Christianity. Confounding
of the Russi with the Rugi (note). Wladimir, uncle of
the grand princess Olga, embraces Christianity. He and
his successor Jaroslaw (1019 — 1054) promote Chris-
tianity. Introduction of Cyrill's alphabet and his trans-
lation of the Bible 450—454
Poland. The Christian church planted there from Bohemia.
Duke Miecislaw and his Bohemian wife Dambrowska
receive baptism (966) 454
Hungary. Its connection with the Greek empire the first
occasion of missionary enterprises there. Bidosudes and
Gylas, two Hungarian princes, are said to have been bap-
tized at Constantinople towards the middle of the tenth
century. Beginning of the missions (970). Pilgrim of
Passau sends the monk Wolfgang to Hungary as a mis-
sionary. Adalbert of Prague and his disciple Radla
labour in Hungary. Stephen, son and successor of the
Hungarian prince Geisa, labour zealously to spread Chris-
tianity (997). Calls monks and ecclesiastics into his
kingdom. Has recourse to violent measures for the intro-
duction of Christianity. Emmerich, his son and successor.
Stephen honoured as a saint. Reaction of the pagan
party 454—461
Limitation of the Christian Church in Spain. Until the year
850 Christians allowed the free exercise of their reli-
gion. Insults and persecution of the Christians. The
more lax and the more strict party of Christians. Paul
Alvarus of Cordova. Fanatical enthusiasm for martyrdom
among the Christians. Abderrhaman II., caliph of the
Arabians (850). Perfectus (850), John, Isaac, Flora, die
XXV111 CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
Pa?e
as martyrs. Eulogius and Alvarus promote the fanaticism
.

Eecafrid comes out against it. Aurelius and other mar-

tyrs. Council of Cordova against these disturbances
(852). Mohammed, successor of Abderrhaman. Eulo-
gious dies a martyr. Apologeticus martyrum of Eulogius
and Indiculus luminosus of Alvarus. Prudent party of
the Christians repress the fanaticism 461—47,
 CHURCH HISTORY.

THIRD PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. FROM

THE TIME OF GREGORY THE GREAT, BISHOP OF ROME,
TO THE DEATH OF THE EMPEROR CHARLEMAGNE ;

OR FROM THE YEAR 590 TO THE YEAR 814.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
This period opens to us a new theatre for the exhibition of
the power of the gospel to mould and transform the world ;

and we shall see it revealing itself in a new and peculiar way.

For, in the earlier periods, we saw Christianity attaching
itself to the culture of the ancient world, then existing under
the forms of the Greek and Roman peculiarities of national
character ; and where the harmonious culture that could be
derived from the elements of human nature left to itself had
reached its highest point, and degenerating into false re-
finement wrought its own destruction, we saw Christianity
introducing a new element of divine life, whereby the race,
already sinking in spiritual death, was requickened and raised
to a far higher point of spiritual development than had been
reached before ; a new creation springing forth out of the new
spirit in the ancient form. But a race of people now appear,
who are still in the rudeness of barbarism ; and on these
Christianity bestows, by imparting to them the seed of a
divine life, the germ of all human culture ; —not as an out-
ward possession already complete and prepared for their ac-
ceptance, but as something which was to unfold itself with
entire freshness and originality from within, through the in-
ward impulse of a divine life, and in conformity with the indi-
viduality of character belonging to this particular race of men.
VOL. V. ^ B
2 POWER AND INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY.

It the distinguishing characteristic of this new work of

is

Christianity, that the new creation does not attach itself to

any previously existing form of culture sprung from some
entirely different root; but that everything here springs from
the root, and grows out of the vital sap of Christianity itself.
We come to the fountain head, whence flowed the whole
peculiar character of the middle ages and all modern civiliza-
tion.
It true, the form in which these rude tribes first came
is

to the knowledge of Christianity was not that of the pure

gospel. It was the form of church tradition, handed down
from the earlier centuries in which, as we have seen in trac-
;

ing the earlier course of development, the divine word had

become mixed up with many foreign elements. But still,
even through the wood, hay and stubble of mere human modes
of apprehension, the one and only foundation, which ever stood
firm, though concealed under the load of foreign additions
—
the foundation of faith in the redeming love of God, revealed
through, and in Christ, as the Redeemer of sinful man
—was
able to manifest its divine power to transform, to train, and to
refine mankind and with the implantation of this one prin-
;

ciple in humanity was given also the element from which

would proceed of its own accord, the reaction
against these
foreign admixtures. Such a reaction we may trace along
through the whole development of the church tradition in the
middle ages and while, on the one hand, those foreign ele-
;

ments were ever assuming a more substantial shape, so on the

other, this reaction of the original Christian consciousness that
strove to purge away every foreign element was continually
gaining new strength, till it acquired power enough to intro-
duce into the church a thorough process of purification. Nor
should we fail to notice, that with this tradition there was
handed down, in the sacred text itself, a source of divine know-
ledge not exposed, in like manner, to corruption, from which
the church might learn how to distinguish primitive Chris-
tianity from all subsequent additions, and so carry forward the
work of purifying the Christian consciousness to its entire
completion.
The above mentioned intermixture of Christianity with
foreign elements may be properly traced to such causes as the
following: that the idea of the kingdom of God had been
 CORRUPT FORM OF IT. 3

degraded from man's spirit and inward being, and made sen-
suous and outward that in place of the progressive, inward,
;

and spiritual union of the soul with the kingdom of God

through faith, had been substituted a progressive, outward
mediation with it
by. means of certain forms and ceremonies;
and that in place of the universal, spiritual priesthood of
Christians, had been substituted a special outward priesthood
as the only medium of union betwixt man and God's king-
dom ; so that the idea of this kingdom was gradually reduced
to the form of the Old Testament theocracy. The church of
Christ having thus taken the shape of an outward, visible
theocracy, it followed, as a general consequence, that in a mul-
titude of ways, the different Jewish and Christian points of
view were confounded together. But this Old Testament
form, adopted by the church, proved to the rude tribes, who
were not yet prepared to take the gospel into their life in its
pure spirituality, an intermediate stage, for training them to
the maturity of Christian manhood, which they were destined
to attain as soon as they were ready for it, by means of that
reaction, the elements of which already existed in the Chris-
tian consciousness.
The new creation of Christianity which we have now to
contemplate, proceeded from those barbarous tribes, particu-
larly of German origin, who planted themselves on the ruins
of the Roman empire which they had destroyed, and formed
in the West the new theatre of a historical
development,
which was to shape the destinies of the world. The way in
which Christianity was first conveyed to them is a point de-
serving of special consideration in order to a right understand-
ing of the whole of this new period of church history and ;

every thing relating to this subject, which in the order of time

would have belonged to the earlier centuries, but which we
have thus far passed over as unconnected with the progress of
Christianity in the old Grecian and Roman world, we shall
here embrace together under one view.

b2
 ( 4 )

SECTION FIRST.
RELATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH TO THE WORLD ;

ITS EXTENSION AND LIMITATION.

I. In Europe.

Several tribes of German origin, which, during the migra-

tion of nations in the fourth and fifth centuries, settled down
in Gaul, were there gained over to Christianity, simply by
^coming in contact with the Christian inhabitants. Pious
bishops and abbots, such, for instance, in the fifth and sixth
centuries, as Avitus of Vienne, Faustus of Rhegii (Riez),
Caesarius of Aries,* exemplified in these countries, by lives of
unwearied, active, and self-denying love, the blessed influence
of the Christian faith in the midst of havoc and desolation ;

and while, by such lives, they inspired respect and confidence

* Cccsarius was distinguished for his zeal in promoting both the
spiritual and temporal welfare of the tribes among whom
he lived :
for his efforts to communicate religious instruction to the people in a
manner suited to their wants by the public preaching of the gospel,
and by private intercourse with them, and for his earnest endeavours to
ameliorate their temporal condition and to redeem captives who had
been reduced to slavery. He sold the vessels and other property of the
church, even down to his own priestly robes, to furnish himself with the
means for bestowing charity. The presents which he received from
princes, he immediately converted into money, that he might have
wherewith to succour the needy. Amidthe most difficult relations inci-
dent to the change of governments under the conquests of different tribes,
Burgundians, East Goths, West Goths, Franks, and under the reigns
of Arian monarchs, whose suspicions he would be likely to excite by the
difference of his creed, he was enabled by a purity of life which com-
manded respect, by the wisdom with which he accommodated himself to
men of different dispositions, and by a charity which was extended to
all without distinction, to preserve his influence unimpaired. Though
subjected to persecutions, on the ground of political suspicion, yet his
innocence brought him out victorious over them all, which caused him
to be regarded with still greater reverence than before. See the accounts
of his life by his disciples in the Actis sanctorum mens. August. I. VI.
His scattered sermons (a complete critical edition of which still remains
a desideratum) prove also the activity of his life.
 ACTIVITY OF THE ARIANS. 5

in the leaders of those barbarous hordes, as well as trust and

love in the people themselves, they contributed in no small
measure to introduce and extend the gospel among them. By-
marriage alliances, the seeds of Christianity were, in the next
place, easily transplanted from one of these tribes to another.
Thus the Burgundians,* near the beginning of the fifth cen-
tury, and soon after their settlement in Gaul, were, in some
way which cannot now be exactly determined, converted to
Christianity. If they did not, from the very first, receive
their instruction in Christianity from Arian teachers,']' yet by
their intercourse with the Arian tribes settled in these districts,
particularly the West Goths, they were led at some later
period to embrace Arian doctrines ;J and it was only in the

* Orosius. in his
History of the World (Hist 8, 32), already speaks of
them as Christians, and notices the change which Christianity had pro-
duced in the hahits of the people. The account given of them hy So-
crates (7, 30), who was so far removed from the scene of events, though
founded no doubt, in some measure, on facts, is still too inaccurate to be
relied on.
t That they may have done so, is at least a very possible supposition.
The truth is, we know or nothing distinctly about the beginning of
little
their conversion but their later steadfastness in maintaining the Arian
;

doctrines would admit in this way of being more easily explained.

X The Arians, having been expelled from the Roman empire, were on
this account the more zealous in propagating their doctrines among
the tribes who had not as yet embraced Christianity, or who were not
firmly established in the Christian faith. We
have seen already why
it was, that the Anti-Nicene doctrine proved particularly acceptable
to the untutored nations. It would certainly be wrong to pronounce an
indiscriminate sentence of condemnation on all these Arian missionaries
and ecclesiastics. Judging from what may be known of them, from the
life and writings of Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe, and from the history
of the persecution among the Vandals, we must conceive of them as
being in part rude zealots, who thought more of spreading Arianism
than the gospel and Maximus, bishop of Turin, warns the people
;

against certain vagabond, probably Arian, priests, who made it an easy

matter to become a Christian, and of whom he says, that they led away
the people by fallacibus blandimentis, that, taking advantage of the cus-
tom which prevailed among the German tribes of paying compensation
money (Geldbussen compositiones) for all crimes, they had their prices
for the absolution of sins, ut si quis laicorum fassus fuerit crimen admis-
sum, non dicat ille: age poenitentiam, sed dicat pro hoc crimine da
:

tantum mihi et indulgetur tibi. Horn. 10. in Mabillon Museum Italicum

T. I. P. II. page 28. But there is nothing to warrant the opinion that
such was the character of the Arian clergy generally. The condition of
the Burgundian people speaks rather in their favour than against them.
6 THE ARIANS.

reign of Gundobad, who stood in intimate and friendly rela-

tions with that zealous defender of the Catholic faith, Avitus,
bishop of Vienne, who frequently consulted him on matters of
religious doctrine, and in the year 499 brought about a con-
ference between him and the Arian clergy,* that the way was
opened for the Burgundian chiefs to embrace the Nicene doc-
trine ; and his son Sigismond, who had been won over to it

by Avitus during the life-time of his father, first declared

decidedly in its favour when he ascended the throne in the

year 517.f

In a religious conference between the two parties held in the time of

king Gundobad, a.d. 499, when Avitus, bishop of Vienne, finally de-
clared that God would give his own testimony in favour of the Catholic
faith at the tomb of St. Justus, and proposed a trial of this sort to the
king, the Arians, on the contrary, declared, se pro fide sua manifestanda
facere nolle, ut fecerat Saul et ideo maledictus fuerat, aut recurrere ad
incantationes et illicita sufficere sibi, se habere scripturam, quse sit
;

fortior omnibus prsestigiis. Vid. Sirmond. opera. T. II. p. 226.

* One of the
great ministers of state endeavoured, not without reason,
to suppress this conference, for, said he, tales rixse exasperabant animos
multitudinis, et non poterat aliquid boni ex iis provenire.
f The question now arose whether those churches in which the Arians
had worshipped, should, after being newly consecrated, be used for the
Catholic worship; according to the hitherto prevailing custom with
regard to the temples of the pagans and heretics, and according to the
rule prescribed a few years before in France, by the council of Orleans
(Aurelianense) a.d. 511, in reference to the churches that had been pre-
viously used by the Arian Visi- Goths, c. 10. Avitus was opposed to the
proposition partly on the fanatical ground that a place once desecrated
;

by the worship of heretics could not be consecrated again to holy uses ;

but partly also for reasons which showed evidence of Christian wisdom.
Occasion would be given to the heretics, should they be deprived of their
churches, for raising the cry of persecution cum catholicam mansuetudi-
nera calumnis hsereticorum atque gentilium plus deceat sustinere quam
facere. Quid enim tarn durum quam si illi, qui aperta perversitate
pereunt, de confessione sibi aut martyrio blandiantur ? Nor was it,
in-

deed, a thing impossible, that the present orthodox monarch might be

succeeded by another inclined to Arianism and in this case, the latter
;

might think he had good cause for commencing a persecution of the

orthodox, as a just retribution for the wrongs suffered by the other party
— non sectse suae studio sed ex vicissitudinis retributione fecisse dicetur
;

et nobis etiam post mortem gravandis ad peccatum reputabitur, quicquid

fuerit perpessa posteritas. Or perhaps some neighbouring Arian
prince
might think himself called upon to inflict a retaliatory punishment on
his own Catholic subjects. The council held this year at Epaona, after
the conversion of Siegismond had been publicly declared, decided in its
33rd canon conformably to the opinion of Avitus.
 THE FRANKS. 7

Through this people, the first seeds of Christianity found

their way to another tribe, which, in these and the next suc-
ceeding times, played the most important part in the history
of the West. We mean the Franks. Clotilda, the daughter
of the Burgundian king Cundobad, married Clovis, king of
the Salian Franks; and this rough warrior, who probably
looked upon religion as a matter of quite inferior importance,
and, pagan as he was, thought one mode of worship as good as
another, left her in the free exercise of her own rites, to which
she was devotedly attached. She laboured to convince her
lord that his idols were nothing, and to win him over to the
Christian faith, by setting forth to him the almighty power of
the one and only true God whom the Christians worshipped.
But the pagan Clovis * had no other standard by which to
measure the power of the gods, than the military success of
the nations that worshipped them and the downfall of the
;

Roman empire, whence the worship of the Christian's God

had been derived, was convincing proof to him, of the weak-
ness or nothingness of that being. At the same time, he made
no opposition to her proposal, that their first born son should
be dedicated to her God, and allowed him to be baptized. t
The child, however, soon afterwards died upon which Clovis
;

declared that this event confirmed his opinion of the God of

the Christians. But Clotilda still possessed sufficient influence
over her husband, to obtain his consent to the baptism of their
second child. It so happened that this child also fell sick,
and Clovis already predicted its death but the pious Clotilda,
;

whose faith remained unshaken under every event, prayed

God that its life might be spared for the promotion of his
* Avitus states, in his letter to this king (ep. 41), that when pagan
monarchs were exhorted to change ther religion, they said they could
not forsake the religion handed down to them from their ancestors (con-
suetudinem generis et ritum paternse observationis) .

f Gregory of Tours (Hist. II. 27) mentions an incident in the life of

Clovis which happened in 486 while he was still a pagan. A beautiful
vase taken by his soldiers from one of the churches was reclaimed
by the bishop (probably Remigius of Rheims.) Clovis promised at once
to restore it, as soon as he should be able to dispose of it as his
portion of
the booty. This accords with what Avitus writes in his letter to the
king, concerning the respect he showed to the bishops while he was still
a pagan Humilitas qu'am jamdudum nobis devotione impenclitis, qui
:

nunc primum professione (after his baptism which had just taken place)
debetis.
8 VENERATION PAID TO ST. MARTIN OF TOURS.

glory among the heathen and its recovery, which speedily fol-
;

lowed, she announced to her husband as bestowed in answer to

her prayers.* The persuasion and the example of a wife, so de-
voted to her faith, and so zealous for its spread, would, without
doubt, gradually produce on her husband's mind, though he
might be unconscious of it, a deep and permanent impression,
which was only strengthened by certain remarkable incidents
suited to work on the feelings and temper of the untutored Frank.
Martin, the former bishop of Tours, was, at that time, the
object of universal veneration in France. In all circum-
stances of distress, bodily or spiritual, men were accustomed
to seek relief from God through his intercession. His tomb,
over which a church had been erected, was repaired to for
relief by sick persons of every description and not a year
;

passed in which many instance* were not recorded of perjured

men, here constrained to confess the truth or else punished
—
by some signal judgment of the insane, the nervous, the
epileptic, the deaf and dumb, the blind, here restored to sound-
ness and health. f The very dust from St. Martin's tomb,
fragments of the wax tapers that burned before his shrine, or
of the curtains that veiled it, and everything- which was
thought to be consecrated by having once been in contact
with it, were prized as miraculous remedies or powerful amu-
lets to remove or avert every species of evil. This veneration
of St. Martin extended even to Italy and to Spain. As to the
reported facts, if we leave out of the question those cases in
which there may have been some cooperation of intentional
fraud, we shall find many of them to differ in no respect from
the facts related among believing Christians of all times, re-
specting answers to prayer ; though added to this, in the
present case, was a reliance on human mediation, quite foreign
from the spirit of pure Christianity. But many of these facts
* Similar incidents are
constantly recurring in the history of missions.
Compare with this, for example, the account given in the Journal of the
German missionaries in India of June, 1832 in the Missionary Kegister
;

for the year 1833, p. 190.

f Bishop Gregory of Tours, who flourished at the close of the sixth
century, collected together all these legends in his four books de mira-
culis S. Martini — a work which, notwithstanding the many fabulous
stories records, contains a great deal of instructive matter relating
it

to the life and manners of those times, as well as interesting facts in a

psychological point of view.
 CONVERSION OF CLOVIS. 9

also may be explained from the influence of a strong faith of

devotional feelings, of an excited imagination ; from the
natural working of both mental and physical powers ; whilst the
rigid abstemiousness, necessary to be observed by the patients,
* and the
contributed to promote their cure ; ignorant who,
without further inquiry, surrendered themselves to the im-
pression of the moment, easily traced a casual connection in
an accidental coincidence ; and as none were inclined to inves-
tigate the immediate natural causes of the visible facts, while
an exaggerating fancy added something more to them, so
the most wonderful stories were told of the extraordinary
works performed by St. Martin. And if much that seemed
too incredible sometimes provoked the understanding to doubt,
such doubts were scouted as suggestions of the devil.
These extraordinary things which happened at St. Martin's
tomb, Clotilda often related to her husband as proofs of the
almighty power of the God worshipped by the Christians.
Clovis, however, still professed to be incredulous ; he would
believe these facts when he saw them with his own eyes.
-

]"

Thus by a concurrence of impressions of various kinds, the

mind of Clovis was prepared for a religious change, when by
a remarkable event, which would have been attended with the
same effect under no other circumstances, this change was
accomplished. At the battle of Zulpich (Tolbiacum), fought
between him and the Alemanni in the year 496, he found
himself and his army placed in a situation of extreme peril.
He invoked his gods for deliverance in vain when calling to
;

mind all the accounts he had heard respecting the almighty

power of the Christian's God, he addressed his supplications to
Him, vowing, that if by his assistance the victory should be
gained, he would devote himself wholly to His service. The
*
Gregory of Tours remarks, concerning the cures performed on those
supposed to be possessed of devils, and on those sick with fevers, that
they could only expect relief si vere fuerint parcitas et fides conjunctsc. —
—
pe miraculis Martini, 1. I. c. 8, and that one individual who relapsed
into his former dissipated life was attacked again. I. c. 8.
t Nicetius, bishop of Triers, writes to the Longobard queen Clodes-
winde, Clotilda's aunt Audisti ab avia tua Chrotilde, qualiter in Franciam
:

venerit, quomodo dominum Chlodoveum ad legem catholicam adduxerit,

et quum esset astutissimus noluit
acquiescere, antequam vera agnosceret.
Quum ilia, quae supra dixi, probata cognovit, humilis ad Martini limina
cecidit et baptizari se sine mora permisit. bibl. patr. Galland. T. XII.
10 CONVERSION OF CLOVIS.

enemy was conquered, and Clovis ascribed his success to the

powerful arm of the Christian's God. Rejoicing over the
change thus produced in her husband's mind, Clotilda sent for
Remigius, the venerable bishop of Rheims, who found on his
arrival the ear of the king already open for his message. When
the bishop spoke of the crucifixion, the Frankish warrior
" Had I
indignantly exclaimed ; only been there with my
Franks, I would have taught those Jews a better lesson." The
festival of Easter was chosen as the day for his baptism,*
which was performed with great solemnity. It produced a
wide sensation and was elaborately described f in the pompous
rhetorico-poetical language of the times 4 The example of
the king was followed by many others, and it is reported that
more than three thousand of his army received baptism at one
time.§
Important, however, as was the conversion of Clovis, con-
sidered in reference to the effect which it had, by reason of his

continually extending power, in enlarging the boundaries of

the Christian church yet, as in the case of Constantine, his
;

conversion was of such a nature as to lead him, in assuming

the Christian profession, to clothe his former mode of thinking
* As we are informed in the letter of Avitus to the king, already cited,
which was written shortly after his baptism : "Ut consequenter eo die ad
salutem regenerari vos pateat, quo natum redemptioni suae cceli dominum
mundus accepit."
f Thus Gregory of Tours : Totum templum baptisterii divino resper-
ibi gratiam adstantibus Deus tribuit, ut aestuna-
gitur ab odore talemque
rent, se paradisi odoribus collocari.
% The wrong interpretation
of such expressions and symbolical paint-
ings gave origin to the well-known legend some centuries later,
when
it was desired to have the confirmation bestowed on Clovis with the chrism
or royal unction, that an oil vase was supernatural ly provided the so
—
called ampulla Remensis.
§ The important bearing which it was supposed the conversion of
Clovis would have on the spread of Christianity among the races of
German descent, appears from the above-mentioned congratulatory letter
of Avitus. He expected that the whole nation of the Franks would now
embrace Christianity, and invites the king to lend his aid by means of
embassies to promote the spread of the gospel ut quia Deus gentem
:

vestram per vos ex toto suam faciet, ulterioribus quoque gentibus, quas
in naturali adhuc ignorantia constitutas nulla pravorum dogmatum ger-
mina corrupe runt (among whom the Arian doctrines had as yet found no
admission) de bono thesauro vestri cordis fidei semina porrigatis, nee
pudeat pigeatque etiam directis in rem legationibus adstruere partes Dei,
qui tantuni vestras erexit.
 RELIGION AMONG THE FRANKS. 11

in a new garb, rather than to change it entirely to make room

for a full and hearty admission of the gospel spirit. His
worldly and political projects too much occupied his attention,
or he Mas too busily engaged in war, to allow himself time for
earnest reflection on the religion he professed, so as to under-
stand and truly appropriate it. The God of the Christians
first appeared to him as his protector in war ; he would fain

reckon on enjoying the assistance of the same powerful arm in

the future, and he imagined that he should secure it by making
rich donations to the church. He gladly seized every oppor-
tunity to throw a sacred colouring over his ambitious schemes,
by pretending a zeal for the glory of God ; as, in making war
with the Visi-Goths who were Arians. *
In all cases where large tribes of men are said to have been
converted through the influence of their chiefs, a great deal
must of course be set down as merely of an outward character ;
hence, when Christianity had already assumed the form of a
dominant religion among the Franks, it is not surprising that
idolatry should still be found to have so many votaries, that
king Childebert, in the year 554, was obliged to pass a law
against those who would not allow idolatrous images to be
removed from their estates. The Frank ish nobles, also, from
this time, were anxious to secure a
good foundation for their
piety by rich donations to churches and monasteries, which
thus became exposed still more than ever to the pillaging
disposition of others while at the same time an incentive was
;

offered to the intrusion of worldly-minded men into the sacred

office. After this followed those numberless internal dissen-
sions, wars, and revolutions, within the Frankish empire,
which encouraged barbarism and gave a check to the civilizing
influences of Christianity and the church. Now, as all that
can be done by any church, for the real dissemination of
Christianity, depends on its own internal condition, so the
truth was in the present case, that although the power of the
Frankish empire opened the way for missions, and contributed

* When the
Burgundian king Gundobad was invited by Avitus bishop
of Vienne and others, at the conference in 499, to abandon the Arian
doctrines, and, like Clovis, profess the Catholic, he said in answer to
this proposition non est fides, ubi est appetentia alieni et sitis sanguinis
:

populorum, ostendat fidem per opera sua. See D'Achery Spicilegia. T.

III. ed. fol. f. 305.
1 2 REGENERATION OF THE FRANKISH CHURCH.

much to facilitate and promote their progress, and although,

in solitary instances, missions were actually sent forth by the
Frankish church, yet the most important missionary efforts
did not proceed from this quarter but the dismembered
;

church of the Franks itself needed regeneration, which was to

be obtained only from some other source.
The first impulse towards this regeneration proceeded from the
same countries which sent forth also the most important mis-
sions. Those islands at the West, which were so well adapted,
by their situation, to furnish quiet and secluded seats for semi-
naries of Christian instruction and culture, and to serve the
great purpose of dispersing abroad spiritual blessings as well
as other benefits to mankind —
the islands of Great Britain and
Ireland were the spots, where, in retired monasteries, those
men obtained their training, who were destined to be teachers
and educators of the rude nations. Let us, then, first cast a
glance at the history of Christianity in the islands which had so
important a share in the further extension of the Christian
church.
Asregards Ireland, St. Patrick had here left behind
it

him a who continued to labour on in his own

series of disciples

spirit. Ireland became the seat of famous monasteries, which

" "
acquired the name for this country of Island of the Saints
(insula sanctorum). In these monasteries the scriptures were
diligently read ancient books eagerly collected and studied.
;

They formed missionary schools such, for example, in the last

;

half of the century was the monastery of Bangor,

sixth
founded by the venerable abbot Comgal. After Christianity
had been conveyed at a much earlier period, by Ninyas a
British bishop, to the Southern provinces of the Picts in Scot-
land, the abbot Columba of Ireland transplanted it, about the
year 565, among the northern Picts, a people separated from
those of the south by lofty mountains covered with ice and
snow. The Picts whom he converted gave him the island of
Hy, north-west of Scotland, afterwards reckoned as one of the
Hebrides. Here he founded a monastery, which, under his
management during thirty years, attained the highest reputa-
tion,
—a distant and secluded seat for the pursuit of biblical
studies and other sciences according to the standard of those
early times. The memory of Columba made this monastery so
venerated, that its abbots had the control and guidance of the
 IRELAND. SCOTLAND. ENGLAND. 13

bordering tribes and churches and even bishops acknowledged

;

their authority, though they were but simple priests. This

island was named after himself, St. Iona (the names Columba
and Iona being probably, one the Latin, the other the Hebrid
translation of an originally Irish word), St. Columba, and
the Island of Columcelli, Colum Kill.*
While in this way, Christianity was planted among the
Scots and Picts, even to the extreme north of these islands,
the Christian church had been forced out of its original seat,
in ancient
Britain, England proper. The Britons among —
whom Christianity had already found entrance, having proba-
bly been brought to them directly or indirectly from the East
as early as the latter part of the second century —
were, from
very remote times, a Christian nation ; though great corrup-
tions had sprung up and become spread among all ranks of
the people. f Finding themselves unable to resist the destruc-
tive inroads of their ancient foes, the Picts and Scots, or to
obtain any assistance from the feeble Roman empire, the
Britons had betaken themselves, about the middle of the fifth
century, to the warlike German tribe of the Anglo-Saxons.
The latter, however, made themselves masters of the country ;
leaving only the western portion to its old possessors, while they
themselves founded the empire of the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy.
It was now, indeed, in the power of the Britons to do much for
the conversion of that pagan tribe ; but the existing national
hate between the conquerors and the conquered J forbade it. It
was not till a century and a half later, that the Roman bishop,
Gregory the Great, a man ardently bent on promoting the
kingdom of God, and whose far-reaching eye, in spite of diffi-
culties which seemed ever springing up afresh, embraced

among its objects the remote and the near, drew up a plan for
founding the Christian church among the Anglo-Saxons. An
impression he had received in his earlier years, before he be-
* Columba was named as founder of several monasteries. See the
traditions respecting him collected in Usserii Britannicarum ecclesiarum
antiquitatts, ed. II. p. 362 f.
f As the fact is described by the presbyter Gildas —
a man sprung
—
from the midst of this people in a work in which he represents the cap-
ture and devastation of the country by the
Anglo-Saxons, as a divine
judgment— bis work De excidio Britannia?.
I Gildas calls the Anglo-Saxons nefandi nominis Saxoni, Deo homini-
busque invisi.
14 AUGUSTIN.

came a bishop, and while abbot of a monastery in Rome, first

set him upon this project. Strolling to the public mart, he
stopped to observe the foreign traders there engaged in opening
and exposing their merchandize for sale, when his attention was
caught by certain boys, brought from afar, and distinguished
for their noble air, who were waiting to be sold. He inquired
after their country, and learned to his great grief that a people
so distinguished by nature, were as yet wholly destitute of
the higher gifts of grace. He at once resolved to go himself
and convey to them these blessings, and he would have done
so, had he not at the instigation of the Roman church been
recalled by the then Roman bishop, when already several clays
on his journey.* But the plan itself he could never abandon ;
and he seems, when bishop of Rome, to have been devising,
from the first, how he might best carry his purpose into effect.
Thus, he directed the presbyter whom he had sent to take charge
of the property belonging to the Roman church in France, to
expend part of the money collected in Gaul in the purchase of
such Anglo-Saxon youths as might be exposed for sale, and to
send them in company with an ecclesiastic, who could baptize
them in case of mortal sickness, to Rome ; in order that they
might there be instructed and trained in the monasteries, f
Perhaps it was his intention to employ them, after they had been

perfectly disciplined in the monastic life, as missionaries among

their countrymen. Meantime an event had occurred, peculiarly
well suited to favour the projected mission. Ethelbert, king
of Kent, then the mightiest among the small kingdoms of the
Heptarchy, had married Bertha, a Frankish, Christian princess.
She had connected with her household a certain bishop Liu-
thard, and was allowed freely to observe the rites of her reli-
gion. From her, therefore, the missionaries might expect to
find, at once,a favourable reception and support. The vigi-
lant Gregory, whom nothing escaped which could be made ser-
viceable in promoting his great work, may have been moved
by this very circumstance to proceed to the execution of his
plan. Accordingly, in the year 596, he sent Augustin, a
Roman abbot, together with several associates, J among whom
* Beda VI. VII.
hist. ang. II. I. t Epp. 1. ep.
% He was abbot of the monastery which had been founded by Gregory
himself when he retired from the world. Monasterii mei propositus.
L IV. ep. 108.
 COMMENCEMENT OF HIS LABOURS. 15

were Peter the monk, and the presbyter Laurentius, to Eng-

land. These persons while on their journey were frightened
at the report of the difficulties and dangers which threatened
them and sent Augustin back to the Roman bishop, to obtain
;

a release from their commission ; whereupon Gregory, in a

friendly, but earnest appeal,* exhorted them to finish the good
work commenced with God's help since it were far better
:

not to begin a good enterprise, than, having begun it, to look

back. They should remember, that great and painful labours
would be followed by the reward of everlasting glory. On
their journey through France, from which country they were
to cross over to England, Gregory recommended them to the
Frankish princes and nobles, whose connection with the Anglo-
Saxon rulers might be made of service to them and he also
;

bade them take interpreters from the Frankish kingdom.

In 597, Augustin, with forty companions, landed on the
isle of Thanet, eastward of Kent, and sent to inform the king
of the purpose for which they were come. The king made his
appearance on the next day, to confer with them on the
subject. Fearful of magic, he did not venture his person
under the same roof with them but would only confer with
;

them in the open air. But Augustin's words inspired him

with confidence, and he declared that he now saw they had
honest intentions, and that they had come from so great a
distance to communicate to him that which they considered
to be the greatest and best of blessings. Yet he could not so
lightly and quickly abandon the religion of his nation and of
his fathers. All he could do at present by way of ackowledg-
ing their good intentions, was this:
—
he would furnish them a
dwelling and the means of support at his capital, Dorovern,
Canterbury, and they might be allowed to convince such as
they could of the truth of their religion, and afterwards to
baptize them. Thus the missionaries commenced their labours
on a small scale. They took no more than barely sufficed for
their scanty diet. Their disinterested, severe mode of life
gained for them esteem and confidence. An old, dilapidated
church belonging to the Roman times, and consecrated to St.
Martin, afforded them the first place for divine worship, where
they baptized the new Christians, and held with them their

* L. VI.
ep. 51.
16 Gregory's principles.

religious meetings. that the propagation of

It is certain,
Christianity among rude people was helped forward by a
this
concurrence of circumstances, or facts, which appeared to the
people as miracles, and were also regarded as such by Augustin.
By impressions of this kind, effects great for the moment,
though not of an enduring character, may have been produced ;
and the missionaries themselves may have suffered themselves
to be deceived by the unexpected and surprising success
of their labours. Even the king, who had been gradually
prepared for it through the influence of his Christian wife,
decided to embrace the gospel, and was baptized. Yet he
declared, in publicly professing Christianity, that he would
not make his own religious persuasion a law for his subjects ;
but in this would leave each one to his own free choice since ;

Augustin had taught him, that the Christian worship of God

must proceed from conviction, and could not be extorted by
outward force. It may be safely conjectured, that Augustin
had been directed by the Roman bishop, to aim at extending
the faith, by instruction and persuasion, by acts of love winning
the heart, and not by forcible measures for a correct insight
;

into the nature of divine worship generally, and of Christianity

in particular, as well as the spirit of charity by which he was
animated, had led bishop Gregory to adopt this as a principle,
though he by no means always acted in conformity with it in
practice.* Still, the king distinguished by peculiar marks of
* We
may here compare together Gregory's different modes of proce-
dure in these matters. When blind zeal, or selfish passions, making use
of religion as a pretext, disturbed the Jews in the free exercise of their
worship in the synagogues secured to them by the ancient laws, Gregory
stood forth as their protector, and emphatically remonstrated against
such conduct. To this course, he might be led in these cases, simply by
a regard for justice, and zeal for the preservation of order as the Jews
;

were threatened to be deprived, in an arbitrary manner, of the rights

—
secured to them by law a reason which he himself alleges against such
proceedings; L. I. ep. 10. ''Hebraeos gravari vel affligi contra ordinem
rationis prohibemus ;
sed sicut Romanis vivere legibus permittuntur,
annuente justitia actus snos, ut norunt, nullo impediente disponant," and
" Judsei in
L. VIII. ep. 25. his, quae iis concessa sunt, nullum debent
prsejudicium sustinere." But he also declared himself opposed to all
—
attempts whatever to convert the Jews by forcible measures because
the very opposite effect might be produced from what was intended.
The only proper way of dealing with them, in his opinion, was by in-
structing and convincing them. L. IX. ep. 47, to the bishops of Aries
and of Marseilles " Dum enim quispiam ad baptismatis fontem non
:
 Gregory's principles. 17

favour those who followed his own example in religion. The

example and influence of the monarch, and the sensuous im-
pressions produced by the miracles, which the people supposed
they beheld, induced great numbers to receive baptism with ;

many of whom, however, as was shown by succeeding events,

the faith had taken no deep root. On one Christmas festival,
Augustin was enabled to baptize more than ten thousand
pagans,* to which momentary, and apparently great success,.

praedicationissuavitate, sed necessitate pervenerit, ad pristinam super-

stitionem remeans, inde deterius moritur, unde renatus esse videbatnr.
Fraternitas ergo vestra hujus modi homines frequenti praedicatione pro-
vocet, quatenus mutare veterem vitam magis de doctoris suavitate desi-
derent, adhibendus ergo est illis sermo, qui et errorum in ipsis spinas
urere debeat et praedicando quod in his tenebrescit illuminet." And in a
letter to the bishop of Naples, L. XIII. ep. 12: "cur Judseis, qualiter
caerimonias suas colere debeant, regulas ponimus, si per hoc eos lucrari
nun possumus ? agendum ergo est, ut ratione potius et mansuetudine pro-
roeati, sequi nos velint, non fugere, ut eis ex eorum codicibus osten-
dentes qu8e dicimus, ad sinum matris ecclesiac Deo possimus adjuvante
convertere." And I. ep. 35. "eos, qui a religione Chi'istiana discordant,
mansuetudine, benignitate, admonendo, suadendo, ad unitatem fidei
necesse est congregare, ne, quos dulcedo pracdicationis et praeventus
futuri judicis terror ad credendum invitare poterat, minis et terroribus
repellantur." Still Gregory did not always act according to the prin-

ciples here expressed. Thus, for example, he directed that the Jews,
whose estates were held of property belonging to the Eoman church in
Sicily, should be exempted from a certain portion of the rents to be paid
on them, if they consented to receive baptism. Now he must certainly
have been aware, that conversions so brought about, could not be sincere 'r
but he thought: " et si ipsi minus fideliter veniunt, hi tamen, qui de eis
nati fuerint, jum Melius baptizantur." L. V. ep. 7. And he directed
that the peasantry still devoted to paganism in Sardinia, should be
induced, by taxing them beyond their means of payment, to renounce
their religion, ut ipsa reactionis suae poena compellantur ad rectitudinem
festinare. 1. IV. ep. 26. Those who still persisted in idolatry, should, if
they belonged to the class of bondmen, be punished corporeally, and if
to the freemen, with close imprisonment, ut qui salubria et a mortis
periculo revocantia audire verba contemnunt, cruciatus saltern eos corporis
ad desideratam mentis valeant reducere sanitatem. 1. IX. ep. 85. 1. VIII.
ep. 18.
*
Gregory says, in his letter to Eulogius bishop of Alexandria, 1.
VIII. ep. 30, touching the conversion of the English people by means of
"
Augustin :
quia tantis miraculis vel ipse vel hi, qui cum eo transmissi
sunt, in gente eadem coruscant, ut apostolorum virtutes in signis quae
exhibent, imitari videantur." He then cites the account of the baptism
of this great multitude on the last Christmas festival. And p. 27 in c. 36.
Job. c. 21. Omnipotens Dominus emicantibus praedicatorum miraculis
ad fidem etiam terminos mundi perduxit. Lingua Britannia?, quae nil
VOL. V. C
 1 8 AUGUSTIN'S MISSION TO GREGORY.

Augustin attached too much importance. In obedience to

the instructions of Gregory, he now crossed over 10 France,
and received from Etherich, bishop of Aries, the episcopal
ordination, in order that he might perform in the new church
the duties of a bishop. He next despatched to Rome his two
associates, the presbyter Laurentius, and Peter the monk, in
order to give pope Gregory, whom he had probably informed
already in a general manner of the great success of his labours,
a more detailed account of his proceedings to receive in-;

structions as to the course he ought to pursue, with regard to

disputed points, in settling the order of the new church, so
that a firm shaping might be given to it by papal authority ;
and also to demand of the pope new assistance for a work
requiring so much labour. In the first letter, or one of the
first of
Gregory to Augustin, he expressed his great joy at
what had been done in England. He recognized in this, the
hand of Him, who said, " Father worketh hitherto, and I
My
also work ;" but at the same time, he warned the missionary in
the language of true Christian wisdom. Augustin might well
rejoice, he said, that by outward signs and wonders, the souls
of the English had been drawn to inward grace ; but in the
consciousness of human weakness, lie should ever be on the
watch against pride. He reminded him of our Saviour's words
to his disciples, when they returned from their first mission,
and testified their joy, that the evil spirits were made subject
to them in his name (Luke x. 20) how he turned their minds
;

away from all selfish and temporal grounds of joy, to universal

and enduring ones ; for the disciples of truth shouhl rejoice
only in the good which is common to all, and in that which is
the end of all joy. As a check to spiritual pride in its first
beginnings, he advised him straitly to examine and prove
himself, and to be ever mindful of the end for which this gift
was bestowed on him ; that he had only received it for the
salvation of those among whom he laboured. He held up to
him as a warning the example of Moses, who, though the
instrument, under God, of so many miracles, yet was not per-
mitted himself to enter the promised land. He also reminded
him, that miracles were no certain evidence of election for ;

aliud noverat, quam barbarum frendere, jam dudum in Divinis laudibus

Hebrseum coepit alleluja resonare.
 HIS REGULATIONS. 19

our Lord had said, that many who appealed to the wonderful
works they had done, would not be received by him, Matth. vii.
22. One mark alone had our Lord given, in the possession of
which his disciples might truly rejoice, and recognize in it the
glory of election,
—
the mark of his discipleship, which is love,
—
John xiii. 53. This I write to thee says Gregory that I may—
exhort thee to humility but to humility thou must join a
confident trust in God.
;

—
" I who am a sinner exclaims the
—
pope entertain the most confidant assurance, that through
the grace of our almighty Creator and Redeemer, thy sins are
already forgiven thee, and that thou art a chosen instrument to
procure the forgiveness of their sins for others."*
Gregory sent him some new assistants choosing, as a friend
;

and favourer of the monastic life, none but monks for this
purpose, over whom he placed, as superior, the abbot Mellitus.
To the latter, he gave an exhortatory, pastoral letter, together
with presents to the king. By the same hand, he sent to Au-
gustin the pall, which marked the dignity of an archbishop ;
copies of the sacred Scriptures, relics to be used in the conse-
cration of the new churches, together with several ecclesiastical
vessels, and a reply to the questions which had been proposed
to him; questions which, it must be confessed, betrayed some
narrowness of mind in the proposer. Augustin, in his journey
through France, had been struck, among other things, by the
difference between many of the church customs prevailing in
Gaul and the Roman usages, and he asked the Roman bishop
why it was, that with but one faith, the church should so differ
in its ritual. To this Gregory replied, that although he had
been brought up in the Roman church, still he ought by no
means, in settling the order of the new church, to follow ex-
clusively the example of Rome but should select the good from
;

all quarters, where it was to be found, whether in the Gallic

church or elsewhere for the thing ought not to be loved on
;

* Lib. XI. ep. 28. The more Gregory was inclined to believe in
miracles wrought in his own times, and to regard them as manifest
tokens of divine interference to advance the weal of the church, the more
remarkable it appears, that he still by no means over-rated the import-
ance of miracles as a means of furthering the kingdom of God and that
;

he was ever decidedly opposed to that fleshly eagerness for miracles

which mistakes the Christian conception of a miracle and the essence of
the higher life. We shall unfold his remarkable ideas on this subject,
when we come to speak of his character generally. See below.
c 2
20 ARCHBISHOPRIC OF CANTERBURY.

account of the place, but only the place on account of the

thing,
— a warning against the bigoted attachment to Roman
forms, which deserves notice as coming from the mouth of a
Roman bishop. At first it was Gregory's intention, which he
intimated, indeed, to King Ethelbert,* to have all the temples
of idolatry destroyed but on maturer reflection, he altered his
;

mind, and despatched a letter after the abbot Mellitus,f in

which he declared, that the idol-temples, if well built, ought
not to be destroyed, but sprinkled with holy water, and sancti-
fied by holy relics, should be converted into temples of the

living God ; so that the people might be the more easily

induced to assemble in their accustomed places. J Moreover,
the festivals in honour of the idols, of which the rude people
had been deprived, should be replaced by others, either on the
anniversaries of the consecration of churches, or on days
devoted to the memory of the saints, whose relics were de-
posited in them. On such days, the people should be taught
to erect arbors around the churches, in which to celebrate
their festive meals, and thus be holden to thank the giver of all
good for these temporal gifts. Being thus allowed to indulge
in some sensual enjoyments, they could be the more easily led
to those which are inward and spiritual. It was impossible,
he said, for rude and untutored minds to receive all things at
once.§
In appointing Au^ustin to be the first archbishop over the
new church, it was
Gregory's intention to make London the
seat of this archbishopric, to which twelve bishoprics were to
be subordinate. As soon as Christianity should be extended
so far to the north, the second metropolis was to be established
at Eboracuui (York) and the two archbishoprics were, for
;

all future time, to be independent of each other, equal in

dignity, and subject only to the bishop of Rome.|| That is,

he marked out the church dioceses by the rank which the
cities of England had acquired under the Roman dominion.
From the history of those earlier times he had become well
* L. XL ep. 66. f L-XL ep. 76.
% Ad loca, quae consuerit, familiarius concurrat
§ Gregory appeals here to the example of the divine method for edu-
cating mankind. He regards the Jewish sacrificial worship as a transfer
of that which was practised in the worship of idols to the worship of the
true God. ||
See L. XI. ep. 65.
 RELATION OF THE NEW CHURCHES. 21

acquainted with the cities of Londinum

and Eboracum ; but
not with Dorovern (Canterbury), which had first risen to
notice as capital of one of the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms.
But to make London, which belonged to another government,
the seat of the first archbishopric, was, of course, beyond
Augustin's power. He could only select
for this purpose the
chief city of the kingdom in which he had first planted the
Christian church ;
and hence, in this particular, it was neces-
sary to deviate from the papal instruction. But of the nego-
tiations which took place between Augustin and the Roman
bishop on this subject, we know nothing. When, however,
through the influence of king Ethelbert, whose niece had
married Sabert, king of Essex, a door was opened for the in-
troduction of Christianity into this province, Augustin esta-
blished an archbishopric for this portion of the Heptarchy at
London, and gave it over to Mellitus.
By the instructions of the Roman bishop, Augustin was to
have supreme direction not only over the newly established
Anglo-Saxon, but also over the ancient British church for ;

he went on the principle that to him, as successor of St. Peter,

belonged the spiritual power over the whole Western church.
Augustin who, with all his pious zeal, seems not to have been
wholly exempt from spiritual pride and ambition, was un-
willing to yield a particle of his dignity, as primate over the
entire English church, or to tolerate any spiritual authority in
England independent of his own. He considered it, moreover,
as highly important, when the labourers for the church which
was to be built up among a pagan people were so few, to gain
the active co-operation of the numerous clergy and monks of
the British race. But as the Britons had not received their
Christianity from Rome, but directly or indirectly from the
East, they had not been used to reverence the Roman church
as their mother-church, nor to place themselves in any relation
of dependence upon it. Their long separation from the rest
of Western Christendom had naturally served to strengthen
and confirm in them the spirit of ecclesiastical freedom.
They had, moreover, from the most ancient times, given a
different form to many parts of the ritual, from that which
prevailed in the Roman church ; they differed, for example,
in the time for observing Easter, in the foim of tonsure among
22 CONFERENCE WITH AUGUSTIN.

the clergy, and in the mode of baptism. Augustin's bigoted

attachment to the forms of the Roman church, as well as his
spiritual pride, did not qualify him to pass a charitable judg-
ment on these diversities, or to seek the means of reconciling
them. The abbot of the most distinguished British monastery,
at Bangor, Deynoch by name, whose opinion in ecclesiastical
affairshad the most weight with his countrymen, when urged
by Augustin to submit in all things to the ordinances of the
Roman church, gave him the following remarkable answer :
—
" We are all
ready to listen to the church of God, to the pope
at Rome, and to every pious Christian, that so we may show
to each, according to his station, perfect love, and uphold
him by word and deed. We know not, that any other obe-
dience can be required of us towards him whom you call the
pope or the father of fathers. But this obedience we are pre-
pared constantly to render to him and to every Christian."*
At the suggestion of king Ethelbert, the bishops of the nearest
British province were invited to hold a conference with Au-
gustin about these matters and a council for this purpose
;

was held, according to the ancient German custom, near an

oak."]" It was quite characteristic of Augustin, that when he
found the Britons were not disposed to yield, he proposed that
a sick man should be brought before them, whom both the
parties should try to restore by their prayers, and that the
answer given should be considered as a decision of the question
by the divine judgment. The Britons finally declared, that they
could do nothing without the consent of a larger number of
their party. But previous to the calling of a more numerous
church assembly, they consulted the opinion of a pious hermit,
who stood with them in the highest veneration. He told
them they might follow Augustin, if he was a man of God.
When they inquired how they were to know whether he was
a man of God, he replied, if he be meek and lowly of spirit,
after the pattern of our Lord, it is to be expected that, as a
disciple of Christ, he will bear himself the yoke of his Master,

* See the
Anglo-Saxon original of these words, with the Latin version,
in Wilkins' Collection of English councils, or in Bede's Hist, eccles.
Angl. ed. Smith, f. 116.
f Which place was still called in the time of Bede, Augustin's oak.
The synod at Wigorn, a.d. 601.
 REACTION AGAINST THE ROMAN HIERARCHY. 23

and will lay no heavier burden on others. But if he is of a

violent, overbearing spirit, it is plain that he is not born of
God and we should pay no regard to his words. When they
;

inquired still further by what signs they might know whether

he was a meek and humble man, he said they should allow
him and his attendants to enter first into the place where they
were to assemble and if upon their entrance he rose to meet
;

them, they should acknowledge him as a servant of Christ.

But not so, if, notwithstanding their great superiority to his
own party in numbers, he still remained sitting. This proof
of humility Augustin failed to show ; and the Britons refused
to enter with him into any terms of agreement.
"
Well,
"
then," he is said to have indignantly exclaimed, as you are
unwilling to recognize the Anglo-Saxons as brethren, and to
preach to them the word of life, you shall have them as foes,
and experience their vengeance." The national hatred of the
Anglo-Saxons towards the Britons, which by this church
schism Augustin was the means of fomenting, would easily
bring about the sulfilment of his threat.* But the relation of
the Britons to the Anglo-Saxon, and to the Roman church,,
had an important influence on the history of the church in
the West during the next succeeding centuries, for we after-
wards find many traces of a reaction against the Roman
hierarchy, proceeding from the spirit of ecclesiastical freedom
among the Britons.
Upon the death of Augustin, in 605, he was succeeded, in
accordance with his own wishes, by Laurentius. But the new
church had by no means been established as yet on a firm
basis, calculated to withstand every change of circumstances ;
for, as we have already remarked, the conversion of many to
Christianity had been brought about by the example and the
influence of their king, or by momentary impressions on the
senses, rather than by any well-grounded conviction. Hence
on the death of Ethelbert, in the year 616, a great change

*
Though according to the common reading in Bede, from which,
however, the old Anglo-Saxon translation varies, king Ethelbert s attack
on the Britons, by which much blood was shed on both sides, took place
after Augustin's death, and cannot be attributed to his immediate influ-
ence still, considering his influence on the state of feeling of the Anglo-
;

Saxon people towards the Britons, we cannot exempt him from the charge
of having been at least indirectly concerned in this transaction.
24 THE CHURCHES IN KENT AND ESSEX.

immediately ensued. His son Endbald relapsed into the old

idolatry, which imposed fewer restraints upon his licentious
habits ; and his example was followed by many. like A
change took place also in Essex, where Christianity was still
less hrmly rooted. After the death of king Sabert, the three
sons whom he left behind him, openly declared again in favour
of paganism, which, indeed, they had never heartily re-
nounced. They had never consented to receive baptism but ;

still
they were unwilling to be excluded from participating of
the beautiful white bread,* distributed by the bishop in cele-
brating the eucharist
—
whether it was that they were attracted
by the bread itself, or whether they attributed to it some
magical charm, as they might easily be led to do by the cus-
tomary language of those times, in describing the effects of
the holy supper. As Mellitus, bishop of London, could not
allow of this, he was banished, with all his clergy. He re-
paired to the bishop Laurentius in Kent, to consult with him,
as to what was next to be done. It was already agreed, that
where there was such obstinate resistance, the mission must be
abandoned. And even Laurence was on the point of follow-
ing the steps of Ms departed companions, the bishops Mellitus
and Justus but his conscience reproached him for being will-
;

ing to abandon the post which God had entrusted to him.

After fervent prayer, and many tears, on the night before the
day appointed for his departure, he threw himself down on
some chaff in the church of St. Peter and St. Paul. As he
fell asleep amidst painful thoughts of the future, St. Peter

appeared to him in a dream, and severely upbraided him for

not being afraid thus to forsake the hearth which had been com-
mitted to his charge. "f We may suppose that the young king

* Panis
nitidus, in the words of Bede. This might be understood as
meaning, that even at this period it was customary to use a peculiar kind
of bread, unleavened bread, in the celebration of the eucharist; but it
may also be understood to mean, that it was customary to use white and
fine bread prepared expressly for the occasion.
f It is possible, to be sure, that Laurence, going on the principle of
the " pious fraud," ventured upon a fiction for the purpose of operating
on the mind of the young king; yet the other view so naturally presents
itself, that we find no good reason for recurring to this. If everything
happened in the way Bede relates, and Laurence exhibited to the prince
•the marks left by the scourge, this indeed might lead to the hypothesis,
that although Laurence really had a vision of this sort, yet he resorted
 DREAM OF LAURENCE. NORTHUMBERLAND. 25

Eadbald had not been able wholly to suppress the lessons of

Christianity received by him in childhood ; but that these
early impressions had only been obliterated for a season by
the tide of sensual pleasures. And thus we may understand,
how the terrifying description which Laurence drew of the
vision he had seen, should so work upon his imagination,
as to revive the impressions which still lay concealed in the
secret chambers of his heart. Laurence would make the best
of this opportunity to rekindle the spark of faith, still linger-
ing, though smothered by sensuality, in the breast of the king.
He submitted to baptism, wholly renounced idolatry, and
moreover forsook the forbidden connections, which he had
hitherto refused to give up.
For a longer time, paganism maintained its ground in the
province of Essex. But from Kent Christianity was spread
to another of the small kingdoms, which became a principal
point for the wider diffusion of the gospel
—
namely Northum-
berland. Edwin, the king of this province, had married
Ethelberga, a sister of king Eadbald of Kent ; but under the
express stipulation, that she should be allowed to take her
clergy with her, and practise without molestation the Chris-
tian worship of God. Paulinus was appointed to go with her
as bishop, and Eboracum (York), the chief town of the pro-
vince, became afterwards the seat of the new bishopric. Pau-
linus laboured, with great zeal, to convert the prince and the

people. He met with little success among the people, till he

had succeeded in gaining over the former to the gospel. But
king Edwin was not so easily brought to a decision in his
religious convictions. He came to it only after serious exa-
mination. He had already been satisfied of the vanity of
idols, and had ceased to worship them ; but he did not, as yet,
make profession of Christianity. He declared that he must,
in the first place, make himself better acquainted with its doc-

trines, and more carefully consult about them, with the wisest of

to a trick in order that his story might make a stronger impression on

the king's mind. But at the same time, it is impossible to calculate by
what circumstances it might
happen that he himself was deceived or it
;

may be that the original facts were magnified into the miraculous by the
transmission of the story. It is to be remarked, that many stories from
the older times, respecting such miraculous visitations for the punish-
ment of sin, were current in the church.
26 DELIBERATION ON RELIGIOUS MATTERS. OSWALD.

his nation; and he frequently occupied himself in silent religious

meditations. Seizing a favourable moment, when the king- was
alone and buried in such meditations, Paulinus, taking advan-
tage of a vision which, as he had been accidentally informed,
once appeared to the king when in a hazardous and eventful
situation, prevailed upon him to convoke an assembly of his
priests and nobles, which Paulinus also was to attend, for the
purpose of deciding on the great question of religion. Many
voices were here heard to speak for the first time against the
old idolatry. To illustrate how important it must be for man
to arrive at certainty in the things of religion, one of the
chiefs used the following ingenious comparion
" As when in
:

winter, the king and his nobles and servants have met at a
feast, and are couched around the fire blazing in the centre of
the hall, and feel nothing of the cold, and of the rough wea-
ther of the season, while the storm and the snow-blasts are
raging without, and a little sparrow Mies quickly through,
entering in at one door and passing out at the other what
;
—
the moment which the bird passes in the warm hall, without
feeling anything of the rough weather, is to the whole long
remainder of the time, which it has spent, and must again
spend, amidst the storms, such is the present short moment of
time which w e know, compared to that which has gone before
r

us, and to that which follows after us, of which we know

nothing. With good reason then, may we feel ourselves bound
to receive this new doctrine, if it reveals anything more cer-
tain on these matters." Then, after Paulinus had expounded
the Christian doctrine, the chief priest himself was the first
to propose the destruction of the ancient idols, and riding to
the spot which formed the principal seat of the idol worship,
set the example of destroying the old objects of veneration.
But king Edwin, the most zealous labourer for the spread of
Christianity, died in battle, in the year 633. After his death,
the condition of his people changed for the worse under a
hostile dominion, and paganism once more obtained the ascen-

dancy ; until Oswald, a man of the royal family, appeared as

the liberator of his people, and the triumphant restorer of the
Christian church among them. While living in banishment
among the Scots in Ireland, he had been instructed in Chris-
tianity, and baptized, by pious monks and through their in-
:

fluence he was filled with an ardent zeal for the Christian faith.
 AID AN. HIS LABOURS. 27

Before proceeding to battle, he planted a cross in the ground,

knelt before it in prayer, and besought the Almighty, that by
his arm he would bestow the victory on the righteous cause.*

Having, by the help of his God, conquered an enemy supe-

rior to him numbers, it was his firm resolution to do his
in
utmost to makethe worship of this his God universal among
his people. He applied to the Scottish church, from which
he had received his own knowledge of Christianity, to send
him a teacher for his people. Selection was made of one of
those monks, distinguished for the austerity of their lives, of
whom Ireland was at that time the nursing school. But this
stern man could not bring himself to condescend to the rude-
ness, to the weaknesses, and wants of a people who were to be
gradually formed by Christianity. The people were repelled
by his rigid manners. Despairing of being able to effect any-
thing among them, he returned back to his country and in ;

an assembly of his spiritual superiors he declared, that the

people were too rude to receive any benefit from his labours.
But among the persons assembled was Aidan, a monk from
the island of Iona, whence came the austerest monks and ;

this person, severe to himself, was none the less full of love
and gentleness to others. To the missionary who complained
-

]*

of the people to whom he had been sent as a teacher, he said

that his want of success was his own fault ; that he had pro-
ceeded so roughly with his untutored hearers, that he had not,
according to the precept of St. Paul, fed them at first with
milk, until, nourished by the word of God, they became
capable of advancing to a higher stage of the Christian life.
All were convinced that the rude people needed for their
teacher just such a man as he was himself. Aidan was conse-
* The
place where this is said to have occurred, was pointed out for a
long time afterwards, and the memory of it deemed sacred. It was
visited, as well as the pretended relics of that wooden cross, for the cure
of bodily maladies.
t In the Irish monasticism, however, was incorporated a principle,
derived from a certain Gildas, and opposed to the spiritual pride of an
" Abstinentia
extravagant ascetism :
corporalium ciborum absque caritate
inutilisest; meliores sunt ergo, qui non magnopere jejunant nee supra
modum a creatura Dei se abstinent cor intrinsecus nitidum coram Deo
servantes, quam illi, qui carnem non edunt neque vehiculis equisque
vehuntur et pro his quasi superiores cacteris se putantes, quibus mors
intrat per fenestram elevationis." See Wilkins's Concil. Angl. t. I.
f. 4.
28 Oswald's death.

crated a bishop, and sent to Northumberland. Until he had

gained a competent knowledge of the English tongue, he
preached only to the chief men and servants of the king, as-
sembled at his court and as the king during his exile had
;

made himself acquainted with the Scottish language, the latter

translated on the spot into the vernacular tongue, for the
understanding of the hearers, the matter of these discourses.
No sooner, however, had Aidan himself so far mastered the
English language, as to be able to make himself understood in
it, than unsparing of labour, and but seldom using a horse, he
visited the city and the country around, and wheresoever
he fell in with rich or poor, detained them, until he had
found out whether they were still pagans or had already be-
come believers, and had received baptism. In the first case,
he began by preaching to them the gospel in the second, he
;

exhorted them with a few directions to prove their faith by

their good works. He accomplished much, because his life
was so consonant with his zealous preaching because every-
;

thing he did, testified to his disinterested love which was ready

for any sacrifice. Whenever he received presents from the
king or from the nobles, he distributed the whole among the
poor, or expended it in redeeming captives ; and to many of
these he afterwards imparted spiritual instruction, till he had
educated them for the office of priests. To the rich and
powerful he boldly spoke the truth ; reprimanding whatever
was bad without respect of persons. Ecclesiastics, monks and
laity who fell into his company, he constantly kept employed
in reading the Holy Scriptures. By this joint activity of the
zealous king and such a man, a firm foundation was laid for
the church in this district, It is true, that after a reign of
eight years, Oswald met his death in battle with the pagan
tribe of the Mercians, a.d. 642 ; but as by a life correspond-
ing to the faith which he professed, he had done much to
recommend that faith to his people, so the manner in which
he had sacrificed his life for the independence of his people
served but to deepen and confirm this impression. His name
was cherished in the affections and respect of his nation, and
hence soon began to be honoured as that of a saint. Miracles
were said to be wrought at his tomb, and by his relics and ;

indeed the faith in them prevailed through the whole of these

islands.
 SUSSEX. WILFRID. 29

From this province, Christianity continued to spread, till

the last half of the seventh century, to all the tribes of the
Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy; and in part, native and Frankish
ecclesiastics, acting in dependence on the Roman church, and
partly, British and Scottish clergy, who were accustomed to
act with more freedom, laboured for the conversion and for
the instruction of these tribes. Last of all, the inhabitants of
the province of South Saxony (Sussex) were converted to

Christianity. Their king, it is

true,had been baptized before ;
but the people continued still to bedevoted to their old idol-
atry ; and a few Scottish monks, who had founded a monas-
tery in the wilderness, and led an austere life, were unable by
that means to gain the confidence of the rude people, or to
find any opportunity of preaching to them the gospel. It so
happened, that Wilfrid, archbishop of York, a descendant
from an English family, was deposed from his office by occa-
sion of a quarrel with his king and he here sought for a field
;

of labour. He better understood how to let himself down to

the wants of the untutored multitude. On coming among
them, he found them in circumstances of great distress a ;

drought occasioned by the want of rain having been followed

by a severe famine. The neighbouring lakes and rivers
afforded, it is true, abundance of fish; but the rude people
were still wholly ignorant of the mode of taking them, and
only knew a way of fishing for eels. He caused, therefore, all
the nets to be collected together, and his attendants caught
three hundred fishes of different kinds. A
third part of these
he distributed among the poor ; another third he gave to those
who furnished the nets, and the remainder he reserved for his-
companions. Having thus, by such gifts and instruction in
the art of fishing, relieved the temporal necessities of the
people, he found them the more inclined to receive instruction
from him in spiritual things. A
favourable impression was
made on the minds of the people by the circumstance that, on
the day when he first baptized a large number of them, copi-
ous showers of rain, which had long been needed, fell from the
skies.* Next, he spared no pains in laying a deeper and
* But it is
evident, that while such a coincidence of the introduction
of Christianity or of baptism among a pagan race of men with fortunate
events, might appear to them as a divine token in favour of the new re-
ligion, and contribute to render their minds more favourable to its recep-
30 DIFFERENCE OF ECCLESIASTICAL CUSTOMS.

firmer foundation for Christianity in the hearts and minds of

the people, by providing means for the instruction of the
youth, in the establishment of schools throughout the coun-
try.*
Since, however, as we have remarked, monks and ecclesias-
tics born, or who had received their education, in
who were
Scotland or Ireland, and Anglo-Saxon or Frankish bishops,
who acted in the interests of the Roman church, came and
laboured together in England, the difference in ecclesiastical
usages between the British-Scotch and the Roman church,
could hardly fail to present an ever-fruitful subject of conten-
tion. Bede, the historian of the English church, though
standing himself in this controversy on the opposite side, yet
draws a most favourable picture of the pious, disinterested
zeal manifested by the Scottish missionaries. The veneration,
which they thus procured for themselves, gave still more
weight to their influence in promoting Christianity, and nou-
rishing the vigour of the Christian life. Hence clergy and
monks, wherever they appeared, were received with joy ; a
circle was soon formed around them to listen to the words of
Christian edification and they were even visited for this pur-
;

pose by the laity in their monasteries.')' Although Augustin,

tion, so the same prejudice by which men were led to consider what was.
connected in the sequence of time, as connected also in the sequence of
cause and effect, might, in cases of unlooked for calamity, have an un-
favourable influence on the state of feeling towards Christianity. Thus,
in East Saxony, a desolating sickness, following directly after the in-
troduction of Christianity, occasioned a momentary relapse of many into
idolatry. Bede III. 30. Hence Gregory showed his wisdom, when he
wrote to king Ethelbert of Kent, after his conversion, that he was not to
expect from his embracing Christianity some golden period of earthly
felicity;
but should understand that in the last ages of the world many
"
trials were to be looked for :
appropinquante mundi termino multa
imminent, quae antea non fuerunt, videlicet immutatioues aeris, terroresque
de ccelo, et contra ordinem temporum tempestates, bella, fames, pestilen-
tiae, terra; motus per loca. Vos itaque, si qua de his evenire in terra
vestra cognoscitis, nullo modo vestrum animum perturbetis, quia idcirco
hsec signa de fine sseculi pnemittuntur, ut de animabus nostris debeamus
esse solliciti, de mortis hora suspecti et venturo judici in bonis actibus
inveniamur esse prseparati." Gregor. 1. XL ep. 66.
* Bede III. 18.
t Etiam si in itinere pergens (Clericus aliquis aut monachus) inveni-
retur, adcurrebaut et flexo cervice vel manu signari vel ore illius se
benedici gaudebant, verbis quoque horum exhortatoriis diligenter audi-
 EASTER FESTIVAL. 31

the founder of the English church, had attached so much im-

portance to this difference of rites, yet men afterwards learned
to estimate it as a minor consideration compared with the
salutary doctrines, for the spread and establishment of which,
labourers of both parties zealously exerted themselves. Pecu-
liarly striking was the difference
in the time of observing
Easter under the administration of the above-mentioned bishop
Aidan for it so happened, that the king and the queen, who
;

had been instructed by different teachers, pursued opposite

courses in this respect, and while the king celebrated his
Easter, the queen was still holding her fasts. The universal
respect which bishop Aidan had acquired, caused this differ-
ence to be overlooked for men could not deny it to their
;

own minds, as Bede finely remarks, that although the bishop

could not depart, in celebrating the Easter festival, from the
usage of the church that had sent him yet he took every
;

pains to promote works of piety, faith, and charity, after the

customary manner of all holy men.* But in the times which
immediately followed, it became necessary for men to decide
between the Roman and the Scottish church influences and ;

the manner in which this decision was made, could not fail to
be attended with the most important effects on the shaping of
ecclesiastic relations over all England for had the Scottish
;

tendency prevailed, England would have obtained a more free

church constitution, and a reaction against the Romish hier-
archical system would have ever continued to go forth from
this quarter. Yet in the mode in which Christianity had been
firstintroduced into Kent, the victory was already prepared
for the system of the Roman church ; and to this was added
the activity of the missionaries and clergy sent afterwards
from Rome, or who came over from France. In proportion as,
by their means, the authority of the Roman church gained the
ascendancy, entire conformity with the Roman usages would

turn prsebebant. Sed et diebus dominicis ad ecclesiam sive ad monasteria

certatim non reficiendi corporis sed audiendi sermonis Dei gratia con-
;

iluebant, et si quis sacerdotum in vicum forte deveniret, mox congregati

in unum vicani verbum vitse ab illo expetere curabant. Beda List. angl.
III. 20.
* Etsi morem eorum,
pascha contra qui ipsum miserant, facere non
potuit, opera tamen fidei, pietatis et dilectionis juxta morem omnibus
Sanctis diligenter exsequi curavit. 1. III. c. 25.
32 COLMANN AND WILFRID.

become more universally prevalent. Under Colmann, who suc-

ceeded, next but one, the above-mentioned bishop Aidan, a man
likewise of Scottish descent, greater importance was attached
to this controversy, and a conference for the purpose of deciding
the matter in dispute, was held in presence of king Oswin and
of his successor Alfred, in the year 664.* Bishop Colmann,
who defended the Scottish usage, appealed to the example of
the venerated Father Columba, and of his successors ; among
whom were men, whose holiness had been attested by the
miracles they performed. To this the presbyter Wilfrid, who
spoke in the name of the opposite party, replied, that miracles
by themselves considered, afforded no evidence of truth or
holiness ; for our Lord himself had said, that many, who had
performed wonderful works in his name, would not be acknow-
ledged by him as his. Yet it was far from his intention, he
said, to apply this to their fathers since it is more reasonable
;

to think good than evil of those about whom we have no

knowledge. Pie believed, therefore, that those servants of
God loved Him with fervent piety but that they had erred
through an ignorant simplicity.
"
;

—
Nay said he even though —
your Columba, whom if he was a Christian, we will also call
ours, were a saint and performed miracles,
—
is he entitled

therefore to be preferred to St. Peter, whom our Lord called

the Rock, on whom He founded the church, and to whom he
gave the keys of the kingdom of heaven?" So mighty a
—
power had the reverence for the church of Peter, the apostle
to whose hands were committed the keys to the kingdom of
heaven, already become, that this appeal settled the question ;

for the king was afraid lest, if he resisted the authority of this
apostle, he might one day find the gates of heaven shut against
him. j Bishop Colmann, who by his fidelity in administering
the pastoral office, had, like his predecessors, acquired univer-
sal respect, resigned his post since he was unwilling to give
;

up the usage of the Scottish church. Still more was done to

* Known by the name of the synodus Pharensis, held at a spot not far
distant from the city of York; afterwards called Whitby (white-bay) on
the sea-coast.
f The king's language was:
Et ego vobis dico, quia hie est ostiarius
ille, quantum novi vel valeo hujus cupio
cui ego contradicere nolo, sed in
in omnibus obedire statutis, ne forte me adveniente ad foras regni coelo-
rum, non sit, qui reserat, averso illo, qui claves tenere probatur.
 THEODORE OF CANTERBURY. CANTERBURY. 33

introduce the dominion of the Roman church-customs into the

entire English church, by the influence of the archbishop
Theodore of Canterbury,* a man who eminently contributed
to the culture of this people. A
native of Tarsus in Cilicia,
he was a monk well known for his extensive learning, and at
the age of sixty-six was still living at Rome. He came to
England in 669, as archbishop of Canterbury, having been
consecrated to that office by pope Vitalian. But as the pope
could not absolutely trust in a man educated in the oriental
church as one who would hold fast to the usages and doctrines
of the Roman church, he sent with him the Italian abbot Ha-
drian, in the capacity of an associate, and in a certain sense
overseer. "With him Theodore travelled through all Eng-
land, and settled everything after the form and order of the
Roman church. He was the first who was able to carry into
effect the rights of primacy over the entire English church,
bestowed by the popes on the archbishop of Canterbury ; and
in the course of his administration of twenty-one years, he
succeeded in completely banishing the usages of the Scottish
church from England. In accomplishing this, he was also
assisted by an ecclesiastical assembly held by him at Hertford
(Harford), not far from London, in the year 67 3. f The influ-
ence of the English church operated gradually also in this
respect on Scotland and Ireland. But the Britons endea-
voured to hold fast their old ecclesiastical forms in connection
with their national independence, which, however, became
every day contracted to a smaller compass.
As regards Germany, the seeds of Christianity had been
planted at a very early period in the portions of this country
which formerly belonged to the Roman empire but when ;

these districts were overrun by barbarous, pagan tribes, these

seeds of Christianity were necessarily in part suppressed, and
partly falsified, and nearly obliterated by the intermixture of
pagan elements. Afterwards, through the connection of these
parts with the Frankish empire, and with other tribes of Ger-
man descent, which had already embraced Christianity, new
* Bede
treats of his life and works in the IV. and V. books of his
history of the English church. These accounts are brought together in
Mubillon acta sanctorum ordinis Benedict! Spec. II. f. 1031.
f See the acts of this synod in Bede IV. c. .0, and in Wilkins's Concilia
Magnac Britannia;, I. f. 41.
VOL. V. D
34 SEVERINUS :

excitements were produced ; but so long as all these efforts

were of an isolated character, without being brought into
closer connection, or united on fixed ecclesiastical foundations,
such individual attempts could avail nothing in stemming the
tide of barbarism and devastation.

Among the men who, by the influence of religion, diffused

salvation and blessing amidst the devastations occasioned by
the migration of nations, Severinus is particularly distin-
guished. Probably a native of the East,* he had, in striving
after the perfection of the inward life, retired into one of the
deserts of the East. But impelled by a divine call, often heard
in his own breast, he forsook his solitude and repose, to hasten
to the assistance of the much harassed nations of the West,
now exposed to all manner of devastation and oftentimes,
;

when a longing for the silent life consecrated to meditation

stirred once more within him, that voice which bade him
remain on the scene of desolation sounded in his soul with a
still clearer tone.f He appeared on the banks of the Danube,
and settled down among the people of those districts which
now belong to Austria and Bavaria. He was residing in the
neighbourhood of Passau,| during the time when these districts
in particular presented a wild scene of desolation during the

*
Kespecting his native country nothing certain is known. He him-
self, in a joking or earnest manner, evaded the questions of those who
inquired of him about his origin and place of nativity. To an eccle-
siastic who once sought refuge with him, he replied to an inquiry of
—
this sort, at first jokingly
"
Why, if you think I am a runaway, then
have ready your ransom money, to pay for me in case they require me
to be delivered up." Then he added, in a more serious tone " Yet :

know, that the God who called you to the priestly office, bade me to
dwell among these men, threatened with so many dangers (periclitantibus
his hominibus interesse). By his language he was judged to be a Latin,
or, according to another reading, a North-African. He himself some-
times hinted, as if speaking of another person, that by peculiar leadings
of the divine providence he had been conducted from a distant country
of the East, after escaping many dangers, to this spot. See the letter of
Eugippius to the deacon Faschasius, prefixed to the account of his life.
f Quanto solitudinem incolere cupiebat, tanto crebrius revelationibus
monebatur, ne prsesentiam suam populis denegaret afflictis. Eugippii
vita, c. 4.
I Other towns mentioned as his place of residence are, Faviana, a city
which some of the older writers held to be Vienna, though this is dis-
puted by others Astura ; Lauriacum, perhaps the Austrian town called
;

Lorch.
 HIS INFLUENCE AND AUTHORITY. 35

restless period which ensued on the death of Attila, in 453,

when nation crowded upon nation, and one place after another
was given up to the devastations of fire and sword, and the
all their possessions, were
people, after having- been stripped of
dragged off as slaves. By a severely abstemious life, in which
he voluntarily subjected himself to deprivations of all sorts,
and cheerfully submitted to every inconvenience, he set before
the effeminate and enfeebled people among whom he dwelt an
example how to bear willingly the evils which necessity laid
upon them. Though accustomed to a more southern climate,
he went about among the people barefoot in the midst of an
inclement winter, when the Danube was frozen over, to collect
provisions and clothing for those who were exposed to hunger
and nakedness by the devastations of war to procure, either by
;

contributions of ransom-money or by the powerful influence of

his intercession, freedom for the troops of captives who were on
the point of being carried into slavery to warn the nations of
;

the troubles which hung over them, and to exhort them to timely
repentance ; to encourage them to put their trust in God ; to
administer, by his earnest and faithful prayers, comfort and
relief to the suffering, whether from spiritual or bodily dis-
tress and to persuade the leaders and generals of the barbarous
;

tribes, who respected his words as a voice from a higher world,

to spare the conquered. Hardened as he had rendered himself

against every outward impression, easy as he found it to endure

every bodily hardship, subduing outward impressions by the
force of mind, he was none the less tender in his sympathies
for the distresses of others.* By the force of his example, of his
exhortations and rebukes, many hearts were softened, so that
from various quarters provisions and clothing were sent to
him for distribution among the poor. On such occasions he
collected together the oftentimes numerous body of the needy
and distressed into a church, and himself divided out to each
person his share, according to the estimate he had made of
their respective wants. Having first offered a prayer, he began
* His
disciple Eugippius says in regard to this Quum ipse bebdoma-
:

darum continuatis jejuniis minime frangeretur, taraen esurie miserorum

se credebat afflictum. Frigus quoque vir Dei tantum in nuditate pau-
perum sent ebat, si quidem specialiter a Deo perceperat, ut in frigi-
;

dissima regione mirabili abstinentia castigatus, fortis et alacer per-

manent.
D2
36 SEVERINUS :

the work of distribution with the words, " Praised be the name
of the Lord," adding a few words of Christian exhortation.*
Various examples evidence the power which the godlike within
him exercised over the minds of men. On one occasion a horde
of barbarians had stripped the whole country about the city
where he was lodged, carrying away men and cattle and in ;

this, as in every distress, the unfortunate sufferers went com-

plaining and weeping to Severinus. He asked the Roman
commander if he had not an armed force at hand, to put in
pursuit of the robbers, and wrest from them their plunder.
The commander replied, that he did not consider his little band
strong enough to cope with the greater numbers of the enemy ;
still, if Severinus required it, he would sally forth, relying not
on the force of arms, but on the help of his prayers. Severi-
nus bade him go quickly and boldly, in the name of God for ;

where the Lord mercifully went before, the weak would prove
himself to be the strongest the Lord would fight for them.
;

Only he bound him to promise, that all the barbarians taken

captive should be conducted to him unharmed. His words
were fulfilled he caused the fetters to be immediately knocked
;

off from the captives brought into his presence, and having
refreshed them with food and drink, sent them away fo their
robber-companions, bidding them say to the latter, that they
must not suffer themselves for the future to be tempted by
thirst of pillage to come into this territory, for assuredly they
would not escape the divine judgment, since, as they saw, God
fights for his servants. His appearance and his words operated
with such force on the mind of a leader of the Alemanni, that
he was seized in his presence with a violent trembling, f When
all the fortresses in Bavaria, on the banks of the Danube, :£
were threatened by attacks of the barbarians, the inhabitants
requested Severinus to reside among them by turns, since they
considered his presence to be their best protection. § The

*
Eugippius (c. 28) speaks of an example where Severinus succeeded
in obtaining through some merchants a supply of oil, a means of susten-
ance which had become extremely scarce in these districts, and risen to
a price which placed it beyond the reach of the poor.
| L. c. c 19. ut tremere coram eo vehementius cceperit, sed et postea
suis exercitibns indicavit, nunquam se nee re bellica nee aliqua formidine
tanto tremore fuisse concussum.
X In the Noricum Ripense. § L, c. c. 11.
 HIS INFLUENCE AND AUTHORITY. 37

remarkable success which seemed to be given in answer to his

faithful prayers, the effect of that impression of the godlike
which many experienced in his presence, procured for him the
fame of a worker of miracles. He himself knew how to appre-
ciate such occurrences at their just value in relation to the

progress of the kingdom of God, at that juncture, among the

" Such
severely tried and untutored nations. things now
"
happen," said he, in many places and among many tribes, in
order that it may be seen that there is one God who does
wonderful works in heaven and on earth ;" and when men
were seeking for great results from the efficacy of his prayers,
he was wont to say " Why require great things from small ?
:

I know myself to be a man altogether unworthy. It is enough

for me if I can but obtain the forgiveness of my own sins * !

Sometimes, when requested to use his intercessions for tempo-

ral favours, he directed the petitioners to look rather at their
spiritual needs. Thus, to a monk from one of the rude tribes,
who requested him to pray that he might be relieved of a
weakness in the eyes, he said, " Pray rather, that the eye
within thee may be purged." "When invited to undertake the
charge of a bishopric, he declined it, saying, it was enough for
him that he had renounced his beloved solitude, and visited
these countries in obedience to a divine call, to share in the
troubles of the afflicted nations, "j*

After such a hero of faith had thus laboured, from twenty

to thirty years, in the midst of these tribes,
many a trace of
the impression which he had produced among them would
doubtless be left behind him and in fact, even on those popu-
;

lations whose residence in these districts was but transient, an

impression was made by him which they never lost. if Many

* L. c. c. 14.
+ L. c. c. 9. The life of Severinus by his disciple Eugippius, abbot
of a monastery in the Neapolitan territory, in the Actis sanctorum of the
Bollandists. Mens. Januar. T. I. f. 483.
% Among those who felt the influence of Severinus was Odoacer,
sprung from the race of the Eugians, afterwards, as chieftain of the Heruli-
ans, founder of an empire in Italy. While a young man, and holding
as yet no important rank among the barbarians, he is said to have fallen
in company with Severinus, when the latter foretold to him his future
greatness. When possessed of his later power he still held a word from
Severinus in the highest respect. In Italy Odoacer met with another
man who, amid the horrible disorders of those times, laboured with self
38 INFLUENCE OF PIOUS HERMITS.

devout men, who in the sixth and seventh centuries retreated

from the wild scenes of confusion in the Frankish empire, to
live as hermits in the countries on the Rhine, acquired the
respect of the tribes which had settled down there by their
pious lives, or by outward proof of having obtained the
mastery over their sensual nature or, travelling about, they
;

gained the confidence of the people by kindly actions, and

hospitably sharing with them the harvested fruits of their
labours. The impression produced by their devout lives and
their intellectual superiority over the untaught people, gained
for them the reputation of possessing miraculous powers, and
they might take advantage of this personal respect and love,
to pave the way for the entrance of Christianity into their
minds. To this number belongs Goar, near the close of the
sixtli century, who fixed his position on the spot where after-
wards the city which goes by his name transmitted his memory
to future times and Wulfiach, or Wulf) an ecclesiastic of
;

Longobardian origin, who in the last half of the sixth century

established himself as a stylite in the district of Triers, drew
the admiration of the people for whose conversion he prayed,
preached to the multitude that thronged around him, and suc-
ceeded in persuading them to destroy their idols.*
The
useful labours of these Frankish hermits were far out-
done, however, by the activity of the missionaries from Ireland,
who exerted themselves in reclaiming and tilling the soil,
founding monasteries from which proceeded the conversion
and culture of the people, and providing for the education of
the youth. For the establishment of the earliest missions
among the nations of Germany, the monks that went out
from England, and first of all from Ireland, are entitled to
the chief merit. The monasteries of Ireland were full to
overflowing. Pious monks felt themselves called to more
active labours in the service of religion, for which they found
no sufficient field in their own country while at the same
:

time, the native love of foreign travel, peculiar to the Irish

people, f would serve as a means of conveying Christianity

denying, ardent love for the good of mankind. This was Epiphanius
bishop of Ticinum (Pavia). His intercessions acquired for him great
influence with this prince. See his life by Ennodius in Sirmond. opp.
* See
T. I. Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc. 1. VIII. c. 15.
in natu-
f Natio Scotorum, quibus consuetudo peregrinandi jam psene
 ; COLUMBAN. 39

and civilization to the distant nations. It was natural that

the attention of those who by the love of adventure, by the
spirit of enterprise,
or the ardour of Christian zeal, had been
induced to leave their native country, would be directed to
the vast uncultivated regions now occupied by numerous bar-
barian tribes, who were as yet wholly ignorant of Christianity,
or among whom the first elements which had once been com-
municated had become wholly lost by the prevalence of bar-
barism. Thus, whole colonies of monks, under the guidance
of solid, judicious men as their abbots, emigrated into these

parts.*
Columban, near the end of the sixth century, set the first
example of this kind, which stimulated numbers, in the seventh,
to follow his steps. Born in the Irish province of Leinster
(a terra Lagenorum), he had, from early youth, been educated
in the famous monastery of Bangor, founded and governed by
the abbot Comgall. At the age of thirty, he felt himself
impelled to engage in an independent and more extensive field
of activity, to preach the gospel to the pagan nations of whom
some knowledge had been obtained through the medium of
France. He felt within him, as the author of his biography
expresses it, that fire which our Saviour says he came to
kindle on the earth. f His abbot gave him twelve young men
as his companions, who were to assist him in his labours, and
to be trained under his spiritual guidance. About the year
590, he crossed over with these to the Frankish kingdom;
probably with the intention of preaching the gospel to the
tribes dwelling on the borders of that empire. :£ But having
been entreated to take up his residence within the Frankish
empire itself, and finding that so much still remained to be

ram conversa est. Vita S. Galli I. II. s. 47. Pertz monumenta hist,

germ. T. II. f. 30. "

* Alcuin
says (ep. 221), Antiquo tempore doctissimi solebant magistri
de Hibernia Britanniam, Galliam, Italiam venire et multos per ecclesias
Christi fecisse profectus."
f The words of the monk Jonas, of the monastery of Bobbio near
Pavia, in Mabillon Acta S. O. B. Ssec. II. p. 9, are, ignitum igne Domini
desiderium, de quo igne Dominus loquitur :
igneni veni mittere in ter-
rain.
X He says himself, in his fourth letter to his students and monks,
s. 4.

Galland. bibl. patr. T. XII. " mei voti et evange*

:
fuit, gentes visitare
lium iis a nobis prsedicari."
40 COLUMBAN.

done in that region for the Christian culture of the vast

masses of untaught barbarians, he complied with this invita-
tion. He purposely sought after a spot on which to establish
himself in the savage wilderness, which must first be reclaimed
and rendered cultivable by the severe labours of his monks,
in order that, by the difficulties they must overcome, the
monks might gain a greater power of self-denial and control
over their sensuous nature, and that an example which would
excite imitation might be given to the untutored people, of
tilling the soil, the condition of all social improvement. The
needful care to supply themselves with the means of living,
compelled them to extraordinary exertions, in order to render
the soil fruitful, from the products of which, as well as from
fishing, they were to derive their sustenance ;
and without
the invincible faith of the man who directed the whole, and
whom all implicitly obeyed, they would inevitably have sunk
under the difficulties they encountered. When Columban first
settled down with his associates in a forest of the Vosges, upon
the ruins of an ancient castle, called Anagrates (Anegrey),
they were so destitute of the means of living as to be obliged
to sustain themselves for several days on herbs and the bark
of trees. But while he kept his monks steadily employed in
the most active labours, he relied, where human means failed,
on the providence of God, to whom he prayed in an unwaver-
ing confidence of being heard and the way in which he was
;

delivered from the most extreme distress by an unforeseen

concurrence of circumstances, strengthened the confidence of
his companions, and caused him to be regarded by the people
as a man extraordinarily favoured of God. Once he was
visited by a neighbouring priest, and with him went to take
a look of the store of grain laid up for the use of the monas-
tery. The visitor expressed his surprise that so small a store
should suffice for the wants of so many whereupon Columban
;
" Let men but
replied :
rightly serve their Creator, and they
are already exempted from the danger of starvation, as it is
written in the thirty-seventh Psalm : I have never seen the
righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging bread. It is easy for
that God to replenish the barrel with meal, who with five
loaves of bread satisfied tiie five thousand." In proportion as
severity of discipline, and the sense for spiritual things had
abated among the monks and clergy of the Gallic church ;
 columcan's rule. 41

particularly in proportion as the old form of monastic life,

which corresponded to the rule of Benedict, had gone into
oblivion, in the same proportion the new mode of life exhibited
by Columban excited attention and interest, and a new enthu-
siasm for monasticism was spread through all France. Fami-
lies of every rank committed their sons to him for education ;
and he was obliged to distribute his numerous monks in three
several monasteries, Anegrey already mentioned, Luxeuil
(Luxuvium) in Franche comte, and Fontenay (Fontanae).
Columban's rule was altogether adapted to keep the monks
at severe labour, and to inure them to the hardness and self-

mastery requisite in order to hold out in this contest with a

savage nature, and to overcome so great difficulties. He
" that he should retire to his couch
required of every monk
weary, that he should be able to take sleep while travelling,
and that he should be forced to awake before his sleep was
quite over." Though he prescribed for his monks a rigidly
abstemious life, yet he forbade an excessive severity tending
to waste the body, and to unfit them for the duties to which

they were called.* In this, too, we recognize the spirit of

the asceticism peculiar to the Irish monks. By implicit,
servile obedience, all self-will was to be mortified ; and the
severest discipline, extending to every motion of the body
and tone of the voice, was to be maintained by bodily punish-
ments which followed closely on each transgression. Yet
Columban did not govern by outward force alone. How
much, even without this, a single word from one, so honoured,
and by the better portion, sincerely beloved as well as feared,
could avail, is proved by the following example. He was
once summoned from the solitude to which he had retired, by
the sad tidings, that sickness of various kinds had so spread
among his monks in the monastery of Luxeuil, that barely
enough still remained well to take care of the invalids. He
hastened to them, and finding them all sick, bid them rouse
up and go to work in the granary at threshing out corn. A
part of them in whom the words of Columban inspired the
* C. III. the "Rule " ideo temperandus est ita usus, sicut temperandus
:

est labor, quia hsec est vera discretio, ut

possibilitas spiritalis profectus
cum abstinentia carnem macerante retentetur. Si enim modum abstinen-
tia excesserit, vitiura, non virtus erit, virtus enim multa sustinet boua et
continet."
42 COLUMBAN LOOKS NOT AT EXTERNALS ALONE.

confidence that strength for the labour would not be found

lacking, went to work. Very soon, however, he said to them,
that they should allow a little refreshment to their bodies
exhausted by disease. He caused food to be placed before
them, and they were well. If the discipline was severe, yet
it should also be considered, what a number of rude men,

whose powers were to be directed to one end, were here

brought together, and how much was required, in order to
train and govern so rude a multitude. Although again, he
insisted with great rigour on the punctilious observance of all
prescribed outward customs, and imposed upon his monks
many outward devotional practices, which might easily be-
come mechanical, yet he was far from making the essence of
piety to consist in externals. He considered these but as
means, and was careful to remind his monks, that everything
depended on the temper of the heart.* Although the monks
were kept daily employed in the severest bodily labour, their
minds should still not be prostrated under the burden of a
task-work urged on by earthly solicitudes, but should constantly
rise to the contemplation of divine things, and the hours of each

day should be portioned out to prayer, to labour, and to the

reading of spiritual works.f Columban himself knew how to
unite the contemplative life with great activity in practical
business. Occasionally he retired from his convent into the
dense forest, bearing on his shoulder a copy of the holy
Scriptures, which he wanted to study in the solitude. Espe-
cially for the celebration of high festivals, he was accustomed
thus to prepare himself in solitude by prayer and meditation.
His Rules for the spiritual life (Instructiones variae) evince
a deep feeling of Christian piety .J

* In the Instructio II. he

impresses on their hearts the words of the
monk Comgall Non simus tanquam sepulcra dealbata, de intus non de
:

foris speciosi ac ornati apparere studeamus, vera enim religio non in

corporis, sed in cordis humilitate consistit. And after having represented
" non
charity as the highest thing of all in his Instructio XI. he says :

est labor dilectio, plus suave est, plus medicale est, plus salubre est cordi
,
dilectio.'
r f Reg. e. II. quotidie jejunandum est, sicut quotidie orandum. est,
quotidie laborandum quotidieque est legendum.
+ In the first he Non longe a nobis manentem quserimus Deum,
says :

quern intra nos sumere habemus, in nobis enim habitat, quasi anima in
corpore, si tamen nos membra sana sumus ejus.
 columban's teials. 43

Columban had many violent contests to endure in the French

kingdom. His zeal for moral discipline, and for the restora-
tion of its ancient order and severity to monasticism, must
have created for him many enemies in the then degenerate
state of the Frankish church, among a set of ecclesiastics, whose
whole life, governed by the spirit of this world, stood in too
marked a contradiction to such an example. Add to this, that
as he was unwilling to give up the peculiar usages he had
brought with him from his native land, he thus furnished no
small occasion of offence to the sticklers for the letter of the
old church tradition, and for uniformity in all things. With
a free spirit he asserted his independence in this respect, as
well in controversy with the popes Gregory the Great and
Boniface the fourth, as with the French bishops. To Gregory
the Great he wrote that he ought not to allow himself to be
determined in these matters by a false humility as he would
;

be if, out of deference to the authority of his predecessor, Leo

the Great, he refused to correct that which was false ;for
perhaps a living dog might be better than a dead lion (Eccles.
9, 4) ; living saints might improve what had been left unim-
proved by another and a greater. He adjured pope Boniface
IV., by the unity of the Christian fold, to grant himself and
his people permission, as strangers in France, to preserve their
ancient customs, for they were just the same as if in their own
country, since dwelling in the wilderness they followed the
principles of their fathers, giving annoyance to no one. He
held up to him the example of the bishops Polycarp and
Anicetus, who had parted from each other with charity undis-
turbed, though each of them remained firm by his ancient
usages. A Frankish synod having met to deliberate on this
matter, in the year 602, he wrote to them that he must express
his disapprobation that they did not, in conformity with the
ecclesiastical laws, hold these synods oftener, which were so
essential to the correction of abuses in the church, while, at
the same time, he thanked God that at least the present dis-
pute respecting the celebration of Easter had occasioned the
iibling of such a synod once more ; but he expressed
the
wish that they would also busy themselves with more import-
ant tilings. He called upon them to take care that, as shep-
herds, they followed the example of the chief shepherd. The
voice of the hireling, who may be known because he does not
44

himself observe the precepts he lays down for others, could

not reach the hearts of men. Words profited nothing without
a corresponding life. True, he said, the diversity of customs
and traditions had greatly disturbed the peace of the church ;
strive in humility to follow the ex-
but, added he, if we only
the power of mutually
ample of our Lord, we shall next acquire
each other, as true disciples of Christ with all the
;
loving
heartland without taking offence at each others failings. And
soon would men come to the knowledge of the true way, if
and none were inclined
they sought the truth with equal zeal,
to borrow too much from self, but each sought his glory only
in the Lord. One thing I beg of you, he wrote to them, that
since I am the cause of this difference, and I came, for the sake
of our common Lord and Saviour, as a stranger into this land,
I may be allowed to live silently in these forests, near the bones
of our seventeen departed brethren, as I have been permitted
to live twelve years among you already, that so, as in duty
bound, we may pray for you, as hitherto we have done. May
Gaul embrace us all at once, as the kingdom of heaven will
embrace us, if we shall be found worthy of it.
May God's
free grace give us to abhor and renounce the whole world, to
love the Lord alone, and long after him with the Father and
the Holy Ghost. And, after having requested their prayers
for him, he added, we beg of you not to consider us as stran-
gers, for we are all members of one body, whether we be Gauls,
Britons, Irish, or of whatever other country. Already, when
writing this letter, Columban had reason to apprehend that on
account of these disputes he would be driven out of the country ;
and this letter, in which he
reproached the French bishops on
account of their worldly lives, was not exactly suited to render
them more favourably disposed to him. Circumstances also
now occurred which enabled his enemies to accomplish their
designs against him. He drew upon himself the hatred of the
then powerful but vicious Brunehault, the grandmother of king
Thierri II., who ruled over the Burgundian empire, in which
lay the three monasteries above mentioned, and which had
hitherto chiefly supported him. He came into collision with
her policy by decidedly
protesting against the unchaste life of
that prince, andby exhorting him, in opposition to the designs
of Brunehault, to enter into a
regular marriage connection.*
*
Once when Columban came to the monarch's camp, BrunehauVt
 COLUMBAN'S BANISHMENT. 45

As Columban opposed an unbending will to all the threats and

all the favours by which it was endeavoured to change his
mind, and refused to abate anything from the rigour of disci-
pline in his monasteries, he was at length, in the year 610,
banished from Thierri's kingdom, and was to be conveyed back
to Ireland. But no one ventured to carry the order into exe-
cution.* He was now on the point of paying a visit to the
Longobards in Italy, for the purpose of founding there a
monastery, and of labouring for the dissemination of pure doc-
trine among the Arians. But, by the invitation of a Frankish
king, he was induced to look up a place in his kingdom, from
which, as a centre, he might conveniently cany out his plans
for the conversion of the bordering tribes. Thus he established
himself, with his associates, in the territory of Zurich, near
Tuggen on the Limmat, expecting to find here an opportunity
of converting the Alemanni or Suevi, who dwelt in this region, j*
But they drew upon themselves the rage of the pagan people
by burning one of their idol-temples, and were obliged to seek
safety in flight. Arriving at a castle, named Arbon, near lake
Constance, a monument of the Roman dominion, they here fell
in with "Willimar, a pastor and priest, who was overjoyed to
be once more visited in his solitude and desertion by Christian
brethren. Entertained by his hospitality for seven days, they

caused Thierri's illegitimate children to be presented, that he might give

them his blessing but he declared, they ought to know that these chil-
;

dren of an unlawful bed would not come to the succession in the king-
dom, which put her in a great rage.
* As the author of Columban's life relates
(s. 47), the vessel which
was to convey him to Ireland, was driven ashore by the waves, and
could not for several days be got loose from the strand. This led the
6hip-master to conclude that Columban's banishment was the cause of
his unfortunate voyage, and he refused to take either him or his property
on board. And now, from the fear of God's anger, no one was willing
to execute against him the decree of banishment. He was left free to go
where he pleased, and was venerated still more than before. Yet Co-
lumban says in his letter to his monks, s. 7 " Nunc mihi scribenti
: nun-
tius supervenit narrans mihi navem parari, qua invitus vehar in meam
regionem, sed si fugero, nullus vetat custos, nam hoc videntur velle, ut
ego fugiarn."
f Agathias, in the last half of the sixth century, Hist. 1. I. c. 7.
ed. Niebuhr, p. 28, writes that the Alemanni were
gradually converted
from their idolatry by intercourse with the Franks : h hri/u&» fan
46 HIS RESIDENCE AT BREGENZ.

then heard of an eligible situation, at no great distance, near

the ruins of an ancient castle, called Pregentia (Bregenz), well
suited to their purpose on account of the fruitfulness of the
with fish. To
country, and the vicinity of a lake abounding
this spot they repaired here they founded a church
;
here ;

themselves by cultivating a garden, and by

they supported
fishing ; they also
distributed their fish among the pagan

people, and thus gained their confidence and affection. Gallus,

a young Irishman, of respectable family, whom Columban had
brought up, and who, during his residence in the Frankish
kingdom, had acquired a knowledge of the German language,
availed himself of this knowledge to preach divine truth to
the people. For three years they continued to labour after
this manner until Columban was driven by the hostile party
;

from this retreat also. He now executed the plan which he

had before already resolved upon, and betook himself, in the
year 613, to Italy, where he founded, near Pavia, the monas-
tery of Bobbio.
Although the communities now to be found among the
Longobards, the Arians, had the strongest reasons for union
among themselves, yet the schism which had grown out of the
dispute, concerning the three chapters, prevailed here still.
For this reason Columban, at the instigation of the Longobar-
dian king himself, wrote a letter to pope Boniface IV., in
which, with great freedom, he called upon him to take mea-
sures to have this subject submitted to the careful investiga-
tion of a synod, the Roman church vindicated from the
reproach of heresy,* and the schism brought to end. It is
plain, indeed, that either his residence in France and Italy had
operated to modify the views he entertained of his relation to
the Roman church, or the influence of the circumstances in
which he now found himself placed altered his position to that
church, and that he now addressed the pope in a different style
from what he would have done in Ireland or Britain. The
Roman church he pronounces mistress, and speaks in exalted
terms of her authority. Much of this, however, is
nothing more
than a formal courtesy ; and he would have been very far from
* The way which he speaks of it shows how far he was from pos-
in
sessing a correct knowledge of the more ancient doctrinal controversies.
He brings together Eutyches and Nestorius as kindred teachers of
 HIS DEMEANOUR TOWARDS THE ROMAN CHURCH. 47

ascribing anything like infallibility to her decisions, or allowing

himself to be governed unconditionally by them. He avows
this peculiar respect for the Roman church, on the ground
that Peter and Paul had taught in it, and honoured it by their
martyrdom, and that their relics were preserved in Rome.
But he places the church of Jerusalem in a still higher rank.*
He admonishes the Roman church so to conduct as not to
forfeit, by any dispute, the spiritual dignity conferred on her ;
for the power would remain with her only so long as the recta
ratio remained with her. He only was the true key-bearer of
the kingdom of heaven who by true knowledge opened the
door for the worthy, and shut it upon the unworthy. Whoever
did the contrary could neither open nor shut. He warns the
Roman church against setting up any arrogant claims on the
ground that the keys of the kingdom of heaven had been given
to St. Peter since they could have no force in opposition to
;

the faith of the universal church. \ Addressing himself to both

"
parties he says, Therefore, beloved, be ye one, and seek not
to renew old disputes but be silent rather, and bury them for
;

ever in oblivion and if anything is doubtful let it be reserved

:

to the final judgment. But whatever is revealed, and capable

of being made a matter of human judgment, on this decide
justly, and without respect to persons. Mutually acknowledge
one another that there may be joy in heaven and on earth,
;

on account of your peace and union. I see not how any

Christian can contend with another on the faith for what-
;

ever the orthodox Christian, who rightly praises the Lord,

may say, to that the other must respond Amen, because he
has the same faith and the same love. Be ye all, therefore, of
the same mind that ye may be both one
;
—
all Christians."
As to Gall us, he found himself to his great grief compelled
by sickness to let his beloved father Columban proceed on his
journey alone. He took his net, and with his boat proceeded
* s. 10. Roma orbis terrarum
caput est ecclesiarum, salva loci domi-
nicaj resurrectionis singulari praerogativa.
f Vos per hoc forte superciliosum nescio quid prse cseteris vobis
majoris auctoritatis ac in divinis rebus potestatis vindicatis, noveritis
minorem fore potestatem vestram apud Dominum, si vel cogitatur hoc
in cordibus vestris, quia unitas fidei in toto orbe unitatem fecit potestatis
et prserogativse, ita ut libertas veritati ubique ab omnibus detur et adi-
tus errori ab omnibus similiter abnegetur, quia confessio recta etiam
sancto privilegium dedit claviculario communi omnium.
48 GALLUS.

by the lake of Constance to the priest Willimar, by whom

they had before been hospitably entertained, where he met
with the same friendly reception again. Willimar gave the
sick man in charge to two of his clergy. No sooner had
Gallus recovered, than he begged the deacon Hiltibad, who
was best acquainted with the paths in the surrounding country,
as it Mas his business, by hunting and fishing, to provide for
the wants of his companions, to conduct him into the vast
forest near by, that he might there look out some suitable
spot for a hermitage. But the deacon described to him the
great danger to which he would be exposed, the forest being
full of wolves, bears, and wild boars. Said Gallus, " If God
be for us, who can be against us? The God who delivered
Daniel out of the lion's den, is able to defend me from the
fangs of the wild beasts." He prepared himself, by spending
a day in prayer and fasting, for the perilous expedition, and
with prayer he set out on his journey the next day, accom-
panied by the deacon. They travelled on till the third hour
after noon, when the deacon invited him to sit down with
himself, and refresh themselves with food, for they had taken
with them bread, and a net to catch fish in the well watered
forest. But Gallus said he would taste of nothing until a
place of rest had been shown him. They continued their pil-
grimage until sundown ; when they came to a spot where the
river Steinach, precipitating itself from a mountain, had hol-
lowed out a rock, and where plenty of fish were seen swimming
in the stream. They caught several in their net. The deacon
struck up a tire with a and they prepared themselves a
flint,
supper. When Gallus, before they sat down to eat, was about
to kneel in prayer, he was caught by a thorn-bush, and fell
prostrate to the earth. The deacon ran to his assistance ; but
said Gallus, " Let me alone, here is my resting-place for ever ;

here will I abide." And after he had risen from prayer, he

made a cross out of a hazel-rod, from which he suspended a
capsule of relics. On this spot Gallus now laid the foundation
of a monastery, which led to the clearing up of the forest, and
the conversion of the land into cultivable soil, and which after-
wards became so celebrated under his name, St. Gall. Some
years after this foundation, in 615, the vacant bishopric of
Costnitz was offered to Gallus ; but he declined it, and pro-
cured that the choice should fall upon a native of the country,
 DEATH OF GALLUS. 49

a certain deacon Johannes, who had been trained under his

own direction. The
consecration of the new bishop to his
office drew together a large concourse of people of every rank,
and the abbot Gallus availed himself of this opportunity to
bring home to the hearts of the still ignorant people, who had
but recently been converted from paganism, a word of exhor-
tation suited to their case. He himself delivered in the Latin
language what his disciple interpreted to the people in the
dialect of the country.* After having described in this dis-
course the history of God's providence, for the salvation of
mankind, from the fall downwards, he concluded with these
words: "We
who are thus the unworthy ministers of this
message to the present times, adjure you, in Christ's name,
that as ye have once, at your baptism, renounced the devil,
all his works and all his ways, so ye would renounce all these

through your whole life, and live as becometh children of God ;"
and he proceeded to designate, by name, the sins which they
should especially strive to shun. Having then alluded to the
judgment of God, in time and in eternity, he ended with the
blessing,
" —
May the Almighty God, who wills that all men
should be saved, and come to the knowledge of the truth, and
who through the ministry of my tongue has communicated this
to your ears —
may he himself by his own grace cause it to
bring forth fruit in your hearts !" Thus Gallus laboured for
the salvation of the Swiss and Swabian populations dwelling
around him till the year 640. f A
short time before his death,
he had requested his old friend the priest Willirnar, to meet
him at the castle of Arbon. Feeble as he was, he summoned
his last energies, and preached there to the assembled people.
Sickness prevented him from returning back to his monastery,
and he died at this place.J
He left behind him disciples who laboured on, after his ex-
* The sermon is to be found among others in Galland. Bibl. patr.
T. XII.
f The oldest, simplest account of the life of Gallus, written in a Latin
which often scarcely intelligible, is to be found in the latest collection
is
of the Scriptores rerum Germanicarnm by Pertz III. The recomposed
life by the abbot Walafrid Strabo of the ninth
century is in Mabillou,
Acta S. ord. Bened. S. II.
I According to the ancient tradition, ninety-five years old; which
certainly cannot be correct, as he accompanied Columban from Ireland
when he was a young man.
VOL. V. E
50 MAGNOALD. CYLLENA.

ample, for the culture of the people and of the country, and
founded monasteries, from which proceeded the reclaiming of
the wilderness. Among these may be mentioned particularly
Magnoald (Magold, or abbreviated Magnus), who had proba-
of Arbon, and
bly while a youth joined Gallus at the castle
was of German descent. He founded the monastery at Fussen
(Faucense monasterium), on the Lech, in the department of
the Upper Danube and this marks the theatre of his labours.*
;

We may observe in most cases, that these men reached a good

old age, —
a consequence of their simple mode of life, and a
kind of activity, which with all its toils strengthened their
physical powers. In a length of life which seldom fell short
of seventy years, they were enabled to extend and confirm the
work of their hands in a proportionate degree. The number
of individuals who thus passed over from Ireland to France
was undoubtedly great and the names of many of them are
;

unknown to us. Of very few indeed have we any exact infor-

mation. Soon after the death of Gallus, Fridolin, a monk,
came over from Ireland. He laboured among the people on
the borders of Alsace, Switzerland, and Suabia, and founded
a monastery near Siickingen, on the Rhine.f There came
also from Ireland, soon after the death of Gallus, the monk
Thrudpert J he went to Breisgau, in the Black Forest, and
;

would have founded there a monastery but some of the people,

;

whom a prince of that country favourable to his plan sent

with him to assist in subduing the wilderness, are said to have
murdered him. A
monastery, called after his name, St.
Hubrecht, perpetuated his memory.§
Another Irish monk, by the name of Cyllena (Cilian),
appeared in the last half of the seventh century as a preacher
territory, where probably, at an
in a part of the Frankish
earlier period, when it
belonged to the Thuringian dominion,
some seeds of Christianity had been scattered. ||
He is said to

* The account of his life

(unfortunately of very uncertain authority),
written at a later period, is to be found in the Actis sanctorum, at the VI.
of September.
f The uncertain accounts of his life, at the VI. of March.
% It is singular, that the names of the two last sound more like German
than Irish yet they may have been early altered by a foreign pronun-
:

ciation. § See Acta, p. 26. April.

||
We are in want of ancient and
trustworthy accounts of the life of
 PRECEDING FALSE TEACHERS. 51

have found in the command of Christ, To forsake all and

follow him, a call expressly addressed to himself, and bidding
him to engage in the work of a missionary. He set out on
his journey with several companions, and came to Wiirzburg,
where he fell in with a certain duke Gozbert, who was bap-
tized by him, and whose example was followed by many of
his people. But this person afterwards contracted a marriage
with Geilane, his brother's widow, thus violating laws of the
church Cilian, believing him to have arrived at sufficient
;

maturity of Christian knowledge to know better, upbraided

him with this as a crime. He resolved to separate from her —
but Geilane, being informed of his intention, took advantage
of the absence of her husband in a time of war, and caused
Cilian to be put to death. If the facts were so, we have here
an example showing how the missionaries were hampered and
thwarted in the discharge of their proper duties, from being
no longer able to discriminate between the divine law and
human prescriptions.
As respects the dissemination of Christianity in Bavaria
it

Proper, our sources of information are not sufficiently ac-

curate and certain to enable us to trace the progress of events
subsequent to the death of that man of God, Severinus. From
the neighbouring fields of missionary labour already men-
tioned, many seeds of divine truth would find their way here
also. It may be supposed that Irish missionaries would not
fail to visit so inviting a spot. A
Frankish synod, in the
year 613, felt itself called to do something for the spread of
Christianity, as well as the diffusion of pure Christian know-
ledge, among the neighbouring populations ; and they com-
mitted this work to the abbot Eustasius, of Luxeuil, the suc-
cessor of Columban, and to the monk Agil.* These persons
are said to have extended their travels as far as Bavaria, where
they found not only the remains of idolatry, but also certain

man also for the older and simpler biographical notices published
this ;

among those of Canisius (Lect. antiq. T. III.) cannot be so called. What

is told in them both, about Cilian's
journey to Rome, for the purpose of
obtaining full power from the pope to enter upon his missionary labours,
certainly does not look exactly like what we might expect from an Irish
monk.
* Called
by the French St. Aile, afterwards abbot of the monastery
Resbacum, Rebais.
E2
52 PHOTINIANISM AMONG THE BURGUNDIANS.

heretical views of Christianity ;* namely, as it is asserted, the

errors of Photinus and Bonosus.
As regards the so designated doctrines of Bonosus, it may
be conjectured that some Irish missionary had introduced
there the opinion, in earlier times not deemed offensive, that
Mary had other sons after the birth of Jesus but it may be
;

questioned whether the reporters

of this account had any right
notion of the doctrine of Bonosus, or knew how to distinguish
it from that of Photinus. At all events, by the latter they
meant the denial of Christ's divinity, and the opinion that he
was merely a man.f We
might then suppose, either that
some among the new converts had framed to themselves such
a conception of the Christian doctrine, the rude understanding
of the natural man being easily led to form such views of
Christ, J or that the ignorance of rude missionaries had given
occasion to these opinions ; for no sooner had the enthusiasm
for missionary labours begun to spread, than it happened that
even such as possessed no suitable qualifications were led from
the force of imitation, from ambition, or other impure motives,

* The roadto Alsace, on the borders of Switzerland, led them perhaps

next further towards Bavaria
still for one object of their journey was
:

the tribe of Waraskians, whose locality, in the life of St. Salaberga,

(Mabillon O. B. ssec. II. f. 425) is thus described "qui partem Sequa-
:

norum provincial et Duvii (river Doubs) amnis tiuenta ex utraque parte

incolunt." According to the Life of Eustasius by the monk Jonas, Eu-
stasius went in the first place to the Waraskians, and found such errors
—
prevailing only among this people among the Bavarians merely idolatry.
But according to the Life of Salaberga, Eustasius went first to the Bava-
rians, and found such errors prevailing first among these. Also, in the
Life of Agil (f. 319) their route is described in the same manner; but
whether these errors were found to prevail also among the Bavarians, is
not stated.
f The author of the Life of Salaberga describes the erroneous doctrines
"
most distinctly :
purum hominem dominum nostrum Jesum esse absque
Deitate patris." But here also no distinction is made in fact between
the doctrine of Photin and of Bonosus and as the other narrators say like-
;

wise, Photinus vel Bonosus, they too were doubtless aware of no differ-
ence.
% How possible it is for heretical tendencies to spring up even in the
midst of a people in a wholly rude state, when Christianity has made
some little progress among them, is seen at present in the remarkable
appearances among the islanders of the Pacific Ocean. See the Mission-
ary Operations in the South Sea, by F. Krohn, Hamburg, F. Perthes,
1833, and Missionary Register for 1832, pp. 99 and 365.
 EMMERAX. 53

to devote themselves to the work.* It is probable, however,

that these errors sprung from some root of false doctrine,
which had been propagated among these tribes at a much
earlier period ; for we find already, at the close of the fifth

century, indications of the fact, that along with the Arians,

the followers also of these Photinian opinions sought to intro-
duce their doctrines among the Burgundians ; whether it was
that Arianism itself had called forth a tendency of the natural
understanding, which proceeded still further in the denial of
our Saviour's peculiar dignity, or that such a sect had from
ancient times been secretly propagated in the Roman empire,
and now sought to gain among the newly converted people, a
place of refuge for itself as well as proselytes to its faith. f
When about the middle of the seventh century, Emmeran,
a bishop from Aquitania,J made a journey to Hungary, with
a view to labour for the conversion of the Avares, the Bava-
rian duke Theodo I., as it is recorded, represented to him
that desolating wars rendered his undertaking impracticable,
and begged him, instead of pursuing his plan, to remain in
Bavaria, where some seeds of Christianity were already to be
*
Thus, e. g. it is related in the life of the abbot Eustasius, that a cer-
tain Agvestius, who had been secretary of the Frankish king Thierri II.,
seized with sudden feelings of contrition, had renounced all his earthly
possessions, and -withdrawn to retirement in the convent of Luxeuil.
Next he was seized with a violent desire to become a missionary and it;

was in vain the abbot Eustasius assured him, that he wanted the matu-
rity necessary for that employment. He went among the Bavarians,
but tarried there only a short time, as he could effect nothing.
f Sidonius Apollinaris, bishop of Clermont (epp. I. VI. ep. 12. opp.
Sirmond I. f. 582), speaks of the pains taken by Patinus, bishop of Lyons,
to convert the Photinians among the Burguudian people. It might be

supposed, however, that he here confounded the Photinians with the

Arians. Yet it is plain, from a letter of Avitus, bishop of Vienne, to the
Burgundian king Gundobad; (ep. 28. opp. Sirmond II. f. 44) that per-
sons who denied a preexistent divine nature of Christ, perhaps proper
Photinians, had sought to gain over the king to their opinions. Hence
he was led to consult bishop Avitus.
I Not even the name of his bishopric is stated in the account of his
life first compiled in the eleventh
century, which Canisius has published
in the third volume of his Lectiones antiqua;. The life, in this form,
was first composed in the eleventh century and though an earlier nar-
;

rative furnishes the basis of it, yet even this does not reach back to the
age of Emmeran; and these later compilations are always less trust-
worthy. A true picture of the labours and fortunes of Emmeran cannot
be recovered from these meagre biographies.
54 RUDBERT. CORBINIAN. FRIESLANDERS.

found, though mixed up with paganism, and to labour for the

restoration of religion to its purity among his people. He
laboured there for three years. After this, he undertook a
journey to Rome, intending to spend the remainder of his days
in the vicinity of places deemed sacred ; but, waylaid and
murdered by a son of the duke, to revenge an accusation of
which he was supposed to be the author, he perished as a
martyr.* At the close of the seventh century, Rudbert
(Ruprecht) bishop of Worms, descended from a royal family
among the Franks, made a journey to Bavaria at the invitation
of duke Theodo II. He begged of the duke that he might
be allowed to establish himself in a wild district of country,
full of the remains of magnificent structures
belonging to the
Roman times, where the city of Juvavia lay in ruins. Here
he built a church and a monastery, the foundation upon which
rose afterwards the bishopric of Salzburg. After this he
returned to his native land, to procure further aid for the
prosecution of his growing work ; and with twelve new
missionaries he returned to his old field of action, and laboured
afresh in it until at an advanced age, thinking his work
established on a sufficiently firm foundation, and having left
behind him a successor in the field, he returned back to his
bishopric, for the purpose of spending there the remnant of
his days.f After these men, followed the Frankish hermit
Corbinian, who settled down in the district where afterwards
sprung up the bishopric of Freisingen.
Bordering on the kingdom of the Franks was the powerful,
barbarous, and warlike tribe of the Frieslanders, who, besides
the strip of territory which still bears their name, had pos-
session of several other portions of the Netherlands and of the
neighbouring Germany and partly by reason of their vicinity,
;

partly by the conquest of some portions of the territory, zealous

bishops among the Franks found opportunity of extending
among this people the sphere of their labours. Among these
* The
cause of the persecution excited against him still remains in
the dark. According to the above-mentioned life, Emmeran, out of
compassion to the guilty ones, took upon himself the blame of the preg-
nancy of a daughter of the duke and when at some later period he
;

retracted the pious fiction, he was not believed.

f Respecting these missionaries also, we have only a meagre account,,
drawn up at a much later period. Canis. Lect. antiq. T. III. P. II.
 AMANDUS. 55

was Amandus, a person of glowing zeal, but who seems to

have been wanting in prudence and wisdom. Having been
ordained as a bishop without any fixed diocese (episcopus
regionarius), he chose the districts of the Schelde, then
belonging to the kingdom of the Franks, as his field of labour.
He came to the place called Gandavum (Ghent), and here
found idolatry prevailing ; but he was unable to subdue the
barbarism of the people. He procured an order from the
Frankish king Dagobert, by which all might be compelled to
submit to baptism. In endeavouring to carry this command
into execution, and to preach to the people, who as it may
well be supposed could derive but little benefit from preaching,
backed by such forcible measures, he exposed himself to the
most violent persecutions and ill-treatment, and sometimes to
the peril of his life. Yet he endeavoured also to win the
affections of his hearers by acts of benevolence. He redeemed
captives ; instructed and baptized them. A great impression
was made by him on the minds of the rude people, when on a
certain occasion he caused a thief, who had been hung, and
whom he had sought in vain, by his intercessions, to deliver
from the punishment of death, to be taken down from the
gallows after the execution of his sentence, and conveyed to
his own chamber, where he succeeded in recalling him to life.
As he appeared now in the character of a miracle-worker,
many came to him of their own accord and were baptized.
They destroyed their idol-temples, and Amandus was assisted
by presents of the king and the united offerings of pious men,
in the work of converting these temples into monasteries and
churches. But now, instead of continuing to build on these
first successful issues, and to extend and establish on a still

firmer foundation his sphere of action where so much still re-

mained to be done, and a happy beginning had just been made,
he allowed himself to be hurried on by a fanatical zeal to seek
martyrdom among the savage Sclavonians, and directed his
course to the countries around the Danube ; but finding here
no opportunity of doing good, nor even a chance for martyr-
dom, being received perhaps with indifference or ridicule
rather than rage, he soon returned back to his former field of
labour. At last, he obtained a fixed diocese, as bishop of
Mastricht (Trajectum), and with indefatigable pains, he
journeyed through it, exhorting the clergy to the faithful
56 AMANDUS :

discharge of their duties, and preaching to the pagan popu-

lations who dwelt within, or on the borders of, his diocese,
till his death, in 679.* One of the most distinguished among
these Prankish bishops who exerted themselves in the cause
of missions, was Eligius.f The story of his life before he
became a bishop shows, that amidst all the rudeness of the
Prankish people, and in spite of the sensuous colouring of the
religious spirit, some remains of vital Christianity were still
preserved in old Christian families. From such a family
Eligius sprung.J Already, while pursuing the occupation of
a goldsmith, he had by remarkable skill in his art, as w ell r

as by his integrity and trustworthiness, won the particular

esteem and confidence of king Clotaire I., and stood high at
his court. Even then the cause of the gospel was to him the
dearest interest to which everything else was made subservient.
While working at his art, always had a bible lying open
lie

before him. The abundant income of his labours he devoted

to religious objects and deeds of charity. "Whenever he heard
—
of captives who in these days were often dragged off in
troops as slaves
—that were to be sold at auction, § he hastened
to the spotand paid down their price. Sometimes, by his
means, a hundred at once, men and women, thus obtained
their liberty. He then left it to their choice, either to return
home, or to remain with him as free Christian brethren, or to
become monks. In the first case, he gave them money for
their journey ; in the last, which pleased him most, he took
pains to procure them a handsome reception into some monas-
tery. While a layman, he made use of his Christian know-
ledge, in which he excelled many of the common clergy, to
further the religious instruction of the people. Thus his fame
soon spread far and wide, and when strangers from abroad,
from Italy or Spain, came on any business to the king, they

* The
source, is the ancient account of his life in the Actis S. Ord.
Bened. Mabilion. Saec. II.
j-
St. Eloy. His life, written by his disciple Audoen, is better suited
than other biographies of this period to give a true and vivid picture of
the man it describes. It is found in D'Achery spicileg. T. II. nov.
edit.
J Born at Chatelat, four miles from Limoges, a.d. 588.
§ Prcecipue e genere Saxonum, qui abunde eo tempore veluti greges
a sedibus propriis evulsi in diversa distrahebantur
 HIS ACTIVITY. 57

firstrepaired to him for consultation and advice. In the

practice of his art, he was most pleased to be employed on
objects connected with the interests of religion, consequently
in accordance with the peculiar spirit of those times, in
adorning with costly shrines the graves of saints.
This person, in 641, was appointed bishop over the exten-
sive diocese of Vermandois, Tournay, and Noyon, the boun-
daries of which touched on pagan tribes, while its inhabitants
were many of them still pagans, or new converts, and Chris-
tians only in name. With indefatigable zeal he discharged
the duties of this office till 659, through a period of eighteen
years. He took every pains to search out the rude popula-
tions within the bounds of his extensive diocese, and even
beyond them. In these tours of visitation, he had to suffer
many insults and persecutions, sometimes exposing his life to
danger but by love, gentleness, and patience, he triumphed
;

over every obstacle. The account which his scholar and

biographer gives us of the matter of his discourses, shows that
he was very far from attaching importance to a barely external
conversion, or mere conformity to the Christian ritual ; on
the contrary, he endeavoured carefully to put men on their
guard against such outward show, and to insist on a Christian
change of heart in its whole extent. "It is not enough,"
said he, "that you have taken upon you the Christian name,
if you do not the works of a Christian. The Christian name
is profitable tohim who constantly treasures Christ's precepts
in his heart and expresses them in his life." He reminded
his hearers of their baptismal vows, recalled them to the
sense of what these vows implied, and of what was requisite in
order to fulfil them. He then warned them against particu-
lar sins, and exhorted them to various kinds of good works.
He taught them that love was the fulfilling of the law, and
that the dignity of the children of God consisted in their
loving even their enemies for God's sake. He warned them
against the remains of pagan superstition. They should not
allow themselves to be deluded by auguries, or pretended
omens of good or ill fortune ;* but when going on a journey
or about to engage in any other business, they should simply
cross themselves in the name of Christ, repeat the creed and
* Similiter et auguria, vel sternutationes nolite observare, nee in itinere
positi aliquas aviculas cantantes attendatis.
58 LIVIN.

the Pater noster with faith and sincere devotion, and no

power of the evil one would be able to hurt them. No Chris-
tian should care in the least on what day he left his house, or
on what day he returned home, for all days alike were made
by God. None should bind an amulet on the neck of man
or beast, even though the charm were prepared by a priest,
though it were said to be a holy thing, and to contain passages
of Holy Writ ; for there was in it no remedy of Christ, but
only a poison of the devil. In everything, men should simply
seek to be partakers of the grace of Christ, and to confide,
with the whole heart, in the power of his name. They should
desire constantly to have Christ in their hearts, and his sign
on their foreheads for the sign of Christ was a great thing,
;

but it profited those only who laboured to fulfil his command-

ments.
About this period, Livin, descended from a respectable
Irish family,* laboured as a missionary among the barbarous
people in Brabant and in 656 he experienced the martyrdom
;

which he had predicted for himself.f

Monks from England must have found in their relationship
to the German nations, a peculiar motive for engaging in the
work of conveying to these nations the message of salvation ;
and by means of this relationship such an enterprise would in
their case be greatly facilitated. In the last times of the
seventh century, many young Englishmen resorted to Ire-
land, partly for the purpose of leading a silent and strictly
spiritual life among the monks of that island, and partly for
the sake of gathering up the various knowledge there to be
obtained. They were received by the Irish with Christian
* Boniface, who wrote the of this person, affirms,
life it is true, that
he received his factsfrom the mouth of three of Livin's disciples but ;

still his narrative is entitled to little confidence, and cannot be safely

used. Livin is said to have received baptism from Augustin, the founder
of the English church but to judge from the relations in which he stood
;

to the British church, this certainly is not probable.

f His poetical letter to the abbot Florbert in Ghent :

Impia barbarieo gens exagitata tumultu

Hie Brabanta furit meque cruenta petit.
Quid tibi peccavi qui pacis nuntia porto ?
Pax est, quod porto, cur mihi bella moves ?
Sed qua tu spiras, feritas, sors lata triumphi,
Atque dabit palmam gloria martyrii.
Cui credam novi, nee spe frustrabor inani,
Qui spondet Deus est, quis dubitare potest ?
 EGBERT. WIGBERT. W1LLIBR0RD. 59

hospitality,and provided not only with the means of subsist-

ence, but with books. Among these, was one by the name
of Egbert, who in a sickness which threatened to prove fatal,
made a vow, that if God spared his life, he would not return
to his native land, but devote his days to the service of the
Lord in some foreign country. He
afterwards decided, with
several companions, to repair to the German tribes but ;

when on the point of embarking with them, was detained

behind.* His companions, however, carried their resolution
into effect; and thus it was he that really gave the first
impulse to the work, which subsequently placed the German
church on a stable foundation. The principal among these
was the monk Wigbert. He resided for two years among the
Frieslanders, who at that time still maintained their inde-
pendence ; but owing to the rude temper of the people and
of their king Radbod, he met with too determined a resist-
ance, and returned, without accomplishing anything, to his
native land. But the work was resumed with better success
by another person from England, the presbyter Willibrord.
A
pious education had early lighted up in him the fire of
divine love. At the age of twenty, he too visited Ireland,
for the purpose of being trained and after having spent
;

there twelve years,f he felt an impulse constraining him to

live no longer simply for his own improvement, but to labour
also for the good of others and the fame of the nations of
;

German descent, the Frieslanders, the Saxons, where the

field of labour was so great, and the labourers so few,
strongly
attracted him. Pipin, mayor of the palace, having subdued
the Frieslanders, and made a part of them dependent on the
Frankish empire, new and more favourable prospects were
thus opened for a mission into these countries. He set out
with twelve associates, and others followed after. Among
these were two brothers by the name of Heuwald, who died
as martyrs among the Saxons. Willibrord having been in-
vited by Pipin to fix the seat of his labours in the northern
parts of his kingdom, first visited Rome, in the year 692,
yielding to that respect for the Roman church which was so
deeply impressed on the English mind. His object Mas to
begin the great work under the authority of the pope, and to
* Bede III. 27
.
; V. 11, 12. f See Alcuin's Life of Willibrord.
60 SVIDBERT, ARCHBISHOP OF UTRECHT.

provide himself with relics for the consecration of the new

churches. Meantime his associates were not inactive. They
got one of their own number, a gentle spirit, Svidbert by
name, to be ordained as bishop, and he laboured among the
Westphalian tribe of the Boruchtuarians, but by an irruption
of the Saxons was driven away whereupon Pipin made over
;

to him the island of Kaiserworth, in the Rhine, for the founda-

tion of a monastery.
Willibrord soon returned from Rome, and began his labours,
with flattering results, in Frankish Friesland. Pipin now
concluded to give the new church a fixed and permanent
form, by erecting a bishopric which should have its seat in
the old borough of the Wilts (Wilteburg, the Roman Tra-
jectum, Utrecht), and for this purpose sent Willibrord to
Rome, to receive ordination from the pope as an independent
bishop over the new church. Thus his church was to obtain
the dignity of a metropolis, or an archbishopric. The fame
of Willibrord's labours in these districts is said to have
induced Wulfram, a bishop of Sens, to repair thither with
several companions. He went to those Frieslanders who
were not yet subjected to the Frankish dominion, and is said
to have baptized many. A characteristic incident is related
of his labours, which, though the account of his life cannot
be relied on as authentic, may nevertheless be true. King
Radbod came and represented himself as prepared to re-
ceive baptism, but was first desirous of having one question
answered namely, whether on arriving at heaven, he should
;

find there his forefathers also, the earlier kings. The bishop
replied, that these, having died without baptism, had assuredly
been condemned to hell. " What business have I, then," said
"
Radbod, with a few poor people in heaven ; I prefer to abide
by the religion of my fathers." Though the barbarous Rad-
bod was, doubtless, only seeking a pretext to reject, in a half
bantering way, the proposal that he should embrace Chris-
tianity, still this incident may serve to illustrate how the

spread of Christianity was hindered and checked by the narrow

and tangled views of its doctrines which had grown out of the
ordinances of the church. Alike fruitless were all the pains
bestowed by Willibrord on the king of the Frieslanders. The
active missionary made a journey, however, to the north,
beyond the province of Radbod, as far as Denmark. Yet all
 WULFRAM OF SENS. 61

that he could do here was to purchase thirty of the native

youths. These he instructed as he travelled ; and having at
length landed on a certain island consecrated to the ancient
German deity Fosite (Fosite's land, Helgoland) he meant to
avail himself of some opportunity while he remained there, to
baptize them. But to touch anything consecrated to the god
on this holy island, was considered a capital crime. When
Willibrord therefore ventured to baptize the lads in a sacred
fountain, while his associates slaughtered some animals deemed
sacred, the fury of the people was greatly excited. One of
the missionaries, selected by lot, was sacrificed to the idols ;
the rest king Radbod sent back to the Frankish kingdom.
Somewhat later, Willibrord was enabled to extend the field of
his labours among this people. It was when the Frieslanders
were more completely subjected to the Frankish dominion,
and after the death of king Radbod, the most violent opposer
of the Christian church. This happened in 719. At a still
later period, he was assisted in no inconsiderable degree by
one of the natives, a man of high standing, and a zealous
Christian. In him, while yet a heathen, we have a remarkable
instance of that drawing of the heavenly Father, which leads
those who follow it to the Son for even then he strove to
;

follow the law of God written on the heart. He was a

benefactor to the poor, a defender of the oppressed, and as
a judge exercised justice but in fearlessly administering the
;

law, and setting his face against all the wrong done by king
Radbod and his servants, he drew upon himself the persecu-
tions of that prince, and was compelled to escape, with his

family, to the neighbouring kingdom of the Franks. Here

he met with a friendly reception here, too, he became ac-
;

quainted with the Christian doctrines, was convinced of their

truth, and went over, with his whole family, to the Christian
church. After the death of king Radbod, Charles Martel,
the mayor of the palace, presented him with a feof on the
borders of Friesland, and sent him back to his native
country,
to labour there for the promotion of the Christian faith. He
established himself in the vicinity of Utrecht, and with his
whole family, zealously maintained the preaching of the
faith.* Thus Willibrord laboured for more than thirty years
* See
Altfrid's Life of St. Liudger, near the beginning: Monumenta
Germaniaj historica, by Pertz, T. II. f. 405.
62 MISSIONS IN GERMANY.

as bishop of the new church. In 739, at the age of eighty-

one, he died.*
But notwithstanding the individual efforts which had thus
far been made, on so many different sides, for the introduction
of Christianity into Germany, still these isolated and scattered
attempts, without a common centre, or a firm ecclesiastical
bond to unite the individual plans in one concerted whole,
could accomplish but little which was calculated to endure,
amid such a mass of untutored nations, and under circum-
stances in so many respects unfavourable. To insure the
steady progress of Christianity among these populations for all
future time, one of two things was necessary. Either a large
number of missionaries labouring singly, and relying simply
on the power of the divine word lodged in the hearts of men,
would have to be distributed through a 'large number of
smaller fields, and to prepare the way so that the Christian
church might gradually and by working outwards from
within, attain among the and determinate
nations a fixed
shape, and Christianity, like a leaven, penetrate through the
—
whole mass of the people and this was the end to which the
efforts of the Irish and British missionaries chiefly tended ; or
some one individual must rise up, endowed with great energy
and wisdom, to conduct the whole enterprise after one plan,
who would be able, in a much shorter space of time, to found
a universal German church after some determinate outward
form, and to secure its perpetuity by forced outward institu-
tions knit in close connection ,with the great body of the
Roman church. The latter was done ; and it was the work
of Boniface, whom, for this reason, though he found already
many scattered missionaries in Germany, we must still ^regard
as the father both of the German church and of Christian
civilization in Germany.
Winfrid, as he was properly named, f was born in Kirton,
Devonshire, in the year 680. He belonged, as it seems, to a

* Bede says of him, a.d. 731 : Ipse adhuc superest, longa jam vene-
rabilis setate, utpote tricesimum et sextum in episcopatu habens annum
et post multiplices militia; coelestis agones ad prsemia remunerationis
supernae tota mente suspirans.
f The name Bonifacius, by which he was commonly known after his
ordination as a bishop, he had perhaps adopted already on his entrance
into the convent.
 BONIFACE (WINFRID) IN FRIESLAND. 63

family of some consideration, and was destined by his father

for a secular profession. But by the discourses of the clergy,
who, according to an old English custom,* were used to visit
the families of the laity for the purpose of instructing them in
the faith and advancing their progress in the Christian life,
the heart of the youth, peculiarly susceptible to religious im-
pressions, was inflamed with a passion for the monastic life ;
and his father, who was at first opposed, rendered humble and

pliant by a reverse of fortune, was finally induced to yield to

his wishes. In two considerable English convents, at Adscan-
cester (Exeter) and Nutescelle, he received his clerical edu-
cation and theological training. The predominant bent of his
mind was practical. By prudence and skill in the manage-
ment of affairs, he must have early distinguished himself:
hence he was employed by his convent as their chosen agent
in all difficult cases. But the passion for foreign travel, which
seemed innate in the monks of these islands, together with a
loftier wish of devoting his life to labours for promoting
the salvation of pagan nations, constrained him to form the
"j"

resolution of leaving his native land. In 715 he set out on his

voyage to Friesland yet the consequences of the war, then
;

unfortunate for the French kingdom, between the Major domo

Charles Martel and the Friesland king Radbod, proved a
hindrance to his labours, and he was therefore induced, after
having spent a whole summer and a part of the autumn in
Utrecht, to return back to his convent. The monks of his
cloister were now ready and anxious to make him their abbot,
the office having just become vacant ; but he could not be in-
duced to abandon the missionary work, which was so dear to his
heart, and, following the example of the older English mis-
sionaries,he first visited Rome in the autumn of the year 718,
when pope Gregory II., to whom he had been recommended
by his wise friend Daniel, bishop of Winchester, commissioned
*
This, in truth, was a kind of duty to which the English missionaries
\yere earnestly devoted from the very first, see above p. 27, 30. In the
life of Boniface
by his scholar, the presbyter Willibald, in Pertz, Monu-
ments. Germanise historica, T. H. c. 1. p. 334, it is said: "Cum vero
aliqui, sicut illis in regionibus moris est, presbyteri sive clerici populares
vel laicos praodicandi causa adiissent."
t He himself says, in a letter to an English abbess "Postquam nos
:

timor Christi et amor peregrinationis

longa et lata terrarum ac maris
intercapedine separavit." ep. 31.
64 BONIFACE IX HESSIA. THURINGIA.

him to preach the gospel to the pagan nations of Germany.

He now made his first essay in Thuringia, to which, at that
time, a large portion of the French territory belonged ; but
the information which he obtained there convinced him that,
to accomplish the ends he had in view, it would be necessary
for him to secure the cooperation of the French government,
and he repaired for this purpose to Charles Martel, the mayor
of the palace. The favourable prospects which began to open
on the mission to Frieslandby the death of Radbod, in 719,
induced him to visit that country, and he acted under the
archbishop Willibrord for three years with encouraging sue
cess. The latter, in his advanced age, was desirous of securing
him as his successor ; but Boniface thought it his duty to
decline this offer, feeling himself impelled by an inward call
from above to secure the spread of the gospel among the
nations of Germany, whose sad condition was known to him
by actual observation. This thought so occupied his mind
as to present itself in the shape of a dream,* in which he heard
the divine call, and saw opened to his view the sure prospect
of an abundant harvest among the pagan nations of Ger-
many. In obedience to this call, he journeyed, in 722, to
Hessia and Thuringia. At Amoeneburg, in Upper Hessia, he
baptized two princes of the country, Detwig and Dierolf, and
there he founded the first monastery. In Thuringia, a country
exposed, by wars with the bordering Saxons, to constant
devastations, he had to sustain many dangers and hardships,
with great difficult)'- obtaining a scanty supply for his own
wants and those of his companions, f Having reported the
* I take this anecdote from a letter of the abbess
Bugga to Boniface,
who at that time was still a presbyter, ep. III. In praising the divine
mercy, "which had been shown to him in so many ways, te transeuntem
per ignotos pagos piissime conduxit, she adds Primum pontificem glo-
:

riosse sedis ad desiderium mentis tuse blandiendum inclinavit, postea

inimicum catholicse ecclesise Rathbodum coram te consternavit, demum
per somnia semetipso revelavit, quod debuisti manifeste messem Dei metere
et congregare sanctarum animarum manipulos in horreum regis ccelestis.
The series of events here described harmonises entirely with the chrono-
logy of Boniface's life, as cleared up from other sources. First his jour-
ney to Rome and the acquiescence of the pope in his missionary enter-
prises next, the event so fortunate for the mission among the Friesland-
;

ers, thedeath of Radbod then the inward call of God to labour among
;

the pagan tribes of Germany," confirmed by a vision.

f See Liudger's life of abbot Gregory of Utrecht, s. 6.
 ORDINATION OF BONIFACE AT ROME. 65

results of his labours thus far to the pope, he was called by

the latter to Rome, which, in obedience to this call, he visited
again in the year 723. Pope Gregory II. had it in view to
consecrate him as bishop over the new church ; but he wished
in the first place, after the usual manner, to make sure of his

orthodoxy, and for this purpose required him to repeat his

confession of faith. Partly because he was ignorant of the
Roman mode of pronouncing Latin, partly because he dis-
trusted his ability to find suitable expressions at once for
doctrinal matter in an oral discourse,* he begged to be allowed
the privilege of presenting to the pope a written confession,
which was granted him. The pope being satisfied with this
confession, and with the manner in which he had acquitted
himself in reporting his labours thus for, solemnly ordained
him as bishop over the new church to be founded in Germany, |
without assigning, of course, for the present, a special diocese.J
His labours were to be confined to no one place ; but he was to
travel round among the tribes, and to spend the most of his
time wherever necessity might require. § At this ordination
Boniface bound himself by an oath to ecclesiastical obedience
to the pope, similar to that usually taken by the Italian bishops

belonging to the several patriarchal dioceses of the Roman

* This is " Novi me im-

probably the meaning of Boniface's words :

peritum jam peregrinus," (after he had spent so long a time among the
rude populations, and was used to speak only in the German tongue,) I.e.
in Pertz, p. 343. Hence it is next said also of written confessions of faith :

Fidem urbane? eloquentiae scientia conscriptam.

f Yet Boniface seems by no means to have been resolved from the
first to pass the whole of his life in Germany and hence he could not
;

have entertained the design of becoming the head of a new church for ;

it was his purpose, some time or other, to return to his native land, as is
evident from his IV. letter, ed. Wurdtwein, in which, exhorting a friend
in England to the diligent study of the sacred scriptures, he says to him :

Si dominus voluerit, ut aliquando ad istas partes remeans, sicat proposi-

tum habeo, per viam (it should doubtless read vitam) spondeo, me tibi in
his omnibus fore fidelem amicum et in studio divinarum scripturarum,
in quantum vires suppeditent, devotissimum adjutorem.
% A so-called episcopus regionarius.
" Nee enim
§ As late as the year 739, Gregory III. wrote to him :

habebis licentiam, frater, pro incepti laboris utilitate in uno morari loco,
sed confirmatis cordibus fratrum et omnium fidelium qui rarescunt in
illis Hesperiis partibus, ubi tibi dominus aperuerit viam salutis, piccdi-

care non deseras."

VOL. V. F
66 INFLUENCE OF HIS OATH ON THE GERMAN CHURCH.

church,* but with such modifications as the difference between

the relations of an Italian bishop and of a bishop of the new
German church required. At the tomb of the Apostle Peter
he took the oath, which in substance was as follows: " I — pro-
mise thee, the first of the Apostles, and thy representative
pope Gregory, and his successors, that, with God's help, I
will abide in the unity of the Catholic faith, that I will in no
manner agree with anything contrary to the unity of the Ca-
tholic church, but will in every way maintain my faith pure
and my co-operation constantly for thee, and for the benefit of
thy church, on which was bestowed, by God, the power to
bind and to loose, and for thy representative aforesaid, and
his successors. And whenever I find that the conduct of the
presiding officers of churches contradicts the ancient decrees
and ordinances of the fathers, I will have no fellowship or
connection with them; but, on the contrary, if I can hinder
them, I will hinder them and if not, report them faithfully
;

to the pope." "f

This formal oath was of the greater moment in its influence

on the formation of the New German church, inasmuch as
—
Boniface such was the integrity of his character would be —
most conscientious in observing its provisions. The question
was now settled, whether the German church should be incor-
porated into the old system of the Roman hierarchy, and the
West be determined by this or
entire Christian culture of the ;

whether, from this time onward, there should go forth from

the German church a reaction of free Christian development.
The last would have taken place, if the more free-minded
* The form of an oath of this sort is still
preserved in the businesS-
diaiy of the popes, belonging to the first part of the eighth century, the
Liber diurnus Komanorum pontificum, published by the Jesuit Gamier
at Paris 1680, and to be found in C. G. Hoffmann nova scriptorum ac
monmnentorum coliectio. T. II. Lips. 17-33.
f This latter passage was calculated especially with reference to the
circumstances under which Boniface was to labour and in the present
;

case the references in the original oath, which might suit the old rela-
tions of the pope to the Byzantine empire;, were altered for the occasion,
in the latter, it ran thus Promitto pariter, quod si quid contra rem
:

publicam vel piissimum principem nostrum a quolibet agi cognovero,

minime consentire sed in quantum virtus suffragaverit, obviare et
;

vicario tuo, domino meo apostolico, modis, quibus potuero, nuntiare et id

agere vel facere, quatenus fidem ttieam in omnibus sincerissimam exhi-
beam.
 MISSIONARY QUALIFICATIONS OF BONIFACE. 67

British and Irish missionaries, who were scattered among the

German populations, had succeeded in gaining the preponder-
ance. At Rome, the danger which threatened from this
quarter was well understood and the formal oath prescribed
;

to Boniface was doubtless expressly intended for the purpose

of warding off this danger, and of making Boniface an instru-
ment of the Roman church system for suppressing the freer
institutions which sprung from the British and the Irish
churches. The purpose of his mission was not barely to con-
vert the pagans, but quite as much also to bring back those
whom the heretics had led astray, to orthodoxy, and to obe-
dience to the Roman church.* And it is
singular to remark,
that the church from which the Christian spirit that was to
burst the chains of the Roman church system was destined to
proceed, was even in its first beginnings on the point of taking
this same direction.
Now, although the missionaries, whom
Gregory was bound
to oppose were his superiors in Christian knowledge and in
clerical training, yet it may be questioned whether they so

exactly understood the condition and the wants of the rude

* In an old
report, the object of Boniface's mission is thus described :

ut ultra Alpes pergeret et in illis partibus, ubi hccresis maxime pullularet,

sua salubri doctrina funditus earn eradicaret. S. acta S. Mens. Jun. T.
I. f. 482. Willibald also, in his life of Boniface, speaks of the influence
of such ecclesiastics in Thuringia :
qui sub nomine religionis maximam
hajreticse pravitatis introduxerunt sectam, s. 23. Pertz, monumenta II.
f. 344. Compare also the admonition of pope Gregory III. in the epis-
tola ad episcopos Bavaria; et Alemannia?, that they should receive Boni-
face with all due respect as the pope's legate, adopt the liturgy and creed
according to the model of the Roman apostolic church, and beware of
the doctrina venientium Brittonum vel falsorum sacerdotum et haereti-
corum, ep. 45. In his letter to the German bishops and dukes (ep. 6)
the pope states it as being the object of Boniface's mission, partly to con-
vert the heathen, partly et si quos forte vel ubicunque a recta? tramite
fidei deviasse cognoverit aut astutia diabolica suasos erroneos repererit,

corrigat. It must be owned, that even in the official letters, the customary
forms of the chancery style from the liber diuturnus seem sometimes to
have been preserved unaltered, though they may have been scarcely
suited to these new relations. Thus, in the letter to the Germans (ep.
10), in reference to the obstacles to ordination "non audeat promovere
:

Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines praetendentes, quia aliqui eorum

Manichoei, aliqui rebaptizati soopius sunt probati." Which warning
might have some force in the time of Gregory the Great but could ;

hardly be in place, as applied to the churches in Germany.

F 2
68 HIS MISSIONARY QUALIFICATIONS IN HESSIA AND THURINGIA.

nations among whom the Christian church was to be planted,

and whether they were qualified to labour for this object to so
—
good a purpose whether they could have laid the foundation
of an ecclesiastical structure which might promise to endure and
bid defiance to destruction but certainly Boniface, who had
;

been educated in the faith of the Roman theocratic church

system, and inured to the punctilious obedience of the monks,
could not, from his own point of view, and according to his
own religious convictions, act otherwise than he did ; and he
verily believed that, by so acting, he was taking the best
course to promote the prosperity of the new church. Indeed,
the course of development pursued by the church under the
guiding hand of a higher Spirit, had long since been settled
after such an order as that the nations should first be trained
and nurtured to the full age of gospel freedom by means of a
legal Christianity, or a gospel in the form of Judaism.
Supported by letters of recommendation from the pope,
Boniface directed his steps, in the first place, to the mayor of
the palace ; and, after having made sure of his co-operation,
proceeded to Hessia, and then to Thuringia. It might be

expected, from what has already been said, that Boniface

would find a foundation of Christianity already laid for him in
Thuringia. This, too, is presupposed by the pope in the
letters which Boniface carried with him.* The pope required
the people of Thuringia to erect churches, j- and to build a

* Nor does
"YVillibald, in his life of Boniface, say that he first planted
Christianity here, but that he restored it. He says, that the bad admi-
nistration of the country under the dukes dependent on the Frankish
empire, (since the destruction of the Thuringian empire, ad. 531,) fa-
voured the revival of paganism, and even induced a portion of the people
to become subject to the pagan Saxons. He says of Boniface seniores
:

plebis populique principes affatus est eosque ad acceptam dudum chris-

tianitatis religionem iterando provocavit, s. 23.
f Willibald mentions first the ecclesiastical institution founded by
Boniface at Orthorp (Ohrdurf, in the dukedom of Gotha) ; a church
together with a monastery. But as this was already something consider-
able, and Boniface had now gained a wide entrance among the people, it
certainly could not have been the first church which he founded in this
country but this was perhaps the little church near the neighbouring
;

village of Alteuberga, which tradition derived from him, the first which
he caused to be erected, when coming from Hessia to Thuringia. See
Loftier, Celebration in remembrance of the first church in Thuringia,
Gotha 1312.
 FRUITS OF HIS LABOURS. 69

house for Boniface. We

see from the letters of the pope to
some of the nobles and other believers in Thuringia, that a
contest was already going on there between the pagan and the
Christian party; for he praises the Christian dukes because
they had not suffered themselves to be moved by any threats
of the pagans to take part again in idolatry, but had declared
that they were ready to die rather than do anything to injure
the Christian faith.* Boniface now brought back to Chris-
tianity such of the chief men as had fallen away. Having
confirmed the wavering, he proceeded to labour for the sup-
pression of paganism, which still continued to prevail among
the mass of the people, and for the further spread of Chris-
tianity among them. Up to the year 739, Boniface had bap-
tized towards one hundred thousand of the pagan inhabitants
of Germany; and this, as pope Gregory III. remarks, was
effected by his exertions and those of Charles Martel.f In
the case of these conversions by masses, there may have been
a great deal at first which was merely superficial but the ;

suppression of idolatry, the destruction of every monument

that spoke to the senses, the prohibition of all pagan customs,
participation in the rites of Christian worship, and the reli-
gious instruction given in connection therewith, all this could
not but serve to advance the work while at the same time
;

provision was made for Christian education by schools con-

nected with the monasteries. There is no indication that
Boniface ever made use of the power of the mayor of the
palace to enforce baptism. For what purpose he required it,
we are informed by himself; ^ for he says that, without the
protection of the Frankish princes, he would have been able
neither to govern the people nor to defend the clergy, monks,
and nuns (who superintended the instruction of the youth) ;
nor, without their command and the fear of their displeasure,
to forbid idolatry and the pagan custom.§ And how much he
*
Ep. 8. Quod paganis compellentibus vos ad idola colenda fide plena
responderitis, magis velle feliciter mori, quam fidem semel in Christo
acceptam aliquatenus violare.
t Ep. 46. Tuo conamine et Caroli principis.
t Ep. 12 to Bishop Daniel.
§ Sine patrocinio principis Francorum nee populum regere nee pres-
byteros vel diaconos, monachos vel ancillas Dei defendere possum yel
ipsos paganorura ritus et sacrilegia idolorum in Germania sine illius
mandato et timore prohibere valeo.
70 OAK OF GEISMAR.

could effect by destroying an object of superstitious veneration

among- the people, which from one generation to another, and
from the childhood of each individual, had enchained their
senses, is shown
by the following example. At Geismar,
which lay at no great distance from Fritzlar, in the depart-
ment of Gudensberg, in Upper Ilessia, stood a gigantic and
venerable oak, sacred to Thor, the god of thunder, which was
regarded by the people with feelings of the deepest awe, and
was a central spot for their popular gatherings.* In vain had
Boniface preached on the vanity of idols. The impression of
that ancient object of superstitious veneration ever counter-
acted the effect of his sermons, and the newly-converted were
drawn back by it to paganism. Boniface f resolved to destroy
one sensuous impression by means of another of the like kind.
Accompanied by his associates, he repaired to the spot with a
large axe. The pagan people stood around, full of rage
against the enemy of the gods, and they expected nothing but
that those, who dared attack the sacred monument, would fall
as dead men, struck by the avenging deity. But when they
beheld the huge tree, cut into four pieces, fall prostrate before
their eyes, their faith in the power of the dreaded deity
vanished. Boniface took advantage of this impression, and, to
make it a lasting one, immediately caused to be constructed,
out of the timber, a church, which he dedicated to St. Peter
the apostle, whose authority and whose church it was his great
aim to establish.
But although he endeavoured, after this manner, by outward
* In the district of the ancient Mattiura.

f An interesting comparison is furnished by what happened in the

province of Madura, in India, in August 1831. There stood in this
place a gigantic odia tree, a hundred and twenty years old, which had
for several generations been held in great veneration, and was regarded
as the seat of the patron god of the province, to whom every year it was
customary to present a great offering. At first a number of boughs
were chopped off, which were employed in the construction of a school-
house. But as the converted head of the village, who had done this
afterwards, fell sick, the pagan people regarded it as a punishment sent
upon him by the idol. To confute their opinion, he now resolved to cut
away the entire tree. As it was falling many hundreds collected around
it fullof amazement, and they still continued visiting it for a whole
week, contemplating it as a wonder, and threatening the new convert
with the vengeance of their god. See Missionary Register for 1832, p.
399.
 BONIFACE TROVIDES RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. 71

and sensible impressions, an influence over the rude

to acquire

people, yet it is evident, from indications, that he by no

many
means neglected the work of religious instruction, but well
understood its high importance. His old friend Daniel,
bishop of Winchester, who was now blind, gave him the fol-
lowing advice Avith regard to religious instruction.* He was
not to begin at once with refuting the idolatrous notions of the
pagans, but in the way of interrogation, in which he ought to
show his own thorough knowledge of their system, he was to
lead them on to discover for themselves the self contradiction
it involved, and the absurd consequences it led to ; all without

ridiculing or exciting them, but rather with gentleness and

moderation. Then he should occasionally introduce, here
"j"

and there, scraps of Christian doctrine, comparing it with their

superstition, so that they might rather be shamed than excited
to anger. That he himself preached, and used the sacred
Scriptures in preaching, appears evident from a remarkable
commission which he gave to his old friend the abbess
Eadburga, who used to send him clothes and books from Eng-
land.]: He requested her to procure for him a copy of the
epistles of St. Peter written with gilt letters, which he might
use in preaching. the use of this he hoped to inspire,
By
in sense-bound men, a reverence for the Holy Scriptures,
and no doubt, also, for St. Peter, whose missionary he con-
ceived and represented himself to be.§ How diligently he
studied the Scriptures may be inferred from the fact, that he
often imported from England copies of the same, together with
expository works, fairly written, on account of his weak eyes.
Thus, for example, he secured a copy of the prophets prepared
by his teacher the abbot Wimbert, without abbreviations, and
with plain and distinctly separated letters. There are still
||

extant a few fragments of discourses preached by Boniface,

probably after being translated into the language of the coun-
try ; one of which is an exhortation to chastity and purity of
*
Ep. u.
t INon quasi insultando vel irritando eos, sed placide ac magna objicere
moderations debes. % Ep. 19.
§ Et quia dicta ejus, qui me in hoc iter direxit, maxime semper in
praesentia cupiam habere.
|i Quia librum prophetarum talem, qualem desidero, acquirers nou
possum, et caligantibus oculis minutas ac connexas litteras discere non

possum.
72 HIS EFFORTS FOR SPIRITUAL IMPROVEMENT.

morals, as necessary in order to a worthy participation in the

sacrament of the supper. " address you," said he, " not
We
as the messengers of one, from the obligation of obedience to
whom you can purchase exemption with money,* but of one
to whom you are bound by the blood he shed for you. My
beloved, we are men covered with the defilement of sin, and
yet we would not suffer our limbs to be touched by the de-
filed and we believe that the only begotten Son of God
;

willingly took upon his own body the defilement of our sins.
Behold, brethren, our king, who has condescended to make us
his messengers, comes directly after us let us prepare for him
;

a pure mansion, if we desire him to dwell in our bodies." In

the other sermon he replies to the objection, why have the
messengers of salvation come so late after so many have
already been ruined? in the following language: "You —
would have a right to complain of the late coming of the phy-
sician, if now, when he is come to attend you, you are eagerly
bent on making the right use of the remedies he prescribes."
Instead of minutely inquiring why the remedy came so
late, they should rather hasten to apply it, now that they
had it.

The whole conduct of Boniface in founding the new church

shows also how much importance he attached to the spiritual
culture of the people by Christianity. The same thing is ap-
parent from his founding monasteries, especially in the central
spots of the tribes whence proceeded the culture of the people
as well as the reclaiming of the wilderness ; and into whicli he
introduced monks | and nuns from England, who brought
with them various arts and sciences, J and books for the instruc-
tion of the youth, § and who furnished missionaries for the
people. ||
It is apparent also from his ordinances, which

* Doubtless an allusion to the

Compositiones customary among the
German tribes. Out of accommodation to this custom, against which
Boniface seems here to be guarding himself, grew the indulgences.
f The monks magistri infantium, ep. 79.
$ Willibald says (s. 23), E
Britanniae partibus servorum Dei plurima
ad eum tarn lectorum quam etiam scriptorum (who busied themselves in
the copying of books), aliorumque artium eruditorum virorum congrega-
convenerat multitude
tion"^
§ He
also procured books from Rome. See ep. 69. ep. 54.
||
Boniface went a long distance to meet such new comers. See ep. SO.
" Deus
They wrote to England about their labours among the heathen :
 HIS OPPONENTS. 73

directed that no man or woman should stand in the relation of

she knew by heart tne
godfather or godmother unless he or
creed and the Lord's Prayer ; that no person should be ap-
pointed priest who could not repeat the form of renunciation
at baptism, and the confession of sins in the language of the
country.*
Boniface met with various opponents in his field of labour.
Concerning these, it must be confessed, we can get but little
certain knowledge from his by no means unprejudiced and im-
partial reports. Some of them were free-minded British and
Irish clergy, particularly such as would not submit to the
Roman laws touching the celibacy of priests,j" but whose mar-
ried life appeared to Boniface, looking at the matter from his
own point of view, an unlawful connection. Others were rude
and ignorant men, whose lives were a disgrace to their pro-

fession, who freely took part in the sports of the chase and in
warlike expeditions, made traffic of their priestly functions, and
spread among the untutored people false notions of Christianity
extremely detrimental to the interests of religion and morality. J
Others again were ecclesiastics or monks, who, for some rea-
sons or other, whether right or wrong, struggled against the
authority of Boniface, while the veneration inspired by their
lives of rigid austerity had secured for them a strong interest
in the affections of the people. Certainly the schisms occa-
sioned by such ecclesiastics, even though they belonged them-
selves to the better class, could not but hinder the prosperous

growth of the church among so rude a people. § These per-

per misericordiam suam sufficientiam operis nostri bonam perficit, licet

valde sit periculosum ac laboriosum pscne in omni re, in fame et siti, in
algore et incursione paganorum inter se degere."
* See f. 142 in
epp. ed. Wiirdtwein.
f As it is ordered by an Irish synod, a.d. 456, can. 6, that the wives
of the ecclesiastics, from the ostarius to the priest, should never go about
—
otherwise than veiled see Wilkins's Concil. Angl. T. I. p. 2 so it is
;

evident from this, that the marriage of these ecclesiastics was considered
regular.
X There were those who, in consequence of their scanty knowledge,
and to please the rude multitude, mixed up pagan customs with Christian,
and even sacrificed to idols. According to Boniface's report to pope
Zacharias : u Qui tauros, hircos, diis paganorum immolabant."
§ Boniface says, ep. 12 : Quidam abstinentes a cibis, quos Deus ad
percipiendum creavit. Quidam melle et lacte proprie pascentes se,
panem et cseteros abjiciunt cibos. He seems to describe these as false
74 HIS SCRUPLES REGARDING HIS OPPONENTS.

sons, too,may have had their influence at the court of the

warlike Charles Martel, with whose interests and inclinations
many things which they aimed at and advocated perhaps
more fully coincided than the strict ecclesiastical rules of
Boniface. At any rate the latter could not succeed, as long
as Charles Martel lived, in making good his authority as papal
legate against these antagonists. But as he had sworn to
withdraw fellowship from all ecclesiastics who opposed the
Roman church-system, he was not a little perplexed, when he
visited the court of Charles Martel, to find that he could not
avoid having some fellowship with the persons above described,
while yet he could not neglect the oath without prejudice to
his ecclesiastical institutions. lie consoled himself, however,
by reflecting that lie satisfied his oath if he shunned all volun-
tary connection and all church-connnunion with those persons.
In this opinion, he was confirmed by his prudent friend, bishop
Daniel, to whom lie confessed his scruples for that prelate
;

advised him to pay a due regard to the circumstances of the

case, and to accommodate himself to them with a wise dissi-
mulation subservient to higher ends.* Boniface could not
feel perfectly at rest on this subject until he had also made
known his scruples to the pope, who placed him under his
oath, and had received from him an authentic interpretation of
its import. The pope wrote back to him, that the clergy who
lowered the dignity of their office by a disreputable life, he
should endeavour to set right but if they would not allow
;

themselves to be corrected, he still ought not to avoid their

teachers and from this account we might be led to surmise that there
;

was some connection of these mortifications with theoretical errors, and

we might be reminded particularly of Gnostic errors. But had Gregory
"been knowing to anything of this kind, he who was so ready to detect
<langei-ous heresies in the slightest deviations from the prevailing notions,
would certainly have stated the matter more distinctly. It is very pos-
sible that these people, without following any erroneous tendency in
doctrine, simply lived in habits of unusually rigid abstinence. Ascetic
severity under other circumstances would perhaps have appeared to Boni-
face a praiseworthy thing ; but he judged otherwise in the case of these
people, because they availed themselves of the consequence they thus ac-
quired to render themselves independent of him, and to resist his ordi-
nances.
* The
principle of the officiosum mendacium, quod utilis simulatio
assumenda sit in tempore, which he defended, as others had done before
him, by the examples of St. Peter and St. Paul, ep. 13.
 BONIFACE IN ROME AND BAVARIA. 75

company, nor to refuse to sit at the same table with them ; for it
was often the case, that men could be more easily led into the
right way by friendly intercourse and the familiar society of
the table, than by harsher measures.*
Having-, within the space of fifteen years, founded the
Christian church among a hundred thousand Germans, and
erected church-edifices and monasteries in the midst of what
was before a wilderness, Boniface, in 738, repaired for the
third time toRome, for the purpose of an interview with the
new pope Gregory III., and to obtain from him a new com-
mission with ample powers. This pope empowered him also,
as his legate, to visit the Bavarian church, f which had not as
yet received any permanent organization, and was going to
decay, and moreover stood open to the British and Irish mis-
sionaries, who were regarded at Rome with jealousy. He
was invited there also by the Bavarian duke Odilo. On his
return from Rome, therefore, in 739, he paid a visit to Bavaria,
where he resided for some time, and founded, under the papal
authority, the four bishoprics of Salzburg, Regensburg, Freis-
ingen, and Passau.
Soon after he had resumed his former field of labour, a poli-
tical change took place, which was favourable to his objects,
in the death of Charles Martel, in the year 741. jViartel,
although he had received Boniface as a papal legate, and on
the whole favoured his mission, yet could never be prevailed
upon to give him such decided preponderance as would have
enabled him to crush all the opponents to his measures, and
to the Roman supremacy and as the rough warrior encou-
;

raged the clergy to take a part in his warlike enterprises, and

did not hesitate to sequester, at will, the property of churches
and convents,:}; he himself often came into conflict with Boni-
face, and his interests in respect to the new ecclesiastical foun-
dations. Far greater was the influence acquired by Boniface
over the sons of Charles Martel, Carloman, and Pipin. In the
former of these, the religious bent was so strong, that he once
*
Ep. 24. Plerumque enim contingit, ut quos corrcctio discipline
tardos facit ad percipiendam veritatis normam, convivioruni sedulitas et
admonitio disciplina) ad viam perducat justitioe.
f Yet the missionaries in the present case may have shown themselves
more inclined to subject themselves to the authority of the Romish church,
as we see in the example of Virgilius.
X See Mabillon, Annal. Ord. Benedict. T. II. f. 114.
76 PIPIN". NEW BISHOPRICS. SYNODS.

thought of relinquishing the sovereign power for the monastic

life. The other understood far better than his predecessor how-
to enter into the plans of Boniface for the Christian culture of
the German people. He was also inclined to form a stricter
alliance with the papacy, with a view to the promotion of his
own political interests. In particular, it was now in the power
of Boniface to carry out two important objects calculated to
secure the better organization of the new church. One was
the foundation of several bishoprics, the other the arrange-
ment of the synodal system. He founded, in 742, under the
papal authority, three bishoprics for the new church, at
Wursburg, at Erfurt,* and at Burburg, not far from Fritzlar.
By the introduction of regular provincial synods, the means
were to be provided for maintaining an oversight over the en-
tire moral and religious condition of the people, and for a
form of legislation suited to the necessities of the church. In
the Frankish church itself these regular synods had fallen into
utter desuetude. No such meeting had been held for a period
of eighty years and Carloman himself called upon Boniface
;

to appoint one, and to take preventive measures against the

lamentable abuses that had crept into the administration of
church affairs.*!" At these synods Boniface, who acted in the
name of the pope, enjoyed the first seat and his influence was
;

thus extended over the whole Frankish church, which stood

so much in need of new regulations. At the same time pope
Zacharias had expressly clothed him with full powers to intro-
duce into the Frankish church a thorough reform, in his
name. J He held, in all, five such synods. At these synods he
* In reference to
this, a difficulty arises from the fact, that no later
indications are to be found of any such bishopric ; whether it was that
for special reasons, in the circumstances of the times, this arrangement
was soon altered, or whether a false reading has here crept in.
f See ep. 51. Carolomannus me accersitum ad se rogavit, ut in parte
regni Francorum, quae in sua est potestate, synodum facerem congregari,
et promisit, se de ecclesiastica religione, quse
jam longo tempore id est
non minus quam per sexaginta vel septuaginta annos calcata et dissipata
fait, aliquid corrigere et emendare velle.
" Nos
% The words of pope Zacharias, ep. 60, are omnia, quae tibi
:

largitus est decessor noster, non minuimus, sed augemus. Nam non
solum Bojoariam, sed etiam omnem Galliarum provinciam nostra vice
per prsedicationem tibi injungimus, ut quae repereris contra christianam
religionem vel canonum instituta ibidem detineri, ad normam rectitudi-
nis studeas reformare."
 ADELBERT. 77

caused laws to be passed, whereby the clergy were bound to a

mode of life better corresponding to their profession, and for-
bidden to take any part in war or in the chase on pain of being-
deposed from office laws to secure the general diffusion of
;

religious instruction, and to suppress the superstitious customs

which had sprung out of paganism, or which at least were
grounded in pagan notions transferred to the objects of Christ-
ianity,* such as soothsaying, pretended witchcraft, amulets,
even though passages of Scripture were employed for that
purpose. t At some of these synods, from the year 744
onward, several persons were tried as teachers of false doc-
trines, belonging, as it may be conjectured, to the number of
those of whom Boniface had already complained, but whom,
in the times of Charles Martel, he was not strong enough to

put down.
One of these persons, Adelbert, was a Frank of mean
descent, probably belonging to that class whom Boniface had
some time before described as persons who, by the austerity of
their lives, acquired consideration in the eyes of the multitude,
and then used their influence against himself. Adelbert was
honoured by the people as a saint and a worker of miracles.^

* E.
g. hostias immolatitias, quas stulti homines juxta ecclesias ritu
pagsno faciunt, sub nomine sanctorum martyrum vel confessorum. The
German synod of the year 742. See p. 233.
f Si quis clericus auguria vel divinationes, aut somnia sive sortes seu
phylacteriaid est scripturas observaverit, p.269. Neither was the chrism
to be used as a remedy for diseases, p. 267.
X The priest of Mayence, whose brief report of the life of Boniface
has been published by the Bollandists, at the V. of June, relates, that he
hired people with money to assume the appearance of being affected by
various bodily ailments, and then to pretend being cured by his prayers.
See Pertz, T. II. f. 354. But this, being the testimony of a passionate
opponent, is not entitled to credit. When a man came once to be re-
garded as a false teacher, nothing remained but to declare the miracles
supposed to be wrought by him to be either works of sorcery, performed
by the aid of an evil spirit, or a deception. For the rest, it was no un-
common thing in the Frankish church, for fanatics or impostors, who
contrived to give themselves an air of sanctity, to draw around them, as
men who could work miracles, a crowd of followers. Thus Gregory of
Tours (1. IX. c. vi.) relates the instance of a certain Desiderius, who
went about in a cowl and a shirt of goat's hair, pretending to lead a strictly
abstemious life, and to enjoy special interviews with the apostles Peter
and Paul and numerous bodies of the country people allowed themselves
;

to be deceived by him— many sick were brought to him to be healed.

 78 REPORT OF BONIFACE CONCERNING ADELBERT.

He found ignorant bishops who were willing to give him

episcopal ordination.* It would seem that Adelbert, with
many fanatical extravagances, and with many qualities also
betokening a purer and freer gospel-spirit, was opposed to the
reigning doctrines or to the reigning ritual of the church.
Boniface reports of him, t that he carried his pride to such ex-
travagant length, as to put himself on a level with the apostles.
Hence, while he thought apostles and martyrs not worthy
of the honour of having churches dedicated to them, he yet
had the folly to dedicate oratories to his own name. But if
his claiming to be of equal dignity with the Apostles was the
reason why Adelbert thought churches ought not to be erected
in the name of the Apostles, he might then say that churches
could as properly be consecrated to his own name as to the
names of the Apostles and in that case there would be no
;

inconsistency in his language, of which Boniface, however,

seems desirous to convict him. But from the words of Boni-
face himself it may, perhaps, be gathered, that he ventured on
a false construction of Adelbert's assertions. Adelbert pro-
bably said churches ought not to be dedicated to the name of
any man,\ therefore not to the name of an apostle ; and in
In the case of those who were lame, he caused their limbs to be stretched
—
with great violence an experiment which turned out sometimes fortu-
nately, sometimes unfortunately. Ut quos virtutis divinse largitione
dirigere (make their limbs straight again) non poterat, quasi per indus-
triam (by the aid of human art) restauraret. Denique apprehendebant
pueri ejus manus hominum, alii vero pedes, tractosque diversas in partes,
ita ut nervi putarentur abrumpi, cum non sanarentur, dimittebantur
exanimes. In another place (1. X. c, 25) Gregory relates the instance
of a man who, at first doubtless in an attack of insanity, had given him-
self out as Christ, and a woman whom he carried about with him, as the
Virgin Mary. The people flocked to him, and brought their sick, who
were to be healed by his touch. At the same time he set himself up as
a prophet. More than three thousand suffered themselves to be deceived
by him, and among these there were some priests. Gregory says, that
in France many such had appeared, who, after a few women had joined
them, whom they extolled as saints, found believers among the people.
* Boniface
says that, contrary to the church laws, he had received
ordination without a specific diocese, an ordinatio absoluta. This was
undoubtedly contrary to the church laws; but in the case of missionaries
it could not be otherwise : and in fact it was the same with Boniface
hire self. Probably Adelbert wanted to labour as a missionary like so
;

many even ignorant and fanatical persons, who believed they felt this
call. f Ep. 62.
"
% As is intimated by the words dedignabatur consecrare."
 ADELBERT DISAPPROVES OF PILGRIMAGES TO ROME. 79

this case he might certainly be accused of self-contradiction,

if he permitted oratories to be dedicated to his own name.
Yet even a fanatic would not be likely to fall into so gross a
contradiction as this. Probably the truth was that Boniface
represented the conduct of Adelbert in the false light which
grew out of his own inferences from his doctrines. And this
view of the matter is confirmed when we find that Adelbert was
a severe censurer of the zeal, manifested by so many in those
"
times, to visit the "threshold of the Apostles (the limina
Apostolorum) instead of seeking help from the omnipresent
God, or from Christ alone. The bad effect on the morals of
the pilgrims, which, as Boniface himself is compelled to ac-
knowledge, resulted from these visits to Rome, would be an
additional reason for the opposition shown to them.* Adelbert
procured crosses to be erected in the fields where the people

might assemble. He built small oratories in the same places

and near fountains of water. Hence the accusation of Boni-
face, that he had allowed these oratories to be dedicated to his
own name, was probably no more than an inference, founded
perhaps upon the fact, that the people were wont to name
these oratories after Adelbert. Large numbers of the people
might be induced to forsake the public churches and the other
bishops and to assemble in these places, saying, we shall be
helped by the merits of the holy Adelbert perhaps Adel-
;

bert's followers paid him the excessive veneration usually

bestowed on other men who bore the reputation of saints.
One mode of expressing this excessive veneration, which in these
times was by no means singular, may have been that alleged
by Boniface (if his report can be relied on), namely, that
Adelbert's followers were in the habit of carrying about as
relics hair and nails taken from his person (from which, how-

ever, it would be wrong to infer that he sought any such

honour, though it might be true that he took no pains to avoid
it), and hence proceeded to
form a party. When people came

* Boniface endeavoured to have a law enacted in

England by a synod
and by the kings, whereby pilgrimages to Rome, which so frequently
led to corruption of morals, should be forbidden to married women
and the nuns, quia magna ex parte pereunt, paucis remanentibus integris.
Perpoucce enim sunt civitates in Longobardia vel in Francia aut in
Gallia, in qua non sit adultera vel meretrix generis Anglorum, see ep. 73
to Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. Wurdtwein, p. 201.
 80 FRAGMENT OF A PRAYER BY ADELBERT.

to him to confess their sins, he is said to have told them he

knew all their sins, for to him every secret thing was open.
They needed not confess to him, but might consider all their sins
forgiven, and return in comfort and peace to their homes.
Now it is quite possible that Adelbert
may have been misled
by a fanatical self-exaltation actually to make use of some such
language but the assertions of Boniface, a man so constantly
;

on the watch for heresies, and so inclined to paint every heretic

in the blackest colours, may well be regarded with suspicion.

Perhaps Adelbert was merely opposed to the church-system of

confession and penance ; perhaps he told people they needed
only confess their sins to God, and, confiding in the for-
giveness of sins obtained by the merits of Christ, they might
go away comforted. There is still extant the fragment of a
prayer by him,* in which no trace is to be discovered of the fa-
natical self-exaltation here ascribed to him, but which, on the
"
contrary, breathes the spirit of Christian humility. Lord,
Almighty God, Father of the Son of God, our Lord Jesus
Christ ! thou the Alpha and Omega, thou who sittest
above the seventh heaven, above Cherubim and Seraphim,
thou supreme Love, thou Fountain of joy, I invoke thee, and
invite thee to me the poorest of thy creatures, since thou hast
vouchsafed to say, whatever ye ask of my Father in my name,
that will I do. I beg of thee, therefore, to bestow upon me
thyself." "f In another passage, however, cited from this
prayer, follows something which does not so well accord with
the pure Christian spirit expressed in the first words but ;

which, however, in a dark, fanatical mysticism, might perhaps

be reconciled with them, namely, the invocation of angels,
many names of whom are cited which do not elsewhere occur.f
In the acts of the Roman council mention is made of a pre-
tended letter of Christ, § which in Jerusalem has fallen from

* In the transactions of the Roman

council, which was held in conse-
quence of the report drawn up by Boniface.
"
Bonifac. ep. 174.
f According to another reading To thee I direct my prayer."
X At the council these unknown names of angels were declared to be
the names of evil spirits, which Adelbert invoked to his assistance, and
this was brought against him as a specific charge.
§ There were at the present time many pieces of forgery of this cha-
racter in circulation. In a capitulary of the emperor Charles, a.d. 789,
it is said :
Pseudographise et dubia? narrationes vel quae omnino contra
fidem catholicam sunt, ut epistola pessima et falsissima, quam transacto
 LETTER OF CHRIST. RELICS. 81

heaven, and which Adelbert took pains to circulate. The

superscription of this letter was couched
in a singular style, and
the Roman church was recognized in it as the one in which
were deposited the keys of the kingdom of heaven. From this
it would seem evident that the mysticism of Adelbert could
not be considered as opposed, at least in a consistent manner,
to the hierarchical system, as we might be led to suppose it
would be, on various grounds of evidence. According to the
statements of Boniface, he drew notice also by exhibiting cer-
tain relics, to which he ascribed great miraculous power, and
which, as he pretended, had been brought to him from the
farthest boundaries of the world by an angel in human form.*
Yet it deserves to be mentioned, that Boniface says it was
in his younger days f he came forward with such pretensions.
From this we might infer that he had not always maintained
the same opinions and professions ; and if such were the case,
the contradictions so apparent in the tenets ascribed to him
are to be explained, perhaps, not so much from the mingling
together of opposite elements in his mode of thinking, as from
confounding together the reports of two different periods in
the history of his religious development, the earlier and the
later. Wemight suppose that the element of mysticism in
him had, at the outset, been covered up under a religious ten-
dency bordering on sensuous fanaticism, and more closely
attaching itself to the forms of the church, and that gradually
he stripped away these sensuous forms one after the other.
Yet owing to the vague and untrustworthy character of all our
present sources of information, nothing certain can be said on
the subject. On the whole, it is evident that Adelbert must
have found no inconsiderable support even from those who
could not be classed with the ignorant multitude ; for, while
living, he experienced an honour which the most attached
disciples are wont to bestow on a venerated master only after
his death. His life was written before its close, and in this
document he is styled the holy and blessed servant of God

auno dicebant aliqui errantes et in errorem alios mittentes, quod de coelo

nee credantur nee legantur sed comburantur. Mansi. Concil.
cecidisset, ;

T. XIII. p. 174, appendix.

*
By such pretences, the people were often deceived in these times,
see Gregor. Turon. 1. IX. c. VI.
f In primarva setate.
VOL. V. G
82 boniface's conduct to adelbert.

(sanctus et beatus Dei famulus).* But then, if he had many

disciples, a great deal which ought to be attributed to the mis-
takes or to the exaggeration of his followers, may have been
incorrectly charged to his own account.
When Boniface had compelled Adelbert to cease from
preaching,
—
perhaps before his report to the pope, and
—
when, by the authority of the mayor of the palace, he had
effected his arrest, Adelbert's numerous followers complained
that they had been deprived of their holy apostle, their inter-
cessor and miracle-worker. The reputed worker of miracles
stood higher in the estimation of the multitude than Boniface,
whose zeal was tempered with Christian prudence, whose re-
ligion was marked by coolness of understanding rather than
by the impulses of enthusiasm, and who had no ambition to
be considered a worker of miracles. This was one peculiarity
which distinguished him from other laborious and successful
missionaries of the same age. Not even his own disciples
have been able to record a single miracle wrought by him.j

* The introduction only of this biography is known

to us through the
citations in the acts of the Roman council. here said that from his
It is
birth he was filled with the grace of God, in imitation of the account of
John the baptist's nativity. True, this expression was declared at the
Roman council blasphemous but many similar ones may be pointed out
;

in the Actis sanctorum, belonging to this age.

f The priest of St. Martin's church in Utrecht, who in the ninth cen-
tury drew up a short biographical sketch of Boniface (published by the
Bollandists, at the fifth of June), was obliged to vindicate himself from
the reproach of not having cited any miracles wrought by him. What
he says on this point is worthy of notice, as an expression of the Chris-
tian sense of truth which is to be found extending through all the cen-
turies. Everything, says he, depends on the agency of God, which
operates on man's inmost being, produces miracles
from within outwards,
and by means of miracles quickens the inward susceptibility to truth,
intus, qui moderabatur quique idololatras et incredulos trahebat ad fidem.
The same Spirit distributed his gifts in manifold ways. Uni dabat
iidem ut Petro, alteri facundiam prsedicationis ut Paulo, and as an in-
strument of the same Spirit, Boniface had shown himself. Faciebat autem
ab cegrotis mentibus morbos
signa et prodigia magna in populo, utpote qui
invisibiles propellebat. After having prosecuted this thought still further,
he adds, Quod si ad solam corporum salutem attenditis et eos angelis
sequiparatis, qui membrorum
debilitates jejuniis et orationibus integritati
restituunt, magnum quidem est quod dicitis, sed hos Sanctis quodammodo
et medicis commune esse crebris remediorum manifestatur eventibus.
Sed et quemlibet in his talibus miraculis sublimem oportet magna seipsum
circumspectioue munire, ut nee jactantia emergat nee appetitus laudis
 CLEMENT ON THE MARRIAGE OF BISHOPS, 83

The second of these antagonists of Boniface, Clement, an

Irishman, was a person of an entirely different bent of mind.
The theological training which he received in Ireland ren-
dered him, no doubt, Boniface's superior in largeness of under-
standing and in Christian knowledge, while it raised him
above all the fanatical extravagances which we observed
in Adelbert. We recognize in him an instance of one of the
earliest reactions of the Christian consciousness, still holding
fast to the primitive truth, against the hierarchical spirit, or
the principle of the Old-Testament theocracy, which cha-
racterized the middle ages. He would allow to the writings
of the older fathers,* and to the canons of councils, no authority
binding on faith ;
and from this it may with probability be
inferred, that he conceded such authority to the holy Scrip-
tures alone, acknowledging them as the only fountain and
directory of Christian faith. The application of this principle
would lead him, of course, to many important deviations from
the reigning doctrines of the church though we have no
;

exact information as to what these deviations were. Boniface

charges him with maintaining, that he could continue to be a
Christian bishop though the father of two sons by adultery.
It is probable that Boniface in this case allowed himself a
little prevarication ; and because the marriage of a bishop,
considered from his own point of view, was an irregularity,
chose to disparage it under the name of an unlawful con-
nection. But there can be no question that Clement defended
the legality of marriage in a bishop, on such grounds as he
found stated in the sacred Scriptures. Boniface, again, ac-
cused him of bringing back Judaism, because he declared it
lawful to marry the widow of a deceased brother. But the
point charged, that he considered the Mosaic law still obli-
gatory on Christians, would lie against him only in case he
declared a Christian bound, according to Deut. xxv., to marry
the widow of a deceased brother when the latter left no pos-
terity ; and in that case, he must have declared all other
marriage with the widow of a deceased brother forbidden,

surripiat, ne forte quum alios cooperante sibi virtute sanaverit, ipse suo
vitio vulneratus intereat.
* Boniface names
particularly Jerome, Augustin, and Gregory the
Great, because it was customary to appeal especially to their authority
in the Western Church.
g2
84 ON THE DOCTRINES OF THE DESCENSUS

because other marriage of a brother's wife, this only

all

excepted, forbidden in the Mosaic law.

is Perhaps, therefore,
he only pronounced the ecclesiastical ordinance, whereby this
was placed among the prohibited degrees of relationship, an
arbitrary one; and adduced the above mentioned Mosaic
statute in evidence that such an ordinance had no foundation
whatever in the divine law, since otherwise Moses would not
have allowed of any exception. The example of Ciliau shows
how important such disputed points, on questions of eccle-
siastical law, might become to the missionaries and it is ;

worthy of remark, that on another kindred point, the Christian

feelings of Boniface himself brought him into collision with
the statutes of the ecclesiastical law. Although he found the
principle to prevail both in the Roman and in the Frankish
church, that the so-called spiritual kinship of godfather or
godmother should prevent a marriage •contract between the
parties, yet he could not feel the propriety of it, nor did it
seem to him to have any foundation either in Scripture or
in the essence of Christianity since baptism establishes a
;

spiritual relationship among all Christians.* Finally, this

Clement taught, as Boniface reports, that Christ, in descend-
ing to Hades, delivered the souls not only of believers, but
also of unbelievers and idolaters. This we must understand
as follows : He
declared himself opposed to the common doc-
trine of the descensus Christi ad inferos, according to which
Christ is supposed to have delivered only the pious dead of
the Jewish nation. That is, he found in this doctrine, because
he held only to the Scriptures, an intimation, that all those,
who, during their life on earth, had no opportunity of hearing
the message of the gospel, were after their death taught by
Christ himself to know him as the Saviour, and brought into
fellowship with him. A
reflecting missionary among the
heathen, might easily be led to entertain doubts of the doc-
trine, which taught that all pagans were unconditionally lost ;f

*
Quia nullatenus intelligere possum, quare in uno loco spiritualis
in conjunctione carnalis copula? tam grande peccatum sit,
propinquitas
quando omnes in sacro baptismate Christi et ecclesise filii et filiae, fratres
et sorores essecomprobemus. See ep. 39, 40 and 41, f. 88. etc.
f From VII. ep. 15 of Gregory the Great, we see that two ecclesiastics
1.

at Constantinople had also come to the conclusion, Christum ad inferos

descendentem omnes qui illic confiterentur eum salvasse atque a pcenis
 AND PREDESTINATION. 85

while to the purely human feelings of those to whom the

Christian doctrine was thus presented, much offence might be
given, many doubts awakened in their minds. But whoever
was led, by his own careful examination of the divine word,
to reject that doctrine, would easily be tempted to go further,
and to cast himself loose from the views hitherto held con-

cerning the doctrine of predestination and accordingly we

;

find thatBoniface actually accuses Clement of teaching other

things, contrary to the Catholic faith, relative to the divine
predestination.* Whether Clement, however, went so far as
to maintain the doctrine of universal restoration,! is a point
which cannot be certainly determinea. Of course, neither the
peculiar spiritual bent nor the doctrines of Clement, were
suited to procure for him, in this rude age, so large a number
of followers as flocked after the fanatical Adelbert.J
Boniface, in bringing his complaint against these two
persons before pope Zacharias, proposed that, in order to
render them harmless, they should be confined for life. The
pope, .'in his reply to Boniface's report, a.d. 745, confirmed
the sentence by which they were condemned, but without
determining anything with regard to their persons, except
that they should be removed from their spiritual charges.
But worthy of remark, that perhaps the just and humane
it is

Zacharias was led, by another report from Germany, to doubt

the justice of the proceedings instituted against these two
men for about two years later, in 747, § he ordered a new
;

investigation into the cases of the two deposed bishops. And |]

should they be convicted of having in any respect departed

from the right way, then if they snowed an inclination to be

debitis liberasse. Which to Gregory, judging from his point of view, the
common doctrine of the church, appeared extremely erroneous.
* Multa alia horribilia de
prcedestinatione Dei.
t It may be remarked, that Scotus Erigena, in whom we find similar
doctrines, came from Ireland.
+ The presents which Boniface sent to the deacon Gemmulus, to whom
he entrusted the management of his cause with the pope (a silver ewer
and a napkin), might throw a suspicion upon him, were it not the custom
of those times, as is evident from Boniface's letters, to accompany letters
sent from a distance with presents. To a pope, Boniface sent as a present
a napkin, to wipe the hands or feet (villosa), and a small sum of gold or
silver. 6 See ep. 74.
|| Together with Adelbert is here mentioned a certain Godalsacius, who
perhaps was associated with him.
86 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST CLEMENT AND ADELBERT.

set right, measures were to be taken for proceeding with them

according to the ecclesiastical laws but should they ob-
;

stinately persevere in insisting upon their innocence, they were

to be sent, in
company with two or three of the most approved
ecclesiastics, to Rome, in order that their case might be care-
fully investigated by the apostolical see, and that they might
then be treated according to their deserts. So important was
itconsidered by the pope, to take care that his agents should
not proceed with injustice or harshness against two men, in
whom he could not possibly have any personal interest and ;

so far was he from being willing to sacrifice them, by giving

the sanction of his own supreme judicial authority, to a man
who had done so much for the interests of the papacy, and
who ever remained so faithful an instrument in promoting
them. Had the interests of the papacy been the chief thing
aimed at by the pope, he would not have hesitated to follow
at once the report of Boniface but as it was, the powerful
;

Boniface seems still to have found means to delay the execu-

tion of the pope's intentions.
Respecting the fate of Clement, we have no exact in-
formation though it is certain, from the character of his
;

doctrines, that he could not expect any more favourable issue

of his case to result from the examination at Rome but ;

with regard to Adelbert, we know that by the sentence of

Boniface he was subjected to imprisonment for life, and that
after having effected his escape from his cell, he came to a
miserable end.*
This was not the only case in which pope Zacharias showed
that he was not to be governed at once in his decisions by the
reports of the credulous Boniface
—
a man so ready, on some
misunderstanding of his own, to set down his opponents as
heretics —
but that he was inclined to hear these opponents
speak for themselves. Virgilius, another Irish priest in
Bavaria, got into his first difficulty with Boniface by occasion
of a baptism informally administered. Because the ignorant
priest had been guilty of an error in repeating some of the

* The presbyter of Mayence relates (see Monumenta, ed. Pertz, II. 355),
that he was confined convent of Fulda, but that he succeeded in
in the

effecting his escape with a boot full of nuts, by which he meant to sustain
himself on the way. But he was fallen upon, robbed, and murdered by
shepherds.
 VIRGILIUS'S OPINION OF THE ANTIPODES. 87

words of the Latin formula,* Boniface declared that the

baptism was invalid, and must be repeated. Virgilius pro-
tested against this he ventured with Sidonius, another priest,
;

to appeal to the pope, and the latter decided against Boniface.f

The same Virgilius, who seems to have stood in some esti-
mation with the duke Odilo, afterwards presented himself as a
candidate for one of the bishoprics founded by Boniface. The
latter, however, endeavoured to exclude him. He accused
Virgil of maintaining the heretical opinion, that under the
earth existed another world and other men —
perhaps a misap-
prehension perhaps the opinion that there were antipodes.
;

Kow the pope himself, '.it is true, found this opinion objection-
able perhaps on account of the inference, which might be
;

supposed to follow, that the whole human race did not spring
from Adam, that all men were not involved in the original
sin, that all did not need a Redeemer. And on the presump-
tion that Boniface's report agreed with the truth, he decided
that Virgil should be deposed from the priestly dignity. He
addressed a threatening letter to Virgil and Sidonius, and
assured Boniface that he believed him rather than the two
former; but still he summoned them both to Rome, where
their case might be more accurately investigated, and a definitive
sentence passed accordingly. And the result teaches that
Virgil must have succeeded in justifying himself before the
pope, for he became bishop of Salzburg, and attained after-
Avards to the honours of a saint.J
Though, for the rest, Boniface constantly acted in sub-
servience to the popes, and paid them the utmost deference,
yet at the same time he never hesitated to speak out what a
pope might not like to hear, when the duty of his calling
required that he should do so. He fearlessly censured pope
Zacharias for permitting the Roman church to incur the
* In nomine
patria et filia. t See ep. 62.
% See the epigram of Alcuin upon him. As Boniface fell into collision
for the most part with educated Irishmen who were striving to be inde
pendent of him, so we find among them a certain Samson, a priest, who
according to Boniface's report (ep. 82), had asserted, that one might be-
come a Christian by the imposition of the hand of a bishop, without
baptism. That he should have asserted this in such a way that a priest
should have so over-estimated the importance of the episcopal laying on
of hands, can hardly be supposed, and we are here forced to the conjec-
ture that Boniface had not rightly apprehended his opponent's meaning.
88 BONIFACE WISHES FOR A STABLE CHURCH ORGANIZATION.

charge of simony, by demanding money for the bestowment

of the pall.* He complains, in a letter to this pope, of the
bad example set at Rome to the ignorant and rude people
from Germany of the various superstitious practices allowed
;

there on the first of January ; of the custom among the

women to hang amulets around their arms and limbs, which
amulets were publicly exposed for sale. Now the vulgar
had it to say, that sucli things were done at Rome under the
eyes of the pope and so his instructions, he said, were not a
;

little hindered of their effect.

f He cites the authority of St.
Paul and of Augustin against such practices, and urgently —
demands of the pope a suppression of these abuses. J
The reformation of the church, according to the plan of
Boniface, required especially the re-establishment of a well-
devised church organization, at the head of which should
stand the pope as the director of the whole. All the bishops
should hold the same relation to the metropolitans as these
held to the pope himself. As the bishops, when they found
it impossible themselves to do
away abuses in their dioceses,
should discharge their consciences by bringing the matter
before their proper superiors, the metropolitans, thus throwing
the responsibility on the latter ; so the metropolitans, or arch-
bishops, should proceed in the same way towards the pope.§
And an oversight, administered on this organical plan, over the
whole church, might undoubtedly, in these times of rudeness,
where so many things were contrary to ecclesiastical order,
have served a very salutary purpose ; but the metropolitan
constitution was not so well adapted to the relations of the

* Zacharias himself
says (ep. 60, f. 148) of the letter/in which Boniface
complains of this, littera; tuce nimis animos nostros conturhaverunt. He
denies the whole thing. Perhaps the officials of the papal chancery had
acted without the pope's knowledge or will.
f Ep. 51. Quae omnia eo, quod ibi a carnalibus et insipientibus
videntur, nobis hie et improperium et impedimentum prsedicationis et
doctrinee perficiunt.
X The pope did not deny that such abuses had once more crept in at
Rome ;
but affirmed, that since he had attained to the papal dignity they
had been wholly suppressed.
§ See ep. 73 to the English Metropolitan Cuthbert, to whom he sent a
report of the administration of his office thus far. Sic omnes episcopi
debent metropolitan© et ipse Romano pontitici, si quid de corrigendis
populis apud eos impossible est, notum facere et sic alieni fient a sanguine
animarum perditarum.
 METROPOLIS FOR THE GERMAN CHURCH. COLOGNE. 89

French empire, as it had been to the old Roman empire, and

the spirit of the Frankish bishops, so inclined to independence,
was not ready to accommodate itself to any such form. Hence
Boniface had on this point many obstacles to encounter. True,
when pope Zacharias committed to him the business of arrang-
ing the order of the Frankish church, Boniface ordained three
metropolitans for this church, and the pope sent him the palls
for the same ;* but he found himself unable to carry this
arrangement immediately into effect. j The new German
church also continued to subsist for a longer time without
metropolitans. It is true, in the year 732, pope Gregory III.

appointed Boniface archbishop, and sent him the pall ,J but

without a determinate metropolis. On the death of Ragin-
fred, bishop of Cologne, in 744, Boniface proposed that the
bishopric of Cologne should be converted into a metropolis,
and conferred on himself.§ This was connected with his
favourite plan, to resume once more the personal super-
intendence of the mission among the Frieslanders, which,
since the death of Willibrord in 739, had not. been so rigor-
ously conducted as before for after the death of "Willibrord,
;

he reckoned the mission among the Frieslanders as belonging

to the sphere of labour assigned him as papal legate among
these tribes and in accordance with the full powers conferred
:

on him for that purpose by the mayor of the palace, Car-

* See
ep. 59 of pope Zacharias.
f The pope was much surprised to learn that Boniface afterwards de-
manded nothing hut the pallium, and asked him, cur tantse rei facta sit
permutatio? ep. 60. At the council of Soissons, in the year 744, he suc-
ceeded, however, in securing the appointment of two metropolitans. He
wrote, at some later time, to the pope, exculpating himself (ep. 86) de eo
autem, quod jam praeterito tempore de archiepiscopis et de palliis a
Eomana ecclesia pretendis juxta promissa Francorum sanctitati vestrae
notum feci, indulgentiam apostolicce sedis fiagito, quia, quod promiserunt,
tardantes non impleverunt et adhuc differtur et ventilatur, quid inde
perficere voluerint, ignoratur, sed mea voluntate impleta esset promissio.
I See ep. 25.
§ Withthe hishop of Cologne Boniface early fell out. The former
wanted extend his diocese over a part of the field of labour assigned to
to
Boniface, though he had taken no pains whatever to diffuse Christianity
among the pagan tribes bordering on his diocese. Gregory II., who
decided against the bishop of Cologne, describes him as the episcopum,
qui nunc usque desidia quadam in eadem gente praedicationis verbum
disseminare neglexerat, et nunc sibi partem quasi in parochiam defendit.
90 GEROLD AND GEWILLIEB OF MENTZ.

loman,* he had ordained his countryman and disciple, the

priest Eoban, bishop of Utrecht. But from Cologne, as a
centre, it would be easy for him to extend his watch and care
also over Friesland.")* The Frankish nobles were generally
satisfied with this arrangement, and the pope confirmed it ;
but a portion of the clergy, as we may infer from the inti-
mations of Boniface, in his letter to the pope, were opposed to
it.J These, as it seems, were composed of such as had all
along formed a party against Boniface. The pope believed
that this opposition might be despised but subsequent events
;

showed that it was of moment. In addition to this, another

event happened, which gave a different turn to the choice of a
German metropolis.
In the army, which in 744 marched to the assistance of the
Thuringians against the Saxons, was Gerold, bishop of Mentz.§
He was slain by a Saxon and Charlemagne appointed his
;

son, by name Gewillieb, to succeed him in the office. This

son, though in other respects a person of blameless manners,
yet wanted both the disposition and the education requisite for
a spiritual office being passionately devoted, as probably
;||

* See
ep. 105.
f Boniface had himself, on proposing the establishment of a metropo-
litan see at Cologne, mentioned the circumstances which to liim seemed
to recommend that city as a proper place for the purpose, as the pope
says (ep. 70) Civitatem pertingentem usque ad paganorum fines et in
:

partes Germanicarum gentium, ubi antea praedicasti. That not Mentz,

as it reads in the superscription of the letter, ed. Wiirdtwein, but Cologne
is to be understood which — —
Pagi also remarks may be gathered not only
from the circumstances stated, but also from what the pope expressly says
in the same letter De civitate, qua? nuper Agrippina vocabatur, nunc
:

vero Colonia juxta petitionem Francorum per nostras auctoritatis prse-

ceptum nomini tuo Metropolin confirmavimus.
X Quidam falsi sacerdotes et schismatici hoc impedire conati sunt.
§ We are indebted for a circumstantial account of this event to that
presbyter of Mentz to whose report we have already referred on a former
page. True, his statements cannot be relied on, and are in this case full
of anachronisms but in Mentz, where he wrote, he might easily obtain
;

better information on this particular subject, and his account wears alto-
gether the impress of truth.
The presbyter of Mentz says of him Hie autem honestis moribus,
||
:

ut ferunt, nisi tantum quod cum herodiis et canibus per semetipsum

jocabatur. If he is the individual whom Boniface describes in his letter to
" adulterati clerici et homicidse
the pope (see ep. 70) Alius, in adulterio
natus et absque disciplina nutritus;" we must remember, that from his
 BONIFACE DECLINES THE ARCHIEPISCOPAL DIGNITY. 91

his father also had been, to the sports of the forest. When
the two armies again met in the field, Gewillieb challenged
the slayer of his father out of the ranks of the Saxons, and
killed him on the spot, to revenge his father's death. In
pursuance of the ecclesiastical laws, passed at his own sug-
gestion, Boniface was obliged to demand that Gewillieb, who,
though a bishop, still bore the sword, should be deposed from
his office. This was done at a synod in the year 745, over
which Boniface himself presided. In this case, it was the
less possible to accuse him of interested motives, because the
transfer of the metropolitan see to Mentz, would, according to
what we have already remarked, be directly opposed to his
own wishes and cherished plans. Besides, he could not, at
the beginning, have possibly conjectured, that the deposition
of Gewillieb would be followed by this result since he was ;

still negotiating with the pope, for the establishment of the

metropolitan see at Cologne. Gewillieb, it is true, repaired

to Rome, for the purpose of laying his appeal before the pope,
and the latter kept the investigation of the affair in his own
hands ;* but the issue of it must doubtless have led to the con-
firmation of the sentence passed by the German synod. The
removal of Gewillieb, and the vacancy left in the bishopric of
Mentz, now enabled the party who strove to hinder the esta-
blishment of a metropolitan see at Cologne, to carry their
point ; and it was thought advisable to make the city of
Mentz, which had already enjoyed that honour, once more the
seat of an archbishopric. Boniface, in communicating this-
deeision of the Frankish princes and nobles to the pope,
besought the latter, at the same time that he might be
allowed, on account of his great age and bodily infirmities, to
consecrate some other person than himself to the office of
archbishop. This petition of Boniface was certainly not
an act of dissimulation or hypocritical humility, traits of
which not the least vestige can be detected in his general
character nor is it by any means necessary so to understand
;

it, as if he wished to devote his already far advanced, but still

energetic old age to an inactive repose. Perhaps his simple

own point of view he might thus describe a bishop living in wedlock, and
taking an active part in war.
* lie Dura ut Domino
says, in his letter to Boniface, advenerit,
placuerit, fiet.
92 REQUESTS PERMISSION TO NAME A SUCCESSOR.

motive was to avoid the great burden of outward business

which must be connected with the administration of the
German archbishopric, and not to suffer his labours as papal
legate, from whose duties he by no means wished to
be
released, to be circumscribed by being obliged to confine
himself to a distinct archiepiscopal see, and one of such a
character as seemed to promise him but little freedom for
missionary journeys. He wished to consecrate his last ener-
gies, freely and exclusively, to the instruction of the pagan
and newly converted populations belonging to his field of
labour, to which he also reckoned Friesland.
lie had already, some years earlier,'* requested of Pope
Zacharias, that lie might be allowed to select, and ordain a
presbyter to 'succeed him in his office some such person as,
;

after common deliberation, should appear to him, under the

existing circumstances, the most suitable for the place and he ;

referred to the fact, that Gregory III. had, in the presence of

Zacharias at Rome, already invited him to select for himself
and consecrate a successor ;
—
whether it was, that Boniface
even now entertained the purpose just mentioned of committing
to or sharing with another the administration of the external
affairsof the church, so as to leave himself more freedom for
the work of religious instruction ;
or whether, remembering
the uncertainty of life, and the dangers to which he was con-

stantly exposed among the pagans, lie wished, with a prudent

regard to the future, to have everything so arranged that after
his death the young church should not go to destruction. But
the old ecclesiastical laws did not permit that a bishop should
nominate and ordain his successor during his own life-time, a
fact of which Boniface perhaps was not aware ; and the
question now came up, on the presentation of the petition of
Boniface to the pope, whether, considering the extraordinary
circumstances of the case, the pope ought to depart from the
accustomed form, as indeed it should seem that the altogether
new and difficult relations of things must often call for devia-
tions of this sort. But so thought not the pope, at that time.
He replied to himf that his request, being incompatible with
the laws of the church, could in nowise be granted. E\en
were the pope desirous of it, still it was not in his power to

* See t See ed. Wurdtwein, p. 13.

ep. 51. 1
 DECISION OF THE TOPE. 93

confer on him this favour ; for as no man knew whether he or

his fellow stood nearest the grave, so it might easily happen
that his destined successor might be outlived by himself. He
could, however, select some priest as his special assistant in
discharging the duties of his office, who, after having proved
himself in the work, might be found worthy of a more exalted
station. Let it only be your constant prayer, said the pope,
that a successor well-pleasing to God may be provided for you ;
and if the priest whom you may select should live, and at the
close of yourown life be found still fitted for the office, you
may then publicly designate this person as your successor, and
he may come to Rome and receive his ordination. Even this,
he had never before been granted to any one.
said,
When Boniface next presented his proposal to resign the
archiepiscopal office, the pope, with a view to encourage him
in his old age to perseverance in his multiplied and manifold
labours, conceded still more. He wrote him* that he ought by
no means to leave the episcopal see at Mentz, but should let
the word of our Lord be fulfilled in his case, Matth. xxiv. 13:
He that persevereth unto the end shall be saved. But if the
Lord gave him an altogether suitable person, qualified to watch
over the welfare of souls, he might consecrate him a bishop as
his own representative and such a person might everywhere
;

act as his colleague in the service of the church. Having

obtained this privilege of the pope, he now determined f to
prepare a retreat for his last days, at his favourite foundation,
the monastery of Fulda there to refresh, in some measure, his
;

enfeebled body, now suffering under the effects of his long

labours and advanced age. In advising the pope of this step,
he gave him to understand, that it was by no means his inten-
tion to abandon the duties of his calling, but that he meant, as
Zacharias had exhorted him, to persevere in it to the end that ;

the monastery of Fulda was the most convenient of all places

for devoting his last energies to the good of the
people, to
whom he had preached the gospel, "for the four nations to
whom, by the grace of God, we have preached the word of
Christ, dwell in a circle around this spot. To these I would
*
Ep. 82.
t He
proposed this to the pope some years later, in the letter in which
he requested him to confirm what he had done in founding the monastery
of Fulda, ep. 86.
94 BONIFACE ESPOUSES THE CAUSE OF PIPES'.

be useful so long as I live or have my senses ; for I wish to

persevere in the service of the Roman church, among- the
German people to whom I was sent, and to obey your com-
mands."*
Among the last public acts of Boniface in Germany, belongs
the part he took in a political revolution, which was not with-
out its importance as contributing to the firm establishment of
the new ecclesiastical foundations. The mayor of the palace,
Pipin, after having for a long time exercised the royal
authority, determined to assume the royal name, and to de-
prive the last branch of the old legitimate, ruling family,
Childeric III., who was, in fact, a king only in name, also of
this name. That he could believe it possible to justify, by
the authority of the pope this illegal act to his own conscience
and in the eyes of the people, this without doubt was already
one result of the influence exercised by Boniface in changing
the religious mode of thinking, —
a result of the new point of
view in which the church was presented, as a theocratical
institution, and the pope, as theocratical head over the nations.
To Boniface himself it must have appeared of the utmost ad-
vantage to his field of labour, that Pipin, by assuming the
royal name, should obtain still greater authority, so as to be
able to place a stronger check on the individual Dukes, whose
arbitrary will threatened to become destructive to all civil and
ecclesiastical order ; and with the views he entertained respect-

ing the relation of the church to civil society, and of the pope
to the church, such an act, promising to be so advantageous
both to church and state, could easily be rendered legal by the
decision of the pope, as the supreme organ of Christ in the
government of the household of faith. t From the close
alliance between Boniface and the pope, from his position as

* In
quo loco proposui aliquantulum vel paucis diebus fessum senec-
tute corpus requiescendo recuperare, et post mortem jacere. Quatuor
enim populi, quibus verbum Christi per gratiam Dei diximus, in circuitu
loci hujus habitare dinoscuntur. Quibuscum vestra intercessione, quam-
diu vivo vel sapio, utilis esse possum. Cupio enim vestris orationibus,
comitante gratia Dei in familiaritate Eomanse ecclesise et vestro ser-
vitio, inter Germanicas gentes, ad quas missus fui, perseverare et pra>
cepto vestro obedire.
f Thus Willibald, in the life of Boniface, s. 23, shows that this insur-
rection of paganism in Thuringia had been in great measure provoked by
the tyrannical Dukes.
 PIPIN ANOINTED KING BY BONIFACE. 95

mediator between the latter and the Frankish church, it may-

be inferred, that the negotiations concerning- this important
matter were not managed without his intervention ; though it
remains uncertain whether anything- in the oral communica-
tions which Boniface's delegate, the presbyter Lull, is said to
have made about this period to the pope, had reference to this
business.* Certain it is, that it was Boniface, who in the year
752, at Soissons, by the pope's commission, administered to
Pipin the royal unction.
His vast field cf labour among foreign nations did not,
however, render Boniface forgetful of his native land. Though
his duties compelled him to forego his cherished wish of

returning there once more, yet he ever took a special interest

in its affairs. f He maintained a constant correspondence with
bishops, monks, nuns, and princes of his country, and as it gave
—
him peculiar pleasure to use his own wordsj to hear his —
countrymen praised, so he was grieved at being- told of their
faults. He was much pained on learning that one of the
princes of his native land, Ethelbald king of Mercia, led an
immoral life, and thereby encouraged immorality among his

people and that he was guilty of arbitrarily appropriating the

;

property of the church. Conceiving himself both bound and

fully authorized, by the pope's commission, to exert his in-
fluence against any unchristian conduct which came to his
knowledge among the nations, even beyond the more narrow
circle under his immediate superintendence^ he felt himself
constrained to transmit, in the name of a small synod, a very-
decided letter of remonstrance to this petty sovereign. In this
letter he described to him, how severely, to the shame of the

* See
ep. 86, concerning Lull, habet secreta qusedam mea, quaj soli
pietati vestrae profiteri debet.
f In writing to a priest of his native land, to whom he sent the letter
of recommendation, presently to be mentioned, for the purpose of being
transmitted to the king of the Mercians, he says : Hsec verba admonitio-
nis nostrae ad ilium regem propter nihil aliud direximus, nisi propter
puram caritatis amicitiam et quod de eadem gente Anglorum nati et
enutriti hie peregrinamur, ep. 71.
X In the letter referred to Bonis et laudibus gentis nostrae Icetamur,
:

peccatis et vituperationibus contristamur.

§ See ep. 54, as the praeceptum Romani pontificis, si alicubi viderem
inter Christianos pergens populos erroneos vel ecclesiasticas regulas de-
pravatas vel homines a catholica fide abductos, ad viani salutis invitare et
revocare totis viribus niterer.
 96 LULL. LETTER TO FULRAD.

English people,* the violation of chastity was punished in the

mother country, among the pagan Anglo-Saxons, who followed
the laws of God written on the heart and held up for his
;

warning the divine judgments on immoral nations. But to

conciliate the good-will of the prince, and secure a favourable
reception of this admonitory epistle, Boniface wrote him also
another shorter letter, which he accompanied with presents,
namely, a hawk, two falcons, two shields, and two lances. t
He exhorted the primate of the English church, archbishop
Cuthbert of Canterbury, J informing him of the regulations
adopted by himself in the Frankish and German churches, to
take measures for improving the condition of the church in
England and it was probably owing to his influence, which
;

extended even to this distant region, that in the year 747, a

synod for the reformation of abuses was convened at Cloveshove
(Cliff), under the presidency of this archbishop.
Boniface, acting on the permission he had received from the
pope, appointed his countryman Lull, who had been for twenty
years trained under his eye, and had served as his colleague,
to succeed him in office, and ordained him a bishop. Nothing
was wanting, except that he should be recognized as his suc-
cessor by royal authority, and thus secured in the exercise of
all the rights pertaining to such a relation. Impressed with a
feeling that the infirmities of age announced for him a speedy
death, § his mind was occupied with the care of providing for
his ecclesiastical foundations, the destruction or dismember-
ment of which he had reason to fear, unless they were placed
under the direction of a firm and able head, such as he wisiied
to give them in the person of Lull. The letter in which he
solicited Fulrad, the Frankish lord chamberlain, to bring this
matter before king Pipin, touchingly expresses the paternal
anxiety of Boniface for those who had been committed by God
" "
to his pastoral care :
Nearly all my disciples," he writes, are
foreigners
— a few priests, established at various points for the
service of the church and of the people ; monks, distributed
among the monasteries, for the purpose of teaching the chil-
dren to read ; and many aged persons, who have long lived
*
Ep. 72. f Ep. 55. X Ep. 73.
§ Ep. 90, to the Frankish lord chamberlain Fulrad, quod raihi et
amicis meis similiter videtur, ut vitam istam temporalem et cursum dierum
meorum per istas infirmitates cito debeam finire.
 boniface's quarrel with hildegar. 97

and laboured with me and sustained me. For all these I am

anxious, lest after my death they become scattered. I beg,
therefore, that they may enjoy a share of your protection, so
that they may not be scattered like sheep without a shepherd,
and that the people living on the borders of the pagans may
not lose the law of Christ. I beg earnestly, in the name of
God, that you would cause my son and fellow-bishop, Lull, to
be appointed for this service of the people and the churches, as.
a preacher and guide of the priests and the people. And I
hope, if God so will, that in him the priests will find a guide,
the monks a teacher of their rule, and the Christian people a.
faithful preacher and shepherd. I beg such a favour especially
for this reason, because my priests sustain a miserable life on
the borders of the heathen. Bread to eat they can obtain by
their own exertions ; but clothing they cannot find there, unless
they receive help and counsel from other quarters ; for so have
I sustained them, that they might be enabled to persevere in.
their labours for the people in those places."
Having obtained what he wished, and thus made the preser
vation of the German church independent of his own existence,.
Boniface concluded not to follow out his earlier intention of
passing the remnant of his days in the monastery of Fulda, but
to consecrate them to the work with which his missionary
activityhad first commenced. Probably it was with a special
view of having it in his power to enter again, in a more direct
and personal manner, upon this mission in Friesland, that it
had been his wish to make the city of Cologne the seat of his
archbishopric. But now he was brought into collision with the
newly appointed bishop, Hildegar of Cologne ; for the latter
availed himself of certain claims, founded on ancient tradition,
to make the church of Utrecht dependent on himself, though
he took no active part in preaching the gospel in those regions.
Boniface maintained, on the other hand, that the bishops of
Cologne, who gave themselves no concern about the mission
among the Frieslanders, had no claims to make upon this pro-
vince of the church, but that the church of Utrecht had been
founded by pope Sergius, as a metropolis for the conversion of
the Frieslanders, and subject only to the pope ;* whence also
it followed, that this church ought, for the
present, to stand

* See
ep. 105, to pope Stephen II.
VOL. V. H
98 HIS JOURNEY TO FRIESLAND.

under no oversight but his own, inasmuch as the pope had

committed to him, as his legate, the oversight over all these
churches, planted among pagan nations. It is so much more
reasonable to trace this controversy of Boniface with the bishop
of Cologne to his desire of once more taking upon himself, as
papal legate, the direction of the mission in Friesland, that
we should hardly be justified in adopting the contrary supposi-
tion, and in ascribing the plan of his journey to Friesland to
an ambition which incited him to make good his power of
legate in that country against the bishop of Cologne. Why
should he have sought, through so many dangers and difficul-
ties, at such an advanced period of life, to acquire for his few
remaining days an honour, which in a much more convenient
and less hazardous way he could have procured for himself by
negotiation with the pope,* and with the king of the Franks?
Boniface set out on his journey to Friesland in the begin-
ning of the year 755, under the firm persuasion that he should
never return. With this conviction, he took leave of his dis-
ciple Lull, and commended to him the preservation and prose-
cution of the work begun by himself, and in particular the
completion of the church, now erecting at Fulda, in which his
body was to be deposited. In the book-chest, which he was
in the habit of taking with him wherever he went,t that he
might have a supply of spiritual books at hand, from which he
could read or sing by the way —
he gave his disciple charge to
place a shroud, in which his body was to be enveloped and
conveyed to the monastery of Fulda. With a small retinue,
composed partly of clergy and monks, and partly of servants,
he embarked on a boat by the river Rhine, and landed at the
Zuyder sea. His disciple, bishop Eodan, joined him in Fries-
land. They traversed the country many received them gladly ;
;

they baptized thousands and founded new churches. Boniface

* It is
singular that the bishop of Cologne provoked this controversy,
in opposition to the papal charter founding the metropolitan see at
Mentz (see Wiirdtwein,ep. 83), by virtue of which Utrecht and Cologne
were subordinated to it and that Boniface did not appeal before pope
;

Stephen II. to the authority of this arrangement by his predecessor. We

might infer from this that if the text of this charter is correct, yet it
could not in this form obtain, from the first, the power of law.
f Thepriest from Utrecht says of him, s. 18, Quocunque ibat, semper
librossecum gestabat. Iter agendo vero vel scripturas lectitabat, vel
psalmos hymnosve canebat.
 HIS MARTYRDOM. GREGORY. 99

had sent numbers home, after having instructed and baptized

them, with the direction to return to him on an appointed day,

for the purpose of receiving from him the rite of confirmation.
Meanwhile, he had established himself with his associates iii
tents, on the river Burda, not far from Dockingen,* and it was
the fifth of June, 755, when he expected the return of his
spiritual children. Early in the morning, he heard at a dis-
tance the noise of an approaching multitude, and full of joy
came forth from his tent but he soon found himself painfully
;

mistaken. The clash of weapons announced anything but a

friendly disposition and purpose in the approaching bands.
The truth was, that numbers of the pagans, maddened to find
that Boniface drew away so many from idolatry, had conspired
to devote this day, when so many were to be received into the
bosom of the Christian church, to vengeance for their gods.
The lay servants would have defended Boniface with their
weapons but he forbade them. With the relics in his hand,
;

he calmly awaited the issue he exhorted his attendants not to

;

fear those who could only kill the body, not harm the soul ;
but rather to be mindful of the infallible promises of their
Lord, and to confide in him, who would soon bestow on their
souls the reward of everlasting glory. Thus, in his seventy-
fifth year, he died a martyr ;t and with him,
many of his
companions, as well as the bishop Eodan, died the same
death. :£
Boniface left behind him a series of disciples, who laboured
on in his spirit, zealously devoting themselves to the education
of tlie youth, to the business of clearing up and cultivating the
soil, partly as bishops and priests, partly as abbots. Among
these, the abbot Gregory takes an important place, who prose-
cuted the work in Friesland. The singular manner in which
this person, while a
young man, was led to attach himself to
Boniface, furnishes a remarkable example of the power which
the latter exerted over the minds of youth. When Boniface,
on his second journey from Friesland to Thuringia and Hessia,
*
Dockum, between Franeker and Groningen.
f The presbyter of Utrecht informs us that in the district where this
occurred an old woman was still living who related that Boniface, when
he saw the fatal blow about to be struck, made a pillow for his head of a
volume of the gospels.
X According to the story of the ecclesiastic of Munster, there were fifty-
two of them.
h2
100 Gregory's labours in friesland.

came into the territory of Triers, he met, in a monastery near

this town, with a hospitable reception from a certain abbess
Acldula, who, sprung from a noble family, had retired from the
society of the great world to this spot. During meal-time, the
duty was assigned to her nephew Gregory (a boy fourteen
years old, who had just returned from school), to read some
passages from the holy Scriptures. Boniface praised him for
reading so well, and asked him to translate what he had read
into the German language. As he was compelled to confess
his inability, Boniface himself translated and explained the

passages read, and made the whole the subject of a discourse,

which left a deep impression on the mind of the youth. The
latter felt himself so drawn towards him, that he declared
himself resolved to go with him, and never to leave him, that
he might learn from him how to understand the holy Scriptures.
The grandmother, to whom Boniface was at that time wholly
unknown, did all in her power to dissuade the boy from execut-
ing his resolution ;
but in vain. He told her, if she would
not give him a horse he would follow Boniface on foot where-
ever he went. Finally she yielded to his wishes, and gave
him a horse and servants, that he might be able to follow the
missionary in his journeys.* From this time forward he was-
the companion of Boniface amidst every difficulty, and went
with him also on his last journey to Friesland. f And now,
since bishop Eodan had suffered martyrdom with his teacher,,
and the bishopric of Utrecht was for the present unoccupied,
Gregory took upon himself the whole care of the mission in
Friesland, which charge was also conferred on him by pope
Stephen II. and by king Pipin. He did not assume, it is
true, the episcopal dignity, but remained a priest whether he
;

was deterred by his modesty from aspiring after a higher rank ?

*
Liudger, the disciple and biographer of Gregory, who had, without
doubt, received this story from his own mouth, says respecting it :Idem
spiritus videtur mihi in hoc tunc operari puero, qui apostolos Christi et
dispensatores mysteriorum Dei ad illud inflammavit, ut ad unam vocem
Domini relictis retibus et patre sequerentur redemtorem. Hoc fecit
artifex summus, unus atque idem spiritus Dei, qui omnia operatur in om-
nibus dividens singulis prout vult.
\ If he had not before, as having himself come from the neighbouring
district, pointed out to Gregory this field of labour among the Fries-
lauders, for whose welfare he ever continued to manifest a special solici-
tude.
 HIS DEATH. ABBOT STURM. 101

or whether the business connected with the episcopal office did

not agree with what he felt to be his peculiar calling-, or
whether it was that special reasons, in the circumstances of the
times, prevented the re-occupancy of the bishopric. But as
abbot of a monastery at Utrecht, to which boys of English,
French, Bavarian, Suevian, Frieslandish, and Saxon extraction
were sent to be educated, he had an ample field of activity.
He himself laboured in instructing the Christian and pagan
population and he founded a missionary school, from which
;

missionaries went forth into various fields. To supply the

want of a bishop, he got episcopal ordination conferred in his
native land on Alubert, an English clergyman, who had joined
him in his work. He lived to the age of more than seventy
years ;and laboured as a faithful teacher, to the end. Three
years before his death, in the year 781, he was attacked on his
left side by a stroke of yet he did not cease labouring
palsy ;

for the instruction and spiritual culture of his people, until his
disease became so severe, that he had to be borne on the arms
of his scholars wherever his presence was needed. In his last
hours, his disciples gathered round his bed, to hear from his
jips the word of exhortation, and to be edified by the example
of his faith. "He will not die today," said they to each
other ;
—
but summoning his last powers, he turned to them and
"
said:
To-day I shall have my release." He died, after
having prayed and received the holy supper, with his eyes
fixed on the altar.
A second among the disciples of Boniface, to whom the
German church, and the early culture of the nation were
greatly indebted, was the abbot Sturm* He descended from
a noble and devotedly Christian family in Bavaria. While
Boniface was engaged in organizing the Bavarian Church,
Sturm, yet a boy, was committed to him by his parents, to be
regularly trained for the spiritual office. The former placed
him in the monastery of Fritzlar, one of his earliest founda-
tions, over which presided the abbot Wigbert, a companion
in missionary labours. To the direction of tin's person he
entrusted the boy's education. This being completed, he was
consecrated as priest, and assisted Boniface as a fellow-labourer
in the After having laboured three years
missionary work.
under Boniface's directions he was seized with a desire of
*
Sturmi, or Stirme.
102 MONASTERIES OF HERSFELD AND FULDA.

following the example of others, who had retired into the

wilderness, and trained themselves, by every sort of self-
denial, in the contest with savage nature, to the austere life of
the monk. Boniface yielded to the wishes of his disciple.
He hoped make use of him as an instrument for converting
to
the vast wilderness, which then, under the name of Buchwald
(Buchonia), covered a large part of Hessia, into a cultivated
country. He gave to Sturm two companions, to go with him
on his journey, and dismissed them with his blessing to find a
dwelling-place in the wilderness. After having, for three
days, traversed the forest, riding on asses, they finally came to
a spot which seemed to them susceptible of cultivation,
Herold's field (Hersfeld). Here they built huts, which they
covered with bark and here they spent some time in devo-
;

tional exercises. Thus, in the year 736, was laid the foun-
dation of the monastery of Hersfeld. After this Sturm
returned again to his beloved master, for the purpose of
making report to one so exact and prudent in the examination
and calculation of the minutest details, concerning the situ-
ation of the place, the quality of the soil, and the springs of
water. He was satisfied with all but one thing the place
;

seemed to him too much exposed to the ravages of the Saxons.

Long and vainly did they seek, wandering up and down on the
Fulda,for a place of settlement such as Boniface would approve ;
but the latter stimulated his disciple to new activity, exhorting
him to patience, and confidently assuring him that God would
not fail to show him the place prepared for his servant in the
wilderness. For many days he roamed the forest, in all
directions, entirely alone, singing psalms as he went, to
strengthen his faith, and cheer his heart, fearless of the nu-
merous wild beasts prowling in the wilderness. He took
repose only at night, constructing a rude hedge of hewn
branches around his ass, to protect him from beasts of prey ;
and then, after calling upon the Lord, and signing the cross
on his forehead, laying himself down composedly to sleep.
Thus he discovered at last a spot for a settlement, against
which Boniface had nothing to object; and here, in 744, -was
founded the monastery of Fulda. This was Boniface's fa-
vourite foundation. Through his influence the monastery
obtained great privileges from the pope. It was to be inde-

pendent of all spiritual jurisdiction of the bishop, and subject

 DEATH OF ABBOT STURM. 103

to no one but the pope.* He directed that his body should be

deposited there, which contributed in no small degree to give
consideration to the monastery. He sent the abbot Sturm to
Italy for the purpose of studying there the patterns of the old
conventual institutions, particularly of the original convent of
the Benedictines at Monte Cassino, bidding him to avail him-
self of all the information he could gather for the benefit of
his monastery. After his return Sturm directed, through a
long series of years, the energies of four thousand monks, by
whose unsparing labours the wilderness was gradually reclaimed,
and brought into a state of cultivation. His activity at a
later period was interrupted by the devastating inroads of the
Saxons. By their threats he was often compelled, when a very
old man, to seek safety in flight. After a flight of this sort,
to which he had been forced when sick, having returned back
to his convent,f when security was restored, he felt the ap-
proach of death. He now caused all the bells to be rung, so
as to bring together the monks, that his near death mip;ht be
announced to them, and they might be invited to pray for him.
A portion of the monks having assembled around his bed, he
begged them to forgive him if, through the sinfulness cleaving
to all alike, he had wronged any one of their number,
adding
that, from his whole heart he forgave all men all the injuries
he had received, and pardoned even his constant enemy, the
archbishop Lull. On the day of his death, the 17th of De-
cember 779, one of his monks told him he was now certainly
going to the Lord, and expressed the hope that when he was
with the Lord he would remember his disciples, and pray for
them. He looked upon them and said, " So order your con-
duct that I may have courage to pray for you, and I will do
what you require." J Thus was laid here the foundation of a
seminary of Christian education, which, in the following cen-
turies, proved eminently serviceable to the German church.
The longest continued and the most violent opposition to
* But this exemption contributed, also, to keep alive the embittered feel-
ings between archbishop Lull, Boniface's successor, and the abbot Sturm :
and the influence of the former, as well as many other things, occasioned
his temporary disgrace at the court of Pipin, and his banishment.
t The emperor had sent him his own physician, Wintar, but the medi-
cine prescribed by the latter made his disease worse.
X See the account of his life by his scholar and successor, abbot Eigil,
recendy published in Pertz's Monumentis, T. II.
104 OBSTACLES TO THE PLANTING OF

the establishment of the Christian church was made by the

powerful race of the Saxons in Northern Germany. The
blame is to be imputed, in part, to the means employed to
effect this object. It required peculiar wisdom to find a way
of introducing- Christianity among a people of so warlike a
character, whose ancient objects of veneration were so inti-
mately connected with their whole character and constitution.
But instead of this everything, on the contrary, was done to
prejudice the minds of the people against the new religion.
Along with Christianity the whole structure of the hierarchy,
against which in particular the free spirit of the Saxons revolted,
was at once to be introduced. The payment of church tithes,
which was to be everywhere enforced, was regarded by them
as a sign of disgraceful bondage, and served to render still
more odious the religion which carried with it such a regula-
tion. In addition to this, the Christian church and the domi-
nion of the Franks were continually presented to them as
closely connected and hence the attachment which bound
;

them to their old freedom and independence led them to repel

—
both together Christianity being regarded as a means for
subjecting them to the Frankish yoke. The army of the
emperor Charles was followed by priests and monks, prepared
to baptize the conquered, or those who yielded to force, or
who were inclined to purchase peace for the moment by
obedience to the church and to found among them churches
;

and monasteries.* The doctrines of Christianity, which came

to them thus accompanied, would naturally be slow to gain
their confidence. Large bodies of them often allowed them-
selves to be baptized in mere pretence, and submitted to the
dominion of the church, resolved already to cast off, at the
first favourable opportunity, all that had been imposed on
them. This they did, when they revolted again from the
Frankish empire. The monastery of Fulda, whose abbot
Sturm had laboured most zealously to plant the Christian

* See the Life of abbot

Sturm, 1. c. c. 22, where it is said respecting
the effects of the campaigns of the emperor in the years 772 and 776,
Partim bellis, partim suasionibus, partim etiam muneribus maxima ex
parte gentem illam ad fidem Christi convertit ; and the abbot Alcuin
writes, in the year 790, to a Scottish abbot, ep. 3 Antiqui Saxones et
:

omnes Frisonum populi instante Rege Carolo alios praemiis et alios

minis sollicitante ad fidem Christi conversi sunt.
 THE CHURCH AMONG THE SAXONS. 105

church among the conquered Saxons, then became a signal

mark for their vengeance.* The pious and far-sighted abbot
Alcuin best understood what had prevented the establishment
of the Christian church among the Saxons and he gave the
;

emperor, his bishops, and high officers the wisest counsels with
regard to the missionary- work of which, however, they made
;

but little use. Thus to the imperial chamberlain and lord of

the treasury, Magenfrid,j he wrote —
appealing to the words of
—
our Lord himself, Matt, xxviii. 19 three things should go
together, the preaching of the faith, the bestowmentof baptism,
and the exhibition of our Lord's commandments. Without
the concurrence of these three parts the hearer could not be
led to salvation. But faith was a voluntary thing, and not to
be forced. To baptism, indeed, one might be forced but ;

that was of no avail to faith. J The grown-up man must say

for himself what he believed and desired and if he professed
;

the faith in a hypocritical manner, he could not truly attain to

salvation. Therefore preachers to the heathen are bound to
instruct the people in the faith in a friendly and prudent way.§
The Lord knew them that were his, and opened the hearts of
such as he pleased, so that they might be able to recognize
the truth preached to them.|| But after they have received
the faith and baptism, in proceeding to set before them the
precepts of religion, some regard should be paid to the needs
of the weaker minds ; great demands ought not to be made upon
* When the
Saxons had, in 778, begun a new war, Sturm, together
with his monks, was obliged to flee, having heard that the approaching
Saxons intended, in their rage, to burn down the convent, with the monks
and all that was in it. See the life of Sturm, s. 23. f Ep. 37.
X Attrahi poterit homo ad fidem, non cogi. Cogi poteris ad baptis-
mum. sed non proficit fidei.
§ Unde et prsedicatores paganorum populum pacificis verbis et pru-
dentibus fidem docere decent
||
The Augustinian doctrine of predestination had, however, this inju-
rious effect, that whenever such a work turned out a failure, men, instead
of seeking for the cause in the want of correct teaching, and in the use of
wrong means, sought rather to trace it to the want of all-efficient grace,
and to non-predestination. Thus even Alcuin, in the 28th letter to the
—
emperor though with the intention, no doubt, of showing that the whole
blame could not be cast on the emperor, says Ecce quanta devotione et
:

benignitate pro dilatatione nominis Christi duritiam infelicis populi Sax-

onum per verse salutis consilium emollire laborasti. Sed quia electio
necdum in illis divina fuisse videtur, remanent hucusque multi ex
illis cum diabolo damnandi in sordibus consuetudinis
pessimal
106 alcuin's eesistance to wrong measures.

them at once, but, in accordance with St. Paul's direction,

they should be fed at first with milk, and not with strong meat.*
Thus the Apostles, Acts xv., laid none of the burthens of the
law upon the converted gentiles. Paul gloried in supporting
himself by the labour of his own hands, Acts xx. 34 2 Thess.;

iii. 8 1 Cor. ix. 15, 18.

; Thus the great apostle, who was
specially chosen by God to preach the gospel to the heathen,
had acted, in order effectually to remove every pretext or occa-
sion for accusing the preacher of covetousness so that none
;

should preach God's word out of the love of gain,but each should
do so sustained by the love of Christ, as our Lord himself com-
manded his disciples :
Freely ye have received, freely give.
" Let but the same
pains be taken," he then went on to say,
" to
preach the easy yoke and the light burthen of Christ to
the obstinate people of the Saxons, as are taken to collect the
tithes from them, or to punish the least transgression of the
laws imposed on them, and perhaps they would no longer be
found to repel baptism with abhorrence. Let the teachers of
the faith but train themselves after the example of the Apostles,")"
let them but rely on the gracious providence of Him who says,

Carry neither purse nor scrip, &c. and of whom the prophet
;

declares, He saveth them that trust in him. J This I have

written to you —
says he after these directions
—
that thy ad-
monitions may be of service to those who apply to thee for
advice."§ With peculiar freedom and sharpness does Alcuin
express his views of the measures adopted by the emperor, in
a letter addressed to that monarch himself. He calls upon him
||

to conclude, if possible, a truce with the abominable people

(the Saxons). All threats ought for a time to be suspended,

that they might not become inveterate in their hostile feelings

* Alcuin
by no means intends to say here that a loose morality should
be preached, so as not to repel the weak but he has in his thoughts
first ;

the positive laws of the church, the claims on the people in reference to
the bearing of the public burthens, the payment of tithes.
f Sint praedicatores, non prsedatores.
% History of Susannah, v. 60, as reckoned to Daniel.
§ In his letter to Arno, archbishop of Salzburg, Let. 72, Alcuin says,
Decimse, ut dicitur, Saxonum subverterunt fidem. Quid injungendum est
jugum cervicibus idiotarum, quod neque nos neque fratres nostri ferre
potuerunt ? Igitur in fide Christi salvari animas credentium confidimus.
Ep. 80, in the explanation of which I agree more fully with Frobein
||

than with Pagi, though I cannot agree entirely with the former.
 VIOLENT MEASURES TO CONVERT INDIVIDUAL SAXONS. 107

to the Frankish empire, and afraid to enter into any compro-

mise whatsoever,* but be encouraged with hope till by salutary-
counsel they could be brought back to the ways of peace.
The revolts of the exasperated Saxons led to other consequences.
They fell upon the provinces already belonging to the empire
of the Franks, and here paganism once more revived. He,
therefore, cautioned the emperor against allowing himself, by
his zeal to win one small state more for the Christian church,
to fall into the mistake of exposing to hazard a larger portion
of the church in countries where it had already been estab-
lished, -f He disapproved also of the plan of transporting many
of the Saxons into the Frankish kingdom, since these very
emigrants were the better class of Christians, and might have
proved, among their own people, an important element towards
the conversion of their countrymen, now wholly abandoned to
paganism 4
It was not till after a series of wars
lasting for thirty years,
that theemperor Charles succeeded in reducing the Saxons,
ever revolting anew against the Christian church as well as the
Frankish dominion, to entire subjection and by the treaty of
;

peace concluded at Selz, in 804, the authority of both these

powers was acknowledged by the Saxons, and in consideration
of their binding themselves to the payment of the church
tithes, they were for the present released from all other bur-
dens. The Christian church having been thus established
among the Saxons by force, it followed as a natural conse-
quence that individuals also would in many cases be con-
strained to unite with it by force. The punishment of death
was threatened against sucli as refused to receive baptism, or
endeavoured to propagate their ancient idolatry by stealth.
But it was natural also that many who consented to be bap-
tized, did so only in pretence, and, so far as they could with-
out danger, treated the laws of the church with contempt, and
continued secretly to observe the rites of idolatry. To put a
* Ne obdurati fugiant.
t Tenendum est, quod habetur, ne propter adquisitionemminoris, quod
majus amittatur. Servetur ovile proprium, ne lupus rapax (the .Sax-
est,
ons) devastet illud. Ita in alienis (among the pagan Saxons) sudetur,
ut in propriis (the races already incorporated with the empire of the
Franks and the Christian church) damnum non patiatur.
% Qui foras recesserunt, optimi fuerunt Christiani, sicut in plurimis
notum est, et qui remanserunt in patria in faecibus malitiaj permanserunt.
108 LIUDGER.

stop to this, the severest laws were enacted. Death was the
penalty for setting fire to churches, for neglecting to observe
the seasons of fast, for eating flesh during those seasons, if
done through contempt of Christianity ; death was the penalty
decreed against burning a dead body, according to the pagan
—
mode, against human sacrifices^ —pecuniary mulcts, against
the practice of other pagan rites.* In this way the transfer
of many pagan customs to Christianity was encouraged and ;

thus arose various superstitions, growing out of the mingling

together of Christian and pagan elements. More than could
possibly be effected by these forcible measures in the present
generation, was done for the Christian culture of the rising
generation by the establishment of churches and schools.
Besides, several individuals now appeared, who did not con-
fine their efforts barely to the suppression of idolatry and of
pagan customs, and to providing for the erection of churches,
and the establishment of an external form of worship, but
also distinguished themselves by their zeal as teachers of the
faith. These were partly such as came from the school of
the abbot Gregory in Utrecht, and in part such as had
been led by the report of the great field of labour and the
want of labourers among the Saxons to come over from Eng-
land. To all these the emperor Charles assigned their seve-
ral spheres of labour.
One of the most distinguished among these was Liudger,
a descendant of Wursing, that pious man among the Fries-
landers who had actively assisted the archbishop Willibrord.
Sprung from a devotedly Christian family, he had early
received into his heart the seeds of piety, and these were
nourished and still further developed by the influence of the
abbot Gregory at Utrecht, into whose school he entered. To
indulge the eager thirst for knowledge, which discovered
itself in him from childhood, the abbot, in process of time,
sent him to England, that he might gather up the knowledge
to be obtained in the school of the great Alcuin in York.
Well instructed, and provided with a store of books, he
returned back to his country. After Gregory's death, he
assisted as a presbyter Gregory's successor Albrich, who had
been ordained a bishop in Cologne ; labouring with him, spe-
* See the
capitulary for the Saxons, a.d. 789. Mansi Concil. T. XIII.
appendix, fol. 181.
 LIUDGER. 109

cially to accomplish
what still remained to be done for the
conversion of the Frieslanders. The district in which Boni-
face had been martyred was the principal theatre of his ac-
tivity as a teacher
of Christianity. His seven years' labour in
these parts was, however, interrupted by the revolt of the
Saxon leader Wittekind against the Frankish dominion, in
the year 782 when the arms of the pagan Saxons penetrated
;

to this spot, and the pagan party in this place once more
gained the ascendancy, the churches were burnt, the clergy
driven away, and the idol-temples restored. Upon this, he
made a journey to Rome and to the abbey of Monte Cas-
sino, for the purpose of studying the great model of ancient
monasticism, in this latter place. On his return, after an
absence of three years, he found peace restored in his country,
Wittekind having finally submitted, and in the year 785-
received baptism at Attigny. The emperor Charles assigned
him his sphere of labour among the Frieslanders in nearly
the same circuit which now includes the towns of Groningen
and Norden. It was he, too, who first succeeded in destroying,
paganism and establishing the Christian church on the island
of Heligoland (Fositesland), where Willibrord had made the
attempt in vain. He baptized the prince's son, Landrich ;.

gave him a clerical education, and consecrated him to the

office of presbyter. This person laboured for many years as
a teacher of the Frieslanders. Liudger founded a monas-
tery at Werden, then on the boundary between Friesland and
Saxony, on a piece of land belonging to his family
r
After .

the Saxons were completely subjugated, the emperor sent him

into the district of Minister, and a place called Mimigerne-
ford was the principal seat of his labours ; where afterwards-
a bishopric was founded, which from the canonical establish-
ment (monasterium) founded by him, received the name of
Milnster. With untiring zeal he went from place to place,
instructing the rude Saxons, and every where founding churches,
over which he placed, as pastors, priests who had been trained
under his own direction. After having for a long time ad-
ministered the episcopal functions, without the name of bishop,
lie was finally compelled to assume the
episcopal dignity by
Hildebold, archbishop of Cologne. His zeal for the spread of
Christianity led him to visit the wild Normans, who were then
a terror to the Christian nations ; and became still more so in
110 WILLEHAD.

the following times, where he could reckon upon no human

assistance. But the emperor Charles absolutely refused to
permit it. From such a man, nothing else could be expected,
than that he would seek chiefly to work on the hearts of men
by the power of divine truth, as indeed he had been trained to
do by the example and the instructions of men who looked
—
upon teaching as their proper calling Gregory and Alcuin.
Even in the sickness which befel him shortly before his death,
in 809, he did not allow himself to be prevented by bodily
weakness from discharging the spiritual duties of his office.
On Sunday preceding the night of his death,* he preached
twice before two different congregations of his diocese, in
the morning in the church at Cosfeld, in the afternoon at the
third hour, in the church at Billerbeck, where he expended his
last energies in performing mass.f
Another of these individuals was Willehad, who came from
Northumberland. He also laboured at first, and with happy
results, in the district of Docum, where Boniface had poured
out his blood as a martyr. Many were baptized by him ;

many of the first men of the nation entrusted to him their

children for education. But having come into the territory
of the present Grbningen, where idolatry was at that time still
predominant, his preaching so excited the rage of the pagan
populace, that they would have killed him, when it was pro-
posed by some of the more moderate class, that they should
first determine, by lot, the judgment of the gods
concerning
him and it was so ordered in the providence of God, that
;

the lot having fallen for the preservation of his life, he was
permitted to go away unharmed. He now betook himself to
the district of Drenthe. His preaching had already met with
great acceptance, when some of his disciples, urged on by an
inconsiderate zeal, proceeded to destroy the idol temples before
the minds of the multitude were sufficiently prepared for such
a step. The pagans, excited to fury, threw themselves upon
the missionaries. Willehad was loaded with stripes. One of
the pagans dealt him a cut with his sword, intending to kill
him, but the blow struck a thong by which the capsule con-
taining the relics he carried about with him according to the
* He died on the 26th of March, 809.
f The history of his life, by his second successor Alfrid, and published
in the second volume of Pertz's Monumenta.
 HIS FIELD OF LABOUR. Ill

customs of those times, was suspended from his neck, and so

he escaped. This, according to the prevailing mode of think-
ing, was regarded as a proofof the protecting power of relics ;
and even the pagans were led thereby to desist from their
attack on Willehad, who, as they believed, was protected by a
higher power. The emperor Charles, who possessed the faculty
of drawing around him the able men from all quarters, having
by this time heard of Willehad's undaunted zeal as a preacher,
and being just at that momenr, after the conquest of the
Saxons in 779, in want of men like him to establish the Chris-
tian church among that people, sent for him ;and having
made him acquainted with his views, assigned him his post in
the province of Wigmodia, where afterwards arose the diocese
of Bremen. He was for the present to preside as priest over
this diocese, which included within it a part of Saxony and of

Friesland, and to perform every duty of the pastoral office in it,

until the Saxons were brought into a condition to be satisfied
with the organization of bishoprics. He accomplished more by
his zeal in preaching the gospel, than could be effected by the
forcible measures of the emperor, and by his labours during
two years, he succeeded in bringing over many of the Fries-
landers and Saxons to the faith. He founded communities
and churches, and placed other priests over them for their
guidance. Yet his circle of labours also, promising so many
happy results, Avas broken in upon by the revolt of Wittekind
in 782, the effects of which extended to this spot. As he felt
no fanatical longing after the death of a martyr, and wished
not to expose himself to the fury of the pagan army, which
threatened death to all Christian clergymen, but in accordance
with our Saviour's direction, Matth. x. 23, considered it his
duty to flee from persecution, and to preserve his life in order
to preach the gospel, he availed himself of the opportunity he
had to effect his escape by flight. Many of the clergy, how-
ever, appointed by him died as martyrs. Finding no oppor-
tunity, during these times of war, of preaching the gospel, he
availed himself of this interval of leisure to make a journey to
Rome, at the same time that Liudger also visited Italy. Re-
turning from thence, he found a quiet retreat in the convent
founded by Willibrord at Afternach (Epternach), and this be-
came the rallying place of his scattered disciples. There he
spent two years, partly in exercises of devotion, partly occu-
112 DEATH OF WILLEHAD.

pied in reading the holy scriptures, and partly with writing.*

But as he ever felt a longing to be actively engaged in pro-
moting the salvation of others, it was with great delight, that
after the conquest of Wittekind in 785, he found himself
enabled to resume the former field of labour assigned him by
the emperor Charles, to whom he had devoted his services in
building up the church among the Saxons. Circumstances
now for the first time made it possible to carry out the design
of here founding an episcopal diocese. In 787, the emperor
Charles drew up the records defining the limits of the diocese
of Bremen, and Willehad was ordained bishop of Bremen. f
On Sunday the first of November, in 789, he consecrated the
episcopal head-church in Bremen, St. Peter's, which he caused
to be built in a magnificent style. But it was only for two
years lie was permitted to administer the episcopal office. On
one of his tours of visitation, which the wants of his large
diocese, consisting of new converts, or those who had received
baptism only in pretence, caused him frequently to make, he
arrived in 789, at Blexem | on the Weser, not far from Wege-
sack, where he was attacked with a violent fever. One of the
young men, his disciples, who were assembled round his bed,
" What are the
anxiously solicitous for his life, said to him,
new communities, and the young clergy whose head you are,
to do without you ? They cannot spare you
—
they would be
like sheep without a shepherd, in the midst of wolves." Said
TVillehad to this :
" let me no longer be kept away from the

presence of my Lord ! I desire to live no longer ; I fear not

to die. I would only pray my Lord, whom I have ever loved
with my whole heart, that he would, according to his grace,
give me such a reward of my labour as he may please. But
tlie sheep, whom he has committed to me, I commend to his
own protection, for even I myself, if I have been able to do

* In this
place he wrote out a copy of the epistles of St. Paul, which
was preserved as a precious memorial by his successors, the bishops of
Bremen.
"
f Anschar says, in his account of his life, c. 9 Quod tamen ob id
:

tamdiu prolongatum fuerat, quia gens, credulitati divinse resistens, quum

presbyteros aliquoties secum mane re vix compulsa sineret, episcopal!
auctoritate minime regi patiebatur. Hac itaque de causa, septem annis
prius in eadem presbyter est demoratus parochia, vocatur
tamen episco-
pus, et secundum quod poterat cuncta potestate prsesidentis ordinans.
t At that time Pleccatesham.
 alcuin's advice to the emperor. 113

anything good, have done it in his strength. So neither

to you will his grace be wanting, of whose mercy the whole
eartli is full." Thus he died on the eighth of November,
789.*
The victory of the emperor Charles over the Avares (also
called the Huns), then dwelling in Hungary, led to attempts
to found the Christian church among them. Tudun, one of
their princes, came in the year 796,^ with a numerous
suite, on a visit to the emperor and, with his companions,
;

received baptism. The emperor resolved to establish among

them a mission, and entrusted the direction of it to Arno arch-
bishop of Salzburg. When the subject of planting the Chris-
tian church among the Avares was agitated, the abbot Alcuin
gave the emperor excellent advice as to the way in which he
might prosecute this work with happier results than had been

experienced among the Saxons. J He should seek out for the

people to whom the Christian faith was as yet altogether new,
pious preachers, of exemplary lives ; such as were well in-
structed in the Christian system of doctrines and morals. He
then subjoined exhortations similar to those which we have
already quoted on a former page.§ The emperor should him-
self consider, whether the apostles, instructed and sent forth
to preach by Christ had anywhere demanded tithes, or given
directions for any such thing. Next, he exhorted him to see
to it, that everything was done in the right order, and that
conviction of the truths of faith went before baptism ; since
the washing of the body without any knowledge of the faith, in
a soul gifted with reason, could be of no use.|| No one, said
he, should receive baptism, till he has become firmly grounded
in his persuasion of the principal doctrines of
Christianity.^

* His life
by Anschar, archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen, lately
published in Pertz's Monumenta, T. II.
f See Einhardi annales, at this year. J Ep. 28.
§ He fitly applies here the example of Christ, Matth. ix. 17 Unde et
:

ipse Dominus Christus in evangelio respondet interrogantibus se, quare

discipuli ejus non jejunarent: nemo mittit vinum novum in utres veteres.
Ne nihil prosit sacri ablutio baptismi in corpore, si in anima ratione
||

utenti catholica agnitio fidei non prsecesserit.

^[ He mentions the several parts of religious instruction in the following
order :— Prius instruendus est homo de animse immortalitate et de
vita futura et de retributione bonorum malorumque et de aaternitate
utriusque sortis. Postea pro quibus peccatis et sceleribus pcenas cum
VOL. V. I
114 ALCUIN'S ADVICE TO ARNO.

And then by a faithful performance of the duty of preaching,

the precepts of the gospel should at the proper time be often
inculcated on each, until he attained to the ripeness of man-
hood, and became a worthy dwelling for the Holy Spirit. His
friend, archbishop Arno, having requested Alcuin to give him
some directions as to the right mode of dispensing religious
instruction among the pagans, he at first sent him this letter
intended for the emperor.* Then he wrote him another
special letter on the subject,! in which he again strongly in-
sisted on the point, that everything depended on the preach-

ing of the faith and the conviction of the hearers without this, :

baptism could be of no avail. J For how could a man be

forced to believe what he did not believe ? Man, gifted with
reason, must be instructed, must be drawn onward by word
upon word, that he may come to the knowledge of the truths
of And especially was it necessary to implore for
faith.
him the grace of the Almighty since the tongue of the teacher
;

taught in vain, unless divine grace penetrated the heart of the.

hearer. § And here, he insisted with great earnestness upon
the necessity of proceeding gradually, and by successive steps,
in pressing the requisitions of the gospel on such as had
attained to the faith, and of not attempting to extort every-
thing at, once. ||
A person long established in the faith was

diabolo patiatur acternas et pro quibus bonis vel bene factis gloria cum
Christo fruatur sempiterna. Deinde fides sanctae trinitatis diligentissime
docenda est, et adventus pro salute humani generis filii Dei Domini
nostri Jesu Christi in hunc mundum exponendus. Et de mysterio pas-
sionis illius et veritate resurrectionis et gloria adscensionis in coelos,
et futuro eius adventu ad iudicandas oranes gentes et de resurrectione
corporura et de aeternitate poenarum et praemiorum.
*
Ep. 30 and probably he was thinking of the guilty failure of the
;

missionary efforts among the Saxons, when he complained, Vae mundo a

scandalis Quid enim auri insana cupido non subvertit boni
! Tamen !

potens est Deus recuperare quod coeptum est et perficere quod factum non
est. .
t Ep. 31.
% Idcirco misera Saxonum gens toties baptismi perdidit sacramentum,
quia nunquam fidei fundamentum habuit in corde.
§ Quia otiosa est lingua docentis, si gratia divina cor auditoris non
imbuit. Quod enim visibiliter sacerdos per baptismum operatum in cor-
pore per aquam, hoc spiritus sanctus invisibiliter operatus in anima per
fidem.
Matth. ix. 17.
||
Qui sunt utres veteres, nisi qui in gentilitatis errori-
bus obduraverunt? Quibus si in initio fidei novae praedicationis praecepta
tradideris, rumpuntur et ad veteres consuetudines perfidiae revolvuutur.
 CHURCH REPRESSED BY THE PERSIANS. 115

more ready and better fitted for every good work than the
mere novice. Peter, when full of the Holy Ghost, bore testi-
mony to the faith, before the emperor Nero in one way he ;

answered the maid in the house of Caiaphas in quite another.

And the example of gentleness exhibited by our Saviour,
when he afterwards reminded him of his fall, should teach the
good shepherd how he, too, ought to conduct himself towards
the fallen.* In another letter he says, to the same prelate,
" be a
preacher of the faith not a tithe-gatherer." y
—
It is
true, this work among the Avares seems to have been inter-
rupted by a new war, in the year 798, with this people but ;

it was in all probability prosecuted again after their total sub-

jugation. Alcuin complained, that the same zeal was not

shown in building up the Christian church among the Avares,
as was manifested for the same cause among the ever-resisting
Saxons ;
and he traced it to the negligence with which a
business is wont to be passed over, where nothing has been
effected. J
The dominion of the Franks as well as the Christian church
stillmet with determined resistance from the numerous Sla-
vonian tribes dwelling on the northern and eastern borders of
Germany. It is said to have been the intention of the em-
peror Charles to found a metropolis of the north in Hamburg,
with a view to the conversion of these tribes, and to the diffu-
sion of Christianity throughout the entire north : but he failed
to execute this plan, which was reserved for his successor.

II. In Asia and Africa.

Whilst a stock of nations altogether new and rude was thus

gained over to Christianity, and the germ of a new spiritual
creation, proceeding out of Christianity, planted in the midst

*
Qnatenus bonus pastor intelligent, non semper delinquentes dura
invectione castigare, sed ssepe pioe consolationis admonitione
corrigere.
Ep. 72. Esto prsedicator pietatis, non decimarum exactor.
'

X Ep. 92. Hunnorum vero, sicut dixisti, perditio, nostra est negli-
gentia, laborantium in maledicta generatione Saxonum Deoque despecta
usque hue et eos negligentes, quos majore mercede apud Deum et gloria
apud homines habere potuimus, ut videbatur.
12
116 MOHAMMED. CHARACTER OF HIS RELIGION.

of them, new dangers were threatening destruction, or a con-

tinual encroachment on its limits, to the Christian church in
the countries which formed its original seat. When the Per-
sian king, Chosru-Parviz, in the beginning of the seventh
century, deprived the Roman empire of several provinces, in
the year 614 conquered Palestine, and in the years 615, 616,
Egypt, many Christians were killed, many carried off as slaves,
or forced to unite with the Nestorian church, and many churches
and monasteries destroyed.* however, was but a
This,
transient evil ; 622-628, the East Roman
since, in the years
emperor Heraclius subdued the Persian empire, and liberated
the conquered provinces. But soon afterwards there rose up
against the Christian church in those countries a hostile
power, with which that church had to sustain a much longer
•and more difficult contest.
A Christianity which was already beginning to die out in
meagre forms of doctrine, ceremonial rites, and superstition,
bowed before the might of a new religion, striding onward
with the vigour of youth, and powerfully working on the
imagination a religion which, moreover, called to its aid
;

—
many physical auxiliaries, the new religion founded by Mo-
hammed in Arabia. In the year 610, Mohammed appeared
as a prophet among the Arabian tribes, where, in the midst
of prevailing idolatry, particularly Sabaism, and of various
superstitions connected with charms and amulets, the remem-
brance was still preserved of an original, simple, monotheistic
religion while by the numerous Jews scattered among these
;

tribes, in part also by Christians, who possessed, however, but

a very imperfect knowledge of their faith, the recollection of
this primeval religion was freshly revived. Under such in-
fluences, it was quite possible, that in a man possessed of the
lively temper and fiery imagination of Mohammed, the
awakened consciousness of God would lead to a reaction
against the idolatry in which he had been nurtured and by
—
which he was surrounded a reaction, however, which would
be disturbed by the sensuous element so predominant in the
national character of his people. Mohammed felt himself
* See
Theophanes Chronograph, f. 199, etc. Makriz. historia Copto-
rum Christiauor. pag. 79. Reiiaudot historia patriarchar. Alexandrinor.
pag. 154.
 ITS CONTRARIETY TO PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY. 117

inspired with a certain zeal for the honour of the one only
God, whom he had been taught by those traditions of a pri-
mitive religion, as well as by what he had learned from Juda-
ism and Christianity, to recognize and adore. The sense of
God's exaltation above all created things, of the infinite dis-
tance between the Creator and his works ; the sense of utter
dependence on the Almighty and Incomprehensible this one
—
—
element of the knowledge of God constituted the predomi-
nant ground-tone of his religious character whilst the other
;

element, which belongs to the complete unfolding of the con-

sciousness of God, the sense of relationship and communion
with God, was in his case wholly suppressed. Hence his one-
sided mode of apprehending the divine attributes, in which
the idea of Almighty power predominated, while that of holy
love was overlooked. Hence almighty power, apprehended
in this religion as unlimited arbitrary will ; or if some occa-
sional presentiment of the love and mercy of God gleamed
out in the religious consciousness, yet it did not harmonize with
the prevailing tone of the religion, but necessarily borrowed
from the latter a certain tincture of particularism. Hence
the predominant fatalism, and the total denial of moral liberty.
And as it is the ethical shaping assumed by the idea of God
which determines the whole moral spirit of a religion, hence
—
notwithstanding the sublime maxims of morality in contra-
diction, however, with the general character of the religion
— that are to be found here and there scattered among the

teachings of Mohammed, yet the whole system, because lack-

ing in the main foundation of a right ethical apprehension of
the idea of God, is radically defective. The God who was
worshipped as an almighty and arbitrary Will, could be
honoured by entire submission to his will, servile obedience,
the performance of various insulated outward ceremonies,
which he had seen fit to prescribe as marks of reverence to
him, and by works of charity ;
but also and especially, by the
extermination of his enemies, the idolaters by the subjuga-
;

tion of infidels ; by the repetition of prayers by festivals,

;

lustrations,and pilgrimages. Answering to that narrow ap-

prehension of the idea of God, was the lack also, in the moral
province, of that principle which, wherever it exists, pervades
and ennobles every other human quality, a holy love. As
the ethical element retires to such a distance in the teachings
118 MOHAMMEDANISM

of Mohammed, so on this very account the sense of the need

of a redemption finds no place in the system. The tradition
respecting- an original state of the first man, and of his eating
the forbidden fruit, occurs, it is true, in the Koran, as it had
been derived as well from the Old and New Testaments as
from apocryphal writings of Jews, or Judaizing Christians ;*
—
but only as an isolated story the form in which it would be
likely to captivate the poetical fancy of Mohammed and his
—
people without reference to a great ethical truth, without
connecting itself with the whole religion, so that Mohamme-
danism would lack nothing of its proper essence, were this
story entirely expunged from its records. It belongs to the
antagonism between Mohammedanism and Christianity, that
the former utterly excludes the need of a redeemer and of a
redemption.
It was by no means the intention of Mohammed, at the
outset, tofound a new religion for the entire human race ;
but he believed himself called, as a national prophet of the
Arabians, to proclaim to his people, in their own language,
and in a form suited to their wants, the same Theism of the
primitive religion, which he recognized as a doctrine commu-
nicated by divine instruction, in Judaism and Christianity. f
He required at first to be acknowledged only as a prophet
sent to teach the Arabians, and declared hostility against none
but idolaters. But when the success which crowned his first
undertakings, and the enthusiasm of his followers, stimulated
* The
story about Adam's exalted dignity, and the homage done to
him by the angels, which Satan, who envied him, refused to pay, belongs
among the Gnostic elements that are to be found in the Koran. See my
Genetische Entwickelung der Gnostischen Systeme, p. 125, 265.
History of the church, Vol. II. 655, 656. Geiger, in his instruc-
tive essay, Was hat Mahomed aus dem Judenthum aufgenommen?
Bonn, 1833, p. 100, is right in not tracing this notion to the Juda-
ism of the Old Testament, but wrong in deriving it from Christianity.
More probably the source of it is a Gnostic tradition, or a still older
oriental one, from which Gnosticism itself was derived.
f See the Koran, Sura xiv. f. 375 ed. Maracci
—the words ascribed to
the Almighty, non misimus ullum legatum nisi cum lingua gentis suae.
How the different religions were distributed by the Almighty to different
nations, through his revelations in Judaism and Christianity. Sura v.
f. 226. How the revelations by Mohammed were designed for those who
could not read the Old Testament and the gospels, on account of their
ignorance of the language in which thev were written. Sura vi.
f. 262.
 COMPARED WITH JUDAISM. 119

his imagination and his vanity to a bolder flight, and when,

moreover, he became excited by the opposition he met with
from Jews and Christians, he came forward with still greater
pretensions, not only against idolaters, but also against Jews
and Christians themselves. He declared himself a messenger
divinely sent for the restoration of pure Theism, by whom it
was to be freed from the foreign elements which had become
incorporated with it even in Judaism and Christianity. He
expressed, it is true, no hostility to the earlier revelations by
Moses, the prophets, and Jesus ; but ascribed to these the
same authority as he claimed for that communicated by him-
self; but he attacked the pretended corruptions which had
entered into those revelations. Now it was unquestionably
true, that Christianity, in the form in which it was presented
to him, might furnish abundant occasion for such a charge,

respecting the corruption of its original truth ; as for ex-

ample, when he rebuked the idolatrous worship of Mary and
of the monks (the saints) ; and the view taken by the church
of the doctrine of the Trinity might, to one who looked at it
from an outward position, from the position of an abstract
Monotheism, and not as a form of expressing what was con-
tained in the Christian consciousness, easily appear as a
tritheistical doctrine. Still, however, the chief reason which
led Mohammed to declare hostility against Christianity cer-
tainly did not consist in these corruptions of the gospel doc-
trine, which he found intermingled with it, so much as it did
own fundamental position in religion to
in the relation of his
—
the original and peculiar essence of Christianity itself that
fundamental position of an abstract Monotheism, placing an
infinite chasm, never to be filled up, between God and his

creatures, from which position a mediatorial action of God,

for the purpose of bringing human nature into fellowship
with himself, must appear as derogatory from the dignity of
an infinitely exalted Being, and an approximation to idolatry.
It was not merely a certain speculative mode of apprehending
the doctrine of the Trinity, which gave offence to Mohammed
as savouring of Tritheism ; but it was the essential element
of Christianity itself, here lying at the bottom and constituting
the ground of antagonism both to a stiff and one-sided Mono-
theism on the one hand, that placed God absolutely out of
man, and man absolutely out of God, and to the deification
 1 20 MOHAMMEDANISM COMPARED WITH JUDAISM.

of nature that degrades and divides the consciousness of God

—
in polytheism on the other -it was this that must remain in-

comprehensible to Mohammed. And hence, too, the doctrine

of Christ's divinity,* and in a word everything else in Chris-
tianity over and above the general ground-work of Theism
—
everything by which Christianity was essentially distinguished
from the Jewish stage of religion, could not appear otherwise
to Mohammed than as a corruption of primitive Christianity,
as he would have
it to have been. The gospel history he
quotes only in the fabulous form in which it appears in the
older apocryphal gospels. But even if he had had the oppor-
tunity of acquainting himself with the genuine history of
Christ, still his imagination, and his poetical temperament,
would have been more strongly attracted by those fantastic
pictures in the apocryphal writings and the image of Christ
;

which these set forth, harmonized more completely with his

whole religious turn of mind, than the one presented in the
genuine gospels.
It is evident from these remarks, that Mohammedanism
corresponds in the nearest degree with Judaism —
but a Juda-
;

ism which, sundered from its connection with the theocratic

development, robbed of its prevailing character, the predomi-
nating idea of God's holiness,
—
of its prophetic element and
its peculiar luminous point, the
animating idea of the Messiah,
was degraded from the historical, to the mythical, form, and
accommodated to the national character of the Arabians.
And here we may notice an important law relating to the
progressive development of the kingdom of God in humanity.
Just as, within the church itself, a Judaism ennobled by
Christianity and permeated by its spirit, or a Christianity in
Jewish form (the Catholicism of the middle ages) formed for
the converted barbarous nations a medium of transition to the
appropriation of a Christianity expressing in essence and form
its true character ; so without the pale of the church, a
Judaism degraded to the level of natural religion in Mo-

* In the final
judgment God, according to the Koran, shall say to
Jesus O Jesu, fili Maria?, tunc dixisti hominibus accipite me et raa-
: :

trem meam in duos Deos praeter Deum ? And Jesus shall call God to
witness, that he had never taught so Non dixi eis, nisi quod prsecepisti
:

mi hi colite Deum dominum meum et dominum vestrum. Sura v. f.

:

236.
 SPREAD OF MOHAMMEDANISM. 121

hammedanism, formed a theistic medium of transition from

idolatry, very lowest stages, to the only genuine

at its

theism of Christianity fully developed and pervading the

entire life.

In respect to the relation of Christianity to Mohammedan-

ism, as it was understood by Christian teachers among the
Mohammedans in the eighth century, we find that their apolo-

getic writings
—
so far as we can form a judgment of them
from the fragments still preserved in the works of John of
Damascus and his scholar Theodore Abukara, both belonging
to the eighth century,* — relate particularly to the doctrines
of free-will and of the divinity of Christ. In seeking to
defend the doctrine of free self-determination and moral re-
sponsibleness against the Mohammedan principle, whereby
good and evil were derived alike from the divine causality,
and the distinction between a permission and an actual effi-
ciency on the part of God j was denied, men fell, as usual,
when combating one extreme, into directly the opposite,
namely, into an anthropopathical mode of apprehending the
relation of God to his creatures, that led to Pelagianism,
without being aware of the consequences flowing from this
view of the matter. God, having once completed the work
of creation, exerted no further creative power, but left the
universe to go on and shape itself according to the laws
—
therein established,- everything, by virtue of the creative
word which God spake in the beginning, unfolding itself
spontaneously out of the seminal principles clothed by God
with their several specific powers.;]:
The schisms subsisting among the oriental Christians, the
* The
dialogue between the Christian and the Turk, by John of
Damascus, T. I. in his works ed. le Quien, f. 466. Galland. bibl.
patrum, T. XIII. f. 272 and the i^urwai xa.) dTox^erm between the
;

Bcccfraoo; and the of Theodore Abukara in Bibliotheca patrum

X^-nave?
Parisiens. Tom. XI. f. 431. It is difficult to decide which was the

original form of this dialogue, and which of the two was its author.
t The Mohammedan, disputing with the Christian xu.t *vfyu*ov, on
the question was it God's will, or not, that Christ should be crucified?
J 'ldov \yu a.UTi%.nvaio; euv i> <rt xotXe7s, tv <rt
xocxoTf, tTov id* o-Tti'gu,
xav
its /2/«v yvvoclxu, xecv iig vri ihia dvctfiXc&ffroivia,
aXkergittv, i^evtria, %(>&i/u.tvo;,
xcti ytvtrai too tou Slou utccxouovo-k, oti to xaTccfsXxfiv
k^utw TgotrTdyftciTi
tX u lv i*wri*> cxio(jLK<rix.r\v %vvuju.iv' ov% oti %\ yvy xuf txd<rrr,v fafiAPett o Biog
vy.tt.TTH ao.) i^yd'CiTou' i^ralrj i* t7i
Tpu/Tr) riftipa, to. tuvtu -rnroinxi. Theodor.
Abukara. 1. c. f. 432.
122 NESTORIANS IN ASIA.

dissatisfaction of the oppressed schismatic party (in Egypt

and Syria) with the Byzantine government and the reigning
church, would naturally tend to promote the triumphant
advance of the Mohammedan Saracens and these were in-
;

clined, from motives of policy, to manifest special favour to

the hitherto persecuted parties, such as were the numerous
Monophysite party in Egypt and the Nestorian party in
Syria.* Wherever the Saracens, in the course of the seventh
and eight centuries, obtained the ascendancy in Asia (Syria
and the countries adjacent) and in North -Africa, they forbore
indeed to persecute the old Christian inhabitants on account
of their faith, if they paid the tribute imposed on them ; yet
there was no lack of extortions, oppressions, and insults, and
the fanatical temper of the rulers might easily be excited to
deeds of violence, j Moreover, they who in ignorance were
depending on a dead faith, might be led by various induce-
ments to abandon their creed for a religion which was spread-
ing with the fresh vigour of youth, which flattered the incli-
nations of the natural man, and which was favoured by the
ruling powers.
The Nestorian communities, established in Eastern Asia,
which were favoured by the Persians, and afterwards, for the
same reason, by their Mohammedan rulers, were best qualified
for labouring to promote the extension of Christianity in this
quarter of the world ; and in fact we observed, in the preced-
ing period, that from Persia, Christian colonies have gone to
different parts of India. Timotheus, the patriarch of the
Nestorians in Syria, who filled this post from 778 to 820, J
took a special interest in the establishment of missions. He
sent monks from the monastery of Beth-abe in Mesopotamia,
as missionaries among the tribes dwelling in the districts of

* The
major part of the population in Egypt, the Copts, were inclined
to Monophysitism and these assisted the conquerors in driving out the
;

descendants of the Greeks, who, as followers of the doctrines that pre-

vailed in the empire, were called Melchites. All the churches were now
transferred to the former, and the Coptic patriarchate was founded. See
the accounts of Macrizi, which especially deserve to be studied on the
subject of Egypt. Historia Coptorum Christianorum, ed. Wetzer, 1828.
pp. 88, 89. Renaudot, Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum.
P. 2.

t Particulars in Macrizi, Renaudot, and Theophanes.

% See Assemani bibliotheca oriental. T. III. P. I. f. 158. ff. III.
 CHINA, NUBIA. 123

the Caspian sea, and beyond them to India, and even to

China. Among these were two active men, Cardag and
Jabdallaha, whom he ordained bishops.* Jabdallaha drew
up for the patriarch a report of the happy results of the
mission and the patriarch clothed them with full powers
;

to ordain, where it should be found necessary, several of the

monks as bishops. He expressly directed, that for the present,
in order to conform to the rule requiring three bishops to
assist at the ordination of another, a book of the gospels
should take the place of the third. A
certain David is
named as the bishop ordained for China. t According to an
inscription, published by the Jesuits, and purporting to belong
to the year 782,+ in the Chinese-Syrian tongue, Olopuen, a
Nestorian priest, visited this empire in the year 635, from
the eastern provinces bordering on the west of China, and
laboured successfully as a missionary and it is said that
;

Christianity, amid many persecutions at first, but favoured at

length by the emperors, was still more widely diffused. But
even if this inscription cannot be considered as genuine,^ it
still remains certain, from the notices above stated, that in
this period, attempts were made by the Nestorians to pave the

way for the entrance of Christianity into Eastern Asia, and

even into China.
Under the emperor Justinian, Christianity had found en-
trance from Egypt into Nubia. In Nubia a Christian em-
II

* L. c. f. 163.

f Ibn-Wahab, an Arabian, who travelled to China in the ninth cen-

tury, found at the emperor's court an image of Christ and images of the
apostles, and he heard the empeor say that Christ discharged the office
of a teacher thirty months. See travels of an Arabian of the ninth cen-
tury, in Renaudot's Anciennes Relations des Indes et de la Chine, p. 68.
Comp. Ritter's Asia, Vol. I. p. 286.
I Printed with others in Mosheim, Hist. Eccles. Tartarorum, Appen-
dix N. III.
6 The controversy about the genuineness of this inscription is still
undecided, and, in the present condition of our knowledge of Chinese
literature, so it must remain. A very important authority in this depart-
ment of learning, though perhaps not perfectly free from all bias on the
See
point in question, has already declared in favour of its genuineness.
Abel Remusat, Melanges Asiatiques, T. I. p. 36. Professor Neumann,
from whom we may expect a more full investigation of this subject, takes
the other side.
||
See the declaration of a Christian prince of Nubia touching the in-
124 ABYSSINIA.

pire was founded, as in Abyssinia, and the churches of the

two kingdoms recognized the Coptic patriarch in Egypt as
their head, and had their bishops ordained by him.*

scription and remarks on the introduction of Christianity into Nubia, in

;

Letrorme Mate'riaux pour 1'hist.du Christianisme enEgypte, en Nubie, et

eu Abyssinie. Paris, 1832.
Renaudot, Hist. Patriarcb. Alex. p. 178 and in other places. A
* See
fact worthy of notice is the connection of the Christians of India with
the Coptic patriarchs. See Renaudot, p. 188. Makrizi, p. 93. It were
singular, indeed, that these Christians should have preferred resorting to
Egypt rather than to their mother church in Persia and hence we
;

might be led to conjecture that some Ethiopian tribe was really meant,
but in this connection such a supposition has also its difficulties.
 ( 125 )

SECTION SECOND.

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH CONSTITUTION.

I. Eelation op the Church to the State.

It is true, that along with Christianity, the entire church

fabric, with all its regulations, as it had thus far shaped itself,
passed over to the newly converted nations. The whole ap-
peared to them as one divine foundation and at the stage of
;

culture in which Christianity found them, they were but little

capable of distinguishing and separating the divine from the
human, the inward from the outward, the unchangeable from
the changeable. But, as a matter of course, the church
fabric which had shaped itself under entirely different
circumstances, must, in accommodating itself to these
altogether new relations, undergo various changes. First,
as regards the relation of the church to the state, it Was
for the advancement of the church, and the attainment of
its ends, in promoting the culture of the nations, a matter
of great importance, that it should be preserved independent
in its course of development, and protected against the de-
structive influences of a barbarous secular power. The en-
croachments of the arbitrary will of barbarous princes would
be no less dangerous here, than the encroachments of the
arbitrary will of the corrupt Byzantine court at the stage of
over-civilization. The Frankish princes were often as slow
as the Byzantine emperors to acknowledge the fact, that
within their own states there was a province to which their
sovereign power did not extend, an authority wholly indepen-
dent of their own.* But on the other hand, they were

* The Frankish monarch

Chilperic, in the sixth century, who took it
into his head to add several letters to the Latin alphabet, and to direct
that the boys in the schools of his empire should all be taught to
read and write accordingly, and that all the old books should be rubbed
over with pumice-stone and recopied according to this alphabet, would
certainly be very likely to act over again the part of a Justinian iu his
126 OPPOSITION TO SOVEREIGN POWER.

checked by the faith in a visible theocracy, represented by

the church which principle, closely connected, especially in
;

the Western church, with the idea of the sacerdotal dignity,

had long since been fully established, and was transmitted to
these nations at the same time with Christianity. This prin-
ciple was also better suited to their stage of culture, than the
faith inan invisible church, and its power working outwardly
from within. The untutored mind, when struck with religi-
ous impressions, was inclined to see, to reverence, and to fear
God himself in the visible church, in the persons of the
priests. This point of view, in which the church presented
itself, would be favoured by its whole relation to these races ;
for it appeared, in fact, as the one perfect organism of human

society, and as the fountain-head of all culture for the un-

tutored nations. It alone could, by the reverence which it
inspired for a divine power, present a counterpoise to barba-
rous force and arbitrary will. But whilst, on the one hand, the
impression of reverence towards the church, as God's repre-
sentative, was capable of exerting a mighty influence on the
minds of rulers ; so too, on the other hand, there was
tremendous force in the consciousness of absolute authority,
and in the violence of suddenly-excited passions, which in
rude men was the less likely to be controlled. Many conflict-
ing elements must therefore necessarily arise under these cir-
cumstances ;and the theocratical church system, which alone,
under such a state of things, could maintain the independence
of the church, even in respect to its own internal development,

conduct towards the church and what would have followed, had not a
;

monarch of this character been obliged to yield to the superior power of

an independent church ? He composed, in the year 580, a small tract,
combating the distinction of three persons in the Trinity, in which he
maintained that it was beneath the dignity of God to be called a person,
like a mortal man. He seems to have framed for himself a Samosatenean
or Sabellian doctrine of the Trinity. H e appeals to the Old Testament as
making mention of but one God, who appeared to the prophets and patri-
archs, and who revealed the law. This tract he had read in his presence
to Gregory, bishop of Tours, and then said to him — " It is
my will that
you, and the other teachers of the churches, should believe thus." He
supposed he understood this doctrine better than the fathers of the church,
whose authority was quoted against him. Yet the decided manner in
which he was opposed by Gregory and other bishops, who rested on the
authority of the church traditions, induced him to desist from his pur-
pose. See Gregor. Turonens. Hist. Francor. 1. V. c. 45.
 ARBITRARY PROCEEDINGS. 127

had no other way to shape itself out but in conflict with a

secular power which often resisted it.
The princes of the Frankish empire in particular, acquired
the greatest influence over the church in a quarter where it
would be precisely the most injurious to her interests, and
most directly calculated to render her wholly dependent on
the secular power, viz., in the nomination of bishops, who,
according* to the existing- church polity, had the entire
governance of the church in their hands so that, if by the
;

manner in which they obtained their places, they became sub-

servient to the princes, the mischievous consequences of this
their servility would affect the whole administration of church
affairs. In the old Roman empire, the influence of the em-
perors had only extended, and that too chiefly in the East,
to the filling up of the vacant bishoprics in the most import-
ant cities. But to the princes of whom we now speak, it
appeared a strange matter, that such considerable posts
within the circle of their own empire, and with which, some-
times, so large revenues and important political privileges
were connected, should be conferred without consultation
with them and the clergy themselves, who sought to obtain
;

bishoprics through the influence of the princes, contributed to

increase this influence of the latter, and to confirm them in the
belief that they were entitled to it. Thus in the Frankish
empire, under the successors of Clovis, the ancient regulation
respecting ecclesiastical elections went entirely into disuse, or,
where it was preserved, the Frankish princes did not consider
themselves bound by it, if they wished to supply vacancies in
some other way. The old church laws with regard to the
interstitia, the stages through which candidates must rise to
the higher spiritual offices, and against the immediate eleva-
tion of a layman from secular employments to such offices, —
these laws, which had maintained their force in the Western
church still more than in the East, even though re-enacted
there by synods,* were yet in practice no longer regarded.
The princes bestowed the bishoprics arbitrarily on % their
favourites, or sold them to the highest bidders, or to those,
who, without so open a resort to simony, made them tempting
presents.t Hence, naturally, it often happened, that un-
* See the third
Council of Orleans, a.d. 538, c. vi.
f Gregory of Tours states, in his life of Gallus, bishop of Averna
128 ARBITRARY PROCEEDINGS.

worthy persons were nominated to the bishoprics, while worthy-

onesw ere deposed.* The only good result was, that still in
r

many cases, the character which an individual had acquired by

his past life, the reputation in which he stood as a saint, had
more influence with the princes than the presents and the in-

trigues of the bad.

It is true, laws were, from the first, passed against these
encroachments on the ecclesiastical elections ;f but those in
power did not allow themselves to be bound by them. The

(Clermont), vitse patrura, c. vi. f. 1171, ed. Ruinart, that the clergy of
Clermont came with many presents before Theodoric, one of the sons and
successors of Clovis, hoping to persuade him to confirm the choice made
by
"
themselves and Gregory observes, with regard to this incident
;
—
Jam tunc germen illud iniquum coeperat fructificare, ut sacerdotium
aut venderetur a regibus aut compararetur a clericis." The king, how-
ever, did not allow himself, in this case, to be influenced by the presents,
but bestowed the bishopric on Gallus, a deacon, highly respected and
venerated on account of his previous life and he caused a feast to be
;

made in the city, at the public expense, in bonour of the new bishop, that
all might take joy in his appointment. And so common was the practice
of simony, either of the grosser or of the more refined sort, that Gallus
was in the habit of jocosely remarking, he had paid for his bishopric but
one trias (the third part of an as), his bonne main to the cook who waited
at the table. So, too (in I. IV. c. 35, hist. Francor.), it is mentioned as
the common means of obtaining a bishopric Offerre multa, plurima
:

promittere.
* So it
happened above mentioned. A
after the death of the Gallus
certain archdeacon Cratinus, an intemperate, avaricious man, obtained
the office by help of the princes, while Crato, a presbyter, who, though
excessively given to spiritual pride, had been tried in every stage of the
clerical office, and had distinguished himself by the faithful discharge of
its duties, and a kindly regard for the welfare of the poor, and who had,

moreover, the voice of the church, the clergy, and the bishops in his
favour, was set aside. He afterwards distinguished himself again by
remaining in the city, when deserted by the bishop and many of the other
clergy, on account of a fatal sickness (the lues inguinaria) which raged
in France about the middle of the sixth century. Here he attended to
the burial of the dead, held masses for each and all, till at length, falling
himself a sacrifice to the plague, he died in the discharge of his duty.
See Gregor. hist. 1. IV. c. xi., &c.
f T.hus, for example, Concil. Avernense, a.d. 535, c. ii. In order to
the regularity of a choice, was required electio clericorum vel civium et
consensus metropolitani ;
and of the candidate it is said, non patrocinia
potentum adhibeat, non calliditate subdolaad conscribendum decretum
alios hortetur praemiis, alios timore compellat; and Concil. Aurelianense
V. 549, c. 10, ut nulli episcopatum prsemiis aut comparatione liceat adi-
pisci, sed cum voluntate regis juxta electionem cleri ac plebis.
 ARBITRARY MODES OF NOMINATING TO BISHOPRICS. 129

third council of Paris, in 557, endeavoured once more to sup-

press these abuses ; directing, in their eighth canon, that the
election of bishops should proceed from the communities and
the clergy, with the concurrence of the provincial bishops and
of the metropolitan that whoever came to such office in a
;

way not agreeing with these conditions, by a command of the

king, should not be recognized as their colleague by the
bishops of the province.* Conformably with this decree, a
synod at Xaintes (Santones), convened in 564, under Leon-
tius, archbishop of Bordeaux (Burdelaga), as metropolitan,
pronounced sentence of deposition on Emeritus, the bishop of
the former place, because he had obtained his office by a
command of the deceased king Clotaire, without a regular
church election, and they had the courage to elect another
in his place ;but Charibert, the then reigning king over
this portion of the Frankish empire was highly incensed at
this decree, which the synod caused to be laid before him by
a presbyter, as their delegate. " Thinkest thou," said he,
" that of Clotaire's sons none has been
angrily to the delegate,
left behind to take care that his father's will shall not be
defeated ?" He ordered the delegate to be conveyed out of
the city on a waggon filled with thorns, and condemned him
to banishment from the country he also fined the members
;

of the synod in a sum proportioned to their several ranks,

and replaced Emeritus in his post.t The Roman bishop,
Gregory the Great, was indefatigable in exhorting the
Frankish bishops and princes to remove this abuse, whose
injurious effects on the church he explained to them in
detail, and strenuously urged them to appoint a synod for
this " We are he writes in one
purpose.+ deeply grieved,"
of these letters, u when we find money having anything to do
in the disposing of the offices of the church, and that which
is
holy becoming secular. He who would purchase such
* Nullus civibus invitis ordinetur
episcopus, nisi quern populi et cleri-
corum electio plenissima qusesierit voluntate, non principis imperio
neque per quamlibet conditionem contra metropolis voluntatem vel epis-
coporum comprovincialium ingeratur. Quodsi per ordinationem regiam
honoris istius culmen pervadere aliquis nimia temeritate praosumserit, a
comprovincialibus loci ipsius episcopus recipi nullatenus mereatur, queni
indebite ordinatum agnoscunt.
f See Gregor. Turon. Hist. Francor. 1. IV. c. 26.
+
See his Letters, lib. XI. ep. 58, and the following, lib. IX. ep. 10G.
VOL. V. K
130 STATE PARTICIPATION IN

places, desires not the office, but only the name, of a priest^
to gratify his vanity. What is the consequence, except that
no further regard is paid to life and manners, he only
being considered the worthy candidate who has money to
pay ? He who merely, for the sake of the honour, is eager
after an office meant for use, is but the more unworthy of it,
because he seeks the honour." The fifth synod of Paris, in
615, actually renewed, in their first canon, the ordinance
respecting free church elections, and king Clotaire II. con-
firmed this law, yet with such provisoes, as left abundant
exceptions ;for a power was reserved to the princes of ex-

amining into the worthiness of those elected, and of directing

their ordination accordingly. The case was also supposed
possible, that the monarch might choose a bishop directly
from his court.* And although this synodal law had been
unconditionally confirmed by the king, yet it was still far from
being the case, that the monarchs were determined by it in
their conduct. Boniface found these abuses connected with the
filling up of vacant offices still prevailing ; and although he
might, by his great personal influence, do something towards
counteracting them, yet the relations could not in this way be
permanently altered. Among the things done by Charle-
magne for bettering the condition of the church, belongs the
restoration of free church elections ;t in which, however, the
power of confirmation remained tacitly reserved in the
monarch. Yet the succeeding history shows that between
the law and its fulfilment an immense interval still remained.
In the English and in the Spanish church, the princes exer-
cised, it is true, on the whole, no such direct influence on the
filling up of vacant bishoprics, but even in these churches their
acquiescence was held to be necessary.
Again, the state, under the new relations, obtained a certain
share in ecclesistical legislation. In the old Roman empire,

* Si
persona condigna fuerit, per ordinationem principis ordinetur, vel
certe si de palatio eligitur, per meritum personse et doctrinae ordinetur.
" Ut sancta ecclesia suo liberius
t The capitulary of the year 803.
potiretur honore, adsensum ordini ecclesiastico prsebuimus, ut episcopi
per electionem cleri et populi secundum statuta canonum de propria dio-
cesi remota personarum et munerum acceptione ob vitae meritum et sapi-
entiae donumeligantur, ut exemplo et verbo sibi subjectis usque quaque
prodesse valeant."
 ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 131

the secular power had exercised an influence only on the

general church assemblies
—
the provincial synods were left to
themselves. But in the new states, men found it difficult to
enter into the conception of a double legislation and besides,
;

the church required the civil power to carry a part of its own
laws into execution, such, namely, as related to the suppres-
sion of pagan customs, penance, the observance of Sunday, &c.
Hence it happened that the synods, which should have guided
the church legislation, were convened after consultation with
the princes;* that the latter assisted at them, and their
decrees were published under the royal authority. Finally,
the synods became confounded with the general assemblies, at
which the princes, with their noble vassals, were used to draw
up the civil laws, and ecclesiastical and civil laws were drawn
up at one and the same time. Thus, in the Frankish kingdom,
tillfar into the eighth century, the assemblies of the bishops
for purely ecclesiastical purposes becoming continually less
frequent, at length went into entire desuetude
—
a result to
which the internal political contests and disorders, and the in-
difference of such multitudes of worldly-minded bishops, no
doubt, greatly contributed. Already the abbot Columban, in
his letter to the bishops convened on account of their quarrel
with him, complains that synods were no longer held, though
he admits that in the turbulence of those times they could not
be convened so frequently as formerly. Gregory the Great £
"j"

was obliged to apply to the Frankish princes and bishops for

the convening of a synod to devise measures for the removal of
ecclesiastical abuses and, as we have already remarked on a
;

former page, Boniface found occasion to complain that no

synod had been held for so long a time. But even in the
synods held by him, the most considerable men of the nation
took a part, and along with the ecclesiastical laws, others also

* See
the ordinance of the Frankish king Sigebert ad Desiderium epis-
copum Cadurcensem, bishop of Cahors, a.d. G50, ut sine nostra scientia.
synodale concilium in regno nostro non agatur. Baluz. Capitular, T. I.
f. U'i.

f In reference to the convocation then held: "utinam saepius hoe

canones seinel aut bis in anno pro tumultuosis
ageretis, et licet juxta
hujus dissensiouibus semper sic servare vos non vacat, quamvis
aevi
rarius potissimum hoc debuit vobis inesse studiura, quo negligentes
quique timorem haberent et studiosi ad majorern provocarentur pro-
fectuin." 1 See the letter above referred to.
k2
132 PARTICIPATION OF BISHOPS IN CIVIL LEGISLATION.

were passed by them having no relation to ecclesiastical

affairs. In like manner, under king Pipin and the emperor
Charlemagne, it continued to be the prevailing custom for
ecclesiastical and civil laws to be drawn up at the same time at
their great national assemblies ; though it was still the fact,
that, in particular cases, assemblies purely ecclesiastical were
held, which, however, were convened by the princes. Now
by this union the bishops, it is true, who took part in these
general legislative assemblies, obtained some influence on
civil legislation and on the institutions of civil society but ;

this influence fell to their share not merely by accident and

by reason of the circumstances above described, but the whole

form under which the Theocratic system was contemplated
carried along with it the necessity of their having such influ-
ence. As, on the one hand, the church needed the arm of
the civil power to carry a part of their laws into effect, so,
on the other, the civil power needed that sanction from the
church, and that commanding authority which the latter had to
offer, in order to maintain itself against rude arbitrary will,
and to place a check on barbarian insolence. The feeling of
this want was, no doubt, a universal one, for it proceeded from
the character of the social condition of the people, and the
prevailing turn of their religious way of thinking. It was,
however, an effect of peculiar circumstances that, in the Visi-
Gothic empire in Spain, this feeling asserted itself with peculiar
force ;
for the successors of lieckared, the first Catholic king
of Spain, were obliged to resort to the authority of the church
as a substitute for the sanction which they wanted —
a right to
the throne by the law of inheritance, and as a means of
securing them against the spirit of revolt. Many of the Spa-
nish synods in the seventh century made a point of conceding
this to the royal authority. Thus, for example, the sixteenth
council of Toledo, in 693, declared that every one was bound
to preserve inviolate the fidelity they had vowed, next after
*
God, to the king, as his vice-gerent and, appealing to pas-
;

sages from the Old Testament, not very applicable, indeed, to

a purely gospel economy, f they declared kings to be the
* Post Deura
regibus, utpote jure vicario ab eo prceelectis, Mem pro-
missam quemque inviolabili cordis intentione servare.
f According to which, Jesus alone is the anointed of the Lord, or
through him all believers alike are become the anointed of the Lord.
 EXEMPTION OF THE CHURCH FROM STATE BURTHENS. 133

inviolable anointed ones of God. Hence in this Spanish

church the regulation was also brought about, whereby all
checks of the secular power on the church were to be avoided,
and the latter only was to be secured in its efficient influence
on the state, which needed its sanctifying power; for the
seventeenth council of Toledo decreed, in 694, that in the first
three days of each such meeting only spiritual affairs should
be transacted by the clergy alone, and afterwards civil. To
the emperor Charles, who, with his more independent judg-
ment, was more inclined to separate ecclesiastical affairs from
political,* it seemed expedient that the bishops, abbots, and
comites should divide themselves, at these general assemblies,
into three several chambers, and each attend to the affairs be-
—
longing to them the bishops to the affairs of the church, the
abbots to all that related more particularly to the monastic
life, and the counts to the political affairs. So it was done at
the council of Mentz in 813. The ordinances of every kind,
however, were published under the imperial authority.
As it regards the exemption of the church from state bur-
dens, the older laws respecting this matter also passed over to
the new state of things: they had to undergo, however, of
course, in these new circumstances, many changes [m their
application. The incompatibility of the spiritual office with
military service was, indeed, universally acknowledged in the
preceding period yet it had been held necessary at the same
;

time to adopt certain precautionary measures against the re-

ception of such into the spiritual order as were liable to such
service,| and even at the commencement of this period the
* See the Discutiendum
capitulary of the year 811, c. 4. est, in quan-
tum se episcopus aut abbas rebus secularibus debeat inserere vel in quan-
tum Comes vel alter laicus in ecclesiastica negotia. His interrogandum
est acntissime, quid sit, quod apostolus ait " nemo militans Deo
:
implicat
se negotiis secularibus." 2 Tim. ii. vel ad quos sermo iste pertineat. See
Baluz. Capitular. T. I. f. 478.
t Gregory considered it altogether just and proper that no countenance
should be given to the practice of passing immediately from civil and
military to spiritual offices (which was still customary in the East), be-
cause such a transition easily excited the suspicion of worldly motives,
quia qui secularem habitum deserens, ad ecclesiastica officia venire festi-
nat, mutare vult seculum, non relinquere. But it seemed to him contrary
to the interest of piety that the abandoning of these offices with a view to
embrace the monastic life should likewise be forbidden, since in this case
no such suspicion could arise. He refers to his own experience for ex-
134 .
RECEPTION OF BOND-MEN.

emperor Maurice involved himself in a quarrel with the Roman

bishop Gregory the Great, by the enactment of some such
restrictive law. But in the new states greater difficulty must
be experienced in this quarter, because the obligation to do
military service did not fall on particular classes of the citizens
alone, but on all freemen. True, men felt how incompatible
it was with the
spiritual calling for the clergy to take any part
in war but it was sought to secure the interests of the state
;

by a law that no person should be allowed to enter into a spi-

ritual or monastic order without permission from the supreme

authority.* The church now saw itself reduced to the neces-

sity of selecting members for the spiritual order from that
class who were not affected by the obligation to do military
service, namely, the bond-men. Besides, among these there
was often less rudeness of manners ; and bishops who were
disposed to exercise a despotic lordship over their clergy,
could more easily secure their object when they had among
this body a number of the bond-men who were held as the pro-

perty of the church. This plan was so often resorted to that

it became
necessary to check the wide extension of the prac-
tice by particular ordinances, yet without forbidding the thing
itself. Thus the fourth council of Toledo, in the year 633,
can. 74, decreed that it was unquestionably allowable to place
in the parishes priests and deacons created from the bond-men
of the church, provided only they were such as recommended
themselves by tlieir life and manners, and that they had been
first restored to freedom. In the rule approved by the council
of Aix in 816, and published by Chrodegang, bishop of Metz,
we find the following
singular remark, from which also it is
seen that bond-men were often consecrated to the clerical
office without enfranchised
being
" select their
:
\
— Many

amples of honest conversions of this kind: Ego scio, quanti his diebus
meis in monasterio milites conversi miracula fecerunt, signa et virtutes
operati sunt. 1. III. ep. 65 et t>6.
* Concil. Aurelianense
I., under king Clovis, a.d. 511, c. 4, ut nullus

secularium ad clericatus officium prsesumatur, nisi aut cum regis jutsione

aut cum judicis voluntate. The
capitulary of Charlemagne, a.d. 805, c.
15, Baluz. T. I. f. 427. De
hominibus, qui ad servitium Dei se
liberis
tradere volunt, ut prius hoc non faciant, quam a nobis licentiam postu-
lent. In the latter law the object is stated that it is designed only
;

against such as were desirous of this from impure motives, and not devo-
tionis causa. t See can. 119.
 OPINIONS OF THE CHURCH TEACHERS. 135

clergy exclusively from the bond-men of the church, and they

seem to adopt this course because such persons, when injured
by them, or deprived of the salary due to them, cannot com-
plain from fear of being subjected to corporeal punishment, or
of being reduced again to servile labour.* Yet it was added —
this is not said because we think it wrong that men of reputable
life should be taken from the class of bond-men,
especially
since with God there is no respect of persons but we;

say it, that, for the reason assigned, no prelate may take for
his clergy persons of the lower class alone to the exclusion of
all of higher rank." Thus the bishops were led by their own
interest to help in promoting the object which Christianity had
aimed at from the first, and to restore an excluded class to the
enjoyment of their common rights as men, although, for the
most part, it was not the Christian spirit that moved them to
this as it should have done of itself.
And here we may take occasion to glance backward upon
what had been thus far done by Christianity in this regard.
—
From the beginning and onward Christianity not, indeed, by
any sudden outward change, but by its secret influences on the
—
modes of thinking and feeling had prepared a transformation
of this relation which is so repugnant to the common worth
and dignity of man.f It was the new ideas of the image of
God in
every human
creature of the redemption destined
alike for all ; of
;

—
higher fellowship of life the fellowship
its
of God's kingdom, embracing all without any distinction of
earthly relations of life, slaves as well as freemen it was these
:

ideas by which the prevailing mode of

regarding the relation
of this class of men, their rights and the duties owed to them,
was changed, and the way prepared for a milder treatment of
them. The more respectable church -teachers of the fourth
and fifth centuries speak with decision and emphasis on this
subject. In the manumission of slaves the church was espe-
cially called upon to lend her assistance, and thus it was
acknowledged that such a proceeding was especially suited to
the position of the church.
Frequently slaves were set free in
* Timentes
scilicet, ne aut severissimis verberibus afficiantur aut hu-
maDae servituti denuo crudeliter addicantur.
t Church History, Vol. I. p. 2G7 my Denkwiirdigkeiten Bd. II.
;

p. 253 f. 5
and my Chrysostom Bd. I. p. 37b f. Compare Dr. Mohler's
essay in the Theologischen Quartal-Schrift, Jahrgang 1834. 1 H.
136 OPINIONS OF THE CHURCH TEACHERS.

order that they may become monks, and this was regarded as
a pious work. At an early period, too, many, especially of
the Oriental monks, declared themselves opposed to this whole
relation asrepugnant to the dignity of the image of God in all
men. Thus the abbot Isidore of Pelusium, in writing to a
person of rank, with whom he is interceding in behalf of
one of his slaves,* said he could hardly credit it, that a friend
of Christ, who had experienced that grace which bestowed
freedom on all, would still own slaves. It is related of
Johannes Eleemosynarius, who from 606 to 616 was patri-
arch of Alexandria, that he called together those persons who
treated their slaves with cruelty and addressed them as fol-
lows :
—
" God has not
given us servants that we may beat
them, but that they may serve us but perhaps even not for
;

this purpose, but that they may receive out of the abundance
which God has bestowed on us the means of sustenance for ;

tell me, what price can man pay to purchase him who was cre-
ated after the likeness of God, and thus honoured by God?
Hast thou, who art his master, a single member more to thy
body, or hast thou a different soul ? Is he not, in all things,
thy equal ? Do ye not hear what the great light of the church,
the Apostle Paul says —
'For as many of you as are baptized,
'

they have put on Christ ? Here is neither bond nor free, for
ye are all one in Christ. If, then, before Christ we are all
equal, let us also be equal among ourselves ;
for Christ took
on him the form of a servant to teach us that we ought not to
be proud toward our servants, since we all have one master,
even him who dwells in heaven and looks down on the lowly.
Pray what is the gold we pay for the right to subject to us as
our servant him who, equally with ourselves, has been honoured
by our Lord, and, with us, redeemed by His blood ? For his
sake, heaven, earth, and sea, and all that therein is, were cre-
ated. It is true, also, that angels minister to him on his ;

account Christ washed his disciples' feet on his account ;

Christ was crucified, and for his sake did he suffer everything
else. But thou abusest him who has been thus honoured of
God, and treatest him with as little mercy as if "thou hadst not
one and the same nature in common with him Next, if he !

learned that this rebuke failed of its intended effect, and that
* Qv rhv T«vra;
yap oi/juti eiKtrnv i%uv riv tpiXo^onrrot iihoret r»jy "X.u.oiv
 PLATO. THEODORUS STUDITA. GREGORY THE GREAT. 137

the slave was still treated no better, he purchased him himself

and set him at liberty.* The Oriental monks were generally

agreed in the principle never to use the service of slaves, partly
because they considered it as belonging to their calling to per-
form for each other those services which were usually done by
slaves, partly because they believed themselves bound to
respect the image of God in all men.! When, near the close
of the eighth century, the famous Greek monk Plato retired
from the world, he manumitted his slaves, | and after that
refused to permit any slave to wait on him in the monastery. §
These principles were propagated by his disciple and friend
the famous Theodorus Studita, at Constantinople. The latter
directs his disciple, the abbot Nicolaus, not to employ men, ||

created in the image of God, as slaves, either in his own ser-

vice, or in that of the monastery under his care, or in the
labour of the fields, for this was permitted to seculars alone.
In his last will, also, he gave directions to the same effect.^"
The Roman bishop Gregory the Great, in manumitting two
slaves, introduced the subject in a deed drawn up for this pur-
pose, with the, following words:**
" As our
Saviour, the
—
author of all created beings, was willing for this reason to take
upon him the nature of man, that he might free us, by his-
grace, from the chains of bondage in which we were enthralled,
and restore us to our original freedom ; so a good and salutary
thins; is whom nature from the besrinninsr
done when men,
created free, and whom
the law of nations has subjected to the
yoke of servitude, are presented again with the freedom in
which they were born." jf Among the rude Franks the
* See the life of Johannes
Eleemosyn. by Leontius, translated by
Anastasius in the Actis Sanctorum Januar. T. II. s. 61, f. 510.
t Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (see above), says, in his Capi-
tulis, c. 8, Groecorum monachi servos non habent, Romani habent.
% See the account of his life, composed by his scholar, the famous
Theodorus Studita, in his works published by Sirmond, or in the Actis
Sanctorum April. T. I. appendix f. 47, s. 8.
§ S. 23, 1. C. <rui ya.o ccv
fJuo)>d.iTTn; cikridivo;, o ^zo-roTiic&i (p'opov oouXots
iTtzvotruvofttvoj ; L. I. ep. 10. ||

^[ See opp. Theodori in Sirmond. opp. T. V. f. 66.

** L. VI. 12.
ep.
tf The same Gregory writes, in reference to a woman held as a slave,
but who was discovered to be freeborn, and restored to her rights as
such Quod revelaute Deo libertatis auctore approbata sit libera, 1. VII.,.
:

ep. 1.
138 SELFISH POLICY OF THE BISHOPS.

slaves had much to suffer from cruel masters ; but in the

churches, as well as with the priests, they in some cases found
relief.* The asylum of the churches was to serve especially for
the protection of such slaves as fled from the cruelty of their
masters. Such an one was restored to his owner only on con-
dition the latter promised, on his oath, to spare him from bodily
punishment ; and if the master broke his promise, he was
expelled from the communion of the church. f Among the
1

works of pious charity were reckoned especially the redemp-

tion and manumission of slaves, whereby laymen and monks,
who stood in high reputation for their piety, distinguished
themselves but at the present time the bishops were led, by
;

an oftentimes selfish policy, % sometimes to liberate slaves in

order to adopt them into the number of their clergy, some-
times to give them ordination without releasing them from
their previous obligation. At all events, this class of men
could not fail thereby to be placed in an advantageous light
before the eyes of the people. When in the rule of Chrode-
gang, and at the church assembly of Aix, a resolution was
made against the exclusive adoption of bondmen into the spi-
ritual order, an express clause was inserted, as we have already
remarked, to guard against the mistaken view, that these men

* Gregory of Tours, in his history (V. lib. III.) cites the example of
a servant and maid belonging to a cruel master, who had won each
other's affections. They finally went to the priest, and were married.
Their master, as soon as he was informed of this, hurried to the church,
and required them to be given up. The priest, reminding him of the
respect due to the church, refused to give them up except on condition
he promised not to dissolve the connection just formed, and not to in-
flict upon them any personal harm. The cruel and cunning master
promised equivocally that they should not be separated, and deceived
the priest. He caused them, both together, to be buried alive. As soon
as the priest heard of this, he hastened to the master, nor did he leave
him till he consented that both should be dug up again but the young
;

man only was saved, the woman was suffocated.

t Concil. Epaonense, a.d. 517, c. 39: Servus reatu atrociore culpa-
bilis si ad ecclesiam confugerit, a corporalibus tantum suppliciis excu-
setur. Concil. V. Aurelianense, a.d. 549, c. 22. Of the master who
breaks his word, sit ab omnium communione suspensus.
I In the monasteries, also, many slaves
were received as monks ; —
whence the law of the emperor Charles in the capitulary of the year
805, c. xi. Baluz. T. I. f. 423. De propriis servis vel ancillis non supra
modum in monasteria sumantur, ne deserentur villa? (that there might
be no want of persons to cultivate the land).
 LANDED ESTATES OF THE CHURCH. 139

were to be considered unworthy, on account of their descent,

of being received into the spiritual order as if the dignity of
;

men and Christians were not to be recognized in all alike.

The possessions and wealth* of the church, especially in
landed estates, increased greatly under the new relations. It
was not a pious sympathy alone in the cause of the church,
but superstition also which contributed to this increase.
Men believed that by making gifts and legacies to the
churches they did a work of peculiar merit, which would atone
for their sins as is shown by the oft-occurring phrases, pro
;

remissione peccatorum, pro redemtione animarum.-f- But then,

again, these possessions were thus rendered the more insecure, J
being exposed to the covetous desires and forcible contribu-
tions of the nobles and princes, against whom the donors
sought to protect themselves by terrible forms of execration
inserted in the deeds of gift, and by stories and legends
touching the punishment of sacrilege. The landed estates of
the church in the Frankish empire were for the most part
liable to be taxed in the same manner as all
property belong-
ing to the old land proprietors perhaps, however, with the
;

exception, from the beginning, of a smaller portion considered

*
Among the new sources of wealth to the church, belonged also the
obligation imposed on the laity to pay tithes. The confounding together
of the state of things under the Old and under the New Testament, had
already led the ecclesiastical authority, in occasional instances, to require
of the laity that they should consecrate, in the name of God, the tenth part
of their goods to God and the priests. Thus, for example, the letter of the
"
bishop of Tours in the year 567 : Illud vero instantissime commonemur,
ut Abrahse docuinenta sequentes decimas ex omni facultate non pigeat
Deo pro reliquis, qua? possidetis, conservandis offerre, ne sibi ipsi inopiam
generet, qui parva non tribuit, et plura retentet." But the emperor
Charles was the first who, moved by this requisition, derived from the
Old Testament, made the payment of tithes legally binding. In enacting
this law, he still met with much opposition. We have seen above how
Alcuin expressed himself on this subject. See p. 226 and the following.
t Chilperic, king of the Franks, often complained : Ecce pauper re-
mansit fiscus noster, ecce divitise nostrse ad ecclesias sunt translatse,
nulli penitus, nisi soli episcopi regnant, periit honor noster et translatus
est ad episcopos civitatum. Gregor. Turon. 1. VI. c. 46.
X To protect the churches and defend them against wrongs, beadles or
bailiffs, so called, were
appointed (Advocati, Vice Domini) from the
order of laymen (analogous to the defensores of the ancient church),
because they were obliged to undertake many sorts of business with
which ecclesiastics could not properly meddle.
140 ORDINANCE OF CHARLEMAGNE RESPECTING THE ARMY.

as an hereditary possession of the church* —

as we find it in
fact defined by law, from the time of Charlemagne.
The church had little reason to expect that she would be
enabled to obtain for her property any exemption from the
law which required all property of Franks to send its con-
tribution to the common fund for the support of the army
(Heerbann). True, the bishops and abbots were declared free
from the obligation of rendering personal service in war but ;

as we have already remarked, in the history of Boniface, many

Frankish bishops and clergymen still thought proper, in despite
of their spiritual calling, to engage personally in warlike ex-
peditions, and all the labours of Boniface to suppress this abuse
of barbarism had failed as yet of having the desired effect.
But the sight of a large number of clergy wounded and killed
in battle having produced a very bad effect on the multitude,!
the emperor Charles was solicited to take measures for the
prevention of this evil for the future. He .commanded, in a
capitulary of the year 801,J that in future no priest should
take part in a battle ;but only two or three chosen bishops,
with a few priests, should attend the army, for the purpose of
preaching, bestowing their blessing, holding mass, hearing
confessions, attending upon the sick, imparting the extreme
unction, and especially of seeing that none should leave the
world without the communion. What hope could there be of
victory, where the priests at one hour presented Christians the
body of the Lord, and in the next, with their own wicked
hands, killed the Christians to whom they had presented it, or
the pagans to whom they should have preached Christ ; espe-
cially as Christ called them the salt of the earth. But at the
same time, however, the emperor commanded that the bishops
who remained at home with
their churches, should send their
people well equipped to the army-bann. And so strong was
the public opinion that exclusion from all participation in
war was discreditable, that the emperor was obliged to affix
to this ordinance forbidding the clergy,, to do personal military
service, an express defence and justification of their honour.§
* Of the mansus ecclesisc.
t In the petition addressed to the emperor for this purpose, it is said :
Novit Dominus, quando eos in talibus videmus, terror apprehendit nos,.
et quidam ex nostris timore perterriti, propter hoc fugere solent.
X Mansi Concil. T. XIII. f. 1054.
§ Quia audivimus, quosdam nos suspectos habere, quod honores sacer-
 INTERCESSIONS OF THE CLERGY IN BEHALF OF CRIMINALS. 141

As already in the Roman empire, Christianity and the

church representing it had exerted a special influence on the
administration of justice, by introducing and diffusing new
views respecting the sacred ness of human life,* respecting
human law as emanating from the divine law, respecting the
administration of justice, for which account must be rendered
to God and respecting a charity that ennobles justice, a
;

mercy and compassion tempering the severity of law, so the

same effect would be still more strongly manifested among
these nations, contrasted with the existing barbarism, which
was so destitute of all regular legal forms. This effect of
Christianity, it may be allowed, was not the same as if it had
proceeded out of the pure essence of the gospel but it was ;

modified by the form in which the gospel was presented

among these nations, a form in which the respective points of
dotum et res ecclesiarum auferre vel minorare eis voluissemus. Alcuin
also complains that bishops were obliged to leave the duties of their
spiritual calling to engage in the foreign employments of war. Thus to
bishop Leutfrid (ep. 208), who must have expressed his own views on
the subject, he writes to declare how very much opposed he was to this
practice: Vere fateor, quod tua tribulatio torquet animum meum, dam
audio te in periculo esse statutum, nee officii tui implere posse ministe-
rium, sed bellator spiritualis bellator cogitur esse carnalis. Which
letter, if the law of the emperor was immediately carried into execution,
must have been written before its enactment.
*
Christianity exerted a mighty influence on public opinion, also,
through the decided expressions of the church on the subject of suicide,
a crime not likely to be unfrequent among barbarous tribes. The second
council of Orleans, in 533, decreed in its fifteenth canon, that oblations
might be received when offered in behalf of those who had been executed
for a crime, but not in behalf of those who (perhaps to escape execution)
had taken their own lives. The synod at Auxerre (synodus Antisiodo-
rensis), in 578, decreed, c. 17, that no oblation should be received from a
person who had drowned or strangled himself, or taken his own life by
throwing himself from a tree, or by the sword, or in any other way. In
the capitulis of Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, it is laid down
(c. 63) that mass was not to be performed for suicides, but only prayers
offered and alms distributed. It was only when the act seemed to have
proceeded from a sudden excess of passion or mental derangement, that
—
some were disposed to make an exception. As many persons, in moments
of desperation, when condemned to church penance, had attempted to
destroy themselves, the sixteenth council of Toledo (a.d. 693, c. 4),
who, denned this as animam suam per desperationem diabolo sociare
conari, decreed, that whoever was rescued from such an attempt should
be excluded for the space of two months from the fellowship of the
church.
 142 INTERCESSIONS OF THE CLERGY IN BEHALF OF CRIMINALS.

view of the Old and New Testaments were constantly con-

founded. On the one hand, among nations where hitherto
the majority of punishments consisted of pecuniary fines, and
where, by the payment of a sum of money, every crime, even
murder, could be expiated, the idea was first awakened by
Christianity of a punitive justice and regular form3 of law ;
and hence by Christianity still greater severity might be in-
troduced than had existed before. To the rude people, whose
feelings had not yet become pervaded and softened by Chris-
tianity, this increased severity might wear a colouring of cruel
harshness, of revengeful retaliation but, on the other hand,
;

there proceeded from the church ideas of grace and of com-

passion which strove to temper the exercise of rigid justice.
Whilst on the one hand, Christianity taught men to behold in
human life an inviolable sacredness, and hence the murderer
must appear but the more worthy of punishment so, on the ;

other hand, it taught them also to recognize in the transgressor

the image of God obscured, the fallen man, who could still be
an object of God's redeeming love, to whom therefore a space
should be granted for repentance and reformation. For this
reason an Alcuin declared himself opposed to the punishment
of death.* It is often mentioned with praise, as the work of
pious monks and clergy, that they interceded with the judges
to obtain a milder punishment for the guilty, —
especially that
they sought to procure pardon for criminals condemned to
death ; and in case they failed, still attempted to reanimate
their bodies when taken down from the gallows. If such
pious men sometimes failed of discerning the true limits of
gentleness ; and if, where the administration of justice yielded

* See This letter can hardly he understood other-

Alcuin, ep. 176.
wise than as relating to the supposed assassination of pope Leo III., and
to the election of a successor (the reading, in this place, should doubt-
less be caput ecclesiarum orbis). But as Leo was not murdered, but
only shamefully mishandled, and Alcuin (see ep. 92) declared himself
opposed to his deposition, it is most natural to suppose that Alcuin wrote
this letter on receiving the first exaggerated report of the pope's assassi-
nation. Now with regard to the murderers of the pope, Alcuin, after
having demanded their punishment, proceeds to say: Non ego tamen
mortem alicujus suadeo dicente Deo, Ezech. 33 " Nolo mortem pecca-
;
:

toris, sed ut convertatur et vivat," sed ut sapienti consilio vindicta fiat

per alia pcenarum genera vel perpetuum (perhaps to be supplied car-
cerem vel) exilii damnatione (m).
 LAWS CONCERNING CHURCH ASYLUMS. 143

to their influence, civil order was liable to suffer injury ;* yet

of far greater importance was the antagonism thus created
against the rude popular feeling, and the influence which thus
went to soften the dispositions of men, and make them look
upon upon human life as a sacred thing while in some cases,
;

perhaps, a convent might be converted into a house of re-

formation for such pardoned criminals.
The right already conferred on churches under the Roman
empire, of forming an inviolable sanctuary for the unfortunate
and the persecuted, would the more easily pass over to the new
churches, because it undoubtedly found a point of attachment
in an ancient custom, handed down from the pagan times.
Especially important and salutary must such a privilege have
become in these days of rude arbitrary will and barbarian
cruelty. Thus persecuted individuals could for the moment
evade the ferocity of their persecutors, and slaves the anger of
their masters ; and, in the meantime, ecclesiastics step in as
their mediators. It sometimes happened, no doubt, that men
in power, while under the influence of their passions, paid no

regard to these sacred asylums ; but if they were afterwards

overtaken by misfortune, as they might sometimes be, as a
natural consequence of the insolence which had emboldened
them to invade the sanctuary, the common mind seldom failed
to interpret this as a terrible example of warning for others, f

* There lived in the sixth

century, near the town of Angouleme, a
retired monk, by name Eparchius, to whom large sums of gold and
silver were given by devout persons, all which he employed in main-
taining the poor and in redeeming captives. The judges were unable to
resist the influence of his kindly nature, and often allowed themselves to
be persuaded to spare the guilty. Once, however, when a robber, who
was accused also of several murders, was about to be executed, the judge,
though inclined to spare the man's life, in compliance with the inter-
cession of this monk, found himself compelled to yield to the indignation
of the populace, who cried out, that if this person were suffered to live,
not a man would be safe in the whole country. Gregor. Turon. 1. VI.
c. 8.
f Thus, e. g., a duke had fled for refuge, from the persecutions of the
Frankish prince Chramnus, to the church of St. Martin of Tours. This
Chramnus then caused him to be so narrowly beset on all sides as to
render it impossible for him to get even a draught of water, meaning to
force him by hunger and thirst to leave the church. When the man
was nearly dead, some one contrived to bring him a vessel of water.
But the local judge of the district hastened to the spot, forced the vessel
from his hands, and poured its contents on the ground. A great sensa-
144 PRISONERS. ORDINANCES CONCERNING THEM.

The emperor Charles, in order to prevent these places of

refuge for the persecuted from becoming a means of impunity
for all transgressors, commanded, by an ordinance of the year
779, that to murderers, and others liable to capital punish-
ment, no means of subsistence should be allowed in the
asylum.* On the other hand, in the laws of the English
king Ina, it was laid down, that whenever such persons took
refuge in a church, their lives should be spared, and they
should only be subjected to a legal pecuniary fine (com-
position). j* It was considered as a duty of the church to take
under its protection the afflicted and oppressed, and to mitigate
the sufferings* of prisoners. Thus the fifth council of Orleans,
in 549, decreed in its twentieth canon, that on every Sunday
the prisons should be visited by the archdeacon or presiding
officer of the church, in order that the wants of the prisoners

might be mercifully provided for, according to the divine

laws ; and the bishop was to take care that a sufficient supply
of food was furnished them by the church. In Spain par-
ticularly
— where, however, the sense of weakness in the state
inclined men to lean more habitually on the protecting arm of
the church, — every effort was made to increase this depart-
ment of her influence. The fourth council of Toledo, in 633,
decreed in its thirty-second canon, that the bishops should not
neglect the sacred charge, intrusted to them by God, of pro-
tecting and defending the people. Whenever, therefore, they
saw that the judges and magistrates were oppressors of the
poor, they should first endeavour to set them right by priestly
admonitions and, if they would not amend, by complaining
;

of them to the king. And it had already been ordained

before, by a royal law,J that the judges and tax-gatherers

lion was produced on the public mind by the circumstance, that on the
same day this judge was attacked by a fever, and died on the following
night. The consequence was, that food in abundance was brought to
the unfortunate man from all quarters, and so be was saved. Chramnus
himself perished miserably at a later period. Gregor. Turon. 1. IV.
c. 19. comp. 1. V. c. 4.
* See Baluz.
Capitular. I. 197.
f See Wilkins Concil. Angl. f. 59. Alcuin also thought it wrong
for a person accused, a fugitivus ad Christi Dei nostri et Sanctorum
ejus patrocinia de ecclesia ad eadem reddi vincula. See ep. 195 to
Charles the Great.
X See Concil. Tolet. III. of the year 589, c. 18.
 IN SPAIN, ETC. 145

should be present at the assemblies of the bishops, that they

might learn from them how to treat the people with piety
and justice. The bishops should also keep an eye on the con-
duct of the judges.* We
learn from the picture of a devoted
bishop, delineated by Gregory of Tours, what was then
reckoned as belonging to such a calling. He obtains justice
for the people and succour for the needy, imparts consolation
to widows, and is the chief protection of minors. t Thus,
owing to the peculiar point of view in which, by virtue of their
spiritual character, they were regarded on the part of the
people and the princes, and owing to what they gradually
became as a secular order, the bishops could exercise a very
great and salutary formative influence on every department of
civil society ; but this could only be done when they under-
stood their calling in a truly spiritual sense, and were enabled,
in this sense, to direct and manage the heterogeneous mass
of business which had become connected with their office.
Yet great also was the temptation to which they were exposed,
when drawn into the management of affairs so foreign from
their holy calling, of overlooking spiritual things in the
crowd of secular nor, by so doing, could they avoid making
;

themselves dependent on the secular power, which they ought

rather to have guided by the spirit of Christianity.};

* Sunt enim prospectores episcopi secundum regiam admonitionem

qualiter judices cum populis agant.
f Gregor. Turonens. 1. IV. c. 35. "We make no mention of a law of
the emperor Charlemagne, extending the older judicatory power of the
bishops beyond its limits, and when but one party applied to their
tribunal, obliging the other to follow, willing or not willing, because
more recent investigations have thrown doubt on the genuineness of this
law, which indeed does not well accord with the character of the govern-
ment of Charlemagne.
X Alcuin complains of this, ep. 112. Pastores curse turbant seculares,
qui Deo vacare debuerunt, vagari per terras et milites Christi seculo
militare coguntur et gladium verbi Dei inter oris claustra qualibet
cogente necessitate recondunt. The same writer complains of the priests,
who aspired only after worldly honours, and neglected the duties of their
spiritual office, ep. 37:
Quidam sacerdotes Christi, qui habent parochias,
et honores seculi et gradus ministerii non (perhaps it should read una)
volant habere. In epistle 114, he writes to Arno, archbishop of Salz-
burg, who had complained that he was compelled to neglect the more
important duty of the care of souls, to attend to secular business Si
:

apostolico exemplo vivamus et pauperem agamus -vitam in terris, sicut

illi fecerunt, seculi servitium justi abdicamus. Nunc vero seculi prin-
VOL. V. L
146 INFLUENCE OF THE MONKS. RULE OF CHRODEGANG.

II. The Internal Organization of the Church.

As regards the internal constitution of the churches, many-
it

changes would unavoidably take place here also, owing to

the manner in which Christianity had been first introduced
among the people, and to the new social relations. A natural
consequence of the former was, the increasing respect enter-
tained for the monks,* as compared with the clergy. For the
most part, the former were, in truth, the founders of the new
churches, from which proceeded the civilization of the people
and the improvement of the soil and by the severity of their
;

morals, and an activity of zeal which conquered every diffi-

culty, they but distinguished themselves the more from the
barbarized clergy till the wealth, which the monasteries had
;

acquired by the toilsome labours of the monks, brought in its

train a deterioration of the primitive monastic virtue. Now,
as the degenerated condition of the clergy in the Frankish
empire inspired a wish for their reformation, so the consi-
deration and respect in which the monastic order was held
naturally led men to propose the latter as a model for imita-
tion ; and in fact many similar attemptshad been made, ever
since the canonical institute of Augustin, to incorporate the
clergy into a body resembling the monastic societies. The
most complete experiment of this sort was made after the
middle of the eighth century, by Chrodegang of Metz, the
founder of the so-called canonical order of the clergy. His
plan for the union of the clergy into societies was modelled,
for the most part, after the pattern of the Benedictine rule.
The clergy scarcely differed from the monks otherwise than

cipes habent justam, ut videtur, causam, ecclesiam Chris ti servitio suo

opprimere.
* From the
monks, the practice of tonsure passed over to the clergy.
In the fourth century it became customary for the monks, at their en-
trance upon the monastic life, to get their hair shorn, as a token of
renunciation of the world perhaps with some allusion to the vow of the
;

Nazarite. In fact, the monks were usually regarded in the Greek church
as Christian Nazarites. In like manner, it was employed in the fifth
century to denote consecration to the clerical office, for the clergy too
must separate themselves from the world. In the case of the clergy, the
distinguishing mark of the tonsure was next, that it should be in formam
corona?. See Concil, Tolet. IV. 633,'c. 41, omnes clerici vel lectores sieut
levitse et sacerdotes detonso superius toto capite inferius solam circuli
coronam relinquant.
 CHURCH VISITATIONS. 147

by possessing a certain property of their own. They lived

together in the same house, and ate at the same table ; to each
was assigned his portion of food and drink, according to a
fixed rule ; at appointed hours (the horae canonical), they
came together for prayer and singing ; at an appointed time,
assemblies were held of all the members, in which portions of
the holy Scriptures, together with the rule,* were publicly read ;
and then, with reference to what had been read, reproofs ad-
ministered to those who had been delinquent. This rule met
with general acceptance; and was, with some alterations,
made legal by the council of Aix, in 816, for the Frankish

empire. This change in the life of the clergy was attended,

in the outset, with a beneficial influence ; in that it served to
counteract, on the one hand, the barbarism of the clerical
order, and, on the other, their too servile dependence on the
bishops, which had grown in part out of the increased authority
of the bishops, who, under the new relations, were important
even in their political character and in part out of the prac-
;

bondmen into
tice of taking the spiritual order.y Thus, too,
a more collegiate mode of living together in common was
introduced between the bishop and his clergy.
The wide territory over which the new dioceses often ex-
tended, and the many remnants of pagan barbarism and of
pagan superstition which still lingered behind in them, ren-
dered a careful supervision of them, on the part of the bishops,
of the utmost importance. For this reason, what had been
before a customary practice, and what conscientious bishops
had been used to consider as their special duty, was now
settled as an ecclesiastical law. Thus the second council of
Braga, in Spain, J in 572, decreed in their first canon, that
the bishops should visit every place in their diocese, and first
inform themselves as to the condition of the clergy ; whether
they were well instructed in everything pertaining to the
church ritual ; and if they found them not so, they should
instruct them. The next day they should call together the
laity, and exhort them against the errors of idolatry, and the
prevailing vices to which they were formerly addicted. § And
*
Capitula ; hence the name Dom-chapter— chapter of the cathedral,
f So that they might be allowed to inflict bodily punishment on their
clergy. % Concilium Bracarense II.

§ Doceant illos, ut errores fugiant idolorum vel diversa crimina, id

L 2
 148 REGULATION OF THE SENDS.

the synod at Cloveshove decreed, in the year 747, canon

third, that the bishops should annually hold a visitation in
their communities, call together the men and women of all
ranks and degrees in each place, preach to them the word of
God, and forbid them the pagan customs.
With these visitations of the bishops was connected, in the
Frankish churches, a regulation which was designed to facili-
tate the execution of this moral oversight, namely, the regu-
lation* of the so-called Sends.^ The bishops were, once a year,
to hold a spiritual court in each place of their diocese. Every
member of the community should be bound to give information
of every wrong action known to him, that had been done by
another. To seven of the most approved persons in each
community, under the name of Deans (Decani), was com-
mitted the oversight over the rest. The archdeacons were to
go several days beforehand, and announce the approaching
visit of the bishop, so that all the preparations might be
made for the court which was to be holden. The bishop, on his
arrival, should first place the deans under oath that they
would not be moved, by any consideration whatever, to con-
ceal any action which, to their knowledge, had been done
contrary to the divine law. Next, he should proceed to
question them in details for example, concerning the ob-
:

servance of pagan customs ; whether every father taught his

son the creed and the Lord's Prayer ; concerning the com-
mission of such crimes, in particular, as were formerly pre-
valent among these people, and, owing to the reigning spirit
of immorality, were not usually recognized as such. The
punishments fixed by law, in part corporeal, were inflicted at
once ; and to carry this out, the civil authorities were bound,
in case of necessity, to sustain the bishops with the force at

est homicidium, adulteriura, perjurium, falsum testimonium, et reliqua

peccata mortifera, aut quod nolunt sibi fieri non faciant alteri et ut
credant resur recti onem omnium hominum et diem judicii, in quo unus-
quisque secundum sua opera recepturus est.
* The
emperor Charles commanded, in a capitulary of the year 801,
nt episcopi circumeant parochias sibi commissas et ibi inquirendi studium
habeant de incestu, de parricidiis, fratricidiis, adulteriis, cenodoxiis et
aliis malis, quse contraria sunt Deo.
t Probably a corruption of the word synod, Diocesan-synod,
— called
at a later period, in allusion to the court here held by the bishops, placita
episcoporum.
 ABSOLUTE ORDINATION. 149

command.* These Sends might, no doubt, be attended

their
with many advantages to the people, in that rude condition ;
but they were also attended with injurious effects. The
tribunal of the church, which, according to its original desti-
nation, should be spiritual, and inflict only spiritual punish-
ments, assumed the form of a civil court ; and the church
assumed a coercive power foreign to its peculiar province and
calling ; all which, in fact, led afterwards to various forms of
oppression^ and tyranny over the conscience.
To preserve the ancient union among the dioceses, a powerful
counteraction was needed against the manifold abuses creep-
—
ing in under the new relations abuses which threatened the
utter dissolution of that union. In the ancient church there
existed in fact a law, that no clergyman should be ordained at
large, or otherwise than for a particular church.f The mis-
sions first made it a matter of necessity to depart from this
principle, since it was impossible at once to appoint the monks
and ecclesiastics who went out as missionaries, to any par-
ticular dioceses. But that which was necessarily occasioned
at first by particular circumstances, continued along after-
ward, when these circumstances had ceased to exist, and
became a disorderly practice, which was the source of other
disorders. Unworthy individuals contrived, sometimes by
simony, to get themselves ordained and then travelled about
;

the country, making traffic of their spiritual functions. To

counteract this abuse, the ancient laws against indeterminate
ordinations (ordinationes absolutse) % were revived ; but
still with little effect. To this was added another abuse.
According to the ancient principles of the church, monarchs,
as well as all others, should publicly worship God in the
church where the whole community assembled; but the
spirit of the Byzantine court first introduced an innovation
which was opposed to the spirit of the ancient church, in
allowing the emperor and the empress to have within their
palace a chapel of their own, and along with it an established
court clergy. § Now whether it was the case, that the Frankish

*
Regino of Prion has more exactly described, in his work De Disci-
plina, how these Sends were held.
t The law forbidding the ordinare absolute, %ii£oron7v olvroXvrus.
*
X See the capitularies of the emperor Charles, a.d. 789 and a.d. 794.
§ This custom is said to have been introduced already by Constantine
150 COURT AND CITY CLERGY.

sovereigns simply followed this example, or were led to adopt

the same course by the necessities of their roving camp-court,
they selected their own clergy to go with them and admi-
nister the divine service, at whose head stood an arch-chaplain

(archicapellanus, primicerius palatii) and these, on account

;

of their continual and intimate connection with the princes,

obtained great influence in ecclesiastical affairs. The example
of the sovereign was now followed by the nobles and knights,
who built private chapels in their castles, and established in
—
them priests of their own, an arrangement which began to
be attended with many mischievous effects. These clergy,
relying on the protection of the nobles, threatened to make
themselves independent of the diocesan oversight of the
bishops.* Another consequence of this arrangement was,
that the public worship of the parish ceased to command the
same respect and observance, and might even come to that
pass, as to be attended by the poor country people alone the —
rich and the poor, each had their worship by themselves.
Moreover, these knights often chose unworthy persons, such
as the above described itinerant ecclesiastics, who could be
hired at a bargain to perform the liturgical acts, and who
could easily be used as tools for any work, or else their own
bond-men, whom they employed at the same time in the
lowest menial services, thus degrading the spiritual office and

the Great. Eusebius (de vita Constantini, I. IV. c. 17), strictly under-
stood, says only that he converted his palace into a church, being ac-
customed to hold in it meetings for prayer and the reading of the bible.
But Sozomen (I. 8) says, that he had caused a chapel (s&x<nf*ttf oTxa?)
to be fitted up in his palace while in time of war he used to take along
;

with him a tent prepared expressly for the purposes of worship, for the
performance of which a special class of ecclesiastics were appointed. It
is clear also, that other persons of rank already followed the example of
the emperor, and founded chapels in their houses ; hence the decree of
the second Trullan council, that no clergyman should perform the rite
of baptism, or celebrate the sacrament of the Lord's supper in such a
chapel, without the bishop's permission. C. 31. rovs b tvx<w»Uit o'Uoi;
%vhovolxlxs Tvy^uvoutri XuTovoyovvras (ix^Ti^ovras xkygixovs vttq
'/?
yvwftys
tovto Tpairrtiv rov xuroc rovrov \<jrurxo<ffov.
* The council of Chalons sur Saone, concilium Cabilonense, of the
year 650, c. 14, cites the complaint of the bishops, quod oratoria per
>

villas potentum jam longo constructa tempore et facultates ibidem colla-

tas ipsi, quorum villae sunt, episcopis contradicant et jam nee ipsos
clericos, qui ad ipsa oratoria deserviunt, ab archidiacono eoerceri per-
mittant.
 ABUSE OF CHURCH PROPERTY. 151

religion itself. To counteract these evils, many laws were

enacted, having it for the parish
their object to preserve

worship in due respect.* Again, the diocesan power of the

bishops was liable to be injured by the influence which was
conceded to the laity as founders of churches for themselves
and their posterity. The emperor Justinian, by laws of the
year 541 and 555, laid the first foundation for these so-called
rights of patronage. He granted to those wfio founded
churches with specific endowments for the salaries of the
clergy, a right for their posterity to propose worthy can-
didates to the bishops for these spiritual offices ; so, however,
that the determination of the choice should depend on the
bishop's examination.^ As under the new relations many
churches were founded by individual landholders on their
estates, and endowed by them out of their own resources, so
this relation had to be more clearly defined. On the one
hand, it was considered just to give the founders of such
churches a guarantee that the church property, which they
had sequestered for this holy purpose, should not be dissipated
by the negligence or greediness of bishops a right of over- ;

sight was therefore conceded to them in this respect, and

they were also allowed the privilege of proposing to the
bishop suitable men to be placed over such churches founded
by themselves, as we find it determined by the ninth council
of Toledo, in 655.J Moreover, their descendants were entitled
to the same right of oversight ; and in case they found from
the bishops and metropolitans no hearing of their complaints
concerning the abuse of the property bequeathed to the church
by their ancestors, they were allowed the right of appealing
to the king. But on the other hand, it must at a very early
period have been remarked as an abuse, that these patrons
* The council of
Clermont, a.d. 535, c. 15, and in the capitulary of
the year 789, c. 9, decreed, ut in diebus festis vel dominicis omnes ad
ecclesiam veniant et non invitent presbyteros ad domos suas ad missas
faciendas.
f The novels of Justinian, Et <rt; ivxrvgiov etxov zccrxffxivuirsi, xa)
fiov\vfai'/i iv eel/raj xXnoixovs T^o(->eiXXtff6a.i, r, bcvto) w o! tovtov xXngovo/uot, il

t«j liaTuvotg uiiro) <ro7s xXypixoT; •^o^nykaovcri,

xoct d'^iov; ovofidtroviri, rov$
ovoftcttrOivras %ti(>orovi7trl!xi.
X C 2,quamdiu ecclesiarum fundatores in hac vita superstites ex-
ut
pro eisdem locis curam permittantur habere sollicitam atque
stiterint,
rectores idoneos iisdem ipsi offerant episcopis ordinandos.
152 ARCHDEACONS.

made an arbitrary use of the church property, as if it were

own that they were as ready to practise simony in dis-
their ;

posing of these parish offices as the sovereigns in disposing of

the bishoprics, and that they considered the clergy as their
retainers, and strove to make them independent of the dio-
cesan power of the bishops. Hence, from the middle of the
sixth century to the beginning of the ninth, many laws were
devised by the synods against these abuses.* The sixth
council of Aries, in 813, complained,")* that unsuitable men
were often recommended to the priestly vocation by the laity,
commonly for the purpose of gain. It was forbidden them
for the future to exact presents for their recommendations, i
Amidst so many influences, which threatened to dissolve
the bond of the diocesan constitution, the bishops would
naturally look about them for some means of securing them-
selves, and of facilitating the supervision of their extensive
dioceses. They began dividing them up into several districts
(capitula ruralia) ; placing over each an archpresbyter, to
superintend the other parish clergy and priests. But the
case was, that the deacons and particularly the archdeacons,
by reason of the close connection in which they stood with the
bishops, and of their being frequently employed by the latter
to transact special business as their delegates and plenipoten-
tiaries, had by degrees obtained an authority transcending the
original intention of their office. § Hence it happened that

* The fourth council of

Orleans, 541, c. 7, ut in oratoriis domini
praediorum minime contra votum episcopi peregrinos clericos intromit-
tant, c. 26. Si quae parochise in potentum domibus constitute sunt, ubi
observantes clerici ab archidiacono civitatis admoniti, fortasse quod
ecclesise debent, sub specie domini domus implere neglexerint, corri-
gantur secundum ecclesiasticam disciplinam. Comp. the third council
of Toledo, 589, can. 19. So Boniface ordered " ut laici presbyteros non
:

ejiciant de ecclesiis nee mittere prsesumant sine consensu episcoporum

suorum, ut omnino non audeant munera exigere a presbyterio propter
commendationem ecclesiae cuique presbytero." Bonifac. epistolss ed.
Wurdtvvein, f. 140. f C. 5.
_

X Ut laici omnino a presbyterio non audeant munera exigere propter

commendationem ecclesise.
§ Against this Concil. Toletan. IV. a.d. 633, c. 39, nonnulli diacones
n tantam erumpunt superbiam, ut se presbyteris anteponant, and the
ouncil of Merida in Spain, concilium Emeritense, a.d. 666, c. 5, that
he bishop should send an archpresbyter, not a deacon, as his plenipo-
entiary to a council.
 METROPOLITAN CONSTITUTION. 153

the bishops of the eighth and ninth centuries would appoint

archdeacons as their plenipotentiaries for the superintendence
of the several great divisions of their dioceses and to these,
;

as such, even the parish clergy who were priests became

subordinate.* Hence arose the great power of the archdeacons,
designed at first to counteract abuses in the administration of
the dioceses but which, being abused, began already to intro-
;

duce the same oppressions, and thus to become mischievous

itself.f
As it respects the general forms of ecclesiastical union, the
metropolitan constitution passed over, it is true, to the new
churches, and many laws were enacted by the synods for the
purpose of establishing it but as this stood originally in the
;

closest connection with the political constitution of the Roman

empire, it therefore could not, under circumstances so different,
where there were no cities exactly corresponding to the Roman
metropolitan towns, be made by the dead letter of these laws
so vital an institution, as it had been in the ancient church.
The paramount authority, and the paramount influence of a
bishop, depended far more, under the new relations, on the
capacity and position of the individual than on the political
standing of the city embraced in his bishopric. The Frankisli
bishops, therefore, had no interest in subjecting themselves to
a dependence of this sort; and the Frankish love of freedom
was averse to it. This disinclination of the bishops to the
recognition of any such form of dependence in their neighbour-
hood, contributed to make them more ready to acknowledge
the dependence, less burdensome to themselves, on a more
distant head of the whole church, as in this
they might find a
means of protection against the detested power of the metro-
politans ; and accordingly this had an important influence on

* Thus the archdeacon

appears as a plenipotentiary of the bishop in
the council of Chalons, a.d. 650, c. 7. The power of the archdiaconate,
and the revenues of the office, caused it already to be sought after by
laymen hence the decree of the emperor Charles, a.d. 805, c. 2. Ne
;

archidiaconi sint laici. But the same thing was decreed also with re-
gard to the appointment of archpresbyters by a council of Rheims, 630,
c. 19, ut in parochiis nullus laicorum
archipresbyter prgeponatur.
t A proof of this is the ordinance of a synod held by Boniface in
the year 745 prarvideaut episcopi, ne cupiditas archidiaconorum suo-
:

rum culpas nutriat, quia multis modis mentitur iniquitas sibi. Bonifac.
epp. f. 161.
154 GREGORY THE GREAT.

the shaping of that form of ecclesiastical constitution which

became a thing of so great moment to the entire system of the
church, namely, the papacy.
In the gradual unfolding of the theocratical system, every-
thing depended on the complete form of the papacy ; for so
long as the bishops stood singly opposed to the sovereigns at
the same time that they were dependent on them, the church
as a whole could not easily come off triumphant out of the
contest with the secular power. But everything would have
to assume a different shape when a man, independent of the
sovereigns by his position, stood at the head of the entire
church,
— a man who pursued a consistent plan, and knew how
to avail himself of every circumstance for its execution. Now
we saw in the preceding period, how the ideal of such a
papacy had in fact already been formed in the minds of the
Roman bishops, and how they had already taken advantage of
various circumstances for the support of their claims. In an
age which had been rent from all historical connection with
the earlier centuries, many things of this sort, however,
might, when contemplated from a distance, seem invested with
greater importance than, in themselves considered, they really
possessed.
We commence this period with a man who, penetrated with
the conviction that to him, as the successor of St. Peter, was
divinely committed the oversight of the entire church, and its
supreme guidance, showed by the vigilant eye which he
directed to every part of the church, far and near, and by his
no less constant activity, what a single individual, in the
midst of disorders breaking in on all sides, could effect when
placed at the head of the whole. This man was Gregory
the First, called the Great. Taken from his retreat in a
* consecrated to silent
monastery meditation, Gregory was
suddenly thrown into an active situation, where he found
himself surrounded by business of the most complicated and
heterogeneous character. When he would have gladly devoted
himself with all his energies to the duties of a spiritual shep-
herd, he found himself compelled, by a regard for the good

*
Gregory says of himself: Quasi prospero flatu navigabam, cum
tranquillam vitam in monasterio ducerem, sed procellosis subito motibus
tempestas exorta in sua perturbatione me rapuit, 1. IX. ep. 121.
 HIS MULTIFARIOUS LABOURS. 155

of his communities, for his duties to his church and to the

Greek empire, whose vassal he was, to undertake the manage-
ment of a multitude of affairs, toilsome in themselves, and
altogether foreign from his spiritual office. While beholding
with his own eyes the desolation, spread far and wide by
wasting pestilences, and by the sword of merciless barbarians,*
while prostrated himself, for months, by bodily sufferings on
the bed of sickness, he must still bear the heavy and manifold
burdens of his office.^ He had to watch for the security of
the imperial provinces in Italy, which were continually en-
croached upon by the Longobards, and to conduct the nego-
tiations with this people and when, to preserve the quiet
;

and peace of his own communities, he yielded anything to

them, he exposed himself to be accused by the emperors, of
having given up too much which was rightly theirs. He
spared no pains to alleviate the distress of the inhabitants of
Italy, impoverished by the wars, and to relieve the sufferers
who, from all the wasted districts, took refuge with him. He
kept a vigilant eye on the bishops of his own particular patri-
archal diocese, and dealt severely with the negligent, who
hoped take advantage of the general disorder to escape
to
with impunity. He had to maintain a strict watch over the
administration of the property belonging to the Roman church
in Africa, in Gaul, in Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and in
several provinces of the East. To these latter he sent for this-
purpose defensores chosen from among his own clergy ; and
by their means he was moreover enabled to contract eccle-
* He himself
gives the following description of the state of his times :
DestructER urbes, eversa sunt castra, depopulati agri, in solitudinem
terra redacta est, nullus in agris incola, pa^ne nullus in urbibus habitator
remansit et tamen ipsse parvse generishumani reliquise adhuc quotidie
et sine cessatione feriuntur.Alios in captivitatem duci, alios detruncari,
alios interfici videmus. Ipsa autem, quse aliquando mundi domina esse
videbatur, qualis remanserit, conspicimus. Immensis doloribus multi-
pliciter attrita, desolatione civium, impressione hostium, frequentia
ruinarum. In Ezekiel, 1. II. H. VI. § 21. The devastation caused by-
pestilence seemed nothing compared to that by the sword. He thus drew
comfort from death by the pestilence Quantas detruncationes, quantas
:

crudelitates vidimus, quibus mors sola remedium et erat vita tormentum.

ep. L X. ep. 63.
t He himself says: Quam grave sit confusis temporibus locis ma-
1. X*
joribus esse praepositum, ex nostro prorsus dolore sentimus. epp.
ep. 37.
156 Gregory's deportment towards princes

siastical and political alliances* in all those countries, to

inform himself of their ecclesiastical condition, and to bring
his influence to bear upon it.

Gregory was governed by the conviction that on him, as the

successor of St. Peter, devolved the care of the whole church,
and its sovereign guidance ; which, therefore, he believed him-
self authorized to extend over the Greek church. f He held it
to be his duty to preserve inviolate this authority of the Roman
church, which seemed to him to have been conferred on her for
the welfare of the church universal ; but he himself repelled
all those marks of honour which subserved no higher end, and

by which the bishops might be turned aside from fulfilling the

duties of their pastoral office. It being a prevailing custom
in Sicily for the bishops to observe a festival on the anniversary
of the ordination of the Roman bishop, Gregory put a stop to
it, as a foolish, vain, and superfluous mark of respect. J
If they
must come together, he said, they ought much rather to choose
for this purpose the festival of St. Peter, that they might thank
him from whom they had received the pastoral office.§ A
*
Gregory could not, indeed, judge with impartiality respecting the
conduct of monarchs who ruled over the East-Roman and Frankish
empires, especially when viewed at a distance, but was blinded by a
regard for the interests of the church. He was moreover so far misled
as to speak in his letters, for example, to the emperor Phocas, and to
Brunehild, rather in the language of the court and of the politician than
in that of simple Christian truthfulness. Thus it brought great reproach
upon him, that he should be so far led astray, as to approve, in a congra-
tulatory letter to the emperor Phocas (1. XIII. ep. 31) his accession to the
throne, which, though it was brought about by crime, he called a glori-
ous work of God. Yet he gives the emperor, on this occasion, excellent
advice, delivering himself here not like a courtier, but as the Christian
" Reformetur
bishop :
jam singulis sub jugo imperii pii libertas sua.
Hoc namque inter reges gentium et reipublicae imperatores distat, quod
reges gentium domini servorum sunt, imperatores vero reipublicse, do-
mini liberorum." Surely suitable advice to a Byzantine emperor.
f De Constantinopolitana ecclesia quis earn dubitet, apostolicae sedi
esse subjectam ? Quod imperator et frater noster ejusdem
et piissimus
1. IX.
civitatis episcopus assidue profitentur, ep. 12. Which, to be sure,
was refuted by the quarrel between Gregory and the patriarch of Con-
stantinople, hereafter to be mentioned. He already lays down the
principle in reference to the transactions of the church assembly at
Constantinople (1. IX. ep. 68) Sine apostolicae sedis auctoritate atque
:

consensu nullas quseque acta fuerint vires habeant.

I Quia stulta et vana superfluitas non delectat.
§ Ex cujus largitate pastores sint. As the power to bind and to loose,
 AND BISHOPS. 157

bishop of Messina having sent him. as an honourable present, a

magnificent dress, he caused it to be sold, and sent back the
avails to the bishop, telling him* it was behooving to abolish
those customs which tended to oppress the church ; that pre-
sents never should be sent to a quarter whence they should
rather be received ;f and he forbade them for the future.
When the same bishop proposed to visit Rome, Gregory begged
him to spare himself this trouble, and to pray rather that the
more distantly they were separated from each other the more
cordially they might, by the help of Christ, be united in the
fellowship of a mutual charity. We
have already said J that it
was far from his wish to make the Roman church the sole
model for all liturgical regulations. Accord ingly, on another
occasion he avowed the principle that the good, wherever
found, even though it might be in churches of an inferior
name, should be copied and retained. § He reproved his agent
and plenipotentiary in Sicily because he encroached on the
||

rights of others in defending those of the Roman church ; no

man, he said, could be a faithful servant of St. Peter who did
not, even in his own affairs, fearlessly maintain the rights of
truth.
The wise manner in which Gregory exercised his authority
over negligent bishops, uniting gentleness and forbearance
with a due degree of severity, is illustrated by a remarkable
example in the case of Natalis, bishop of Salona in Dalmatia,
committed was the fountain-head of all episcopal power, so
to St. Peter,
all the bishopswere instruments of the apostle Peter— which idea gradu-
ally passed over into the other, according to which all episcopal power,
and the nomination of all bishops, ought to proceed from the Roman
church. See lib. I. ep. 36.
* L. I. Non delectamur xeniis.
ep. 66.
f Ne unde sibi inferenda debent potius
illuc aliqua /togantur inferre,
expectare.
X L. IX. ep. 12. Ego et minores meos, quos ab illicitis prohibeo, in
bono imitari paratus sum. Stultus est enim, qui in eo se primum exis-
timat, ut bona, quas viderit, discere contemnat.
6 See 1. I. ad Petrum Subdiaconum, ep. 36.
||
Tunc vere Petri apostoli miles eris, si in causis ejus veritatis custo-
diam etiam sine ejus acceptatione tenueris. And gave him these in-
structions besides, which no doubt were seriously meant : Laici nobiks
pro humilitate te diligant, non pro superbia perhorrescant. Et tamen
quum eos fortasse contra quoslibet inopes injustitiam aliquam agere cog-
noscis> humilitatem protinus in erectionem verte, ut eis semper et bene
agentibus subditus et male agentibus adversarius existas.
158 Gregory's treatment of natalis of salona.

— a case which shows at the same time how much the bishops
of this age stood in need of such oversight. Bishop Natalis
of Salona neglected his spiritual vocation as a pastor, spending
his time and money in festive entertainments. He made
presents to his relations of the vessels and hangings of the
churches and, being annoyed by the honesty of a certain
;

archdeacon Honoratus, who protested against such unlawful

proceedings, he removed him from this office, under the pre-
text that he intended to promote him.* Gregory commanded
the bishop to restore the archdeacon to his office he pointedly ;

rebuked his unspiritual conduct, and threatened to subject him.

to a rigid trial. "f But the impudent sophistry with which Na-
talis defended his habits of life redounded to his greater shame.
In defence of his banquets he said that Abraham had been
honoured by entertaining angels that such hospitality was
;

a charitable work ;J that Christ had been called a glutton and

wine-bibber, Matt. xi. that he who eateth not should not
;

judge him that eateth, Rom. xiv. § When admonished to

study the Holy Scriptures bishop Natalis had excused himself
partly on account of bodily infirmities, which would not allow
him to read, and partly on the ground of Christ's promise to
grant the illumination of the Spirit, Matt. x. 19. In reference
to thefirst
difficulty Gregory replied that, as the Holy Scrip-
tures were given for our comfort, therefore the more we are
bowed down by suffering, the more they ought to be read. As
to the second, he said it would follow from it that divine

* Whoever was raised from the office of an archdeacon to the rank

of a presbyter, seemed by this elevation to lose more than he gained.
See above p. 153. f See 1. II. ep. 18.

X Gregory gave the bishop, who seems have used sarcastic language
to
towards him as a friend of fasting, the suitable reply Convivia, quae ex
:

intentione impendendae caritatis hunt, recte sanctilas vestra in suis epistolis

laudat. Sed tamen sciendum est, quia tunc ex caritate veraciter prode-
unt, quum in eis nulla absentium vita mordetur, nullus ex irrisione
reprehenditur, et nee inanes in eis secularium negotiorum fabulae ; sed
verba sacrae lectionis audiuntur, quam non plus quum necesse est survitur
corpori, sed sola ejus infirmitas reficitur, ut ad usum exercendae virtutis
habeatur. Haec itaque si vos in vestris conviviis agitis, abstinentium
fateor magistri estis.
§ On this point, too, Gregory aptly remarks :
Quia neque ego non
comedo neque ad hoc a Paulo dictum est, ut membra Christi, quae in
ejus corpore, id est in ecclesia invicem sibi caritatis compage connexa
sunt, nullam de se ullo modo curam gerant.
 RECOGNISES THE EQUALITY OF BISHOPS. ] 59

revelation had been given us to no purpose

—he who is filled

by the Spirit needs not the outward word. But that which we
might confidently reply upon in times of trouble and persecu-
tion was one thing that which we are bound to do in the
;

peaceful times of the church was quite amother.*

Though Gregory claimed for the Roman church an authority
—
of supreme jurisdiction over all the others which authority
he expressly maintained in its relation to the church of Con-
stantinople!
— yet he was far from denying, or from wishing to
disparage the independent episcopal rank of any other. Eulo-
gius, patriarch of Alexandria, who, as a Greek, was not careful
to weigh phrases when dealing in the language of compliment,
" as
having, in a letter to him, used the words you commanded,"
Gregory begged him always to avoid expressions of that sort ;
" " I know who /am and who you are ; in dignity
for," said he,
and rank you are my brother ; in piety my father. I did not
command you, but only endeavoured to point out to you what
seemed to me to be expedient." Again, he had addressed
him as Papa universalis, a title which the Greek bishops of the
principal cities, accustomed in their fulsome style to take words
for less than they meant, were often used to apply to each other ;
but Gregory, who more nicely weighed the import of words,
found it offensive. He was ashamed of a title which seemed to
disparage the dignity of his colleagues.^ Away, said he, with
expressions which nurture vanity, and wound love. On the
same principle Gregory found fault with Johannes the faster
{i>r)(TTEVTiici), patriarch of Constantinople, when he assumed to
—
himself the title of ecumenical bishop which was not uncom-
mon with the bishops of the chief cities in the East. But to
Gregory there was a dangerous import in this not badly
intended epithet of Oriental vanity. True, he was so blinded
by his passionate zeal for what he supposed to be the injured
honour of the Roman church, as to make an important matter
* Aliud
est, frater carissime, quod angustati persequutionis tempore
absque dubitatione confidere, aliud quod in tranquillitate ecclesise age;e
debemus. Oportet enim nos per hunc spiritum modo legendo percipere
quao possimus, si contigerit causa in nobis, etiam patiendo demonstrate.
t So that an appeal could also be made from the decision of the patri-
arch of Constantinople to Rome. Gregor. epp. 1. VI. ep. 24.
X Nee honorem esse deputo, in quo fratres meos honorem suum per-
dere cognosce Meus namque honor est honor universalis ecclesue.
1. VIII. ep. 30.
160 GREGORYS CONTROVERSY WITH JOHN THE FASTER.

this connection, was utterly insignificant ;*

of a thing which, in
and by no explanations of the patriarch, and of others who
wished in some way or other to settle the difficulty, would he
allow himself to be satisfied being determined to look simply
;

at what the word might signify, not at what it ought to signify,

according to the intention of those who used it.f Nor did he

strictly conform, in his conduct towards the patriarch John, to
the rule of Christian integrity, when he rebuked him on account
of his pretensions in mild but earnest language, not because he
was prompted so to do by the temper of Christian love, but
simply because he wished to spare the feelings of the emperor ;
for so he wrote to his plenipotentiary in Constantinople. J Yet
the Christian spirit of the man expresses itself remarkably in
his language, when he so earnestly insists that, as this epithet

belongs to our Saviour alone, the common though invisible

head over all, it should be applied to no merely human being.
"
Verily, when Paul heard that some said, I am of Paul ;
others, I am of Apollos ; others, I am of Cephas, he exclaimed
— with the strongest abhorrence of this rending asunder of the
body of Christ, by which his members were, so to speak,
—
attached to other heads Was Paul crucified for you, or were
ye baptized in the name of Paul ? If, then, he could not
tolerate that the members of the Lord's body should be arranged
in parcels, as it were, and become attached to other heads than
Christ, even though these heads were apostles, what wilt thou
'
say who, by assuming the title of universal,' seekest to subject

* Thus he could
say, as though one individual could make the faith
of the entire church dependent on his person In isto scelesto vocabuk)
:

consentire, nihil est aliud quam fidem perdere. 1. V. ep. 19.

f The patriarch Anastasius of Antioch had, not without reason, ad-

monished him that he ought not, by this dispute, to belie his own
character, nor to make room in his soul for the evil spirit ; that he ought
not, for so trivial a cause, to disturb the unity and peace of the church.
But Gregory, who stuck firmly to that which the word might signify in
itself, was therefore unwilling to admit this ; and said on the other
hand : Si hanc causam ecquanimiter portamus, universse ecclesise fidem
corrumpimus. Scitis enim, quanti non solum hseretici, sed etiam heere-
siarchse de Constantinopolitana sunt egressi. 1. VII. ep. 27.
X L. V. ep, 1 9. It was not his wish to write two letters he had, there-
:

fore, written but one, qure utrumque videtur habere admixtum, id est et
rectitudinem et amaritudinem. Tua itaque delectio earn epistolam, quam
nunc direxi, propter voluntatem imperatoris dare studeat. Nam de sub-
sequent! talis alia transmittetur, de qua ejus superbia non ltetetur.
 RELATION OF THE POPES TO THE EAST ROMAN EMPERORS. 161

members to thyself? What wilt thou say to Him,

all Christ's
the head of the universal church, at the final judgment ? In
truth, what is Peter, the first of the apostles, other than a
member of the holy and universal church ? What are Paul,
Andrew, and John, other than heads of single communities ?
And yet all subsist as members under the one only head."*
Gregory, however, "f was not able to carry his point, and later
Roman bishops did not scruple to apply this epithet to themselves.
As to the relation of the popes to the Roman emperors in
the East, these latter, their ancient masters would, no doubt,
be peculiarly indulgent to them, as their wealthiest and most
powerful vassals, who had the greatest influence with the people;
particularly while the situation of their western provinces,
which were threatened more and more by the encroachments of
the Longobards, continued to be so dubious. For the same
reason they would be inclined to allow them many privileges.
Yet the Roman bishops ever acknowledged their dependence
on the Roman empire. From their entrance into office until
their end they maintained, by plenipotentiaries chosen from
among their clergy, a constant connection with the emperors ;|
and at Constantinople the confirmation of their election, made
by the Roman clergy and the notables of the communities,
was applied for, before they could be ordained. § It sometimes
happened, as appeared in our history of doctrines, that indi-
vidual popes were obliged to suffer from the Greek emperors
very severe ill-usage, from refusing to accommodate themselves

* Certe Petrus
apostolorum primus membrum sanctse et universalis
Paulus, Andreas, Johannes, quid aliud quam singularium sunt
ecclesise,
plebium capita? et tamen sub uno capite omnes membra. 1. V. ep. 18.
f That Gregory was led to assume, in his own letters, the epithet
Servus servorum Dei, in opposing the arrogance of the patriarch, is not
so certain nor is it necessarily implied in the words of Johannes Dia-
;

conus, vita Gregorii, 1. II. c. 1. Primus omnium se in principio episto-

larum suarum servum servorum Dei scribi satis humiliter definivit.
For the rest, this epithet well accords with the manner in which he
administered his office, 1. XL ep. 44. Ego per episcopatus onera servus
sum omnium factus. J Responsales. Apocrisiarii.
—
§ In the Diary of the popes of the eighth century, the liber diurnus
—
Romanorum pontificum, is to be found the form of such an application,
addressed to the emperor, wherein it is said: Lacrimabiliter cuncti
famuli supplicamus, ut dominorum pietas servorum suorum obsecrationes
dignanter exaudiat et concessa pietatis sua; jussione petentium desideria
ad effectum de ordinatione ipsius praecipiat pervenire.
VOL. V. M
 162 RELATIONS TO THE

to their will yet, as the power

;
of the emperors in Italy was
drawing to an end, this dependent relation of the popes on the
Greek empire also relaxed, and hence so much the more was
depending on the question respecting the shape which their
new relation would take to the states and churches formed out
of the ruins of the Roman empire.
The popes stood in the most unfavourable relation, both in
an ecclesiastical and in a political point of view, to the people
who had established themselves nearest to them, viz., the
Longobards ; for these were hostile to the East Roman empire,
and devoted to Arianism This last cause of misunderstanding
ceased, it is true, when, in 587, queen Theodolinde came over
to the Catholic church ; but the former still continued to
operate ; though occasional examples may be noticed, in the
eighth century, of an impression of respect produced even
on Longobardian princes, by those who claimed to be succes-
sors of the apostle Peter. The Spanish church had, from the
earliest times, maintained a close connection with the Roman.
This connection may now, indeed, have been interrupted by
the Visigothic dominion in Spain, in which Arianism pre-
dominated but the older Spanish communities kept it up,
;

even under the foreign domination, which in fact rendered it

of so much the more importance to them. Accordingly,
when in the year 589, Reckared, king of the Visigoths, embraced
the church doctrine of the Trinity, the whole Spanish church
now entered into the same relation to the Roman, as had been
maintained before by the minority ; and the most eminent indi-
vidual among the Spanish bishops —
Leander, bishop of Seville
— solicited and obtained, from pope Gregory the Great, the

pall, as the token of his primacy. This was the beginning of

a long-continued, an active, and living intercourse. The in-
defatigable Gregory the Great took advantage of this to
establish his authority as supreme judge, in the case of two
bishops deposed by the arbitrary will of a nobleman. This he
carried through to a successful issue. True, the Spanish king
Witiza attempted, in the year 701, to restore the independence
of the Spanish church and, on occasion of an appeal by cer-
;

tain Spanish bishops, forbade all such appeals, refusing to

allow any legal force to ordinances made by a foreign bishop
for the churches belonging to his states. Yet as Spain was
soon afterwards severed from all connection with the rest of
 SPANISH, ENGLISH, AND FRANKISH CHURCHES. 163

Christendom by the conquest of the Arabians, this act lost by

its influence on the further development of the
that event all
church.
The English church, from the very form and manner of its
we have already remarked, be brought
foundation, would, as
into a peculiar relation of dependence on the church of Rome ;
and the same relation continued to exist, and to be still further
developed. English monks and nuns, bishops, nobles, and
princes, often made pilgrimages to Rome, for the purpose of
visiting the tomb of St. Peter ; and these frequent pilgrimages
served to knit closer that original connection. Although
these pilgrimages in the eighth century often exercised an
injurious influence on morals, yet it should not be overlooked
that by these travels, and the correspondence which they oc-
casioned with countries where, from ancient times, a higher
state of culture existed, something was contributed to the
work of transplanting that culture among a yet uncivilized
people while a store of bibles and other books, as well as the
;

elements of many of the arts, were thus conveyed to England.*

The acts of individual princes, who, under the influence of
passion, revolted against the papal authority, could effect no
important alteration in the hitherto prevailing rule.
The relations of the church of Rome to that of the Franks
in Gaul were not of so favourable a nature ; the latter having,
in fact, sprung up more independently of Rome, in a country
where examples were already, at a much earlier period, to be
found, of a spirit of ecclesiastical independence, and among a
people who, in general, were not inclined to become subject
to any foreign yoke, and whose sovereigns could not easily

* Of the
English abbot Benedictus Biscopius, who lived near the close
of the seventh century, Bede says Toties mare transiit, nunquam va-
:

cuus et inutilis rediit; sed nunc librorum copiara sanctorum, nunc arcbi-
tectos ecclesise fabricandse, nunc vitrifactores ad fenestras ejus decorandas
ac muniendas, nunc picturas sanctarum historiarum, quae non ad ornatum
solummodo ecclesirc, verum etiam ad instructionem proponerentur, ad-
vexit, videlicet ut qui literarum lectione non possent, opera Domini et
salvatoris nostri per ipsarum contuitum discerunt imaginum. See
Bolland. Acta sanctorum. Mens. Januar. T. I. f. 746. Of the same
person Bede says Oceano transmisso Gallias petens csementarios, qui
:

lapideam sibi ecclesiam juxta Komanorum, quern semper ainabat, morem

facerent, postulavit, accepit, attulit. See Mabillon, Acta sanct. ord.
Benedict, ssec. II. f. 1004.
M 2
 164 EXTENT OF THE JUDICIAL AUTHORITY IN FRANCE.

accustom themselves of a foreign power interfering

to the idea
Hence, in the times of the
in the institutions of their state.
new Frankish church, as far down as to the age of Gregory
the Great, but few examples are to be found of papal inter-
ference.*
Gregory, who was so active in extending his supervisory
care over the whole church, contrived to enter into various
alliances with the princes, nobles, and bishops of the Franks.
Pie took a lively interest in the affairs of the Frankish church.
He considered it subject to his superintendence, and treated it
accordingly. But amid the political disorders of the Frankish
kingdom, in the next succeeding times, the connection with
Rome became continually more lax. We noticed, indeed, in
our account of the missions, how many tendencies, repugnant
to the system of the Roman hierarchy, were threatening to
make good their entrance into the Frankish kingdom till ;

Boniface, by his far-reaching activity, laid the foundation for

an entirely new relation of the churches to the papacy, under
his direction, as papal legate."]" The influence of this change
* An example, however, which 'shows to what extent the supreme
judicial authority of the popes was recognized in the empire of the
Franks, is this Two bishops, Salonius of Embrun (Ebredunensis) and
:

Sagittarius of Gap (Vapingensis), had been deposed, on account of

certain violent proceedings, altogether inconsistent with their vocation,
in which they had indulged. They afterwards appealed, however, to
pope John III., and obtained permission from king Guntramm, whose
favour they enjoyed, to proceed for this purpose to Rome. The French
bishops probably paid no attention to this appeal, and therefore sent no
prosecutors to Rome. Yet the pope allowed himself to be determined
by the false reports of these appellants alone, and in a letter to the king,
demanded that they should be restored again to their places; with which
requisition their protector, the king, immediately complied, since it was
in accordance with his own inclination and by the power of the king,
;

who lent himself to the pope because he was much more inclined to
serve the humour of the moment than the real interests of the church,
they got possession again 'of the offices of which they had been justly
deprived, and continued also to show themselves unworthy of them.
Gregor. Turon. hist. 1. V. c. 21.
f By means it was also made a custom, that the robe of
of Boniface
honour (made of white linen [pallium], bysso candente con tex turn.
Joh. Diacon. vita Gregor. IV. 80), conferred at first by the popes on
their special representatives among the bishops (the apostolicis vica-
riis), or on the primates, should be confirmed by the popes on all metro-
politans, as a mark of their spiritual rank, by which means also a
relation of dependence on the Roman church was established.
 EXTENT OF THE JUDICIAL AUTHORITY IN FRAKCE. 165

was soon manifested in the fact that Pipin could hope, by se-
to sanction his illegal act in seizing
curing' the pope's approval,
the royal dignity ; and this weight of influence attributed to
the voice of the pope, could not fail to react again upon the
popular opinion entertained of the papacy. Yet at the bottom
of all this lay a tacit recognition of the pope's authority to
decide, in the last instance, on matters pertaining to civil re-
lations. From king Pipin pope Stephen II. afterwards
obtained, in his difficulties with the Longobards, then threaten-
ing Rome and the possessions of the Roman church, that
assistance which he had sought in vain from the feeble govern-
ment of the East Roman emperors. When, in the year 755,
Pipin re-conquered from the Longobards the territories they
had acquired, he declared that he fought in defence of the
patrimony of St. Peter, and declined giving back what he had
won to the Greek empire. On the contrary, he ordered the
deed of gift, whereby the possessions were bestowed on the
Roman church, to be placed by his chaplain on the tomb of St.
Peter. By degrees the connection between the popes and the
East Roman empire grew continually more feeble, and in place
of this antiquated relation came in the new one to the empire
of the Franks.
This new relation was more firmly established when Charle-
magne destroyed the kingdom of the Longobards in Italy, and
founded there, in its stead, the dominion of the Franks. He
often, in company with the most eminent of his nobles and
bishops, visited Rome ;
and on all such occasions showed the
greatest respect for the memory of St. Peter. On one of these
occasions, the Christmas of the year 800, pope Leo III.,
amid the joyful shouts of the people, placed on his head, in
the church of St. Peter, the imperial crown. This act, though
it
may not have proceeded with any distinct consciousness
from the theocratical point of view in which the popes
regarded their relation to the new states and churches ;
and though it may not have been distinctly looked upon
in this light
by those present, was easily capable, however,
of being referred by the later popes to this point of view,
and appealed to, as laying the foundation of a right which
had resulted from that relation, and which had been practically
acknowledged.
There was much that still remained vague and unsettled in
166 POPES DECLARE THEMSELVES HEADS OF THE CHURCH.

thisnew relation, which had arisen between the popes and the
emperor of the West much that could not be clearly and
;

satisfactorily decided till a

later period. The popes, in their
letters to the emperor Charles, avowed it as a principle which
admitted of no that they, as the successors of St.
question,
Peter, were heads of the entire church ; that to them belonged
spiritual jurisdiction overall;
and that they themselves could
be judged by no man ; that all other spiritual power was derived
from them ; and, in particular, that the several dioceses had
received from them the determination of their boundaries.*
Already the popes began to bring other matters before their
theocratical courts than those purely spiritual. Pope Stephen
II. peremptorily forbade king Charles to take a wife from the
unclean nation of the Longobards,t whom, by a singular con-
founding together of things spiritual and temporal, he un-
christianly denounces, on account of their hostility to the
Roman
states, as outcasts from the divine favour. He wrote to the
Frankish princes that, in general, they were not to presume to
contract any marriage alliance contrary to the will of him who
represented the first of the apostles. To do so would be show-
ing contempt, not to himself personally, but to St. Peter, in
whose place he stood, and concerning whom Christ has said,
he that receiveth you receiveth me, and he that despiseth you
despiseth me, Matt. x. J Nor should a princess of the Franks
be allowed to marry any person descended from the royal
family of the Longobards. And the pope threatened, in the
most appalling language, the anathema of the church, against
any who should disregard this papal ordinance ; as if it rested
*
Pope Hadrian I. says Sedes apostolica caput totius mundi et omnium
:

Dei ecclesiarum. Cod. Carolin. et Cenni T. I. p. 389. Cujus sollicitudo-

—
delegata divinitus cunctis debetur ecclesiis. A qua si quis se abscidit, fit
Christianas religionis extorris, p. 443. Quae de omnibus ecclesiis fas
habet judicandi neque cuiquam licet de ejus judicare judicio, quorum
libet sententiis ligata pontificum jus habebit solvendi, per quos ad unam
Petri sedem universales ecclesise cura confluit, p. 519. Dum unusquisque
episcopus per instituta sanctorum! canonum atque praedecessorum
nostrorum pontificum privilegiorum et sanctionum jura receperint.
p. 510.
f Tobe sure, he required also, at the same time —
a matter which
—
more properly belonged to his tribunal that the emperor should not
thrust away his lawful life yet he would have insisted on the same
;

thing, independently of this latter.

X See 1. c. pag. 285. .
 ATTEMPT TO SET THEM AT VARIANCE WITH THE EMPEROR. 167

wholly with the pope to open or to shut the kingdom of hea-

ven.*
As this view of the spiritual power belonging to the papacy
was intimately connected with the whole theocratic idea, which
had its foundation in the peculiar development of the church
IB that period, hence it was that even the most distinguished
men of the age, such, for instance, as Alcuin, were under the
influence of the same mode of thinking.j* This view of the
matter would enter, therefore, no less into the mind of the
emperor Charles but, on the other hand, there are indications
;

that other influences were brought to bear on him, which

aimed to produce a rupture between him and the pope, and
to work him up to a dispute of the papal authority. There
was no lack of those who filled his ears with evil reports
about the pope and the Roman church. J But such isolated
instances of reaction against the dominant spirit of the church,
whether proceeding from personal enemies of the popes or
from freer dogmatic tendencies in Ireland or Spain, could
avail nothing. The emperor, in all ecclesiastical matters,
sought to act in a common understanding with the Roman
church. In doubtful cases he frequently solicited advice from
the popes yet he by no means allowed himself to be governed
;

* Sciat se auctoritate domini mei St. Petri

apostolorum principis
anathematis vinculo esse innodatum et a regno Dei alienum atque cum
diabolo et ejus atrocissimis pompis seternis incendiis concremandum.
pag. 288.
f In his ep. 20, to pope Leo III., he calls him princeps ecclesise, unius-
immaculatse columbse nutritor, and he says, vere dignum esse fateor,
omnem illius gregis multitudinem suo pastori licet in diversis terrarum.
pascuis commorantem una caritatis fide subjectam esse.
t Thus, for example, bad reports had come to the ears of the emperor
respecting the incontinence of the Roman clergy, so that he thought it
necessary to represent the matter to pope Hadrian. The latter vindicated
himself, and warned him against believing the false charges of those who
wished to destroy the friendly relations subsisting between them nunc
:

yero quaerunt amiuli nostri qui semper zizania seminaverunt, aliquam

inter partes malitiam semiuare, pag. 371. Thus, the report had been
spread (perhaps also a forged letter of the English king to the emperor),
that the English king Ofi'a had invited the emperor to depose pope
Hadrian, and nominate another pope of Frankish descent. 1. c. 506. He
felt constrained to warn him of the influence of the heretics, who sought
to draw him off from the doctrines and ordinances of the Romish church :

procaces ac hsereticos homines, qui tuam subvertere nituntur orthodoxam

fidem et undique te coarctantes, angustias et varias tempestates seminant,
pag. 390.
168 LANDED ESTATES OF THE EOMAN CHURCH.

alone and always by their decision, but acted freely, also, ac-
cording to his own independent convictions and, in many
;

cases, followed the better wisdom of his enlightened theo-

logians, even though at variance
with the then prevailing
tendency of the Roman church and with the judgment of
the pope ; of which we shall see examples under the history
of doctrines.
In respect of the landed property of the Roman church,
Charles added new territories to those already bestowed by his
bequest and to stimulate him to further benefactions, the
father to the Roman church by Constantine the Great were
;

often appealed to —
deeds which were either forged for this very
purpose, or which had been already forged at an earlier period
for similar purposes.* Yet the pope was by no means sove-
reign master over this kind of property, but subject to the
superior lordship of the emperor, who exercised his control
here, as over the lands of his other vassals, by means of
messengers (Missi). When, in the year 800, pope Leo III.
was roughly treated by conspirators, who plotted to take his
life, and who afterwards sought to extenuate their conduct by

accusing the pope, the emperor convened at Rome a synod,

which he attended in person, for the purpose of investigating
the affair but the bishopsf chosen for this purpose declared,
;

it
belonged to the pope to judge them, and not to them to
judge the pope. The latter could be judged by no man ; and
so also thought Alcuin.J

*
Worthy of notice in this respect are the words of pope Hadrian I.
a.d. 777, to the emperor Charles : Et si cut temporibus S. Silvestri a
piissimo Constantino M. imperatore per ejus largitatem Romana ecclesia
elevata atque exaltata est et potestatem in his Hesperise partibus largiri
dignatus est cat. ecce novus Christianissimus Constantinus imperator
his temporibus surrexit, per quern omnia Deus sanctse sua? ecclesiae
apostolorum principis Petri largiri dignatus est. Sed et cuncta alia, qua?
per diversos imperatores, Patricios etiam et alios Deum timentes pro
eorum animse mercede et venia delictorum in partibus Turcise, Spoleto
seu Benevento atque Corsica simul et Savinensi (Sabinensi) patrimonio
Petro apostolo concessa sunt cat. vestris temporibus restituantur. He
appeals to the donationes in scrinio Lateranensi reconditas, which he sent
to the emperor as evidence of the fact, p. 352.
t See Anastas. Life of Leo III., in the vitis pontificum.
X See ep. 92 to Arno archbishop of Salzburg. He appeals to the
apocryphal fragments of ecclesiastical law, which were subsequently
adopted into the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals.
 ( 169

SECTION THIRD.
CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CHRISTIAN WORSHIP.

Owing to the vast extent of the territory over which

Christianity spread, among the races which planted them-
selves on the ruins of the Roman empire, it was of course
only by slow degrees that it could so operate as to exert its
true influence on the minds of men —
only by gradual steps
that it could penetrate the masses. In proportion to the
facilitywith which the earlier superstition might reappear
under a Christian dress, finding as it did so convenient a foot-
hold in the foreign elements which had already attached
themselves to the Christian faith, as in the doctrines of the
magical effects of the sacraments and of the worship of saints ;
in proportion to the tendency of the earlier sinful habits of
the nations to lay hold of these superstitions as a prop ; in
the same proportion was the need of an uninterrupted course
of religious instruction, in order that, upon the basis of the
external church, an impulse might be given to the further
internal development of the kingdom of God. This need
was strongly affirmed also by the synods, which were occupied
in devising measures for improving the condition of the
church. The council of Cloveshove, as we have already
noticed,* made it the special duty of bishops, in visiting their
churches, to preach the word of God to the inhabitants of
every place ; which at the same time however, implied that
these persons otherwise seldom had opportunity of hearing
such preaching. "f In the rule of bishop Chrodegang of Metz, J
it was laid down, that the word of salvation should be
preached
twice a month, though it would be still better if it could
be heard on all Sundays and feast-days, and so as to be under-
stood by the people.
Charlemagne was fully impressed with
the conviction, that the well-being of the church depended on
* P. 148.
f Utpote eos, qui raro audiunt verbum Dei, 0. 3.

X C. 44. D'Achery spicileg. I. 574.

170 ALCUIN ON PREACHING.

the right performance of the duty of preaching and to this ;

he exhorted the clergy on every suitable occasion.* The

persons also, with whom he was accustomed to consult on
ecclesiastical affairs, confirmed him in this opinion. Alcuin
is especially to be named among those who understood the

importance of preaching as a means of promoting the Chris-

tian life, and who sought to interest the bishops in the per-
formance of this duty, as constituting the most important
branch of their vocation. f And in order that they might be
qualified for this, he exhorted
them to a diligent study of the
bible.J In a letter of exhortation addressed to the people of
u Without the
Canterbury,§ he says Holy Scriptures, it is
impossible to come to the right knowledge of God ; and if
the blind lead the blind, both fall into the ditch. On
the other hand, the multitude of the wise is the safety of the
people. Provide yourselves with teachers of the Holy Scrip-
tures, that there may be no lack among you of the word of
God ; that you may never fail to have among you such as are
able to guide the people ; that the fountain of truth among
you may not be dried up." In a letter to the emperor Charles,
he earnestly insists, that not only bishops, but priests and
deacons should preach ; and if it were actually the case that
the bishops hindered them from so doing, —
if the priests and
deacons did not use this as a mere pretext to exculpate them-
selves, he calls upon the emperor to provide some remedy for

* An
example of his exhortation to the bishops: Utmagis ac magis in
sancta Dei ecclesia studiose ac vigilanti cura laborare studeas in prscdi-
catione ac doctrina salutari, quatenus per tuam devotissimam sollertiam
verbum vitae seterna; crescat et currat et multiplicetur numerus populi
Christiani in laudera et gloriam salvatoris nostri Dei. See Mabillon
Analector. Tom. I. page 22.
f E. g. ep. 193, his letter of congratulation to Theodulf archbishop of
Orleans, when the latter had received the pallium from Rome Sicut :

regium diadema fulgor gemmarum ornat, ita fiducia praedicationis pallii

ornare debet honorem. In hoc enim honorem suum habet, si portitor
veritatis prsedicator existit. Memor esto, sacerdotalis dignitatis linguam
ccelestis esse clavem imperii et clarissimam castrorum Christi tubam j

quapropter ne ne taceas, ne formides loqui, habens ubique operis

si leas,

tui itinerisque Christum socium et adjutorem. Messis quidem multa est,

operant autem pauci, eo instantiores qui sunt, esse necesse est.
X Ep. 9, to an English archbishop : Lectio scripturse ssepius tuis
reperiatur in manibus, ut ex ilia te saturare et alios pascere valeas.
§ Ep. 59.
 ALCUIN ON PREACHING. 171

the evil.* To show the propriety of this, he refers to Reve-

" Whoever
lation xxii. 17. thirsts, let him come and who-
:

soever will, let him take of the water of life freely," where
he supposes it therefore to be implied, that the water of life
should be offered to all by the clergy, preaching the word.
He also [quotes the apostle Paul, who says (1 Cor. xiv. 30,)
that all should prophesy, that is teach, in their turn ; and
1 Tim. v. 17, " Let them only inform themselves," says he,
" of the
many and wonderful preachers, from different classes
of the clergy, that have appeared in the history of the world ;
and let them but cease considering that as belonging only to
a few, which, to the great advantage of souls, may be com-
mon to a great many. Why are homiliesf publicly read in
the churches by clergymen of all grades ? It were strange
if all were allowed to read these, but might not explain them
to the common What would this signify, but
understanding.
that the hearers must remain without fruit ? " % We may
here observe, how important it seemed to this great man, that
Christian knowledge should be diffused among the laity, and
that they should participate understandingly in the public
worship of God. He was firmly convinced, also, that the
formation of God's kingdom was a concern which by no
means belonged exclusively to the clergy, but one which
ought to be shared by all Christians. Far was he from wish-
ing to confine the study of the divine work to ecclesiastics
as their exclusive province on the contrary, he expresses
;

gratification whenever he finds the laity also engaged in such

studies. He wished the emperor Charles might have many
such diligent searchers of the scriptures among his ministers
of state. §
* See
ep. 124, audio per ecclesias Christi quandam consuetudinem non
satislaudabilem, quam vestra auctoritas facile emendare potest, si tamen
vera est opinio et non magis falsa excusatio, ut quod facere non volunt
presbyteri, suis injiciant episcopis.
f The homilies of the church fathers, arranged with reference to
Sundays and feast-days, see below.
\ Et impleatur Virgilianum illud Dat sine mente sonos.
:

§ In his ep. 124, to the emperor Charlemagne, in allusion to Matth. xxv.

21, nee enim hoc solis sacerdotibus vel clericis audiendum ibi arbitreris,
sed etiam bonis laicis et bene in opere Dei laborantibus dicendum esse
credas et maxime his, qui in sublimioribus positi sunt dignitatibus, quorum
conversatio bona et vita? sanctitas et admonitoria eeterna) salutis verba
suis subjectis prsedicatio poterit esse. And in the same letter, referring
172 SYNODAL ORDINANCES ON PREACHING.

While the emperor, following the advice of such men,

earnestly recommended to the bishops* the duty of providing
for the religious instruction of the people, the synods held
under his reign made the same thing an object of special
attention. The council of Mentz, in 813 (can. 25,) decreed,
that, in case the bishop were absent, or sick, or otherwise
hindered, still there should not fail to be some one present, on
Sundays and feast-days, who could preach the word of God so
as to be understood by the people ;f and in the same year the
sixth council of Aries directed that the priests should preach
not only in all the cities, but also in all country parishes.]:
Among those who laboured earnestly in the work of religious
instruction, Theodulf, archbishop of Orleans, particularly dis-
tinguished himself. His instructions to his parochial priests
(Capitulare ad parochiee suae sacerdotes) furnish a living
testimony to the zeal and wisdom with which he administered
his pastoral office. § He admonishes his clergy, in these in-
structions, to be always prepared for the instruction of their
flocks. Whoever understood the holy Scriptures, should ex-
plain them ; whoever did not, should hold forth to the flock
what he knew best, that they should eschew evil and do good.
No one could excuse himself on the ground that he wanted
a tongue to edify others. The moment they saw one in a
wrong way, they should do their utmost to reclaim him. And
when they met their bishop at a synod, each should report
what success had attended his labours and they would find
;

him ready to lend them a cheerful assistance, according to his

ability, wherever they needed it.
It is plain from these slight requisitions, which were all

to a layman, who had proposed to him a

query respecting the interpreta-
tion of a passage of scripture : vere et valde habeo, laicos
gratum quan-
doque ad evangelicas effloruisse quaestiones, dum quendam audivi virum
prudentem aliquando dicere, clericorum esse evangelium discere, non
laicorum. Tamen iste laicus quisquis fuit, sapiens est corde, et si mani-
bus miles, quales vestram auctoritatem plurimos habere decet.
* Gheerbald
bishop of Liege says himself of the emperor, in his pastoral
letter to his flock Excitat pigritiam nostram, ut non dormiamus et
:

prsedicationis officium unusquisque consideret. Mansi Consil. T. XIII.

f. 1084.
Qui verbum Dei praedicet, juxta quod intelligere vulgus possit.
t
C. 10. ut non solum in civitatibus, sed etiam in omnibus parochiis
X
presbyteri ad populum verbum faciant.
§ C. 28. Harduin. Concil. T. III. f. 918.
 WANT OP AN ABLE CLERGY. 173

that Theodulf found it in his power to demand of his

clergy,
how exceedingly deficient the majority of ecclesiastics were
in that culture, and knowledge of the scriptures which were
needed for the successful discharge of the duties of their
calling ;
and this is confirmed, when we compare them with
other requisitions laid down by the synods as for example,
;

when it is supposed as a possible case, that the priests, in

public worship, might do no more than mechanically repeat
the liturgical forms in Latin, without understanding them.
In reference to this, the synod at Cloveshove directed, in their
tenth canon, that the priests should be able to translate and
expound, in the language of the country, the creed, the Lord's
prayer, and the liturgical forms used at the celebration of
mass and in baptism ; they should thus endeavour to under-
stand the spiritual sense of the offices they performed, so as
not to be dumb and ignorant instruments.*
There could be no improvement, therefore, in the religious
instruction of the people until more care was bestowed on the
education of the clergy. And this was to be aimed at in the
schools established by the bishops and parochial clergy, as
well as in the monasteries. Hence the establishment of schools
was another object which commanded great attention in the
times of Charlemagne. Thus the second council of Chalons,
in 813, decreed in their third canon, that the bishops should
found schools for giving instruction in the other sciences and
also in the expounding of scripture, and where persons might
be so educated, that our Saviour could truly say of them,
" Ye are the salt of the
earth."t But, for the present, there
was a great want of ecclesiastics capable of directing the
religious instruction of the communities, according to the
ordinances of those synods. To supply the wants of such as
were unable to compose sermons of their own, collections of
discourses, by the older church-teachers, had been formed
already at an earlier period, which were to be publicly read

* Ne vel in ipsis intercessionibus, quibus pro populi delictis Deum

exorare poscuntur vel ministerii sui officiis inveniantur quasi muti et
ignavi, si non intelligunt nee verborum suorum sensum nee sacramenta ;
quibus per eos alii ad aeternam proficiunt salutem.
t Et qui condimentum plebibus esse valeant et quorum doctrina non
solum diversis hoeresibus, verum etiam antichristi monitis et ipsi anti-
christo resistatur.
174 LATIN THE LITURGICAL LANGUAGE.

in the churches during the time of divine service. But as

these collections (Homiliaria) had suffered various corruptions
through the ignorance of these centuries, the emperor Charles
ordered an improved collection to be prepared by one of his
clergy, Paul Warnefrid, or Paulus Diaconus, from the abbey
of Monte Cassino. This work, he published himself for the
use of the churches, "with a preface, in which he admonished
the clergy, by his own example, to a diligent study of the
sacred scriptures ; stating, that he had endeavoured by his own
labours on the text, to provide himself with a correct copy of
the bible.* Now as in this Homilarium the sermons were
arranged in the order of Sundays and feast-days, and as that
arrangement of biblical texts was laid at the foundation, which
had been gradually formed in the church of Rome since the
time of Gregory the Great, it thus came about, that the
textual arrangement of this church was more widely diffused,
and greater uniformity in this respect secured. For the rest,
with regard to this collection, which relieved the clergy from
the necessity of exertion, and furnished them with an en-
couragement to indolence, it was no doubt calculated upon
that the sermons, when read to the congregations, would be
translated into the vernacular tongue ; a thing which was
expressly directed by several councils of this period. f
Wesee from what has thus far been said, that in the Carol -

ingian age, there was certainly no wish to banish from public

worship in the Frankish church the use of the popular tongue ;

but rather a desire to encourage it. But by the force of

custom, the Latin had already been a long time established as
the predominant liturgical language. In the countries be-
longing to the Roman empire, the Roman was, indeed, the

* Ad
pernoscenda etiam sacrorum librorum studia nostro etiam quos
possumus invitamus exemplo. Inter quse jampridem universos veteris
ac novi testamenti libros librariorum imperitia depravatos Deo nos in
omnibus adjuvante examussim correximus. See Mabillon Analectorum
T. I. pag. 26.
f As for example, by the second council of Rheims, in the year 813,
in the 15th canon, ut episcopi sermones et homilias S. Patrum, prout
omnes intelligere possint, secundum proprietatem linguae prsedicare
studeant, and by the third council of Tours, in the same year, c. 17, ut
easdem homilias quisque aperte transferre studeat in rusticam Romanam
linguam aut Theotiscam, quo facilius cuncti possint intelligere, quse
dicuntur.
 CHURCH PSALMODY. 175

language generally current and understood and hence there

;

could be no necessity of translating the church hymns and

the liturgical forms into the old popular tongues, the use of
which had been long suppressed or restricted by the language
of Rome. But now, wherever races of German origin had
settled in Roman provinces, the seats of Roman culture,
there the Roman language still held its ground, as the language
of refinement and of courts, and also as the liturgical language ;
and it was only by slow degrees that a particular dialect
sprang out of the mixture of the Roman language with the
new popular tongue. The missionaries that went from the
church of Rome followed also the ancient custom, and could
not prevail on themselves to make use of the barbarous tongues
of the people to whom they brought Christianity, for the pur-
pose of translating into them the divine word and the litur-
gical formulas :
until, by degrees, from the practice of the
church it grew to be a principle in theory, that the Roman
language should be considered pre-eminently the language of
the church. The striving after conformity with the church
of Rome naturally promoted an attachment to the liturgy as
expressed in the Roman language and form while the latter
;

again would react upon the former. King Pipin no doubt

found a Latin church psalmody already existing in the Frank-
ish church, which had been transmitted downward from the
ancient Gallic church. But as this differed originally from
the Roman church psalmody, expecially since Gregory the
Great had done so much to improve the music of the church,
and as it had moreover been corrupted by the barbarism of the
intervening time, Pipin endeavoured to restore it after the
model of the church music at Rome ; wishing here, as else-
where, to make Frankish barbarism give way to superior
refinement, and to bring the Frankish church into agreement
with the Roman,* after the example of Boniface ; wherein he
was zealously sustained by that warm friend of decency and
order in church regulations, Chrodegang, bishop of Metz.f

* In the
capitulary of the emperor Charles of the year 789, which was
issued at Aix la Chapelle, it is said of Pipin (c. 78) : Gallicanum cantum
tulit oh unanimitatem apostoliese sedis et ecclesiae
pacincam concordiam;
and in the preface to the homilies, totas Galliarum ecclesias suo studio
Romance traditionis cantibus decoravit.
f Paul Waruef'rid, or Paul the Deacon, says, in the gestis episcoporum
176 SCHOOLS FOR SINGERS.

Roman psalmody, however, was soon altered again by the

peculiarity of the French pronunciation ; while, at the same
time, it was found impossible to suppress entirely the old
Gallic form of church -music by the new regulations of Fipin;
and hence the emperor Charles, when attending the high
festivals at Rome, could not but notice the great difference
between the Franco-Gallic and the Gregorian church music
of Rome. Hence he was led to desire that the Frankish
psalmody might be altered and improved wholly after the
pattern of the Roman.* His friend pope Hadrian, to enable
him to accomplish what he desired, gave him, as assistants in
remodelling the Frankish church music, the two most skilful
singers in his own church, Theodore and Benedict and pre- ;

sented him with a number of Roman chants (Antiphonarii).'f

By means of two musical schools, one established at Soissons,
the other at Metz, the last of which was the most dis-
tinguished, the entire music of the French church was re-
modelled after the Roman form.!

Mettensium, respecting bishop Chrodegang: Ipsum clerum abundanter

lege divina Romanaque imbutum cantilena moreni atque ordinem
Romanse ecclesiae servare prrecepit, quod usque ad id tempus in Mettensi
ecclesia/acfum minine fait. Monumenta Germanise historica ed. Pertz,
T. II. f. 268.
* Thus, in the annales
Einhardi, in an appendix, at the year 786, it is
related that on the Easter festival in Rome a contest arose between the
Roman church-singers and the Franks brought along with him by the
emperor, the former calling the latter rusticos et indoctos velut bruta
animalia. The emperor decided the quarrel by saying that men ought
to go back to the fountain-head, rather than to follow the brooks that flow
from it. Revertimini vos ad fontem S. Gregorii, quia manifeste corrupis-
tis cantilenam ecclesiasticam. The anecdotes told after his owu style by
the monk of St. Gall, are less deserving of credit.
f In the passage referred to it is said Correcti sunt ergo antiphonarii
:

Francorum, quos unusquisque pro arbitrio suo vitiaverat, addens vel

minuens et omnes Francise cantores didicerunt notam Romanam, quam
nunc vocant notam Franciscam excepto quod tremulas vel vinnulas (h.
;

e. lenes et molles) sive collisibiles et secabiles voces in cantu non poterant

perfecte exprimere. Franci, naturali voce barbarica frangentes in gutture

voces potius quam exprimentes.
% From the French church proceeded the use of the organ, the first
musical instrument employed in the church. A
present of the emperor
Constantine Copronymus to king Pipin gave occasion to its use. Annal.
Einhard, a. 757, hence the Greek name organum. But what is said in
these Annals (1. c. at the year 786) seems to presuppose, that the art of
playing on the organ, and of using it in divine service, was first brought
 RELIGION ADAPTED TO ALL LANGUAGES. 177

Thus, it is true, that under the reign of Charlemagne the

use of the Latin language in the worship of the Frankish
church, although not first introduced, was yet, by a closer
connection with the church of Rome, more firmly established ;
but at the same time, the notion was expressly contradicted,
that certain languages only could be employed for religious
" Let no man believe that God
purposes. may be prayed to
only in three languages ; for in every language God may be
adored, and man will be heard, if he prays aright."* Now
while it is true, that if the missionaries of this time, following
the example of Ulphilas, had given the people the Bible in
their own language, and introduced it into the public worship,
much would have been done to promote the worship of God
in spirit and in truth ; so, on the other hand, the employment
of a language which was not generally understood, actually
served to promote a worship consisting in mechanical forms
or in vague and undefined feelings, and to open an easier way
for the entrance of superstition.
Special care was necessary not only to counteract the various
superstitions of paganism, which still kept their hold of the
—
rude multitude such as resorting to amulets for the cure of
diseases, and for the prevention of unlucky accident s,f
-
but —
also to hinder the old superstition from reappearing under
some Christian form, by attaching itself to Christian practices
not rightly understood. In this way had arisen such abuses,

to perfection in the church of Rome : Similiter erudierunt Romani can-

tores supradicti, see above, cantores Francorum in arte organandi. And
if it seems to be inconsistent with this, that a century later, pope John
VIII. obtained from the church at Freysingen, a good organ, and a skilful
organist (Vid. Baluz. Miscellan. T. V.) we must suppose that afterwards
the Frankish church excelled the Roman in this art. This may be
explained as owing to the declension of the church of Rome in the next
following times.
* In the
capitulary issued at Frankfort on the Maine, of the year 79G,
c. 50: Ut nullus credat, quod nounisi in tribus Unguis Deus orandus sit,
quia in omni lingua Deus adoratur, et homo exauditur, si justa petierit.
f Against these, the council of Auxerre (Antissiodorense) of the year
578, C. 5.
:
Quajcunque homo facere vult, omnia in nomine Domini faciat.
In a capitulary of the emperor Charles of the year 814, c. 10 Ut in- :

quirantur sortilegi et aruspices et qui menses et tempora observant et qui

omina observant, et ita phylacteria circa collum portant nescimus quibus
verbis scriptis ; and in the third capitulary of the year 789, c. 18 : Ne
chartas per perticas appendant propter grandinem.
VOL. V. K
178 CONSULTING THE BIBLE FOR ORACLES.

for example, as t/ie following-. The Scriptures, instead of

being searched for the purpose of finding the way of ever-
for an oracular response to
lasting salvation, were turned over
some question of moment relating to the immediate temporal
future. He who was about to engage in an important or
hazardous undertaking, would open the Bible, and interpret the
first passage that met his eye as an oracle addressed to him.
Or the same use was made of such words of Scripture as one
happened to hear read or sung as he entered a church.* A
very common custom was, to place on the tomb of some saint,
as that in the famous church of St. Martin of Tours, a volume
of the gospels or some other book of Scripture, and, after due
preparation by prayer and fasting, to turn open a page, when
the first passage that occurred was considered as a response
given by the saint (sortes sanctorum ).j But although this
practice seemed to be hallowed by a certain air of Christi-
anity, yet the voice of the ecclesiastical synods was opposed
to it from the beginning. The first council of Orleans de-
creed, J in the year 511, that clergymen and monks, who
consented to be employed as instruments in obtaining such
responses, § as well as those who believed in them, should be
excommunicated from the church and this prohibition was
;

repeated by the council of Auxerre, in 578. But a branch

||

of superstition so intimately connected with the whole reli-

gious mode of thinking, could not be extirpated by such single
ordinances the emperor Charles was obliged to issue a new
;

law against it.1T

Another mode of appealing judgment of God, which
to the
found its way was still more
into the administration of justice,
intimately blended with the manners and opinions of these
races. We find it a prevailing sentiment among nations of
* When Clovis was about to make war on the West Goths in
Spain, he
prayed God that he would reveal to him, as he entered the church of St.
Martin, a fortunate issue of the war and as at that moment the words
;

of Ps. xviii. 40, 41, were chanted, the king regarded this as an infallible
oracle, by which he was assured of the victory. He in fact obtained the
victory, which confirmed him in his belief. Gregor. Turon. Hist. 1. II.
c. 37/
f An example in Gregor. Turon. 1. V. c. 14. J Aurelianense I.
§ C. 30, sortes, quas mentiuntur esse sanctorum. ||
C. 4.
% In the third capitulary of the year 789, c. 4: Ut nullus in psalterio
vel in evangelio vel in aliis rebus sortire prsesumat.
 JUDGMENT OF GOP. AVITUS OPPOSED TO IT. 179

opposite quarters of the earth,

—
nations of German descent,
as well as in China, Japan,* India,f and among the ancient
Greeks, J
—
that nature itself, in contested questions, was
ready appear as a witness in behalf of justice and of
to
innocence. At the bottom of this lay the belief in a moral
government of the world, to which nature itself was sub-
servient and the more unskilled and unpractised the under-
;

standing in bringing the truth to light by investigation, the

more inclined were men to summon to their aid an immediate
judgment from heaven. Thus it came about, particularly
among these races of German origin, that the revelation of
guilt or of innocence was expected in contested questions,
from the issue of a combat, or from the effects of the elements
of fire and water. In the form under which the theocratical
principle, which Christianity introduced, was understood by
these races, this judgment of God might easily find a point of
attachment. Yet Avitus, bishop of Vienne, protested in the
strongest terms against the practice, when introduced by king
Gundobad into the Burgundian legislation. This monarch
contended, that in war the judgment of God decided between
nations, and gave the victory to the party which had the
right. Avitus answered him If sovereigns and their people
:

respected the judgment of God, they would tremble first at

the words of the^68th Psulm (v. 30), "He scattereth the
people that delight in war;" and they would act according to
what is written in Romans xii. 19, " Vengeance is mine: I
will repay, saith the Lord." Had not divine justice power to
decide, without resorting to javelins and swords ? Whereas
in war the party in the wrong had often been known to obtain
the victory, by superior force or cunning.§ But such isolated
voices sounded feebly, in opposition to ancient customs and
the prevailing spirit of the times. The judgments of God
w ere
r
received into the systems of jurisprudence ; and even
Charlemagne, who combated superstitious opinions of a
kindred nature, yielded in this case to the spirit of his age,

* See
Kiimpfer Amoenitates exotica;.
t Compare Rosenmiiller's altes und neues Morgenland, B. II. p. 22G.
% See Sophocles Antigone.
§ The words of Avitus, in the book of Agohard of Lyons, adversus
legem Gnndobadi.
N 2
 180 CHARLEMAGNE ON OUTWARD WORKS.

and gave these judgments of God the sanction of his ap-

probation.*
Men were inclined to seek justification in outward works, —
in gifts to churches, especially those dedicated to the memory
of saints, in adorning them with costly ornaments, in the
distribution of alms ; thus relaxing the strictness of Christi-
anity in requiring an entire change of inward disposition.
Still, instances were not wanting of a reaction of the Christian
spirit against delusions,
which served so directly to encourage
security in sin. Thus the emperor Charles, in a capitulary
of the year 811, addressed to the bishops and abbots,| says :
" In
seeking to have fine churches, we should not overlook the
genuine ornament of the church, which consists in correctness
of manners ;
for great pains bestowed on the erection of
churches belongs, in a certain sense, to the times of the Old
Testament ; but the emendation of manners belongs peculiarly
to the New Testament and to Christian discipline."! Theodulf
of Orleans says, in his " Instructions to the Parochial Clergy,"
"It is our duty, indeed, to feed the hungry, to clothe the
naked, to visit the sick and those in prison, and to show
hospitality to strangers, Matt. xxv. but of little avail towards
;

securing everlasting life will all this be to him who gives

himself up to gluttony, to pride, and other vices, and who
neglects other good works. It is needful to remind the

people that true charity is seen only in this, that a man loves
God more than himself, and his neighbour as himself in this, —
that he does not conduct towards others as he would not
wish that others should conduct towards himself; for they
who make charity consist in merely bestowing food, drink,

* In a law of the
year 809 ut omnes judicio Dei credant absque dubi-
:

tatione. Baluz. Capitular. T. I. f. 466. The proof of innocence in case

of a murder, in the capitulary of the year 803 ad novem vomeres ignitos
:

judicio Dei examinandus accedat. 1. c. f. 389. That a vassal of the

bishop submitted to a judgment of God to prove his innocence against the
charge of high treason. See in the capitulary of the year 794, 1. c.
f. 265.

f Mansi. T. XIII. f. 1073.

X Quamvis bonum sit, ut ecclesise pulchra sint gedificia, prse'ferendus
tamen est a;dificiis bonorum morum ornatus et culmen, quia, in quantum
nobis videtur, structio basilicarum veteris legis quandam trahit consue-
tudinem, morum autem emendatio proprie ad novum testamentum et
Christiauem pertinet disciplinam.
 PILGRIMAGES. 181

and other outward are in no slight error; for the apostle

gifts,
says,
'
The kingdom of God consists not in meat and drink.'
All this, too, is then only good when done out of love." The
second council of Chalons, in 813, denounced* the false con-
fidence placed in the opus operatum of pilgrimages to Rome
" There were
and church of St. Martin of Tours.
to tiie
ecclesiastics of a careless life, who imagined themselves
cleansed from sin, and qualified to perform the duties of their
station —
laymen, who supposed they could sin, or had sinned,
with impunity, because they undertook such pilgrimages;
nobles, who, under the same pretext, practised extortion on
their subjects poor men, who did it to secure a better chance
;

of begging ; as, for example, those that roamed the country,

to set out on a pil-
falsely pretending that they were about
grimage, or who were so foolish as to believe that by the
mere sight of a holy place they should be cleansed from their
sins, not thinking of those words of St. Jerome, that it was
no praise to have seen Jerusalem, but to have led a good life
there." Those pilgrimages alone were here accounted com-
mendable, which had originated in motives of sincere piety,
and aimed at the emendation of the whole life, j Thus Alcuin
wrote to a nun whose conscience troubled her, because she
had been unable to perform the pilgrimage on which she had
" This was no
started :
great harm ; for God had chosen
some better thing for her; she had now only to expend in
supporting the poor, what she had appropriated to so long a
journey."f Theodulf of Orleans wrote against this over-
valuation of pilgrimages to Rome in one of his minor poems,
where he says It is only by a pious life a man can find
:

his way to heaven, no matter whether he lives at Rome or

elsewhere. §
The exaggerated veneration paid to saints and to the Virgin

* C. 45.

t Qui vero peccata sua sacerdotibus, in quorum sunt parochiis, confessi

sunt, et ab his agenda? poenitentiae consilium acceperunt, si orationibus
insistendo, eleemosynas largiendo, vitam emendando, mores componendo
apostolorum limina vel quorumlibet sanctorum invisere desiderant, horum
est devotio modis omnibus collaudanda.
I See ep. 147.
$ Non tantum isse juvat Romam, bene vivere quantum
Vel Romae vel ubi vita a^itur hominis,
Non via credo pedum ;
sed moram ducit ad astra
Quis quid ubique gerit, spectat ab arce Oeus.
182 WORSHIP OF SAINTS.

Mary, concerning the origin of which we spoke in the pre-

ceding period, presented, by the deifying of human beings
in their individual capacity, the readiest channel for the ad-
mission of those elements of pagan ideas which had not been
vanquished by Christianity. Although the veneration of
saints was determined and limited in the church system of
doctrine by its connection with the whole Christian conscious-
ness of God and Christian worship of God —
for it was only
the grace of God, exhibited in the saints as his instruments,
which was to be adored, and only the mediating sympathy of
the just made perfect which Mas to be sought after in then ;
—
yet in common life, the saints who were peculiarly venerated
became a sort of guardian deities, to whom men were wont to
resort in all times of danger and sickness, and in all weighty
undertakings and the reference of the whole self-conscious
;

man to God revealed in Christ, the sense of fellowship with

God obtained by Christ for every believer, was thereby greatly
hindered. Furthermore, as the feeling of the need of re-
demption, in its religious and moral significance, ceased to
form the ground-tone of the inward life, the great object of
prayer, with invocation of the saints, was rather to seek
deliverance from physical evils, than salvation from sin and
from moral wretchedness. The pagan element discovered
itself in both ways ; in the deification of human attributes,
and in the sensuous direction given to the religious need.
Bishop Gregory of Tours thanks God for the gift of such a
physician as Martin, in expressions sometimes like those of a
Christian who thanks God for a Saviour, sometimes like those
of a pagan speaking of Esculapius.* He affirms that the
bare touch of his tomb stopped hemorrhages, gave the cripple
strength to stand erect, restored sight to the blind, and even
banished away sorrow from the heart. In all bodily com-
plaints of his own he repaired thither, and applied the suffering
part to St. Martin's tomb, or to the hangings by which it was
inclosed. To be sure, he requires, as the necessary condition
of obtaining relief, the true devotion of a penitent spirit ;f
*
Gregory, in the beginning of the third book on the miracles of St.
Martin :
gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo, qui nobis talem medicum
tribuere dignatus est, qui infirmitates nostras purgaret, vulnera dilueret
ac salubria medicamenta conferred
f Si ad ejus beatum tumulum humilietur animus et oratio sublimetur,
 SAINT WORSHIP. 183

and no doubt, the impression made on the feelings by the

spot, with which were
associated in the minds of the men of
this age, by all they had been told from childhood, so many
sacred recollections, might sometimes produce a salutary thrill
of emotion and hence, perhaps, it may be explained how
;

criminals might here be brought to confess their guilt, or how

the suddenly awakened anguish of remorse might reveal
itself to them in menacing visions, or a powerful shock of
the nervous system predispose them to sudden attacks of
illness. Yet we also meet with cases, where St. Martin is
invoked precisely after the manner of a pagan deity as, ;

when he is addressed in the following style " If thou dost

:

not perform what I request of thee, we will here burn for

* and
thee no more lamps, nor pay thee any honours at all ;"
the objects taken off from the places about the holy tomb,
were applied to the same uses as any amulet of pagan super-
stition. | Such being the tendency of the popular mind,J it

si defluant lacrimse et compunctio vera succedat, si ab imo corde emit-

tantur suspiria, invenit ploratus Isetitiam, culpa veniam, dolor pectoris
pervenit ad medelam.
* See
Gregor. Turon. de miraculis Martini, 1. III. c. 8.
f Gregory of Tours, having observed that one of his vineyards was
ruined every year by hail-storms, fastened a piece of wax, taken from the
vicinity of the tomb, on one of the tallest trees, and from that time
the
place was spared, de miraculis Martini, 1. I. c. 34. Oil was used as an
amulet, to cure a disease among cattle, de miraculis Martini, 1. III. c. 18.
X A monk, who had already in his lifetime acquired the character
of a
miracle-worker, requested that he might not he buried in his cloister,
foreseeing that after his death multitudes of the people would be con-
tinually Hocking to his grave, in order to be cured of their diseases.
Gregor. Turon. vitse patrum, c. 1. Vain-minded bishops now aspired
to the honour of having it said, that miracles were wrought in their
name. A characteristic anecdote on this point is related by the monk of
St. Gall. One who had failed of gaining the favour of his bishop and
feudal lord, finally resorted with success to the following expedient.
Having entrapped a fox without injuring the animal, he brought it as a
present to bishop Recho. As the bishop was wondering how he managed
to catch the fox with so little harm to the creature, the man said When
:

the fox was in full chase, I cried out to it, In the name of my Lord Kecho,
stop and keep still So the fox stood immovable till I seized him. The
!

bishop was well pleased to find that his sanctity had so plainly revealed
itself, and the man had won his favour forever. Even if the story were
not true, it may none the less be considered as a characteristic satire
taken from the life of the times. Monachi Sangallensis gesta Carol i
M. 1. I. c. 20.
184 FESTIVALS.

would now follow, as a very natural consequence, that decep-

tion in the use of pretended relics would be common,* or
that those least entitled to the name would be honoured, after
their death, as saints. To put a stop to such abuses, the
emperor Charles, in a capitulary issued at Frankfort on the
Maine,| in 794, directed, that no new saints should be
worshipped, and no chapels erected to their memory on the
public highways but those only should be worshipped
;
in
the church who had been raised to this honour by virtue of
their sufferings or the worthiness of their lives.
The number of festivals, additional to the high festivals of
the ancient church, had increased, up to the end of this
period, in the Western church, (as
we find from a list drawn
up by a council of Mentz in 81 3,) J to the following extent.
First, there were two festivals of Mary. As Christmas was
naturally followed by the celebration of many other festivals
relating to the infancy of Christ, so there arose, in the Greek
church, the festival of Christ's presentation in the temple,
Luke ii. 25 referring to the recognition of the child Jesus
;

as the Messiah, by Simeon and Anna —

hence called in the
Greek church the kopn) vTravrrjg (rov Kvpiov). But in the
Western church, the worship of Mary caused it to be changed
into a festival of Mary; under which name this feast is
noticed by the council of Mentz —
as the festum purification is
Marise. The habit of comparing Mary with Christ led men
gradually to believe that something of a miraculous nature
must have been connected both with the beginning and the end
of her earthly life and the silence of the gospels on tiie subject
;

of her death left here ample room for legendary tradition. §

This led to the festival of the assumption (assumptio Marise).
Next followed, as octave to the festival of Christmas, the
festivalof Christ's Circumcision, which was set over against
the pagan celebration of New year's day. Furthermore,
there was the feast of St. Michael, the occasion of which
was as follows. The Apocalypse had set to work the imagi-
* See
Gregor. Turon. hist. 1. IX. c. 6. f C 40. % C. 35.
§ The legends finally reduced to form in Gregory of Tours de gloria
martyrum, 1. I. c. 4. When Maryjwas near the point of death, all the
apostles assembled around her bed, and watched with her. Then appeared
Christ with his angels, and committed her soul to the archangel Gabriel ;
but her body was taken away in a cloud.
 FESTIVALS. 185

nations of men to invent fictions about the archangel Michael ;

and many were the stories about visions in which he was
described as having appeared. With the story of such an
appearance was finally connected in the Roman church the
feast of St. Michael, dedicatio sancti Michaelis, as it was
called by the council of Mentz, in reference to the dedication
of a church in Home, where an appearance of this sort was
said to have occurred. The idea of this feast is the com-
munion of believers on earth with the higher world of per-
fected spirits —
the memory of the church triumphant.
Furthermore, there was the simultaneous festival, which origi-
nated in the fifth century, in honour of the martyrdom of St.
Peter and of St. Paul, Dies natalis apostolorum Petri et
Pauli. The nativity of John the Baptist, the only one
which, besides the nativity of Christ, was celebrated in the
church, and that on account of its connection with the latter.
Next are particularly mentioned, the ?iatales of Andrew, of
Remigius (of Rheims), and of Martin and for each several
;

diocese the particular festivals of the saints whicli were buried

in them ;and festivals commemorating the dedication of par-
ticular churches. In this age arose also another festival,
not named by this council, which afterwards obtained general
validity. In the Greek church was first introduced a feast
in memory of all the saints, which, inasmuch as the whole
number of saints represents the collective sum of the effects
of the Holy Spirit, was properly observed as an octave to the
festival of Pentecost. But in the Western church, the found-
ing of the same festival grew out of a particuliar occasion.
Boniface IV., who became pope in the year 610, having at his
own request been presented, by the Greek emperor Phocas,
with the Pantheon in Rome, following out the pagan idea,
converted this temple into a church dedicated to Mary and
all the saints, which now
suggested the idea of founding a
festival of this import. Alcuin particularly designates this
festival as the feast of the glorification of human nature by
Christ, in the consciousness that men were now endowed
with so much power as instruments of the Holy Spirit the —
feast of spiritual communion with the perfected members of
the church.*
* Alcuin
(ep. 7G) to Arno, archbishop of Salzburg :
quoniam si Elias
unus ex illis in veteri testamento oratione sua dum voluit claudere caelum
186 the lord's supper as a sacrifice.

We observed, in the preceding period, how the idea of the

Lord's supper as a sacrifice, which had proceeded from a
purely Christian element, became gradually transformed
from
the symbolical into a magical import. In this respect, Gre-
gory the Great appears especially to represent the Christian
spirit of the age ever inclining
more and more to the magical.
The idea that the holy supper should represent, in a lively
form, to the believing heart, the redemptive sufferings of
Christ, whereby mankind became reconciled to God and —
the communion between Heaven and earth was restored —
this idea took, for him, the meaning: that whenever the priest
presents this offering, heaven opens at the choirs
his voice ;

of angels appear ; the high and the low, the earthly and
the heavenly, unite the visible and the invisible become one.*
;

"Who may not recognize here a heart deeply penetrated with

the consciousness of what had been done by the redemption ;
though th3 truth at bottom, from being connected with
the false view of the priesthood, and the false notion, grounded
therein, of the sacrificial act of the priest, from being trans-
ferred to this isolated, outward act, received an erroneous
application ? Now Gregory, by looking at the sacrifice of
the supper in this connection, could say What must be the
:

efficacy of this sacrifice, which continually imitates and re-

peats for us the redemptive passion of Christ ?f But still
Gregory did not apprehend this idea of a sacrifice in a barely
outward manner, but in connection with the whole bent and
tendency of the inward life, as did Augustin for he reckoned,
;

as belonging to the living appropriation of this sacrifice, the

spiritual offering of one's self, the surrendry of the whole life
to the Redeemer, in an absolute self -renunciation. J l> ut

although he could apprehend, after this manner, the doctrine

potuit prsevaricatoribus et aperire conversis, quanto magis omnes sancti in
novo testamento, ubi eis specialiter et patenter claves regni ccelestis com-
missar sunt et claudere coelum possunt incredulis et aperire credentibus,
si intima dilectione honorificantur, a fidelibus et honorificantur glorifica-
* See
tione eis condigna. Gregor. Dial. 1. IV. c. 58.
f Quae illam nobis mortem per mysterium reparat, pro absolutione
nostra passionem unigeniti semper imitatur. Christus iteram in hoc
mysterio sacra; oblationis immolatur.
% Sed necesse est, ut cum hsec agimus nosmetipsos Deo in cordis con-
tritione
mactemus, quia qui passionis dominicse mysteria celebramus,
debemus imitari quod agimus. Tunc ergo vere pro nobis hostia erit
Deo, cum nos ipsos hostiam fecerimus.
 MASSES FOR THE DEAD. 187

of the holy supper in its true religious and moral significance,

as denoting the living appropriation of fellowship of the Re-
deemer, yet as a consequence resulting from that magical
element, he connected with this the idea of an objective,
magical efficacy of that sacrifice, capable of operating both
on the living and on the dead.*
As to its effect on departed souls, this was connected with
that other notion, which also had come down from the previous
period,| of a purgatorial fire destined for those Christians who,
though on the whole in a state of saving faith (that is of faith
working by love), were still working with many clogs of sin,
for which they must suffer, and from which they must be
purified, and who had died in this state. Now the sacrifice
offered for such, since the efficacy of Christ's passion was
thereby appropriated to them, was to serve as a means of de-
livering them sooner from those purifying fires, and of enabling
them to get to heaven. The stories which Gregory cites in
his Dialogues in confirmation of these ideas, were peculiarly
adapted, if we consider the prevailing bent of the age, to
obtain currency for his views in the minds of men, whose
religious feelings partook so strongly of the sensuous element,
and who were governed more by an excited imagination than
by the prudent dictates of the understanding. While then,
in connection with the predominant Old Testament mode of

considering the priesthood, this view of the Lord's supper

became the prevailing one, the dangerous error now arose
among the people of laying the greatest stress on the sacri-
ficial act of the priest in behalf of the living and the dead.
The priest was solicited, with valuable presents to say masses
for the repose of departed souls while the laity were more
;

seldom disposed to participate in the communion. The thing

was carried to such an extreme, that priests presented the
offering of the mass alone and by themselves, without any
participation of the congregation (the so-called missse pri-
vate). Efforts were made in the Carol ingian period to
remove this abuse also, which was so directly opposed to the
* Thepresentation of this offering caused the chains to be removed
from a distant captive, in whose behalf his faithful wife had offered it.
In the same way, a seaman, tossed about by a storm in a small boat at
sea,was supported by bread from heaven, and saved from foundering.
f See vol. II.
188 CHURCH DISCIPLINE.

design of the institution of the Lord's supper ;

and many
voices of the church alleged against it the ancient litur-
gical forms of celebrating
the eucharist. Thus the council
of Mentz, in 813, says, how can the priest pronounce the
words: Sursum or Dominus vobiscum (Raise your
hearts — The Lordcorda, you), where none are present?**
be with
Theodulf of Orleans brings up the same subject in his In-
structions to the parochial clergy ;t and objects to private
masses, that our Lord said, Where two or three are assembled
in my name, I will be in the midst of them. Hence too, it
was found necessary to exhort the laity to a more frequent
participation in the communion. This was done by the synod
at Cloveshove, and by Theodulf of Orleans, who insists how-
ever upon the necessity of due preparation in order to parti-
cipate worthily in the holy ordinance. :£
The ancient rules of church penance were transmitted
also to this period. Yet some regard was paid, in the ad-
ministration of church discipline, to the new relations which
had sprang up among a barbarous people. Thus to those
who personally confessed their sins to the priest, § it was
granted as a favour, that they should not be subjected to any
public church penance, but only to penitential exercises which
were to be performed in private. There was a deviation from
the ancient laws of the church also in this, that to those who
confessed their sins and declared their readiness to engage in
the penitential exercises imposed on them, the priest might
grant absolution at once, although they could not as yet be
allowed to partake of the communion. And since in general,
j|

* C. 23.

f C.7. It could not be celebrated sine salutatione sacerdotis, respon-

sione nihilomhius plebis.
% C
44. admonendus est populus, ut nequaquam indifferenter accedat,
nee ab hoc nimium abstineat, sed cum omni diligentia eligat tempus,
quando aliquamdiu ab opere conjugali abstineat et vitiis se purget, virtuti-
bus exornet, deemosynis et orationibus insistat.
§ The distinction of peccata occulta from peccatis publicis, which latter
came to the knowledge of the bishops by other witnesses, and were
publicly punished according to their decisions at public tribunals (see
what has been said above concerning the Sends) .
||
—
Among the ordinances of Boniface, where also it is spoken of as a
compliance introduced by the circumstances of the times. Et quia varia
necessitate prsepedimur, canonum statuta de conciliandis pcenitentibus
pleniter observare, propterea omnino non dimittatur (it should not be
 PENITENTIAL CERTIFICATES. 189

there were now many things in the laws relating to church

penance which could not be adapted to the new relations, or,

amidst such relations could not be applied without encounter-
ing a violent opposition ; this circumstance
led to changes
which, oftentimes, were undertaken to be carried through in
so arbitrary a manner as threatened to enfeeble the severity
of church discipline, so wholesome for those rude times, and
to encourage security in crimes. Whenever a real interest was
felt to improve the conditon of the church, as was the case in
the Carolingian period, men endeavoured to banish the libelli
poenitentiales (penitential certificates),
which sprang into use
in so abusive a manner, and to restore again the severity of
the ecclesiastical laws.* The directions for administering
church penance, drawn up by Theodore, archbishop of Can-
terbury, by Egbert of York in the eighth century,
and by
Halitgar, bishop of Cambray, at the opening of the ninth
Century, were designed for the purpose
of rendering the
ancient laws of the church, relating to penance, applicable
to the new relations and manners. Now these races of
people were much accustomed to pecuniary mulcts, which had
been adopted also into the systems of jurisprudence so that ;

by paying a certain specified fine, those who had been guilty of

theft or of murder, could purchase exemption from the punish-
ment due to those crimes ; and by a composition, could come
to an understanding with those whom they had injured, or
with the relations of those whom they had murdered. The
regulations of church penance were now accommodated to these
customs, "f and a composition of this sort was received among

wholly omitted, everything should be done that was possible). Curet

unusquisque presbyter statim post acceptam confessionem pcenitentiura
singulos data oratione reconciliari. Wurdtwein, f. 142.
* So the second council of Chalons, c.
38, repudiatis penitus libellis,
quos pojnitentiales vocant, quorum sunt certi errores, incerti auctores.
Qui dum pro peccatis gravibus leves quosdam et inusitatos imponunt
poenitentirc modos, consuunt pulvillos secundum propheticum sermonem
Ezech. xiii. sub omni cubito manus et faciunt cervicalia sub capite universal
aetatisad capiendas animas.
+ Even a church-father of the fifth century, perhaps Maximus of Turin,
felt constrained to speak earnestly against the abuse of indulgences prac-
tised by Arian ecclesiastics among the barbarian tribes, and which had
sprung out of accommodation to these prevailing customs. See the passage
already referred to in connection with another subject :
Prapositi eorum,
quos presbyteros vocant, dicuntur tale habere mandatum, ut si quis
190 ORIGIN OF INDULGENCES.

the number of ecclesiastical punishments ; or those who could

not be induced to undertake certain kinds of church penance to
which they should have been subjected according- to the old laws
of the church, were allowed to substitute for these a pecuniary-
fine proportionately estimated, and the money thus contributed
was either to be given as alms to the poor, or paid for the
ransom of captives, or for defraying the expenses of public
worship.* This was the first, in itself considered, innocent,
occasion of indulgences. They were accordingly nothing
else at first than a substitution for the church punishments
hitherto customary, of others better suited to the manners of
these races. as it generally happened that some fatal
But
misapprehension, whereby the barbarous people were made to
feel secure in their sins, became easily attached not only to

this, but to every kind of church penance, when

the ecclesi-
astical tribunal was not duly distinguished from the divine,
and the church absolution from the divine forgiveness of sins,
and when penitence was not contemplated in its connection
with the whole economy of Christian salvation,t so it hap-
pened here, that the practice of granting absolution for money
soon gave birth to the fatal error, that it was possible in this
way to purchase exemption from the punishment of sin, and to
obtain its forgiveness. The false confidence in the merit of
almsgiving was in fact nothing new. Against this delusion,
and the abuse resulting from it, many of the reforming synods
of this period earnestly contended. Thus the synod of
Cloveshove, so often mentioned before, declared in the year

laicorum fassus fuerit crimen admissum, non dicat illi age poenitentiam ;
:

defle peccata sed dicat pro hoc crimine da tantum mi hi et indulgetur

;
:

tibi. Vanus plane et insipiens presbyter, qui cum ille praedam accipiat,
putat, quod peccatum Christus indulgeat. Nescit, quia salvator solet
peccata donare et pro delicto quserere pretiosas lac rim as, non pecunias
numerosas. Denique Petrus, cum ter negando Dominum deliquisset,
veniam non muneribus meruit, sed lacrimis impetravit. Apud hujusmodi
praeceptores semper divites innocentes, semper pauperes criminosi. s.
Mabillon Museum Italicum, T. I. P. II. p. 28.
*
Halitgar. liber poenitentialis, that •whoever could not submit to the
prescribed fasts, should pay a sum of money, proportionate to bis means,
for the determinate period of fasting remitted to him. Sed unusquisque
attendat, cui dare debet, sive pro redemptione captivorum, sive super
sanctum altare, sive pro pauperibus Christianis erogandum.
f See respecting the germ of these errors, the section relating to church-
life. Vol. I. p. 223, and Vol. II. p. 221.
 ON OTHER WORKS CONSIDERED MERITORIOUS. 191

747, can. 26, that alms were, by no means, to be given under

the impression of being able thereby to indulge more freely
in certain sins, of however trifling a nature. Nor should alms
be given except out of property that had been lawfully ac-
quired. When, on the contrary, alms were, given out of
property unlawfully obtained, the divine justice was thereby
rather offended than appeased. Neither might any give alms
to the hungry for the purpose of surrendering himself to
gluttony and drunkenness ; lest perchance, in making the
divine justice venal, he might draw down on himself the
heavier condemnation. They who so acted or judged, seemed
to give their property to God; but beyond a doubt they
much rather by their vices gave themselves to the devil.*
This synod denounced also the dangerous, arbitrary, and
novel custom, by which men imagined (an error occasioned
no doubt by the above-mentioned introduction of compositions
into the practice of the church), that by the giving of alms
they were released from all the other more difficult kinds of
—
church penance when, on the contrary, the ordinary church
penance ought only to be strengthened thereby. f So too the
second council of Chalons, a.d. 813,| declared against such
as expected to purchase immunity from punishment by the
giving of alms.§ A
false confidence of the same kind was

placed also in the mechanical repetition of forms of prayer, of

psalms, and even upon those so-called good works which men
procured others to do for them. The council of Cloveshove
declared, on the contrary,|| that the singing of psalms was
without meaning, except as an expression of the feelings of
the hearth This council was led to declare itself so strongly
and explicitly against these erroneous tendencies, because they
had exhibited themselves in the grossest, forms. A
rich man,
who applied for absolution on account of a heavy crime, had
stated in his letter, that he had distributed so many alms and
procured such a number of persons to sing psalms and to fast
* Hoc enim modo facientes sive acstimantes sua Deo dare videntur,
seipsos diabolo per flagitia dare non dubitantur.
f Postremo sicuti nova adinventionunc plurimis periculosa consuetudo
est, non eleemosyna porrecta ad niinuendam vel ad mutandam satisfactio-
nem per jejunium et reliqua expiationis opera, a sacerdote jure canonica
indicta, sed magis ad augmentandam emendationem. % C. 36.
§ C. 36. Qui hoc perpetrarunt, videntur Deum mercede conducere, ut
eis impune peccare liceat. C. 37.
|| 1 The intiraa iuteutio cordis.
 192 REGULATIONS TOUCHING CHURCH PENANCE.

for him, that even if he lived a hundred years longer, he

would have furnished a sufficient
compensation. If the
divine justice could be so propitiated, say the council on the
other side, Christ would not have said, hardly shall aHow
rich man enter into the kingdom of heaven.
In the regulations touching church penance, which belong
to the Carolingian period, allusion is constantly made to the
fact, that the penance should be measured, not by the length
of the time, but by the change of disposition.* Attention was
directed also to the difference between the divine forgiveness
of sin and priestly absolution. Alluding to the opinion of
those who held that confession of sins before God was alone
necessary, and maintaining on the contrary, that both should
be united, this council says : We
should confess our sins to
God, who is the forgiver of all sins according to Psalm xxxi.,
and mutually pray for each other's salvation. By confession
before God, we obtain the forgiveness of sins by confession ;

to the priestwe learn from him the means, by which sin may
be purged away. For God, the author and giver of salvation
ancl of health, bestows these blessings, sometimes by the
invisible agency of his power, sometimes by employing the

agency of the physician. It is here allowed, that the

"j"

divine forgiveness of sins could be bestowed, even without

the priestly absolution but that the priest acted only as an
;

instrument of divine grace, for the purpose of leading men to

the appropriation of the divine pardon. | So too Halitgar

* Thus the second council of Chalons, 813, c. 34 :

neque enimpensanda
est pcenitentia quantitate temporis, sed ardore mentis et mortificatione
corporis. Cor autem contritum et humiliatum Deus non spernit.
f Confessio itaque, quae Deo fit, purgat peccata, ea vero, quo? sacerdoti
fit,docet, qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata. Deus naraque salutis et sani-
tatis auctor et largitor plerumque hanc prajbet sua? potential invisibili
administratione, plerumque medicorum operatione.
X Also Theodulf of Orleans supposes the forgiveness of sins conditioned
solely on the inward confession of sins before God, quia quanto nos
memores sumus peccatorum nostrorum, tanto horum Dominusobliviscitur.
But he considers it to be the end of auricular confession, that penitents
by following the counsel of the priest, and applying the remedies by him
prescribed, and through the mediation of his prayers, might be cleansed
from the stain of sin, quia accepto a sacerdotibus salutari consilio,
,

saluberrimis pcenitentiee observationibus sive mutuis orationibus, pecca-

torum maculas diluimus, c. 30. To be sure, according to the church
theory of satisfaction, it might be considered necessary, after the for-
 OTHER WORKS CONSIDERED MERITORIOUS. 1S3

says :* When a man has committed any sin, whereby he is

excluded from the body of Christ, a great deal more certainly
depends on contrition of heart than on the measure of time ;
but as no one can look into the heart of another, particular
times have been rightly fix%d upon by the heads of the
church, in order that satisfaction may also be given to the
church, in which the sins are forgiven. It is evident, how
"j"

much better it would have been for the religious and moral
condition of the communities, if there had not been so great
a lack of priests capable of administering the system of
church penance according to the principles here expressed.
Besides the changes in the system of penance, which pro-
ceeded from too lax a tendency, we have still to mention the
new and severer kinds of penance, which, although more rarely,
were imposed in extraordinary cases, such as murder, where —
the delinquent was compelled to go about with a heavy
weight of iron chains and rings, made fast to different
members of his body or, thus loaded, to make a pilgrimage
;

to some distant holy place, as the tomb of St. Peter, where,

according to the nature of his case, he was to obtain ab-
solution. J Against the vagrancy of such penitents, more
resembling the spirit of oriental self-castigation than the
moral culture of a Christian, and imitated no doubt by
enthusiasts and deceivers in other cases besides those de-
scribed, the emperor Charles finally passed, in the year 789,
a special law.§

giveness of sin had been obtained, to obtain also exemption from its
punishment by means of church penances voluntarily undertaken, so as
to avoid the necessity of being subjected to the fires of purgatory.
* In his
preface de poenitentiae utilitate.
f Ut satisfiat etiam ecclesiae, in qua remittantur peccata.
X The description of such an one :
Pauperculus quidam presbyter
propter homicidii centum circulis ferreis tarn in collo quam in utroque
constrictus brachio, quam gravibus quotidie suppliciis afficeretur, per
sulcos, quos ferrum carnibus ejus inflixerat, videntibus fidem fecit. Vita
S. Galli, 1. II. c. 34.

§ Nee nudi cum ferro (sinantur vagari), qui dicunt se data sibi
isti

poenitentia ire vagantes. Melius videtur, ut, si aliquid inconsuetum et

capitale crimen commiserint, in loco permaneant laborantes et servieutes
et pcenitentiam agentes secundum quod sibi canonice impositum sit.
Baluz. capitular. I. 239.

VOL. V.
 ( 194 )

SECTION FOURTH.

HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY, APPREHENDED AND DEVE-

LOPED AS A SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES.

I. In the Latin Church.

Gregory the Great, with whom we begin this period, con-

cludes the series of classical church-teachers of the West. By
him that form of the development of church doctrine which
had obtained in the Christianized Roman world was carried
over into the succeeding centuries ; and he represents the very-
important middle point between the Christian creation under
the Roman form of culture, now in the process of decline,
and the new Christian creation destined to spring forth out of
the stock of the German races. Born in Rome, between the
years 540 and 550, of a noble, patrician family, he was edu-
cated in a style corresponding to his rank, and possessed a
good knowledge of Roman literature. Of the Greek language
he always remained ignorant. He filled for some time the office
of praetor at Rome, till, in his fortieth year, he retired from
active duties and embraced the monastic life. He founded
six monateries ; and in one of these, which he had established
in the vicinity of Rome, he entered as a monk himself, and
was afterwards made its abbot. The Roman bishop, Pelagius
II., drew him into the active service of the church, making
him one of the seven deacons in the church of Rome. Avail-
ing himself of that knowledge of the world and skill in the
management of affairs which Gregory had acquired in his
former civil capacity, the pope sent him as his agent* to Con-
stantinople. On the death of Pelagius, in 589, Gregory was
chosen his successor. Although he considered it his duty to
devote himself with vigilant and unsparing activity to the
manifold external business then connected with his official
*
'AtfcKgnriuotos, responsalis.
 Gregory's zeal as a preacher. 195

station,*
—
a course which appeared to him in the light of a
necessary condescension of love to the necessities of the weak,
after the example of Christ, who for the salvation of men took
—
upon him the form of a servant,! yet the immediate spi-
tual duties of his vocation ever seemed to him the most
weighty and interesting ; and, in fact, he devoted the ener-
gies of his mind even to the improvement of the ecclesiastical
music, J and of the liturgical element in worship generally.
He exerted a great influence on the peculiar shaping given to
the whole mode of worship in the following centuries. Yet
he by no means neglected the appropriate duties of his office
as a preacher, but rather accounted them among the most
essential duties of the priestly calling.§ He held it to be an
essential duty of his priestly vocation to admonish and exhort
the collective body of the flock in public discourses, and the
individual members of the flock by private conversations. ||

He complained that the bishops of his time neglected, by

attending so much to outward affairs, the business of preach-
ing, which belonged to their vocation, and, to their own
reproach, called themselves bishops without actually perform-
ing the duties indicated by this name ;1f and he acknowledged
* He
himself describes the vast amount of foreign business which fell
upon 1. 1, in Ezechiel, H. XI. s. 6.
his hands, Cogor namque modo ec-
clesiarum, modo monasteriorum causas discutere, scepe singulorum vitas
actusque pensare, modo quaedam civium negotia sustinere, modo de
irruentibus Barbarorum gladiis gemere et commisso gregi insidiantes
lupos timere, modo rerum curam sumere, ne desint subsidio eis ipsis, qui-
bus diciplinse regula tenetur.
t Nee taedere animum debet, si sensus ejus contemplationi spiritalium
semper intentus, aliquando dispensandis rebus minimis quasi minoratus
inflectitur, quando illud verbum, per quod constant omnia creata, ut pro-
desset hominibus, assumta humanitate voluit paulo minus ab angelis mi-
norari, 1. XIX. in Job. s. 45.

X As late as the beginning of the ninth century the chair was still pointed
out on which Gregory was wont to sit when he led the church psalmody
of the boys received into the schola cantorum. Job. Diaconi vita, 1. II. c. 1.
§ Prseconis officium suscipit, quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit. Sacer-
dos vero si pnedicationis est nescius, quam clamoris vocem daturus est
praxo mutus? 1. I. ep. 25.
||
Et qui una eademque exhortationis voce non sufficit simul cunctos
-

admonere, debet singulos, in quantum valet, instruere, privatis locutioni-

bus aedificare, exbortatione simplici fructum in filiorum suorum cordibus
quserere. L. I. Horn. XVII. in Evangelia, s. 9.
% Ad exteriors negotia delapsi sumus, ministerium prsedicationis re-
linquimus et ad poenam nostram, ut video, episcopi vocamur, 1. c. s. 14.
o 2
196 ins

that in so doing he accused himself, although he was com-

pelled, by the exigencies of the times and in spite of his
wishes, to become immersed in these external things.* Diffi-
cult as it often was for him to compose, by reason of his

frequent illness and the multitude of affairs of all kinds which

claimed and distracted his thoughts, as he himself complains,")"
yet he was a diligent preacher, and the majority of his
writings grew out of sermons which he had delivered. He
exerted himself also to stimulate the diligence of others in
sermonizing while it was ever on his lips that, in order to
;

a successful discharge of the preacher's office, life and doc-

trine must
" he " that came from
go together. Words," said,
a cold heart could never light up in hearers the fervour of
heavenly desires ; for that which burned not itself could kindle
nothing else." J In order to lead the clergy of his times to a
sense of the dignity of their office, he drew up for their
use a " Pastoral Rule" (regula pastoralis), in which a great
deal was brought together that lies scattered in different parts
of his writings. In this work he endeavoured to show in what
temper of mind and in what way the spiritual shepherd should
come to his office; how he should live in it how he should
;

vary his mode of address according to different circumstances,

and according to the different character of his hearers and ;

how he should guard against self-exaltation in perceiving the

happy results of his official labours. This work had an im-
portant influence, during the next succeeding centuries, in
exciting a better spirit among the clergy, and in leading to
efforts for improving the condition of the church. The
reforming synods under Charlemagne made it their text-book
*Me quoque pariter accuse, quamvis Barbarici temporis necessitate
compulsus valde in his jaceo invitus.
^
t Quum itaque ad tot et tanta cogitanda scissa ac dilaniata mens du-
citur, quando ad semetipsam redeat, ut totam se in prsedicatione colligat ?
In Ezechiel, 1. I. H. XI. s. G.
X Ad supernum desiderium inflammare auditores suos nequeunt verba,
quae frigido corde proferuntur, neque enim res, quae in se ipsa non
arserit, aliud accendit. Moialia, L. 1. VIII. in cap. 8 Job. s. 72.
So also 1. I. in Ezechiel, H. XI. s. 7. The preacher, he said, could in-
spire in the hearts of his hearers a love of their heavenly home only
quum lingua ejus ex vita arserit. Nam lucerna, quae in semetipsa non
ardet, earn rem, cui supponitur, non accendit. To this he applies the
words of John the Baptist (John v. 35) Lucerna ardens et lucens, ardens
:

videlicet per cceleste desiderium, lucens

per verbum.
 HIS VIEWS ON PREDESTINATION. 197

in devising measures for the improvement of the spiritual

order.* after its appearance the question was pro-
Very soon
—
posed to the author by a bishop What was to be done in case
that such men as, in this work, were required to fill the offices
of the church could nowhere be found ?f whether, perhaps, it
was not enough to know Jesus Christ and him crucified (scire
Jesum Christum et hunc crucifixum), where it is quite evi-
dent that he who proposed the question was hardly aware how
much isimplied in really knowing and understanding this,
according- to the sense of St. Paul. With regard to the
peculiar theological character, the doctrinal and ethical
bent
of Gregory upon all this, the study of Augustin, for whom he
had a peculiar veneration,! had exercised the greatest influ-
ence. By him the Augustinian doctrines, in their milder
form, and directed rather to the interests of practical Chris-
tianity than to those of speculation, were handed over to the
succeeding centuries. The practical interest was with him
everywhere predominant it led him to adopt the Augustinian
:

scheme of doctrine only on the side on which it seemed to him

peculiarly necessary to receive it in order to the cultivation
of
a Christian habit of feeling, so as to beget true humility and
self-renunciation without leading to the investigation of specu-
lative questions; as, in fact, he was wont to trace heretical
tendencies to the circumstance that men had not searched
the Scriptures to find that for which they were given to
mankind, and which belonged to the discipline necessary for
salvation, but, prying after what was hidden and incompre-
hensible, neglected to apply what was revealed to immediate
profit. § Men boldly speculated on the essence of the divine
* See the
preface to the council of Mentz, 813; the second council of
Itheiras in the same year. The third council of Tours directs, in its third
canon, that no bishop should, if it could possibly be avoided, be ignorant
of the canons of the councils, and of the liber pastoralis, in quibus se de-
bet unusquisque quasi in quodam speculo assidue considerare.
f See lib. II. ep. 54.
X A prajfect of Africa having solicited a copy of his Moralia for his
own instruction, Gregory wrote to him, 1. X. ep. 38. Sed si delicioso
et
cupitis pabulo saginari, beati Augustini patriotse vestri opuscula legite
ad comparationem siliginis illius nostrum furfurem non qu&ratis.
§ Omnes hajretici, dum in sacro eloquio plus secreta Dei student per-
quam capiunt, fame sua steriles tint. Dum ad hoc tendunt,
scrutari,
quod comprehendere nequeunt, ea cognoscere negligunt, ex quibus erudiri
potueruut.
198 HIS VIEWS ON PREDESTINATION.

nature, while they remained ignorant of their own wretched

selves.*
Knowledge in God, Gregory contemplated as a causative,

creative,and eternal knowledge, whereby the doctrine that

is conditioned on a foreknowledge of given
predestination
events seems by him to be excluded. It is only by a necessary
anthropopathism that it is possible to speak of a divine fore-
knowledge, since the relations of time do not admit of being
applied to God. and we can attribute to him properly only an
eternal knowledge.+ Yet in the application of this maxim he
was prevented, by his practical spirit, from extending it to
such length as to make the causality of evil revert back on
God, though he nowhere enters into any close investigation of
this relation. Where it is said that God creates good and
he says, refers only to the evil
evil (Isaiah xlv. 7), the latter,
which God ordains for good. The creative agency of God
cannot be referred J to evil, as being in itself a negative
thing. § Thus, too, he explains the expression, God hardens
men's hearts, as meaning simply that he does not, when they
have involved themselves in guilt, bestow on them the grace
whereby their hearts might be softened. By reason of the
||

prevailing notion respecting infant baptism, concerning the

origin of which we have spoken already in the preceding
period, the question must have occurred to him, should Why
one child, if it dies after receiving baptism, be saved, and
another, if it dies before receiving the same, be lost ? which
he answers, rejecting all other modes of explanation, simply by

referring to the incomprehensibleness of the divine judgments,

* divinitatis tractant, cum semetipsos

Plerumque audacter de natura
miseri nesciant. L. XX.in cap. 30 Job. s. 18.
f Scimus, quia Deo futurum nihil est, ante cujus oculos prseterita
nulla sunt, prsesentia non transeunt, futura non veniunt, quia omne quod
nobis fuit et erit, in ejus conspectu praesto est, et omne quod prsesens
est, scire potest potius quam prsescire, quia quae nobis futura sunt videt,
quae tamen ipsi semper praesto sunt, prsescius dicitur, quamvis nequa-
quam futurum prsevideat, quod prsesens videt, nam et quseque sunt,
non in aeternitate ejus ideo videntur, quia sunt, sed ideo sunt, quia videntur.
L. 20 in cap. 30 Job. s. 63.
X Quae nulla sua natura subsistunt.
§ L. III. in cap. 2 Job. s. 15.
||
See 1. XXXI. in cap. 39 Job. s. 26, and in Ezechiel, 1. I. H. XL
S. 25.
 RELATION OF GRACE TO FREE WILL. 199

which men ought humbly to adore.* In another place, j where

he dwells in like manner on the incomprehensible character of
God's providential dealings, he makes the following practical
application of this truth:
" Let —
man, then,come to the con-
sciousness of his ignorance, that he may fear. J Let him fear,
that he may humble himself; let him humble himself, that he
may place no confidence in himself. Let him place no con-
fidence in himself, that he may learn to seek help of his
Creator ; and when he has come to know, that in self-confi-
dence nothing is to be found but death, he
may, by appropri-
ating the help of his Creator, attain to life." § With
Gregory, the important point touching the relation of free-
will to grace is this —
that every motion to good proceeds from
divine grace ; but that the free-will co-operates, while grace
works within it in a manner conformed to its nature, following
the call of grace with free self-determination ; all which, too,
may be very easily reconciled with Augustin's doctrine of the
gratia indeclinabilis and in this sense alone does he ascribe
;

any merit to free-will. || By this connection of ideas, Gregory

can reconcile with the assertion of a free-will the assertion
also of a grace attracting and transforming man's corrupt will
with a power which is essentially irresistible. "O, what a
" "
" Without the
consummate artist is that Spirit !
says he. (

tardy process of learning, the man is impelled onward to all

that this Spirit wills. No sooner does he touch the soul than
he teaches, and his touch is itself a teaching ; for at one and
the same time he enlightens and converts the human heart : it
suddenly turns stranger to what it was, and becomes what it was
*
Quanto obscuritate nequeunt conspici, tanto debent humilitate vene-
1. XXVII. in
rari, cap. 36 Job. s. 7.
t See 29 in cap. 38 Job. s. 77.
X In reference to the question respecting himself, whether he belonged
to the number of the elect, a point about which no person could be
certain.
§ Et qui in se fidens mortuus est, auctoris sui adjutorium appetens
vivat.
|1 Quia prseveniente diviua gratia in operatione bona, nostrum liberum
arbitrium sequitur, nosmetipsos liberare dicimur, qui liberanti nos Do-
mino consentimus. He explains the phraseology of St. Paul (1 Cor. xv.
1 0) as follows :
Quia enim prsevenientem Dei gratiam per liberum arbi-
trium fuerat subsequutus, apte subjungit mecum, ut et divino muneri
:

non esset ingratus, et tamen a merito liberi arbitrii non remaneret extra-
neus. L. XXIV. in cap. 33 Job. s. 24.
200 UNCEPwTAINTY ABOUT SALVATION.

not."* He considers goodness the work of God and man's work

at the same time inasmuch as it is to be traced to the causality
;

of divine grace, while the free-will, as an instrument of the

agency of grace, freely surrenders itself, that is, without being
conscious of any constraining necessity. Hence we can speak
of a reward, although indeed without this determinate agency
of grace, which God bestows on none but the elect, this act of
the free-will would not have been exerted. And had Gregory
been disposed to follow this train of ideas still farther, he
must have come to the result that this was a necessary agency
of grace, though exerted in the form of the subject's own self-
determination.f Now as Gregory made the salvation of the
individual depend on the question whether or no he belonged
to the number of the elect, and yet, according to his opinion,
no man could penetrate into this hidden counsel of the divine
mind without a special revelation, it followed that no man, in
the present life, can have any certainty with regard to his sal-
vation and this uncertainty appeared to him a most salutary
;

thing for man, serving to keep him ever humble, and in ai

watchful care over himself. On one occasion, a lady in
waiting, of the emperor's household (cubicularia) at Constan-
tinople, by name Gregoria, wrote to him, that she could have
no peace till Gregory could assure her it was revealed to him
from God that her sins were forgiven. To this he replied, £
that she had required of him a thing which was at once diffi-
cult and unprofitable —
difficult, because he was unworthy of
such a revelation unprofitable, because it was not till the
;

last day of her life, when no more time was left to

weep over her
sins, she ought to have the assurance that they were forgiven.
Till then, distrustful of herself,
trembling for herself, she
should always fear on account of her sins, and seek to cleanse

•
Gregor. 1. II. Horn, in Evangel. XXX. s. 8. O qualis est artifex iste
spiritus Nulla ad discendura mora agitur in omne quod voluerit. Mox
!
_

ut tetigerit mentem docet solumque

tetigisse docuisse est, nam humanum
animum subito ut illustrat immutat, abnegat hoc repente quod erat, ex-
hibet repente quod non erat.
f Bonum, quod agimus, et Dei est et nostrum, Dei per prseveuientem
gratiam, nostrum^ per obsequentem liberam voluntatem. Quia non im-
merito gratias agimus, scimus, quod ejus munere
preevenimur, et rursum,
quia non immerito retributionem quasrimus, scimus, quod obsequente
libero arbitrio bona elegimus, quae ageremus. L. XXXIII. in cap. 41
Job. s. 40.
 UNCERTAINTY ABOUT SALVATION. 201

herself from them by daily tears. This was the state of mind
which Paul found himself to be in (1 Cor. ix. 27), notwith-
standing he could boast of such high revelations. This mode
of viewing the matter, which, in the following centuries, con-
tinued to be entertained in the Western church, gave occasion,
it is true, to a tormenting species of asceticism, to dark and

melancholy views of life, and to various kinds of holiness by

works or superstitious observances, which were started into
existence by the oppressive feeling of this uncertainty ; but

Gregory directed the anxious soul to trust in the objec-

still

tive promise of divine grace in Christ. Thus, for instance, he

concludes one of his sermons:
* " —
Relying on the compas-
sion of our Creator, mindful of his justice, be concerned for
your sins; recollecting his grace, despair not; the God-man
gives man trust in God."
If we remark, in the doctrinal system of Augustin, two ele-
—
ments the purely Christian, which proceeded from a profound
apprehension of the ideas of "grace" and of "justification"
as essentially spiritual ideas, and the sensual Catholic, which
he had received from the church tradition, and which had
—
become mixed up with the former in his inward life so too we
meet with the same elements in Gregory, and they were trans-
mitted by him down to the succeeding centuries. From the
latter proceeded the development of Catholicism in the middle

ages, in its sensual Jewish form ; from the former, the seeds
of a vital and inward Christianity, which is to be found also
under the envelope of Catholicism, and which sometimes even
excited and produced a reaction against the sensual Catholic
principle. The antagonism between these two elements disco-
coved itself in him in various ways.
Though, on the one hand, he was easily inclined to believe
the stories about miracles wrought in his own time, and espe-
cially to ascribe such miraculous operations to the sacraments ;
and though, by collections of this sort in his Dialogues,! he
nourished the passion for miracles in the times which suc-
ceeded him ; yet, on the other, his intuitive perception coming

* In
Evangelia, 1. II. H. XXXIV.
f In which, by the way, several remarkable phenomena are related.*
belonging to the higher province of psychology, where the energy of a
divine life, breaking through mere earthly limits, may perhaps have been
revealed.
202

from depths of the Christian consciousness of the essence

tin*

ami of the new creation grounded in the

irisiianitv.

redemption, together with the inward miracle of the commu-

nication of b divine life,* led him to appreciate more
reetlv the external miracle as an isolated and temporal t.
compared to the one ami universal fad which was then
be introduced and marked, and to form a eounter-iniim i.

the fleshy passion for miracles. He considered external mi-

racles as haying been once necessary in order to pave the way
for the introduction among men of the new creation, to ele-
vate the mind from the visible to the invisible, from the m
without to the far greater miracle within. They who had
something new to announce must procure credence for them-
selves by these new facts accompanying- the new annunciation. j
"Wherever that highest of all miracles and end of them all, the
divine life, has once entered humanity, it no longer needs the
external sign. Paul, on an island full of unbelievers, healed
the sick by his prayers; but to his sick companion Timothy,
he only recommended the natural remedies (1 Tim. v. 23),
for the former needed first to be made susceptible for the in-
ward power of the divine life; but the sick friend, win.
already sound and healthy within,^ had no need of the
outward miracle. § The true miracle ever continues to ope-
rate in the church, since the church daily accomplishes, after
a spiritual manner, such works as the apo ompliahed
after a sensible manner —
a thought which he finely carries out
with reference to the gift of tongues, the gift of healing,
spiritually interpreted. And he then goes on t<>
wonders are the greater, because they are of a spiritual kind;
the greater, because by their means not the bodies but the souls
of nun are revived. ''Such wonders," he adds in tin
*
Thus, concerning the relation of the diffusion of the Holy Ghost to
the inran'utioii of the SOB of God, In- says: In ilia Dens in se p
nens suscepit hominem, in ista vero homines venientem desuper bos
runt Deuin, in ilia Deus naturaliu-r fact us est homo, in ista homin<
v
sent per adoptionem Dii. In Evangelist, Hi>. II. Horn. \.

f ut nova nova pnedicarent Ad hoc quippe visibilia

fecerent, qui
miracula ooruscant,ut oordavidentium sd fldem invisibiliam pertrahant,
ut per i.'»'- qood mirnm forii igitor, hoc quod intna est. Longe mirabilini
esse sentiatur. In Evang. 1. I. H. I\
.

ibriter intm vivebat

§ ( \\\ n. mi oap.87Job. a 36. ed. Bensdieua. T. I.
f. 869.
 203

mon fironi which these n

If \<»n will, bj

il ;
Imf i

///// thai virtue. 'I be

\
(Matt. ii.
22) : tl

not then .
which or*
the reprobate ; but afteT the

. inanother plaoe,1 " Ii i-

plain fipom I

.
should In- honoured in men, Dot I

The proof <>t hoi

. but til*- lo\
log all M We do <>u:

on!
brotherly love, he
-

i
1 1 §*

escribed by Christ himself.

!. which * the

ii it
might be with

•
in the miraculous cures i t
lounced that direct 'laces
which sought hoi}) chiefly in ran

" how
j r,J| many bi
your heart
moistening your checks with I

von pray in the di

the j

* L. II. . II. XXIX.

t I*
+ Ho adds: I) de proximo ra qnam de semetipso
s ntiro.
§ Ante enim a fidelibus miraculorum d et tunc huntnr
contra cos antiinuis ill.
aperta prodigia oMenditur, ut quo ipse
per rigna extouitnr, so a fideliboi
-vincatur. Quorum niinirum virti.
good ab illo terribilitsr Beri :eem
premit. L. XXXIV. in Job.
In Eyangelia, 1. II. Horn.
|]
XXVII.
204 mcs.

ing of Jesus, if, in the temple of eternity, you pray in an

impatient manner for temporal things. Behold, one seeks In
his prayer a wit;-: another
Longs for an estate; another for
clothing another for the means of subsistence.
1

; And, very
true, even for these things, if they be
lacking,
men must ask the
Almighty God ; hut in so doing ire should ever be mindful
of that which we have learned from the precept of our Saviour,
S k first the
kingdom of God ami his righteousness, and all
things shall he added unto you.' It is no error, then, to
to Christ even for these if we do not seek them
things,
too earnestly. But he who prayer the death of an
-

enemy, lie who persecutes with prayer one whom lie cannot
persecute with the sword, incurs the guilt of a murderer ; he
rights, while he prays, against the will of his Creator; his
very prayer is sin."
From what has now been said concerning the doctrinal
principles of Gregory, we may infer the intimate connection in
which, in his case as in that of Augustin, the ethical element
would stand to the doctrinal, and the peculiar direction his
mind would take in the discussion of ethical* questions. It
was the peculiar direction adopted and carried out by Augus-
tin, in opposition to that Pelagianism which severed Christian
morality from its intimate connection with the doctrines of
faith. It was the tendency which seeks to refer everything back
to the central point of the Christian life, the divine principle of
a life growing out of faith, the essential temper of love; and
the opposition, thence resulting, to the isolated and outward
of estimating morality by the standard of quantity. "It
j

is from the root of holiness within," says

Gregory, "from
which the single branches of holy conduct must proceed, if
that conduct U d to pass as an acceptable offering, an
oblatio verae rectitudinis, before God ;"f and the essence of
this inward holiness consists in love, which spontaneously
birth to all that is good. As many branches spring from
Ogle tree and a single root, SO many virtues spring from
love, which is one. The branch of good works is without
it abide in connection with the root of love.
>t

* A which lie had particularly employed his thoughts, i

his practical allegorizing interpretation of Job,,

ilia, in
which grew out of homilies on this book.
:.. XIX. in Job, c -:i,
•
 . while yet tin

*
ie iii the roof, which .
He, tl

the n
virtues, partial
1 1--

the

\vli;it has tO !><• don.-, i

euppliea the
which is known to | )(
-

right 6 oold be a
punishment rather than
.
then, wh imee
knov
ju^t indeed ; but tl im to l

compahied « ith >n thi> prim

al individual form- of that
estimating
rard maim
itly
in the case
which, in other respects, was m him.

the outwai
\\$0 in in

of the 1.
availeth anything nor uncircuux
To i

and perishable
nls our
neighbours
which we ind with :

feelii

* I

t Una i I aut imperfecta, lib. XXII.

1 c. 1. I. II. in E
bid, lib. I. Horn. Ill
§ Ad vocem praedicai oompunctos habitum,
non animuin mutasse, ita at relif
vitia non eaksrtnt et do sol abitu, 4uein suuiserunt sanctitatis
fiduciam habere.
206 on

others, and to communicate of our substance to the needy to •

love our friends in (Jod, and, for the sake of ml. to love ( i

our enemies; to be grieved when our neighbours suffer, and

not to rejoice over the death of an enemy; this is the new —
creation.* So he often Mi<_r htingly of those ascetic

austerities which had not grown out of true love and selfj
renunciation, and which served as a foothold for pride and
vanity :] and of that mock humility which, beneath an ap
ance of outward self-debasement, concealed the greater pride,
making use of the one to nourish the other ;J and of the hu-
mility that consisted in the opus operatum of confessing one's
sinfulness, or particular sin, and betraying, at the same time,
the insincerity of this confession, by the manner in which re-
proofs Mere received from another.§ Moreover, Gregory
transmitted the fundamental principle of the Augustinian
ethics, by expounding, in the same strict sense, the obligation
to truthfulness, and by utterly condemning every species of
falsehood. ||

Gregory by no means inculcated a blind faith, excluding all

rational investigation but on this point also followed the
;

principle of Augustin on the relation of reason to faith, though

by virtue of his peculiar bent" of mind he ventured lei
into doctrinal speculations. The church," says he, " requires
* In I. H. X. 9.
Ezechiel, 1. s.

f See e. Evangelia, Horn. XXXII.

g, 1. II. in Fortasse laboriosum
non est homini relinquere sua, sed valde laboriosum est, relinquere -
tipsum.
% Sunt nonnulli, qui viles videri ab hominibus appetunt atque omne,
quod sunt, dejectos se exhibendo contemnunt ; sed tamen apod so iutror-
sus quasi ex ipso merito OStenss vilitatii iutumeseunt et tanto ma
corde elati suut,quanto amplius in specie elatiouem premuut. 1. VII. XX
Moral, s. 78.
§ Saepe coutingit, ut passim se homiues iniquos esse fateantur sed ;

quum peccata Mia veraciter aliis arguentihus aiuliunt, defendant Be sam-

mopere, atque innocentes videri conautur. Iste de confessione peccati
ornari voluit, non humiliari, per accusationem suam lmuiilis appetiit
videri, XXI V. Moral .

[|
He would
not approve of U-lling a falsehood, even to save lift, ut
nee vita cnjnaUbet per fallaciam defemlatur, ne sine animas aoceant, dnmi
prestare vitam earni nituiitur alien®, qnanqnam hoc ipsmn |

uus facilliine credimus relaxari. Moral. 1. XVI 1, s.

1 So B
.">.

false 1.
iug from a miftaktn notion of humility, qui
la loquitur, tanto magis humilitati jungitur, quanto

rati soeiatur. Moral. XXV I. s. 5.

 207

faith when
she preset rs which
reason. J that human reason should n

this i followed

it we must .il!<.\\

as wen- suited to theii

sever*

theanciei
.
hich influenced tin

manim in which he coni

dutii in, which.
cum

iisiderttl tl

that he con

•ems
that i the ju-j
it would se< in to follow from I

<
liemence of i

i« errantilv, pra>-
cipif.
US credita, ted an vera tii>\
rati<> .
1. VIII. s.

t I
led more rarely, how*
older Greek fat I
J^n.
uise fathers were leas
ible to the p
how it shooid ha

the ^ ritings of Irenaraa was

Quia in duo is ore cum Jowii land laudes non capias* et

quain fanduBMMM] i so religioso
conveniat, ipse eousidera.
 208 i.ini: OF a

thus employed hu time, he may perhaps have expressed him*

more strongly than he would otherwise have done.*
The death of Gregory the Great, In 604j was followed by
the political movements and revolutions among the nations of
the West, amid which the culture transmitted from ancient
times was more and more exposed to utter extinction. Alth
in Rome and Italvf libraries were kept up, from wh
the new churches In England and Germany were afterwards
made fruitful, yet the degree of scientific interest was Still in-
sufficient in those countries to make any use of them amid the
storms and convulsions by which Italy especially wa-
in the next succeeding centuries. The great interval, in
theological cultivation and evangelical knowledge, lx i

Gregory the Great and the popes of the eighth century, is

strikingly apparent wild torrent of destruction

During this
Providence was preparing a few places of security in isolated
districts, where the remains of the older culture were prese
* If the
commentary on the books of Kings, which is ascribed to Gre-
gory, might be taken as evidence of his mode of thinking, it would be
clear from this that he was much rather a defender of the study of an-
cient literature in the same sense as Augustin was. He held the study of
the liberal arts (artes liberates) to be necessary, in order to learn how to
understand rightly the sacred Scriptures. He looks upon it as a device
of the evil spirit to dissuade Christians from these studies, ut et secularin
nesciant et ad subliinitatem spiritalium non pertingant. >rder
to be prepared for the right setting forth of divine things, Mas lirst in-
structed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. Isaiah was more eloquent
than all the Other prophets, because he was not, like Jeremiah, an annen-
tarius, but nobiliter instructus. So, too, St. Paul was pre-eminent among
the apostles per doctrinam, quia futurus in ca'lestibus terrena prius stu-
diosus didicit. 1. V. in I. Beg. IV. s. SO. At all events, from whom-
this work may have proceeded, it was a remarkable reaction against the

tendency to despise ancient literature. But although this langu

strong to have hern used by Gregory himself, yet it is plain from his
in a Christian to em-
writings, that while he considered it unbecoming
ploy his thoughts a long time on many of the works
of antiquit
iy must have supposed
an acquaintance with ancient literature
necessary, as a general thing, in order to theological culture-
he was consistent with himself. The story about the burning up of the
Bibliotheca Palatum. 1". oMtmand, cannot be considered as suf-
le foundation for it an- the traditious of the twelfth

try. John of Salisbury II. 26. I'olicratic

t where the famous Cassiodore, aster retiring from public life to a
ther rich treasures of literature:and, by bis resti-
tutiodivinarum literarum, inspired the monks with a love of
stimulated them to the copying of books.
 Ill
Sp.ii:
of the seventh,
who embraced within I.
edge iD that in hi- own age

the
duties

thoughts .

irum liln

tribute (1 i

and predestination* A
cl «>f* truthfulm

he disapproves the violent m<

of the J
I

ory.J

iristian \\<»rl<!.

things n

iped and i

traditional Roman tendency (seei

. i

DM Bit of

* T:

pra d torum ad i

t L, U
fugiunt, ut
animse noceant, dum ;

hoc ipsum peooati genu facillin.

+ I' llationcm
qutdem Dei ha!
pulit, idds:
dcot scriptum est Phil, i., i .
VL-ritatem,
Chrisms adnonciator, in hoc gaudeo et gaudebo.
VOL. V. P
210 THEOLOGICAL XD.

theological and learned culture. Far renowned were the

masters from Scotland (magistri e Scotia), who travelled not
only to England but and Germany, and taught
I

various branches of knowledge. From Ireland, as we have

seen, England was enriched with books and science ; and the
enthusiasm which was first excited in that country led English
clergymen and monks to procure books from Rome and
Gaul.*
In the seventh century Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury,
and the abbot Hadrian, who had accompanied him from Rome,
gained for themselves deserved credit by their efforts to
further the progress of culture in England. They tra\ \
the country in company with each other, and made arra
ments for the establishment of schools. They left behind
them many disciples and among these, as Bede reports, -f were
;

men able to speak Latin and Greek as their mother tongue.

Under these influences grew up a man who deserves to be
called emphatically the teacher of England, the Venerable
Bede. Born in the year 673 in the village of Yarrow in
Northumberland, he received his education, from the time he
was seven years old, in the monastery of Wearmouth, and
this monastery was also, until his death, the seat of his great,

though unobtrusive, activity as a teacher. By him many

other church-teachers, who became eminent also as instructors
in other countries, were educated. Of himself he says, J that
lie had bestowed every pains upon the study of the Scriptures,

and amid the devotional exercises and liturgical duties which

devolved on him as a monk and priest, it had been his delight
to be ever learning, teaching, or writing.§ The manner of his
death Corresponded with such a life, consecrated in noi
activity to God. In the last fourteen days of it he calmly
and cheerfully contemplated his approaching departure, sur-
• In the account of the life of the abbot, and afterwards bishop, Aldhi'lni,

composed by William of*

Malmesbury, who wrote, it is true, in the twelfth
century, but made use of earlier sources, it is mentioned that the mer-
chant vessel* from France often brought with the rest of their men
dize,bibbs and other books. See Sanctorum Bolland.
'
I

Maj. T. VI. t Hist. Socles, iv. 2.

X In (he report Of) his life and writings, in his history of the English
chorcl Maj. T. VI. f. 721, and Mabili
ill. P. I.
, ant docere, aut scribere dulce habui.
l'Ollll

In flic

* 1 i

f In tboM hut

M Wr
"thou hast
for it is a great j

I ban
Father." Thus
his head, h
th<" d

the 1
be k><he I!

earth.
intended school at York, where instruction was given in all
the then existing branches of knoii ad where especially
itudy <>f the bible, and of* the writings of ancient church*
ound them, w entry pur-
sued; and even after Egbert became archbishop of York,
he -till devoted much time to the direction of this school*
which he placed under the immediate care of lii> disciple
in this school Alcuin,
proceeded I

6T of his times; York, the \ r\ born

ir in in «

which the eminent master, whose place he was to till in a still

wider field of action, the Venerable Bede departed from this
life. He afterwards became head of the school in York which
was so flourishing under his direction, and many from distant
places were here his scholars until the emperor Ch ;

invited him to join ingreat work of educating the

the
Franks, and of improving the condition of the Frankish
church.
The Frankish church, under Charlemagne, was the central
point which united of culture from
all the 1
scattered rays
England, Ireland, Spain and Italy; and Charles took advan-
tage of every Opportunity to stimulate the bishops of his
dom to diligence and zeal in promoting- learned studies,
setting
them an example by his own persona] exerti
Having, for example, received letters from the abbots and
bishops, in which they stated their petitions to him, he
pained to observe the extreme deficiency they manifested in
an ability t<> express their thoughts with correctness and pro-
priety. This led him to issue a circular letter.f in which he
exhorted them to the zealous pursuit of scientific Mudies. .

which would enable them better and more easily to

j

Understand also the mysteries of Holy writ. J He considered

* His scholar Alcuin, who slwsyi dang to him with great aiTection,
STohbUhopi and holy men of
x
said of him in his poem on the i

1
liristus Hinor, ]>otiis, dims, omnia Clirisfus,
\, via, (,'loria, viitus.

and
Inclolii (>;»r< .
ichat,
junxit, itocuit, nutrivit, muavit.

t B tonus reran. Franc. T. V. f. 621. Conoilis

Gallia, T. II. t i

J Qaaaa ::
mills
inveniantur, uulli dubiuin lauto
•
itof great Importance thai the beads of the churches should
object u
ith tl.> 1m« i

bad assembled around him ;• and an

beyond doubt th<' most distinguished. When, In
tin

the I ;rn from had i

been entrusted to bin by the archbishop

emperor, \\ ln> had tinted with him 1< him
at Parma, be invited bin to remain with bin,
pressingly
the purpose of taking the dii
about t<» establish. I

and obtained permission from his king and t

op to comph with this requ<

the monarch. The latfc I him d

. and the nion.

that he might direct the studii

provided for by the

d under hi-; particular charge
which he himself bad establish*
ranks, in the vicinity of his own palace (th<
he came into imn*
tiu'most eminent men in the state and
tve hia advice on all ning to th<

to the education of the people. He d the emp

himself, and the lai him his i i r in

»t.f
II«' often j'!.

f Scripture, on the meaning of liturgical

;

church chrom
1m en started in the com
from hi- until
his death
kept nj> a familiar c< with hin
w hich Alcuin with
lom.J

ritiusspintaliter intelligit, quanto prius in literaruui magistcrio pl<

instruotus merit.
* The discord'..
worst thing that ooold haj mooki of •

of St. Martin ol Ucuin and

Theodulf bishop oi aa Alcuin's letters, ep. 119.
f Carissime in Chris) him in a letter from which
Alcuin quotes a lew lines in his u
+ As a monument of Alenin'l devout and I r of mind,
the consoling words which, in thu I rote to the emperor ou
214

remarked on :i fo . how important it was re-

ed by the |
both in relation Ionia own wants and
i. that the text in the Bible, in the then
at Latin translation, which through the n< and
ranee <>t' tl PI had in
06 wholly many ea-
unintelligible, should be corrected and this weighty task he ;

imposed on Alenin.* In the beginning of SOI, r

wishing to congratulate the kin^ on hi- a to the

imperial throne, Alenin sent him, Dt, a ropy of U
the entire Bible carefully oorreoted throughout by his own
hand.j
Having spent eight years in this circle of labours, Alenin
returned once more to his native country, where b<
about two years, and then, somewhere near the year 792,
came back and resumed his former occupation. At the
approach of old age, however, he was desirous of withdraw-
from the bustle of court, and from the multiplied con-
cerns in which he here found himself involved, to renounce
all
employments whatsoever, except those immediately con-
nected with religion, and retiring from the world, to be
allowed to prepare in quiet for his departure from the pre-
sent life, to which everything else should be subordinated. J

the death of his wife, Liodgarde, may stand here Domine Jesu, spes :

nostra, salus nostra, coDsolatio nostra, qui clementiuima Tooe omnibus

sub pondere cujuslibet laboris gementibui mandasti dieena venite ad : me
omnt'S, qui lahoratis et om-rati estis. et ego Miriam VOfc Quid hac
promissione jucundius? Quid bl tins? veniat ad cum omnis
animfl orane cor contritum, fundens lacrimal in coi if
misericordia^ illius, neque abseondat vulncra too medico, qui ait:
occidarn et vivere fat'iam, pcirutiam abo, Dentl

llatmirismodis, ut erudiatfilios, pro quorum aaluteunico nou ;

cit filio. He then repreaenti tin- Sou of God Baying to tin- soul Pi :

te descendi et patiebar, qua Legisti in Uteris meis, at tibi preparem man-

aionem in dome patris mei. Regnum meum tantum ralet, quantum to
la et habebii ill ml,
ep,
* As he himaelf
says Domini :
iptum in emendatione
ced to the sixth hook of his
mentary on the( of St. John, T, I. Vol. II. f. 591. ed. Pi
f Alenin, He bad thinking what to tend him,
l<

Tandem ipirira aancto inspirante unrein, quod meo nomine

e et quid restro prudential amabile esse potui

ipationibns depoeina toli Deo idero.

Dam omni homini n< raeparare ad ooearanss
IS, qui sunt annis et infinnit .
[f tbe an
was lii> \\ i-li to find
in tli

eluded to i

in ii

tli<-

found here a flouri

r as a tea<

ditl't i

infirmities, ami the presentiment i

-eek
ease from
commit daring the I of hb life, the din
convent tind. r hifl C

M be sii«l.§ he could quietly live in tl.

watting for the surnmoni

last years of hifl life, an. Ul I

be liail I-

tlio

* Which
rum, at the
Mabill
t 1 '
'

MY«

plurimos ;.

bonitatis lai

pern,
procoi
i
>,>. 17(*», to the archbuo ecnm
ii
per loca
dhreraa, adjutorea mihi per omnia
stionibus meia Domino dko 1>.i\
:

:. in the habit of calling

aperor Ch u I

Spectana, qaando \

exaudi indicantem.
216 DOGV

in the
Carolingian age, in the epoch formed <>ut of the
i

whole period in which learning flourished most, men were far

more busily occupied in firmly establishing and practically
applying what had been handed down by tradition, than in
ing into any new i of faith.
i

naturally, it wa^ in this epoch alone that oppositions of

.

doctrine could busy the Western church of tin- p riocL But

it is singular to
observe, that it was in the Spanish church
ll others —
a church which, though not oppn
under the rule of a for- that professed the reli-

gion of Mohammed, in no very favourable situation for

in science— a revival commenced of the old opposition
-

between the Antiochian and the Alexandrian sch

though we must admit that in the Spanish church, owing
to tins very fact of its peculiar situation, such an opposition
would have room for more freely unfolding- itself, than would
have been possible under other circumstances. In ord<
trace with certainty the origin of such a dogmatic tendem
the Spanish church of those times, we need more distinct in-
formation respecting the manner in which the controv<
about to be mentioned began, and of the internal relations of
the church itself. In this regard, it is an important question,
which of the two principal persons, whom we see standinj
as the defenders of the new system, Elipandus, archbishop of
Toledo, «-r
Felix, bishop of Drgellis,* i> to be consider*
the real author of this revived Antiochi.in tendency*
Elipandus, if we may judge from those writings of his
which still remain, was a violent, excitable man. governed by
the impulses of a blind zeal,f who had diligently studied,
it is

• La dukedom ofCerdana,
S«.-u
d'Urgelle, in the in Spain.
>. in the doctrinal controversy in which he
first

public I. In his dispute* with Migetiu*, a Spanish false teacher,

to draw more sharply the line
Elipandni i .

the humanity and I and hero, no doubt,

deitj ;

of expressions which might to his

ili Nestorianism : for
example, in the letter I

ma fihi, on mine David secundum can.

ea, qu tre. Indeed, ;is a general thing, he wi
rkward and unskilled in the use or doctrinal terms; but in
Other marks of Adoptianisi.
found. IT- here empl rm assnmptio, not adoptio. it would
i
light on th< tad we tbemesi tigating the
trinesof th. '•'< to determine the precise relat;
 wholly wanting in the spirit
cientific research. tiro <>n hii own
monTj thai if ooce d by tome
I«

. iniil
phrase, which should
to make hiiii :
nally injun d, by
•

whose relativi n in the church entitled him, i

antic WOUld only b

i-sult in tin

shoul<

andus

snoth t'
thinking, to make it
possible I

<// with the I

assumption

Bumui
sum Domii

to show that he v
own holin- il for him •

with unbeli
by them. I i ith him, on this

the words Of St. Paul, that to the pure all things are mire: to tl
that ( I
publicans and sini.
ith
Paul that it is permitted to accept an invitation I D from an
unbdh
218 LIAR

>n
which, IB this conflict of opinion-;, would gain an
importance in his eves wholly disproportionate to itfl value.
the term
"adoption, which is sometimes found
employed, even in the older fathers, to denote Christ*!
sumption of human nature into unity with the divine, was
often introduced in the (
Jothieo-SpanUh litunjy* then in US
and to such :>audus not (infrequently refers.;
p;i
We
Dtight, therefore, suppose that Klipandu- had been led by
an of u "
expression!] speak to
adoption of humanity by Christ
in order to sonship with Grod, and to call him, with reference
to his humanity, the adopted Son of God (Fill US -i ;i
lopti- 1 >

and that he would zealously defend this doctrinal pie

:

when it came to be attacked, as if it were a phrase of peculiar

importance. With Felix of Urgellis, however, the case stood
somewhat differently. In him we may perceive a radical and
thorough doctrinal tendency, which is not to be traced to any
snch outward and accidental cause. The more probable
is, then, that the doctrine concerning Christ's person designated
"
by the name Adoptionism," proceeded originally from Felix,
by whom we find it presented in a strictly coherent
rather than from Elipandus, a man hardly calculated to be the
author and founder of any peculiar type of doctrine.^ It
would indeed be a very singular afiiiir for an octogenarian like
him to provoke, at so advanced a period of life, a control
on this point. The truth is. too much stress se,-m< to
rally upon the individual doctrinal ph
adoption and "adopted Son," which gave its name to this
'•

whole type of doctrine just as in the Nestorian com;

an undue importance to the single expn \ i

Seotukoc. As we shall see, when we come to examine this

* The officium Mozarabicum. t Adoptio = assumtio, ivaAn^,;.

+
T Toli-tanian liturgy, Adoptivi hominis p
atia adoptionis. Elipandi epistola ad Aleuinuin, T. I.

P. II. .
Proben.
ifiicting historical testimonies OO a matter of this sort, so far
ration, can settle nothing on this point
low ai a matter of course that the individual who tirst
ut this subject into public discussion was the first to develops this
trine. Ami even though Klipamlus might have been to
mentioned in his control
writin Id, l>y no means, prove him to have been the author of
this dogmatic I
 ii. it could li.i'

possilil'-.
thou
mentioned in;;

thia

liturgy
this whole peculi

In remarking the
elix on tin

of the Antiochian Thi

jecture, that the former had received I

liar direction from

studying the writings of th
and mthere bad been considerable inl
• •ii the Spanish and the
eoneerniiig the thn
writings oi* Theodore into
i
the use of thi

church-teachers, while I

lible, that
ciliated in S

form

; thenwh
true, that Felix h '' ng

standing-point of M
and truth 4 uhieh
UHMiaUM,
he might naturally be !

and by his own close connection with the

the first impulse to the
doctrine might b
easily
apologetic effort of this kind, i; would l>e
unnecessary for him
to prove the diviin the,

divine mission of •'

* The emperor Chtrlef had heard that Pelbt had wr '

itatio
crdote yet this was unknown
;
to Atari]
nekn< in the doctril in. But what he
had to prove was. the doctrine of the incarnation of God, and
of the deity of Christ, against which and the doctrine <»t* the
Trinity the fiercest attacks of the Mohammedans wen
d j
and by hii apologetic efforts in this direction, he
i
led to er tome Mich way of presenting
this doctrine. r
possible, that which
proved th< f
ttambling to those of the Mohammedan
persuasion. Thus we might explain the origin of the Adop-
tian type of doctrine, respecting the internal coh(
Which, as a system, we shall now proceed to speak.
Felix, like Theodore of Biopsuestia, was opposed to the in-
discriminate interchange of predicates belonging to the two
natures in Christ. When the same predicates were applied to
Christ, in reference to his deity and in reference to his hu-
manity, he required that it should always be precisely defined
in what different sense it was done; particularly in what
differ* J Christ is called Son of God, and Cod, accord-
ing to his deity and according to his humanity. II insisted
here on the distinction, that when Christ is called by I

names in reference to his deity, that is designated which has

round in the divine and when so called inj

ice to his humanity, that is designated which came from

an act of free-will, a particular decree of Cod the anti; —
on the one side, and of vuluith
.

plaeitO, on
the other. As in the former is( is 1

in essence Cod and Son of Cod; so in the second I

lie is Cod and Son of Cod. inasmuch as be was taken into

union with him, who is in essence Son of Cod. .Now

//fin/ and fUttural, stands that
I
also
which can he so designated only in another sense, by a sort of
iviny (nuncupative). Unless it was meant to 1>.
that Christ derived his humanity from the essence of God hiin-
no other course remained, according to Felix, but to
make this antithesis. Inthesam< be now introduced
between a son bj birth and nature (filiis
also
natura), and a son by adoption (adoptione filius).
•

notion oi* adoption, he supposed, stands for nothing

than precisely that filial relation which is grounded, not in
natural descent, hut in a free act oi" thi' lather's will,
hence, to those who objected that the title of u Son by adop-
 Tl!

plied, that
still the fundamental idea
fbrmity with Scripti
of like in ially to lie found i !

without them the com-,

ii.»t derived from the divine eaten
by the d
will.f could in ii,,
iletermifi
true humanity
to him peculiarly appn
reason, namely, that it inn plain, G with
human relatio rton e<>ui'
by aray of natural origin, though lie mighf ha'

by natural origin, and another by adoptii

manner Christ could, in hu humanity, 1><

natural derivation, and by adopti

the Scripture- for all th<
of*
dependence in (
Ihrist, for the pi
of that di>tiii- j>osed in ;

th<'in-el\

voluntary obedient i
by him ai m
natur n, in which h<
: in antil m in whk
and fatam
•sition he

* Si
adoption*!* nomen in Christo - toqne

est
eaillbetiiUoadoptio, nisi
tio, n
h nmanihUe adop:

111. c.

t Ilumanitas in qua extriusecus factus non do substantia

est, patris sub-

• it nolit negaturusest cum verum l.o-

minem. L III. c. ., f. -
Neqoe enim fieri potest, at unus filius naturaliter duos jatres habere
unum tamea per naturain, aliuni autera per adontionem prorsus
.

. 1 III. f. 8:
 Ill AL TO HOLY Y\ :

comlitionalis. nudum eonditionem.* Nowhere, he

affirmed, is it merted in the gospel, that the Son of God —
hut always and only, that tin- BOO of man n ap for
Headda -t. that Christ
himself, Luke xviii. 19,
said of his humanity, that it Mas not good of itself, but i

in it. as everywhere else, was the

original fountain of good*
-.
furthermore, that Peter ears of Christ.
Acts 38, God was in him; Paul, 2 Cor. v. 19, God
x,
in Christ —
not as though the deity of Christ were for this
reason to be denied, but only that the distinction of the human
from the divine nature should be firmly held.§ He main-
tained, that by this mode of obsignating the purely human
element in Christ, the Son of God, as Redeemer, is glorified ;

* Dens fieri potest, ut conditione servus Dei

Numquid qui verns est
sit, Doininus in forma servi, qui multis multisque docu-
sicut Christus
ments, non tantum propter obedientiam, ut plerique volant, sed et.
per naturam servus patris et filius ancillse, ejus verissime edocetur, 1.
VI. f. 840. But here his opponents -would not admit the distinction be-
tween the propter obedientiam et per naturam. since they derived the latter
v
from the former, referred the assumption of human nature by the . <

God to his self-renunciation, and applied to this Philipp. ii. 8, 9.Fur-

thermore ilium propter ignobilitatein beatSB Virginia, qua se aneillam
:

Dei humili voce protestatur, servum esse conditionalem, f. 839. Where

the manner in which bespeaks of theVirgiu Mary may have given offence,
in the prevailing tendency of the times.
f L. c. 834, 835. Here Alcuin could bring against him several pas-
sages of the New Testament, John iii. 16; Kom.viii.
Acts iii. 13, 14, 15. But Felix Mas led into his error by followi;.
clusively, with regard to the name Son of God. the usus loquendi of the
church, instead 01 going back to that of the Scriptures.
X Ipse, qui essentialiter cum pativ et spiritu saneto solus est bono
Deus, ipse in homine licet sit bonus, non tauten naturaliter a sem<
est bonus. 1. V. f. 837. Hence, indeed, if wi' may judge from bis lan-
guage, Felix seems to have fallen into a self-contradiction. Thi>
bil confounding together two different points of view, that derived
from his own peculiar notions and that taken from the doctrinal standing-
ground of the church. By his on n peculiar notions he -was, strictly
-

>t led tO an
uvri/u.i6iffra.<rif run ovoumtmv;
but h
adhering to tin- prevailing doctrinal terminology of the church and he ;

now sought to render this transfer of predicates bar; !ding

explai irding to his own theory of distinction. Proceeding in
a consistent manner, on his own principle, he ought rather to Inn .

The human nature, taken into union with him who is, in his «

of God, and in i
od.
§ Non quo homovid Deus non sit sed quia
.

nou natuTJ, sed gratia atque nuncupation* sit Deu

 nkind. I

alik.
I

an unprejudiced mind i

mutual ii

allov
.\ith hi- i . which In

e upon the sacred w

in w liich he v
-

hi< deity. j I

(•(tin;

Im'Ik I

the reception

divine good .

iii kin«: .

( )n tii'

Avitl

in the ca»
(mull
men
from tin-
bet, that he by n" i

nature <>
and thru
contrary, he at

tial Son
*
Sicut i

damns, ita humi

cord;
t 1-
 ADOPTK IJY GRACE.

from the moment of its

conception ;
that the human nature
ever unfolded though conformably with
Itself in this unity,
»r itself was to I"
•

eribed to it; but that its existence, from the i

in that union with the divine Logos, into which the

human nature had hern assumed from its creation. He ad-
duces th" irist himself, John x. 35, to pi
that he placed himself in a certain respect in one and the
saint' class with those on whom,
by virtue of that fellowship
with God in which they stood by divine lie divine

name had been conferred.* So there existed between him

and all tin elect the truest communion, in this res]
1

that he shared along with them a divine nature and <ii

names (though these belonged to him in a pre-emine
even as he shared with them all other things, predestination,
election, grace, the form of a servant, "f Accore
could now say, the same person, who in the unity of the
divine essence is the true God, becomes, in the form of huma-
nitv, by the grace of adoption, which was to pass from him
to all the elect, partaker of the divine essence, and is there-
fore called God or the Son of God became, without ch
;

of bis divine nature, son of man inasmuch as he vouchs ;

to unite the man. from his origin, into personal unity with

himself,
—
and the son of man is Son of God, not in the -
that the human nature was changed into the divine, but in
the sense that the son of man in the San of God (by virtue
of this assumption of the former into union with the latter)
Kfl true Son of God. %
*
Qui nnn natura, ut Deus, sed per Dei gratiam ab eo, qui ven
. sunt sub illo vocati.
deificnti dii
f In hoc quippc ordine Dei films dominus et redemptor noster juxta
humanitatem, sieut in natura, ita et in nomine, quamvis excellentiui
Cunctis electis, verissime tamen cum illis communicat, sicut et in C8
omnibus, id est in predestinations, in electione, gratia, in sdsumptione
nominis terri. V. B20, I

idem, qui essentislitet cum patre et spiritu sancto in imitate

I

in forms hnmsnitans cum electis snii

pet
adoptionis gratiam deificatni fieret et nuncupative l'eus, and in the other
og of the fifth book, which is more strictly allied
to the church form of doctrine: qui ilium sii>i ex utero matrii

ptu in lingularitSti QS9 ita sihi univit atque conscruit,

hominis films.
•

DOD mutabilitate natune, Bed dmnatione,

similiter et liominis filius esset Dei iilius non versatilitate
;

. Dei filio esset rerui iilius.

 Limitation,

; with i: i
of
•s both i

birth by adopti

it with tl !' thai humaoity. II.

i to be revealed in an out*
i

after his liun bly, like

'1
1

•<!

be suppi relation of the divine ;.

itself inthe form of Christ'i humanity, and follow

by step, the coune of the develoj bis humaj
and hence h<- probably supp

in the form of
formit) with this
t!

forma <>t' human na

oitod in it- favour, Mark
From this exhibition <>f the
md how- ii ould tee m it.

from the platform of th<

of Chriat'a dh inity,
I

ami the A in the M

*
Though he perha;
was now general yet he call .

his authorities for such a position as I

f L II. c FeUeeao, nam

videlicet, quo? seeundum earnem
adoptioiu'in fit. hlem redemptor indam hon: ,-xas
in se continct, primam videlicet, qnam
secundam vero, qtuun iuitiavit in la\ I rtuis
ndo. Without the parenthetic clause the words {:ive no I

Bet l. V. f. S35.
I
... V. Q
 226 PROGi.:

. the inter half of thi !. on tie* other, the

lalf of the supernatural mode of apprehen
stianity ;
i

ie,
the inl
prominenc
thai which the person <»f Chri
in the analogy of
human nature, on the other, the fa
in the character of Christ which prove i.
human nature.*
Tn in Spain first stood forth
Openly in <>ppo-
i to this Adoptiai. i the
pro\iiuvof Labana. and Ethefias, a bishop <A Othma. A<
to the representations of the other tut must I

been a man of notoriously bad morals: but the credibility of

this accusation becomes suspicions when we coi:

passionate temper of his opponents.')' Another c

more worthy of credence, which represents
the character of a false prophet (psendo-propheta). Hi
ployed himself a goodYleal on the exposition of the Apocah
situation of the Spanish church, under the rule of a
Saracenic Mohammedan race,J Mas well calculated to ex
expectations of extraordinary divine judgments, to direct the
^nations of men towards the future, and to the
indalgi
of the most extravagant prospects. Accordingly .

* When Felix threw out the

question Quid potuit ex ancilla :

nisiservus? Alcuin replied: Hujus nativitatis nuijus est sacraiuentum

quam omnium creaturarum conditio. Concede Deum aliquid posse, (pjod
humana non valeat iufirmitas comprehended, D6C nostra ratiocinatione
ponamus majestati a»terna\ quid possit,
;
dum omnia potest, qui
omnipotens est. 1. III. c. 3. Alcuin c. Felic.
f This charge night appear more credible, it is true, from the con-
sideration that Elipaii'. appeal to a fact; viz., that i

d from his spiritual office for immorality as lu- says in his letter ;

io Alcuin: Antiphrasius (that is. the xxr such \\as the epithet
avr/^amv,
..nly applied to him by his opponents Antiphrasius Beatus, anti-
.

christi discipulus, carnis iinmunditia betidus et ab altar:

Of the Spanish bishops to the emperor I

rnisnagitio but it would be n more

j
how the with this deposition before we could
draw from it
any certain e< inclusion.

\ It is plain, from tl. Klipaudus, that the Spanish <

Alcuin. opp. ed. Proben. T. ll.f. E 1. 1'.

iinus tibi 'iineta; and in hlS lef

:

•
•idiaua dispendia, quibus duramus potius q
vivimus.
to ha

ould appear.* Th

the ol

nounced I

ared an
unheard of thin
it
upon dim i(» instruct th
of the pure doctrine of tradit rht up ay.
bis b own authority ai the I

lish church, am
power over to his »l
only tin r
8T>
the church- ividcd l>\

neither party •

from the essential thing of Christian faith in the Etedei

•neb nde, ai B retted it, i with the
tlu'one Christ, though their i

\ MohainnM'dauLsm, should
.

in Livelier action, th
i

the fundament
the bourn
..
bishoj) i

live and chai .is a

* Tims, in the letter <>f the Spanish

bishops (Ale.

which be h
•ptsi the time from th I Kaster Sab: third

t 1

vuni
minetor. See the tV.i.

lib. I. in tii.

Son me into

$ I

terra pari certamine -

m unns v»
ninis okil
would l>e a remarkable
table to the Mohammedani .

monarch, if w<
mi, rack a inonar intry.
||
Duo populi duie eoel
228 N OF THE HE.

of F i

ating him as a man distinguished for

his piety and Christian seal. The fragments of his writi
which we pot* his superiority not
only to Eli pandas,
to all his
antagonists, in of* intellect. Eminent
all other theological writers of t. r the calm and

unim] manner in which he stated his opinions, the only

•; to In' Observed in his character a- an author 1-.

frequent obsurity of his style, which was owing perhaps in part

to the particular form of the Latin language, as then eulti\
ain.*
The spread of this controversy into the Prankish provil
led the emperor Charles to cause the matter to be ini
ssembly convened at Regensburg- in the J
before which Felix himself was summoned to appear.
doctrines were here condemned, and he himself consented to a
recantation. The emperor thereupon sent him to Home a ;

procedure which may be easily explained, partly from the

emperor's undeniable respect for the Romish church, without
whose aid and counsel he was unwilling to take a step in any
affair of moment, and partly from his want of confidence in the

sincerity of Felix. At Rome, it was hardly to be

that the explanations which had been thus far made by Felix,
would give complete satisfaction. He was arrested and coni.
while in prison, was induced to prepare a new written re-
cantation. Of course, these recantations of Felix did not
d from any change that had really taken place in his
mode of thinking, a thing which could not possibly be so
brought about. On his return home, he repented having
denied his own convictions of the truth, and betook himself to
parts of Spain which were under the Saracenic dominion,
where he could once more express his convictions with freedom.
this, the Spanish bishops issued two letters, addressed to
.

the emperor and to the Franklsh bishops- the latter a polemical

writing, which entered Fully into the defence of Adoptianii-m ;
and they proposed both a new examination and the restoration
of Felix to his former place. These letters the emperor >ent
Hadrian; but without awaiting his decision, the em-
peror caused the matter to be brought before the comic
Frankfort on the .Main, in the- year 794. The decision of this
* Yet the inc I
the tOfff of the uVehration- I Uich
has come down to us, is also to be taken into account.
 Ki.n-

ptiamfm \

the emperor mow scut r

with
and th<

When the Prankish church nlkted Kb

ml : but ;

Among the theologians of the Prankish church, tin

lly
auxin
ptianism.
of the acquaintance which he bad forn
earlier period,* and wrote him a
'

pint
of Christian love. He begged him not to i

word so much thai was good and tru<- in his writ

thus bring to nought the efforts of lii

upwardi in works of piety. To tin- party of Felix, In-

opposed
the authority of the entire elnirrl;.
.
in truth, about a single word, i

we must allow, and refuted by tb<

in 1

requ*
his error, so he wrote to th< ind respectful
le, in which he in treated him
for the same purp posed a ti

which he add rCSSO ergy

and inonks in the French pro'
whi. ;
to fortify them ag
•
ous opinions i did
touched in t! f passages
-

older lathers which AJcuin bim, and I I

work from his own pen, defended

voured to prove ti;' n, in
his letter, had
opposed to the small
the unifon tent of the whole church, which led
Felix to unfold in this f HChj and
on this point, we m er in him a very li
;

tendency, widely depart DUtfa

"
church. We belli olic
church, which, diffused through the whole world by th
•ft u and love for him
-
aud asking for an interest in fa In Gothia.
230

i our Lord CI :i an
ck (therefore not i
* — but the church
i-i-t of few."! Elipendus, at a miR-
Mt time, answered Alcuirj to a letter filled with viol
and bitterness. He upbraids him on tlic score of bis wealth,
be owned twenty thousand ilares.!
r rn opposition
theauthority attached to universality, EHpaudus said :
Bembled together in the name of
Christ, there Christ is, as he promised^ in the midst of them.
The broad way, in which the multitude
to destruction; but the narrow way, which but few ti

* In Christo Domino velut solida

petra fundatam.
t Aliquando vero ecclesia in exiguis est. See c. Felicem, 1. 1. See
791, 92.
I As it regards the first, Alcuin, in his letter to the three spiritual
delegates of the emperor, says, on the other hand (opp. T. LP. II, p-. 860),
In the holding of worldly goods, everything depends on the temper of?
the heart, quo animo quis habeat seeulum, aliud est habere seculum,
aliud est haberi a seculo. Est qui habet divitias et non hal>et, est qui
non habet et habet. As regards the second hominem vero ad meum :

nunquam comparavi servitium, sed magis devota earitate omnibus

Christi Dei rnei famulis servire desiderans.
§ In accordance with this, are also the declarations of Elipandus, in
the above cited letter to Migetius. In opposition to the extra:
titles which the latter seems to have bestowed on the Roman church,

Elipandus says (1. c. p. 534) Haec omnia aniens ille spiritus te ita in-
:

telligere docuit. Nos vero e contrario non de sola Roma dominum

Petro dixisse eredimus Tu es Petrus, scilicet rirmitas tidei, et super
:

hanc petram adificabo ecclesiam nieam, sed de universal i e<

catholica, pier universam orbem in pace diffusa. lie demands of him,
how it could be reconciled with the assertion, that the Roman church
was the ecclesia sine macula et ruga, that the Roman bishop Lit*
had been condemned along with b donbt hare
the < :t
Elipandus was on many points far superior to the
popes freedom of spirit. In the letter already
of these times in Christian
rid US earnestly Contends, that
nothing barely external, nothing
that conies from Q defile the man. Rut to pope Hadrian such
pies appea e. In Rome, at tins period, the
temporary significance of which wai
the barely
—
.

was held to be of perpetual validity. The

^tin's time,
'

the pope had to dispute with persons in Spain who main-

pandos, That, qui non ederit p.vudum aut
suillui -
est aut ineruditus. Rut tb<
ho maintained I

. . V. 1. c. p. ."'I i. He also uN llow-

beliered i

lipatidus, tli
sthisg
deliling in holding intercourse and eating with Jei
 231

that to import Kim

i valid which m.M full]

ipture and
that

plan. He caused the work ofAlcuin, in refutation i

.I in his . !(. which

rriti. to mark what
improvement, and I

li>t of
peamgea which in hi

And
many of the i

j'OfC

iii ol 111 himself it.

II.
They lure promised him. that if ha would come
the I
him
with
of tfc

fiding
the )

prom
* We certninh oh exprcMJ fan
oppressed church.

meats from tin-

•

.ost important •
of information on the subject
§ Ep. B5 to the emperor. (. nod libellum auribus
sapientia? vestrse reci: a illius et
mnisistis ad corrigendum.
232 AGN :
.ix.

disputed with liim for a lot tfa he dec!

himself to be convinced; and Alcnin thro
supposed that,
divine eum) by the authoi the ancient fat
arra\ true conviction had been wrought in
hia mind.* At the same tin*

suspicion with regard to the Bii ;i\.| Ju liis

work Blipandus, he testifies hia j<>y. in the spir
•

the supposed converse

manner in which the truly devout ami
and conversed with Felix at Aix no doubt mad-
impression on the latter, and he afterwards testifies Ins love
towards him J But although, perhaps, the imposj
racter of the assembly and the exposing of some d
consequences to which his expressions might lead, produced
on him a momentary impression, and forced him
to yield,

yet it is by no means probable

in itself, that the man. who,
in theological dialectics, excelled his opponents, could have
been induced by a single disputation, to alter that mode of
apprehending- doctrines which was so deeply rooted in the
constitution of his mind. As his sincerity or his firm-
not fully trusted, he was not permitted to return
to his bishopric, but was placed under the oversight of Leidrad
archbishop of Lyons. lie drew up himself a form oi
tion for the benefit of his former adherents, in which, rejecting
the phrase •" Adoption," he still endeavoured to hold cle
apart the predicates of the two natures. The delegates aln
mentioned were afterwards sent for a second time, in the ;
800, to visit :

tricts, where, according to Aleuin's

report, § they laboured with success, having induced ten thou-
sand persons I lis lived in Lyons till the

816; and it is clear, from

reliable evidence, that he continued

type of doctrine concerning the p<

tain unaltered his I

of Christ, with which Agnoetism was closely connected.

endeavoured to bring those who conversed with him to i

that the knowledge of our Saviour, while on earth, so

.

* 7C>. Dhrins dementia visitant. •

oor illini
Ep.
opinioi
oecultorum judiei eat
(liinisinms.
X Alcnin, ep. 93. Mnltnm amat me totomqns odium, qnod htbnit in
ilcedinem.
 233

lied Ms hum lii<

If, absolutely unlin

havii Led him Of he

reallythought thus. lied in I th<

obard placed before hii lion <>i* th<

Of the <»lilcr fathers, din etly Opposed to thJl

to take all \

won!-, however, n bich itill

implit

thai I to get rid of a dispute. I

and I
which the theory of distinction mail.;
ianisra was clearly asserted.*}

II. [a

In; .
church, the cult;
irved to .: than in I

all true intellectual progress had lon<^ sin ippressed

political and spiritual desp<

mass of col)
writii chief <»l>j.

tions of the older fathi

the sey< ral books of th< I
it of «rhi<

The BConophysite conti

nourishment from i i I« >-

sophy, and fresh i»rartie«- from the proloi

with tin- Blonophysites. Tl
an abstract dialectical nieth
&ith, which was employed chiefly on th
Trinity, and the doctrine of the tw.» natures in (
attention being paid to the practical element iu the
system of
faith. An undue J laid on a formal orthodoxy,

* Promisit se omnis emends! ntiam sibimet adhibiturum.

+ 8 :•
1, on this accc the I

doctrines of Felix— the last in this oontro-.

231

the n practical Christianity and beside the format

;

an external holiness of works, of i y consisting in

j
> i t
•
t

outward forma, or bound up with and upheld

n, could peacefully proceed. This dialed
ncv. which, seizing upon tin fthe doctrinal eon*
elaborated and arranged them, produced, in the
.

century, the most important doctrinal text-hook of the

i

*
I
k church, which was entitled. I

"
of the orthodox faith (tiuepipifc income rrjr u»c«) i

drawn up near the beginning of that century by the monk.

John of Damascus; where the expositions of doctrine are
given for the most part in th< "fthe older I'm
the three great teachers from Cappad
•ially
theless. in the Greek church, the original and free devi
merit of spiritual life was too scanty to allow any such
important creation to start forth here out of the union of
the ecclesiastical and dialectical tendencies, as deserves to
be compared with the scholastic theology of the Western
church.
Monasticism had ever continued in the Greek church to
maintain an important influence an influence, too, which in
;

kind differed entirely from that which prevailed in the

ern church of this period for the predominant contem-
;

plative tendency had still been preserved in it, and hence the
Greek monast the favourite seats of a mystical theo-

logy. At these places, the Writings which, a- we remarked

in the
history of the preceding period, were forged under the
name of Dionysius the
'

ite, had an unbounded influ-

ence. It is remarkable, that the spread of these wr
due in the first place to opponents of the dominant church,
and that while they were in the hands of these men. the
church was familiar with the arguments against their genuiae-
rerians (a party of the Rfonophysites) at a con-
ference with theologians of the Catholic church held at Con-
inople in 533, adduced, among other things, testimonies
from these writings in favour of their opinion-. But their
tch testimonies mine,
writings were wholly unknown to the
ancie yrill iuthe controversy with Nestorius,
nor Athanasius in the controversies with Arius, had made

any use of them, it wa ntly evident, that

i
 tende .* d A
in the h work in

from what fe km.v

work . T that the r<

impti
four I.

them
the older
!illr<l with comments on cl

M only l>;

them in.
during a I-

they had i
many addition were
cited the lettei I

ius, though h<

the >|tirit
of historical i
VTM too
prevalent in this period, and tl.<

mv-lieal. and roiitemp; mind waf

allow any chat
criticism. Now bj f th.-<- u
:i. and in

and the sensual

irch.
A
of interpi i

notta cteel \\ ith

and ppiritualization plan
while
templative would apprehend I

tions, a mode of apprehension by

stripped away everything syi tui-
tion of pure idea*; by dtstmgwstnog a humani/

* S the Collatio Constantinopolitana of the

Hardnin. Condi. II. 11

f The notice of its contents, -where \r.» 1; that Pho- .

I

tiushas not cited what Theodore i ration of the weighty argu-

ments, is to be found In Photius, Bibliotheea, p. 1 .
236 DIALECTICO-MYSTICAl. I

humaniring, a positive and f

apprehension
i

(a $toXoyta rara^arcdj ami '/)'•* a way was con-

for Mending with that idealism tlu' whole system of
i

church ordinances and customs. Furthermore, the

f these writings led t<> b fulsome style of language, easily

inclining- ration, which marred the simplicity of the

i. From the same cam alar comb
tioii of dialectical and mystical theology, whereby the i

matism of the understanding became permeated by a certain

element of religious intuition and of the fervour of the
We
may consider as a representative of this dialed
Contemplative tendency, the monk Maxinms, in the seventh
century, a man distinguished for acuteness and profundity of
intellect. He had filled an important station at the imperial
court, as the emperor's first secretary. f and was in the way of
attaining to still higher posts, but partly for the purposi
holding fast his convictions amid the Monotheletic controver-
sies, he retired to the seclusion of the monastic life, and finally
became an abbot. It is evident from his works, that the
writings of Gregory of Nyssa and of the Pseudo-Dion;
had exerted a very considerable influence on his mode of
thinking in theology. The grand features of a coherent system
may be discovered in them, together with many fruitful and
oant ideas, which, if he had developed himself and acted
his part under more favourable circumstances, might have
the means of leading himself and others to an original
construction of the Christian system of faith and moral-. He
llso
distinguished for his zeal
in
endeavouring to pron
a vital, practical Christianity, flowing out of the disposition
of the heart.; in opposition to a dead faith and outward works.
The solid inward worth and importance of this individual
*
As this distinction had been already nsed by Philo; see Vol. I.
f n»o<T«j viroy^<t<piu{ rut (SxffikiKw* £**«u,»>i/*«t&/v.
X To the authorities of the Greek fathers against slavery, let us here
add that of Maxinms. He regarded il dissolution, introduced
.. of the original unity of human nature, as a denial of the original
dignirj iter the in '.
— while it

inaJ relation. He says of

:v: n Tr,i etvrr,-, %r,Xo\0Tt Tct^k yveifin* }ia.ifi<n; <$vai*t% cirifta* «»nv
fi'ivri ts» xecra $L<m op in pit, >o'fju* ixixavpat Xy^tvao., t«v rvottnnavrot* ca
rn§ UKntf u\i'Mua. ra>*
5u-T9^o»Tfl»» iiuGiJt*. .11 orat. Dom. I.
indtfc

the fuller n "l" the ideas which lie

01 his tbeoli
Cliri-tiaii.

betwixt tin "1 in

ligm, ami the t< i of iintn .

Med by
.my.* Th of the win <>sed
to l><- the ultimate union into which
thn.i I u hen, withoul
'

; dl to hi> iuui.

he USUmed human nature into i.nioii lor the

humanity
without i his own
lion with himaelf without its that
belon peculiar
«

point that be attached M much i:,

the ariicles touching the union of the two nature-, in VI

The end and purpose of t!

e human nature from lin, !

e than it could attain h\

up to an unci
falls into two
ion
thai assumption of human nature by the I

the deification of human nature progressively unfoldi

in all Mich a nueeptible of it.
; !>\

of their will, even to the attainn

:i
speaks I

tion of the Logos in 1» human 1

i
up into union with Christ and permeated by the prin-
ciple of his divine life; J
and 1. :s the soul ol

* The antithesis of the lmrr$Xn and the rvrr-

side, the **t«^i^h» <rni fumt «i^ other, the mlm *f\ r - nut
en** xa.) ,1- \
position of the I

f Quast. in seripturain, pp. 4.*> and 209. Situ a#*«rT*f irrt^yitfot

fc'vXr,,to the fuliinuMit of which all c!~

iyxea6r,YXi r»j Qurti rZr utfevr** £,k rrf xmf vwirrmrn xXnhZs i>»ffl*f,

I Tjj
Siclru TXiovixrevrn* rr)f T(»w iturXan*. QaCSt in script.

*0 xZ ,erT' s ^'* T"' **£'f*>i'*r rcuxevftitef.

238

Individual who thui I divine 1

of the
to, whom, from Love to mankind, be caused to i"

moth his bodj

1 nan,
in the hist p] of frith,
and ; d of tin* faith that is in us, embodying himself,
spring out of faith, in Christian action. "f
that
a> human untune vaa mi formed by (i<«d a*- to be the
.

a of a divine life exceeding the limits of the I

ation. as to be capable of receiving a higher principle, and of

a permeated thereby, though without
exceeding the limits
of tii<-
peculiar essence given to it by creation, a wav was pro-
vided in this theory for establishing a harmonious connei
between creation and redemption, nature and grace, tin
tural and the supernatural, reason and revelation and the ;

scattered hints pointing at this connection we may consider as

the luminous points of his system. " The
faculty of seeking
after the godlike j lias been implanted in human nature b;
Creator, but it is first enabled to arrive at the revelat*
the godlike by the supervening power of the Holy Spirit. But
as this original faculty has, in consequence 01 sin, become
eupDJ the predominance of sense, the grace of the
Holy must supervene for the purpo-
Spirit >ring this
faculty to pristine freedom and purity.
its We cannot pro-
perly say that grace, by itself alone, and independent of the
natural faculty of know annunieates to the righteous
the knowledge of mysteries ;§ for in that case we d
that the prophets understood nothing at all of what
(led to them by the Holy Spirit. As little can we sup-
that they attained to true knowledge by
seeking for it
with the natural faculty alone, for thus we should make all
supervention of the Holy Spirit superfluous. When St. Paul
The one and the self-same Spirit, which worketh in all,
.

divideth to every man severally as he will, this is to be under-

to mean that the Holy Spirit wills that which is suited
I

to each individual, so as to guide the spiritual striving of .

*
Exposition of the Paternoster.
f Kara tk* *£a£i» ra7{ agtrxTs ftuuMTeuumot.
X hi fyrxriKai xcti }oiu*r,Ttxoti Twv Su'*/v #*M
§ "Kup'i; ruv rns ytvpiu; "bixriKuv xxrk $u<m ivyxfA.iui.
 work
'

a iiiitMl w Iiicli ; it

without i;

with-
ile ; t it m
;inatural philanthropy : ami.
'

risnia wl without
Tli« ,ii the leai
faculty, hut much JtC8 that

inapt by unnatural
li'onuahlv to r when it 1.

tiou of the godlike."

in like manner,
. the union of the divine ami hut.
natures in Chi ponds to the mutual
other of the <li\ine and human elements in he
M not ha', i

after a manner worthj

l>\ a rational soul, so i

the know •
rir>. without a 1.

after knoi
templaliou and act
works within
00 that w

mpernatur
;' it, Maximus nuppotcr
«nent of the divini
ied
by the individuals to be educ\

with forn.
[rnrfrpti

ri txxar* cr.kttert cva^itn tig r'/.r;^t»,at rng a to.

t 'Avii/ iri( xurei »»t/» xai Xiyn ri* ut'/./.irrmt xai rxn *'ut$ cLtr.'/.u*

X Xue); tk! txarrtv hxrtxr.f t|i*f ti xai ivvu/uittf.

<; ouha.fi.Zt rr,; $u*i*g xaraeyi? rh* Ivtaftut, tL\).et ftuXXtt xw
htettv <r*X/» <rn
Xf* 9U *"**
*«j« fun* T(iw*» intyct ire.u -reiki* en
Xfr.e-n
twv xttrk Qvn* T(is rii* <rii Sn»>* xttratim* uta.y»u9tu

ret* iv r,fi7y us eoytHvoii i Sic. xt

Bi*(ictt.
** t« xzku }*a$uu/{,
IlXriv rhi SiXovvns Qua:st. in script. 54, j
240

As he
ble things to spiritual.* upon the idea
of a communion with the divii of imparting life

to man. which man u enabled to appropriate by m

of the organ Originally implanted in his nature, and now i

more unfolded lie

apprehends the idea of faith
i

be internal fact of this appropriation. But it is from

faith that this divine life must first unfold Itself from faith —
trating into the disposition of the man. incorpor
with his actions, ruling him in the form of I

ther with this love, as the union with

the life of contemplation, the peculiar element of tin

point of view, and the highest thing of all but which he ;

considers not as a mere theorizing state of mind, but as the

highest transfiguration of Christianity in the compl
of life and knowledge. "Faith," says he, " is a certain rela-
tion of the soul to the supernatural the godlike ;f an — —
immediate union of the spirit with God, so that the being of
God in man is therewith necessarily presupposed. The king-
dom of God, and faith in God, differ only in the
Faith is the kingdom of God, which has not
conception.
come to a determinate shape, the kingdom of God is —
faith, which has attained to shape in a way answering to the
divine life. J The faith which is actively employed in

ing the divine commands becomes the kingdom of God,

which
can be known only by those who possess it. and the kingdom
Sod is nothing other than operative faith." In speaking
tist those who considered the charismata as isolated _

" He who
simply communicated from without, he says :§
in Christ, has within him all the charismata
genuine faith
ly.
Hut on of our inactivity, \\>
far from that active love towards him, which unveils to Ufl
divine treasures which we bear within our own sim
that we are without the divine charismata.
justly believe If,
id, Christ dwells in our hearts by faith,

*
The divine wisdom, in having respect to the a>u\oylx rait vemtevftl-
vuv. <,' ;
. 74.
f The <x'inr\t
ivvaftii ff^irith rr,; tri^ Qvvn uptirev rev

Tpos <rc* vrimv'ou.ifov 9ie» ri'Aitttf ituo-iu >3 ill script. T.

and the foUon
X L. C. h fit* trie-ns etntlits Slav franki/a, \trli, ri Yt /3«r<Xi/«, t<Vt<j
'.JiOlihu; itboxivotr./xitr,.
. the thoughts concerning charity, I. f.
 1 I.Alh 11

and in him arc hid all t wisdom and k;

then all
'

lom and know! Iiidden in

our li« art . But tl

to tir
M What kin
. w h'wh lo\ -sess
bin that I

<ti.ui of the godlike as the f the

of \ isibl
.

which rep
firmly than the hand evi
the enjoymenl of thai whi<
and hoped for, when. l>y virtue of
it
possesses in
to the union of the with the
gard 1

jays that he who

thing embodied in
with know ledge, baa found thi
hut he who seven the one from tie

knowledge into an unsubstantial t

sjiado
Jn describing I >uld be
one cplains himself thu
this, that one has his mil
in ti on ; that ti

be n inded in hope on him : that

one I

1 1.
•
li o '

lufien himself to fall into the mistake, inl

the mystics were often misl< d, I

eternal Life and the i>rr>. nt earth

trasts them : One is the relative I

conceptions, which i

union with the object of kn which, in this life, is not

yet to be attained the >ct int!
-
;

*
In a letter, T. II. p.
t Ai' letups ut <ra ja,ra ra ftikkttrm Kara liafitnt 1%$vr*.
+ H t«» yv*rn anur'te-rarev <rtraln*i Qairarla* r, <rw» *"{«;<>
'

xaTiVr^iv tfiukoi. Anu>: red thoughts, which harmonize well

with his other writings. I. I

§ See his araamefc, I. p.

.'

v. n
242 CAUSES OF THK MOXOTIIELETIC RESTORATION,

in immediate presence, where knowledge by conception r<

into the back-ground.* The fundamental ideas of Maximal
riue of a final universal restoration,
which in fact is intimately connected also with the system of

gory of Nysaa, to which he most closely adheres. Yet

much lettered by the ehureh system of doctrine,
•

distinctly to express any theory of

this sort.f
The first doctrinal controversy which we have to notice in
the (Jreek church of this period, originated partly in e,
within, and partly in causes without the church itself. The
was the effort to unfold from the doctrine of the
internal cause
two natures in Christ the consequences which it involved.
The doctrine of the two natures in Christ combined together
in personal union, while each retained its own attributes un-
altered, Mould, if consistently carried out, lead men also to
suppose two forms of working corresponding to these two
natures as, in fact, they allowed to subsist along with the
;

two natures the attributes also, answering to each, which

remained unaltered. The external cause of these contro-
versies was, as had so often been the case, the inclination of

* 'H tith tuv Si'iuv yvuiri; o"x,irixr\, u; iv u/ovu Xoyu xtmivn xa) vor^cxo-i,

h Vi Kuo'iui dknfa; iv ftovri tv\ -riipa

xar iv'ipyuav V^a. Xoyov xa) vonftdruv
oXnv tov yvurf'ivrof xot.ru. ;k««/v Uj<JL\h TaPi%ou,ivti* Triv a"a6r,iriv, h' ri$ xccrct

rh piXXovirav Xr,hv ty\v vTi£ <pvtr<v v<rohtx°^x

Siucriv a-ruvTTCU( \vipyow
ftivr,v. QuaiSt. script, f. 210.
f In the collection of Aphorisms
derived from Maximus, the Ua-
rmrmt tituptv, sec. 20. T. I. f. 288, the reunion of all rational ess.
with God is established as the final end: <roa; vxoloxnv rev tnlrrmt
Tatriv ivuhfoiMivov xark to <ripas ruv aiuvuv. In his isu-r,<rtis xa) olTo-
xo'trus, c. 13. I. f. £04,
he himself cites Gregory's doctrine concerning
the restoration, and with approbation but explains it thus t«,- «•«*«-
;
:

rpotTtio-af <rr,f cvvu/xn; tyi <ra.fttTtt.au tuv aluvuv d.'reSaXiTv tu{

"^t/^rii
lUTiPiuraf duTn ty,; xax'ixi ptmuMf' xa) Tioderacrav tov; <ruvrtt{ atuvaf
xat
o-rdsnv u'f tov 3<<s'v ikfotv tov fi.fi t%nr* t'iou.:. But then
(in ivpurxovtrav
he adds, xa) o'vtu; ty, Wtyvutru, ov tk fj.iti%<i tuv uyafuv a.ToXaSt7v Tag
xa) to aToxaTatT6r,vm.t xa) hix^**' «"•» ir/xiovpyd*
iuvai/Jtttf Iff d^aTov
apapr'tai* According to this, then, God
a.vo4Ttcv tt,{
will finally be
of all evil. Yet how, according
glorified by the complete extirpation
of the bi,
lit.- could
distinguish the knowledge
in which all would participate, from the participation in it.
•well |
ii. 15, from different points of view
.

bad iu bis mind perha] £ 44) a final

I

i of fallen spirits; linoe he Bays, that then

kiyot fj.viTTixuTiPoi xa.) v^nXoTipet,

bat that ire arc not authorized to rely
on the droj/fr.TCTipx tuv Stlvv loypaTui of Scripture.
the province* renl
I

political impoi
I

w it It the domin
had had with
happened to meet in hi-

the thought, that tin-

formulary <>t" oik
id
willing
ll which I

physil
<»!)•« of t.

icfti Mo<hI iu the MOM liitrli B

* l\

owing whai

of die dominant i

i>M<m. mi-

firm two n
thus led to ask the o]
ritrht to su]

p C\ rus als
the patriar
mg it

Uexandrian pat;
these transactions ;
and that it D
244

led to make
tliis
formulary of doctrine a universally
dominant one the church,
in He was governed here far more
by political than by doctrinal motives; and without taking
any particular interest in the doctrinal disputes, or wishi:
influence in determining the doctrines of the church,
my
WES to employ this formulary as a means for
his only object.

promoting union in districts where the Monophysite part'.

numerous and powerful, as WES the case in the Alexandrian
patriarch Sergius, of Constantinople, whom
The
the emperor consulted touching- the propriety of employing
this formulary, having found nothing offensive in it. he
the more confirmed in his contemplated project.* Perhaps
the use which Heraclius was making of this formulary, would
never have engendered a controversy, if he had not finally
succeeded by it in
effecting his purpose among the Mono-
physites in the Alexandrian church.
Among the bishops with whom the emperor had conversed
on this subject was Cyrus, bishop of Phasis, in the territory of
the Lazians of Colchis. As the latter felt some scruples about
the employment of this formulary, he applied for advice to the
- -

patriarch Sergius of Constantinople. Sergius sought in his

)

reply to remove these scruples ;| but in so doing he expressed

himself very ambiguously, showing the want of an indepen-
dent theological judgment of his own. He wrote him that at
ecumenical councils this subject had never come under disCus-
nor had anything been determined about it.
. Several
eminent fathers had used the phrase one mode of working,
but as yet he had found no one who approved the phraa
modes of working. If however any such case could be
pointed out, it would be necessary to follow that authority
that he was led to make such a use of this formulary. Great mi
are often made, by reasoning back from some result really brought about
by a concurrence of circumstances to the motives of individuals still,
;

however, the interest shown by the emperor in this formulary, renders

from the ftnt it appeared to him an important means to
probable that
it
:id and by Comparing this case with the like attempts to bring
;

about a union with the Monophysites. as for example, the added c

lagion, the condemnation of the three chapters, we shall iind
much confirm this view of the matter.
* That the
emperor had for this reason applied to the patriarch, may
thered from the letter of bishop Cyrus to him soon to be mentioned.
nn.Concil. T. III. 1338.
t See I.e. \ See the tract 1. c. f. 1309.
men
in di .
itii iliciij.

to I"

tuted :
indh iduaJ ii. i

him '

WM to lii—
:\\<:

.
and lii- i

candria, in

.
who had :

the dominant church, to re-unite with the

doctrinal com]
promise placed the peculiar side
of the creed of ti
could xplain the one in
< i

Ami in the seventh

•

natures, that tl

. and that which is QUI

Bul tin-
compromuel met with the

* Marc ur. u
ym0 itayxr, \

rtmt iiyuafi*, *\\k ««« ra7f mvrm fmt f*rwuV «» ur'ttt m$

TCttUTLt **(>»Tf./
t 1' ocd, that S

. that

til a manner in favour of that

as now willing to igi;<

utrre* i»
di»fi7rfa rm7f fvrtr,*, a-
5t,r<

ti*H r$Z kiytu ffir*(**uiir and ft.,* iwt*xm*K 0u*4tr»f t

i viva if Queix* and 'time if xaf l-resrae,i.

Tev aiiTO* t»a

I) ^irrii xiti tti§ i»i»yst»r« rk bt$Tfiwr, xxt tLifptWir*
pi* Statleixn {»• action of i

the 6th ecumenical council. Hardain. 111. l

4
Called >*«* AfcUftf, because it so quickly
bj the Ql
came to no::.
 :ht about gain ; and new Mhisms
sprung out of it Then en residii tandriaaa
eminent monk of !
by name Sophronius,* who with
oded the system of the two na(
and was not inclined to sicritio icy in doctr'r.
church policy. To him the doctrine of one mode of working
ami willing seemed to lead necessarily to Afonophysitism ;

an accommodation (oiKovoplm was the word) ventured upon at

truth, in order to promote the peace of the
:'

church, was a thing he could by no means approve. 1;

on both sides to leave the matter to the patriarch

1

gins, and Sophronius himself went to see him.

aw the important consequences which this opposition, i

agitated, might have; and he sought to suppress the contro-

in the bud. It is true, he himself perhaps approved the

phrase one mode of willing' and working yet he was of the ;

opinion that it would be

wrong to make a law and a <!•
for the church out of the manner in which only a few approved
fathers, in a few passages, and but occasionally, had expr
themselves; and it was necessary to avoid this phrase in the
public language of the church, because to many it m
offence, and be so misapprehended, as if the doctrine which 1—
was by no means implied therein of one nature, might be —
deduced from it. He was more decided, however, with n
" two modes of
to the phrase willing and working," not
unt of its possible abuse, but because this \
.

seemed to him to denote something that was false in

Men would be led thereby to conceive of two opposite wills of
the Logos,, and of the humanity in Christ, to annul the true
unity of the person of Christ, inasmuch as two wills cam;
conceived to exist at the same time in one person. 1;

lone but the doctrinal formulas hitherto

employed, as these perfectly answered the interests of
Christian faith. He therefore advised the patriarch Cyn
make no change in the compromise at Alexandria, which was

* in hi- known as a leaned man and

Sophronius WAS, irs,

er, undt-r the name of the !

monk, if, as it is probable, lie is tin- same with the one to whom
Jobao is dedicat< the monks
(Xiium* *>
uiit the life of the "world he Speakl in
this history, c I in.
 Pi .

ace of th< MiiM

not I
. ;<) tla-saii.

prilling and wo I
only t<» l.

divine, and that which i» Inn.

[1 tin* sin "£08>

i all
dispi

this promise, in judging ai t<> 1

On tlii- i
i

I all

events, Bophroniui beli<

given "iiiy
.-<» Ion j

and attained himself

of the church i

Honoriuf. I'

done, and asked him 1

in him an]

* Tl
the truth, of the patriai
tWC'l.'

a I.e. f. 1819,
$ Nam lex alia in BB
sahatori, quia su
;' church ortho-
doxy might appeal, in on the
•
I

doctrine of two natures in d, but only the

248 us.

the accommodation (olKovofua), whereby the patriarch ('

had brought about the re-union of the Monophysites with the
Catholic church j bur si hitherto no public decision of the
church had spoken mode of working " or of "
to him
COUne that in future such ezp bould be avoided, as the
might lead to Nestorianiam, the other to Eutychianism.
koued this whole question among the unprofit
subtilties which endanger the interests of
piety. Men should
be content to hold fast to this, in accordance with the hit
Lished doctrine of the church, that the self-same Christ
works that which is divine and human in both his natui
Those other questions should be left to the grammarians in the
schools. If the holy spirit operates in the faithful, as St. Paul
in manifold ways, how much more must this hold
.

g
of the Head himself! Meantime Sophronius, in the circular
letter which, according to ancient custom, he issued on entering'

upon his office,! when laying down a full confession of his

faith, presented at the same time the doctrine of two mo<

operation answering to the two natures in Christ as a

quence, flowing from the doctrine of the two nal
•

He by no means rejected the phrase evipyeai ^sai-intKi)

(divinely-human agency); but he maintained that this
-

in no sort of contradiction with the

designating of two n
of operation answering to the peculiar natures but referred ;

to quite another thing, to that which is not predicated of one of

the natures in particular, but of the action of both in union
with each other, of the collective activity of the person of
Christ. True, Palestine, soon after Sophronius had issued this
•. was.
by the conquest of the Saracens, severed from its
with the rest of the Christian world.
i Put the con-

hypothesis of an opposition between the divine and the human will in

:,is defence, however, will not stand the test of examination,

for it liiii, as well as to Serffiof, that a duplicity of will hi

one and the same subject could not robust in fact without opposition.
* In the second
Letter, f 1354 I'mis operator Christus in utri
:

naturis, dme natune in una persona inconfuse, indivise, inconvcrti-

biliter propria operantef ;—-aithoogb the theory of two moths of working
\i the foundation of the very thing he 1: efully .

fog this,
t His yo£(iu.urtt. ufyoiffrixei
in the XI. actio of the VI. ecumenical
council, Hard. Ill 1 what follows.
 nil.

mwl already I
DsiderabA
for t: iua considered it neosni
fort]

uoder the name < ..<»ut

v
(loul>t the \\<»rk of
Ciplea
which S ad hitln rl

doct! risl in two

.
the doctriDe of the d
the * i
which ii

ig human, was affirmed ; but the |

or two en
it had been employed l>y soma of tb<
uneasiness In many, who mppoaed thai Mich .

d with it the genial of the duality

•

ise it had been used bj f the chi

approved

moreover, follow from it the hyi

wills in Christ, which Nestorius himeelf I

:.
Following the doctrin
on the contrai
manity with its own rational iouI bad
>f it^ ow n will,
i in

united w illi it, but .

_fos willed.}
Thi

the oppon e latter d

of Dyotheletism conte
doctrine of two model of willing
to the two natures, seen*
true idea of the r, and of the redemption
I : and it w
therefore, be consid< red by then:
that the same should i

faith. The majority of the I

*
"Ea#ir« rris v'tmvt.
f l\ . that the la stronger a_
'

X 'llf iv fitihi*) xa.ie* <rr,(

vsija; i-v'~\*ul>r,( alreu raexc; xix*>£<r/uiM»f
k.x. i£ i]x.na.; lour,; ivxtr.ui; rZ uvuan r*v air* xxl vTerrxfit
r,**ftit»v
Slou Xeyau rh» puffnth* air?,; Tur.ettcrfxt xi>r,m f mkk' ivcrt xxt c'iui xai
oV«v tth-li o Btis kiyot rtoukiTi. Harduiu. 111.
2oO T> 'INT OF DOGMATIC IN

true, to 1-
The pan tantinople
an a,
iy$ttpov*a\ which would app
incil (itvvoSoq
the !' be much difficulty
mpelling to acquiescence the majority of theothi
of Asul Bui the arm of the emperor was powerless in the
of Africa and of Italy; where, more
independent hierarchical spirit opposed itself to the influi
art dogmatism. There was one man in particular
by his acuteness as a dialectician, by Ids activity, and his
invincible courage, was singularly fitted to take the lead of the
party opposed to MonotlieletUm, and to concentrate all his
his object. Tins was the above-mentioned
f .

who had then retired to the monastic life.

he must be called the most important representative
of Dyotheletism. so Theodore, bishop of Pharan, in Arab
whom, however, we know nothing except from single (

ments of his writings, was the most important doctrinal r

sentative and spokesman of the opposite party. Now, as to
the dogmatic interest connected with this latter tend"
truth was. it attached itself to the reigning mode of thin]
and speaking since the last decision of th" controvei
the two natures of Christ, by virtue of which mode of thin
and speaking, the formulary "One incarnate nature oJ —
joined with the formulary
" two natu; —
and without infringing on the abiding duality of th<
itwas thought possible to refer the human nature. I

the divine, ne incarnate I> got as one personal subj<

and ?'// thus referring it, a special religious interest was in-
volved. A d of important*

say that it was not, so to speak, the self-subsistent human na-

ture in Christ that was subject to. and submitted itself to,
ions, but that everything human in Christ
; t than the assumption of human nature it-

all -piling from the one will and the one activity of the Log
all appropriation of purely human attributes and affections
Ise than a continued exertion of that
mination of will and act, i
<>f which
.

appropriated to himself the human

nature. All the actions mid <>fChri>t proceed from
the efficient •
them all is the dix
 will, the
opei
'• and '!"'

ti inttrum<
we i

ity of th(
\

all — the humanity the instrument which la* makes usr

demption of human oat ould

appropi iate it \\ it]
without sin, in order to purify human natun
ami to . i rate it w ith a principle i

taken up into •I tin

in excluded from redempti< the will

liar to man's rational natal
broii
Nether human oatuj
v oilier
being what
•

liar i»"\\ ly, human

ssible, th(
true
must Fall into i

will, ami to ti

h would be i

this after the mam. ti>in, imlesi «

* yi.i rtu ?*Z alrtnnxtZ rt*ptmr»t xxt ?»yanx<Z

Wteytix t*v ktytu, >tv,
tx Vxtrx kt%ttt*. 1I.t»t* «r« r*$ #» tha*Hh>$ elxtttp'.m; i7fl
«»^«/t r*trr,e*( r,fjL±t \*irr*Z xntrttnrxt nr;_ci,)+; ftfw ix rtu
Su'ov r»i» iihri* i H rit *MfZ.
x*i( V rx»x <r»Z ff*/tmr-.
dora of Pharan, in ;'

Hsrdnii I . III. f.
1343, ind 44.
f 'O trraveet, i> ti*»a,e-i;, el fuikstwtt, « xWt.,
ftxrx, rx ftzTirfAart^ <xuitx rxZrx c^i*.; at xxi Intuit xxi
toZ ftlraZ 'i*0i ^»<rT#t»
Wi^yux.
X M<« Uitytix, r,s
rigWTOf xxi it-u.itv*y$( i Stif, S^yxtct ei w x*4^x-

<raett.Zu.irii c*» itrckii* It* SiXrciv; aXX' tv V»x* Stkrrtvf

'.
w
fAtv ih-'uifx <rr; xar xlrnv Ixrc-
avroZ In tcZ tTtt^xoti'uref 3tc«7 StfXT .
 OBJECTIONS OF MAX

human nature in Christ the &Xn*tc and hipyeia which

liar to it.* When the divine Logos became man, he ap-
propriated along with the human nature the inclinations and
which belong to that nature the positive and
.ins alflO —
impulses which lie within it; ami he
tive
both in his lili'.-j- Maxiinus said, for example, that as there
is
implanted in each creature an impulse for self-pres
and therefore along with this positive principle a
the natural feeling which struggles against the extinc-
tion of life feeling, inasmuch as it belongs to the
so this ;

ice of human nature, must have existed in the

Christ, and indeed was manifested by him at the approach of
death. But the schism existing between this natural impulse
—
and reason the irrational tendency of it growing out of sin. the
fearof death in conflict with the call of duty such a tend< —
could find no place in him.§ But with all this, Maximus also
derived, from the hypostatic union, a consequence in which he

* In be found in Monotheletism, as
truth, there is to it is expressed by
Theodore of Pharan, much that borders on Docetism. For example, be
La it as the peculiar character of all bodily affections in the c

Christ, that he, as man, was not subjected to these affections by any natural
rity, but produced them, each moment, by the divine will,
to which
the corporeal nature must, of necessity, be subjected that, by virtue of ;

its appropriation by the Logos, the body of Christ had become, in a

sense, deified and spiritualized, and could be freed from the limitations
and defects of a corporeal nature, or subjected to them as he pleased :
—
hence the miracles. 'H ydg tiyjiTtox ^ux.* °v itufuxt rotravm; "ov\iu<u<;
itvai, 'iva ret; cuiu.olto;
(pueixcl; fitorvTu; i? ttlrov ri xa) laurr; aVf
rou
XaiW As was so
in the case of Christ, hence the inxoarnaai run
this
cvutyvuv roZ ffCductTu;, oyxov, per,; xa) ^ouu.otTo; ; hence, that Christ aoyxu;
*«/ o'lov UTtiv atrufjearu; uviii oiao'Te'kn; Tf>or,\6i* \k u,vroa; xa) /uyruxro;
xa) Sugav xa) u; ix ibxQcZ; rr,; ^aXaaara iTifyvro*. In °ne Joint Maxi-
mus did, it is true, agree with him namely, in holding that Christ was ;

not subjected to bodily Bufferings, by any necessity of nature, but that he

subjected himself to them by a free act of the will, xar eUttofnnm, for the
good of mankind.
f T/j; ccY0pwro'riiro; t»jv aa^riv xa.)
dtpogfirj*
3i\vv 3/'
ivioyua; 'i&utt, rnv
f/Xv Igur)*,
iv tm ro7; (purtxo); xa) adtaZkrroi; roeoZre* •%(>r c'ao~$xt,
l u; xa)
t*.n Siov to7; olx'tcroi; *0[i.lt\%a6at) <r«» oi d^epf^ri* i» rcZ
xaigcy roZ xdfeus,
iKova'tu; rr,¥ <xpo; to* Bavarov ffucroXzv Toircao-fat. Disputat. C.
PyrrllO.
let. 165.
; The ccfeefx.il, the opposite to the bum.
V.ar) ydo xa) xard Qvo-iv xa) irapu $vtriv iitXia xa) xara, ipvrt* fii»
aii'/.ict \ar) ouvafus xxrx avtrro/^hv tov odto; au^ix-ix*;, rrapx, fvo-i* g\ Taecl-
o-vaTo'/.r,.
 ith tl

M'culiar maim-
BS, so thu' I, in the form
of the peculiar human M irorkioj
mankind. II

I in
nner entirely differ 1 in
human nature
natural, and, at the Mine time, human

divinely-human activity) ha
ity of one Mil
form of tin- di\ ine and the Qumai
of the interchange of attri
i

hich
applied to the peculiar i>ro;.. ich nature. -f

question concerning the i of the human and the

divine will to each other in
i ith thf question resp<
relation of the human to th< w ill in th

theletes supposed the final result of tip

ivine life in h he in them, as in the case of
I total absorption of the human trill
so that in all there would be

identity of will, whieli.

to the pantheistic n< 11 indivi-
duality of in the one original spit
understood this, and contend
maintained that,
\ ill. win.
all. and with i

'•. which i- the sm. .

[J in all ;

but that, notwithstandi]

remain, the d::

Ou <r»»fiyiiTKi it <ri xvtl* «*/itij

rnt SiXr'ri*; ra fCrixa,
i»
iiftTt
aXX u<rri» -ruixra; akniis xxi ***** ri xmf r.ux; ixi/»*ri»
l.'\,r,TX( tu
xxi i3*\J.»|iriv, aXX* ri v<rt* iiaa;, ixturiv;
y*», turm xxi 6it>.ixrx; us
cu xa.6 hu.ee;, *XX' v<r\» xxi xx(»k»Z fa*xi, ««» Qvnxi* i«r<
iiftms iJi<X#*n
X'to-Ta* nmpfum 1%u r£ xar etvri kiy* xxi to i«-i» $um rai-r
xeci h Qvtrt; liet r»v kiyiu nrrxtfi xcu r,
tlutf/xM "itit r*v reoTfj.
t Tliat which, in later times, was called commuuicatio idiomatum.
 H IN ROME :<\\.

whic; ion, and the Will of those who recei

from him.* We may i. I this
doctrine of ftfaximufl wai with tl .1
principle, bo im-
portant to him concerning the revelation of the supernatural
and divine in the more highly refined form and individuality
of the natural —
a view with which the other theory Bl

Ctly
in conflict. Aj to the appeals made on both Bid
the declarations of the older fathers, the truth was that, under
the influence of their different dogmatical interests, each party
would be so much the more likely to differ from the other in
their interpretations, as the older fathers, who had no
controversy in their thoughts, expressed themselves very inde-
finitely on such points. |
In Constantinople, the imperial edict still continued valid,
even after the death of Ileraclius, in 641 but the succ< ;

of Honorius bishop of Rome, who died soon after the breaking

out of these disputes, declared themselves decidedly against
Monotheletism, and in favour of the doctrine of the two m
of willing- and working. This dogmatic tendency prevailed
also in the African church. Maximus repaired to these dis-
tricts : he increased, by behalf of it;
his influence, the zeal in
and used the authority of these churches, especially the Ro-
man, to put down Monotheletism. From Africa and Koine In-
directed letters and tracts to the monks of the East, in which
he combated that system. In Africa he was supported by
the governor Gregorius, who was plotting an insurrection

* Tuv rt
#go( aXkyXous xa) §\ov rev o~a>Z,<>*ro; xara rr;t SiXr.fiv
ffu%op.i*uit

<yt*ri<rtra.i ffvufiari; o?.ay

iv irairi ytvixu; xa) to xctf 'ixctffTo* 'ilixu; x^C*'
(rxvros tov Slav tov to. vravrct arArjaavvra; ru fj.'irpiu rr,; %uoito; xai fv -run

vrkrioau/uivo'j [AiKvr dixr.v xara Tnv dvuXoyiccv <rr,; in ixeiffr* xlcTiui. T.

II. t*. K», 11. He also points out, in his disputation with Pyrrhus, the
ambiguity which arises from ex pressing the Siknua and the SixW* by
.id. II. f. \C2.
f Timsin particular they differed about the ri^ht interpretation and
of the passage in the fourth supposed letter of Dionysius to
ig
i
re an iyieyua. BiunlpiKr, is aserihed to Christ. Aeeording to
the reading frfa* defended by the M
.

thelites, would not be the COTied one, but the reading xccivw, defended by
the o] r it IS the author's design to mark that
plainly
which l-man; but perhaps all the
define d to the word Sicyloixr.t originated in ffl<
At all h party could at least explain the words in it-
.

sense.
 rinal

the principal actor. '1 :.

u ho, ius, n]> to this time, had bin

validity of th<
pular feeling i

and liail I

numerous assemblage and of the

iinu^. it is trui
of li and in th I he was
•11(1 (lolllc

interest, nr more than this intellectual

anient, which induced
he 9 i; upon whic be "as solemnly
red, l»v the Roman bisk
lurch. Bui b sgain to

The long condoned tronblei which arose

tnd to publish a new religioui

name of the 1
the influence or the patriarch
plain from hi-

re not thrust
ius had been in the I

uish the duty of a churcl

ruler, or perhaps h
too little i

church : ,,
did not wish to n
emperor to introduce olonotheletism into I

tial respect, that t; A eleineir d further

OUt of view; and, without either with
taking part in any way
Monotheletism or against it. d to
restrain the violent to the
quiet

* 1.
rim.
 i rPE OF THK FAITH.

church.* After having opposite views,

Clding in favour of neither, ordered that the church should
it

abide by the doctfj ore tliv outbreak of

id contend no
oontn Longer about these points.
should stigmatize another ai a heretic on account of
:i

them. The cfcrgy, who this, should be

>nka banished persons in office, whether in the
:

Civil or in the military service, should forfeit their place- pri- ;

individuals of rank should be punished by the coni

of their goods; those of the lower order, after I

really punished, should be perpetually banished. t lint

though the well-meant purpose was here aimed at of put

an l'\u\. by this ordinance, to the passionate dispute on
an object could not be so attained, for no ma-
.

yet such
word has power to command on matters of relL
rial
convictions. Those to whom the subject in dispute seem
important would only be the more excited to contn
the very prohibition of it, which seemed to them either the
fruit of an unchristian indifferentum, or a sly trick to cl
for the present, the free assertion of the truth. To the »
for the doctrine of the two modes of willing and working, the
under the aspect as if Christ was ther
appeared
a being without will or free agency —placed on a level with
deaf and dumb the zealous op,
idols.:} Martin I.,

Monotheletism, who, even before this, while Apoerisiari

toman church at Constantinople, had violently Opposed it,

06, when pope, the

most important pillar of this p
From different quarters of the East and the West, h<
* The who attended the trial of Maximal at
imperial commissioners,
could no doubt rightly say, the emperor had dropped
:ntin<>]>le.
pe Simply
:
\ —
ita. rb* ilor.ttiv, olx it anouoitni Tints run It/ %pi<rreu

voovhavuv, akk' \vc wVwvjj rm eriwxw rr,* TOiovrut <r*i» iiuo-rxo-t* <tu*tZy nlxo-
\ -ta Maximi,
prefixed to the edition of his work-. '1
8, t
ta of the Lateran Council, Act. IV. T. III. Ilarduin.

the monk Maximal, with other G

J In a
query addressed by
the Lateran council, the following remarks are mad.
the I '»
atinpynre* vroivrn xtti d*iti\t)To*, rat/rim* a.*et>* MM
xu) kx\ir,T0i ctlroi rot rni IJfrs Sie» rot xv^iot h/JMt inrtvt
>

ru,t \6tZt a.^piix t 't *ra«*TX»j»/»f tlhiXoi;, and t li-

Vboyu.<i.riva.t rot;
,*,Zrot
ya.£ axctt
ro ettitipynrot return xtu d.nit\nrn.
duiu. ConciLT. III. f.
communii m the monks and <•:

truth
under the nan.' illy-

proceeded from th<

1 himself called u]
i

invited b]
the ine in the th-
pi

a church,
in tl.

afterwards known under the name of tin

this awn nj) in

:. The d ami
combined in union.
. dished ;
an
condemnation pronounced on tfa :trine an
.

namely, all the p

since the time of Sergius, and on the edicts drawn up u
their influence
circulated these decisions through th
lit to obtain for them a universal adoption. H
in his own
, name and in the

inviting him to give i

irected, I

enough, to publish the

the pope if 1
res ; but li

found that he
he was in the
cute them with certainty, >.'

that Olympius really did not feel hi

first to proceed openly against tl had
,t influence with the people, and it \

might summon tin .t he may

have deemed it expedient, for th. ,t himself

as more friendly to the pope than he that he might i .

prepare a trap for him under ti.

when, shortly afterwards, he plotted an insurrection against the
emperor, he was led by his own politic part
vol. v. s
 0LYMP1

with tlu 1
pope rather than against him, hoping to find a
>rt from him in the prow F his
political

on without disturbance.*
When . icn Olynr
for the purpoe \
in the war against the Turks,
where be met his death) the eua
peroi , in I

to take his pl*C rcli to

.

Italy. who WM to cut

dience to the Type, and transport .Martin far )>uni>lim< :

•untinople. The political interest no* predoaainafc

;antinopk\ far beyond the doctrinal. He was to
* As in the trial instituted against Martin at Constantinople, the plan
of an insurreetiou by Olympius is presupposed as an established fact,
and Martin moreover does not deny the fact, it cannot be doubted, that
Olympius entertained such designs and this explains in the most;

factory manner, why he made no attempt to seize the pope. And his
conduct towards the pope may have occasioned, or furnished a pi
for the charge that a secret understanding existed between the two.
About this connection of events, however, Anastasius, in bis life of this
is silent; and his account seems to stand in contradiction with it.
ut on this ground, it would not be just to conclude that everytln
£[>pe,
relates is false we should rather seek for some way of recoucilii
;

two reports. It is very possible he may have followed some txajge

6tory, when he says that Olympius designed to have Martin a
at the celebration of the eucharist at which he was present: but
may be some truth at the bottom of this story. Perhaps Olympius had
determined at the outset, and before he conceived the project of an in-
surrection, to seize the pope by some stratagem. This view of the
seems to be confirmed by a passage in one of the pope's letters, by which
we may understand his opinion of Olympius, and how far ;

any of his thoughts to make common cause with that conspirator. The
letter was written to Theodore, ami in it Martin reports what b
heard said by the exarch Calliopas, quod semper per coniplexionein et
vusationem ineederent adversum nos et cum in adveutu in-
famis Olynipii vani eujusdam hominis cum armis me hunc potoifl
In account of the word
" faterentur" here, h
"
•of dicereut," I can understand this language in no otl an as
led to prove the falsehood of the suspicion excited against bin
to defend himself by force. Thej themselvi
at when Olympius first arrived, and .

<t him, it lay within the power of the

f his inllu vent him, I

fronl 1 hit the fact that Martin did m

command, though he
his i

Hympius ame with

:

that < (

from his thoughts to d

;iug to violence.
Bubk do in opp
imperial edict,
uld
•

appear*! having b
Hshed u an impel «>n

the put of the Byzantine co irt, ti

rather of a political tl

nothing no* wai i

merely disputation to man's

,M be injiu
It
injunction.
much from tn<

Paul, this surely

behaviour .

plat tl. did nut but

i
proceed I .

from the counsellor win. advised him v

though this was not i I on thai

irt which

i Id with still

the en il
power, in
-
and non-ease 1 1

the church could

denning that which she understood to
with the developmfull

much as he went 00 the principle that on lui

ie church,
the full development
ul

development of the enure

which, as he lupposed, thong
ient to heretical iuthn.
* Once when
only, at first it was al
violent m< rted to -m.
Harduin. T. III.
•trine, viz. that I)

which, from the Monot

ianitm. Ho-
nor did it ever accord with tin
whom the Type originated.
260

that Martin, on his own hii 1

principle, would have
instrument for
bicfa be himself n
r
rine
. and no doubt would have applauded the w
in submission to the d< Lteran council, the
had issued an edict in favour of ism. I

When Martin had once appeared to the imperial court in

of a Btate criminal, there would be a Btrong incli-
light
nation believe the various political e!
to

brought against him, it being no rare thii igant

this sort to find credence with the
'.'

suspicion
ment at Constantinople, or to be seized upon as a palliation of
persecutions. Sometimes he was accused of entering into
an understanding with the Turks,* sometimes of conspiring
with, and lending support to, 01ympiu>.
On the loth of June, 653, Calliopas arrived at Rome. He
did not venture at once to take any open step against the
pope, because he feared the pope would arm the people for
his defence. Martin, who had been ill for several months,
was lying on his couch at the altar of the Lateran church,
with his clergy assembled around him. Calliopas arrived in
the evening. He let Sunday pass by, because he feared the
multitudes then assembled for public worship and he sent as ;

an excuse to the pope, that owing to the fatigue of his join

he had not been able as yet to pay him his respects, but in-
formed him that he would come on the next day. Earl;
the governor, still full of dist
Monday morning,
01 his followers to the pope, to tell him he VI
that armed men were collected in the church, and ti
had been piled up in heaps for the purpose of defending the
. All this was u ry$ the pope ought not to

* See
ep. ad Theodorum.
to haw maintained a correspond-
•
them money and a confession of faith.
tatement true, it would be to his honour; the just con-
clusion to he drawn fromit was, that he took a special interest in the
effort! for this purpose would haw
i

hinder than to aid any design of forming a pol

alliance with the lint Martin denies the whole, and affl

t l, at ti. ot a particle of truth in tb ept

that he had

Log among the Saraceni (probabb

in
tain persons of their own number, who had
me.
permit if. Martin can
;

church, thai t
•

through
winced bi
Calliope . ed that he had noi
j»iiv|
an<l
'

published the imperial man rtin was «lc;x)9ed,

lined the bishopric, I he
ihould 1 •

invited I I
out an
in, since be could reckon, ;
i

moment, «>n the /• al of

Would rather ten timet die tlian that any
bis account. !

goverixn I him to
'

also laymen who had resolved to accompany hi him

on the next following i

no other object in \ ie\v than to i

insurrection in the pope's favour. At mi

caused him to be removed from the p
by onlj
.1 few. attendant .

ike a lon^r ;u „i (litJicult

on the i.-!.

denii I the littl

whic him in hh
\Yh< ;.

freshment, hit
them with in
interest in the emp
of the emperor himself, f Tl
*
Quod irregulariter et sine '.
;itam subr which
'
doul a had not tppbV
manner to the en >m him the confirm
election ;
whether it wm tn I

for omitting this whether he had been other-

legal formality, or
wise
prevented.
u-tin's letter to Theodore, I
pact of his sufferings
drawn up by a friend. Harduin. III. f. 677, and what follows.
 . manifi

help ofyoar j
II the faithful who
i
the far

.;-ist. and to dii

from the island of I his friend

feringshe had hitherto endured, he concluded with the foil

d, the On
••
T trust in the pof
Ulg P
when T shall from tin
i
I

all my pa will be brought to punishment, that -

they may be led to repentance and to turn from I

wickedness." On the 17th of September, 654, he arrive

the port of Constantinople, and was left on board the ship in
his sick-bed until
evening, exposed to various annoyances.
He ^as next conveyed to the prison of the chief watch, v.
he remained confined ninety-three days, no person being
allowed to visit him. After this long delay, lie was coin .
at first on his sick-bed, before the tribunal appointed to try
him. Though so weak that he could not stand without being
supported, he was still required to remain standing whi!<
trial. The president of the court said to him,-
wretched man, what wrong has the emperor done tl .-

in made no reply. Said the president, u Art thou sil<

thy accusers shall now appear 5" and several witnesses
id
now
introduced, to prove that he had been COI 1

of Olympics. As they were about to be

on their oath, the pope begged that it might not be done, —
try ; they might do with
him
was there of destroying the sou,
I

Whea he undertook to give an account of the whole

f events in th
Olympins, and began by
f

pe had been drawn up, and

by the emperor to Borne,"
— he was immediately interru]
for fear lie mi-lit conic upon doctriiio- -a >ul»ject whic;.
of the assembly
out,
— k>
Don't mix in !

ing about the faith,

1 11 trial inv hi •ians and
orthodox." Martin replied — *'
Would t

of that dreadful judgment." With dignity and spirit,

 which individual judges
broi
him. 1

wli;:

rri;il

to the emperor, M
It seem it was the
IniKi bin
'

00 ; but
lotted, not
injured by the pOfJ
Q treated, and th< enJBSjd him. hi
moments, iliat Mart in's fife should I"

in the SeOOfld dun-

be was t.dd t<> lev
house, and under the w; •

of the en
for the pi -ported ii' lace
\ile. which as \et was n< »r named to I

mo* re • ita him, ami. I

them Winn
<-d thrill II

thai iiim worthy to suffer for hie sake,

'iiersooesus, on the peni

•arbarian*, was selc
•

the
and on the 1 5th i

the midst of unfeeling barbarian*. guflfer the gre. •

deprivations, Heconld obtain no wend; be wwalse>«eso>

of ii. urehese reign vessels which touched
if

at t
;

ue from (

if
brought means for his Hmpoft which mi
from i.ut he was disappointed, and in mention
this to his friend lie ae
since he orders our bi ui."
t the means of sustena
not sent him he could n
'
u the
he,

willing, hut the Bash is wi

is
spirit
aware." He was grieved especially. I the month of
ember, he had
t —no
—which,
I

;i of sympathy pflfctntj might be owing to some

264

fear< I : the emperor's displeasure. u I worn lend, and

still won. 1,
io the month of
September,
tnpathy in my friendf and kinsmen — that they have
so uttt mJffortooi
to know whether or not I um still on the earth." But
to him t
| all. that the cler_
urch shonld take DO farther cdiici ni about him,
Ji a of their own body
member thai they ihonld i. :

•
provide for his bodily want-. For althoi
chureh po gold, yet, through the no d, it
>

;ain and wine, and all thin- \ for the

Support of life." "What fear,'' he writes, "has fallen

men, which restrains them from God's commands
fulfilling
—
thing is to be feared? Or have I appear*
the whole church so like an enemy? But may God, who will
have men to be saved
all and to come to the knowledge of the
truth, by the mediation of St. Peter establish their hearts in
the true faith, and preserve them firm and unshaken from all
influences of heretics, especially their present pastors ; that so,
having never deviated, even in the smallest particular, from
that which in the presence of the Lord and his holy an
they have published in written decrees, they may togt
with me receive the crown of righteousness from the band of
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. For, as it regards my
feeble body, the Lord himself will take care of that, so
please him to order all things, whether i: lie under con-
tinual suffering, or with some relief. Tor the Lord is nigh,
and why should J be troubled; for I hope in his mercy that
ill soon finish
my course at the goal he has ordained."
llfilled he died on the 16th of September.
;

There still remained the old Maximus he who was the —

othcletians in the Bast, the soul of every D
1

meat both in the Bast and in tin gainst the imperial

decrees; and though at, the advanced age of sixty-live, still,
by the influence of his name and by the firmness and stability
of hi iximus might present a powerful resist
to 1; ill. If was, then
I
ed, along with
tstantinople, and
his disciple Anastaaius, broug tin

into prison* The master and disciple,

who had lived now for
more than thi] -lantly togethi
mpted to convict Mazimua also on
 '

., ithout ei

docti
with whaA Maximui said in hit

chun
accused of hai ing refused I

the usage
of the church, thai th.

piritual power. M<

the other pur:;
only ;is a tj pe of Christ.* The pi
urah in the
beginnin
lust Martin. B
upon as a model <>f the moi . and com]
old r ted with many who wished he mighl b
ami if
they could only bring him to yield,
it was
hoped, in
this way. to OVerc

Maximua was told (hat he w

dogmatical com ictions ; but 011I3
Colli

now formulary of union, which

"
that, in relation to
itwas necessarj to sup] agencies and v.

and -rf\)/ -

doctrinal und to h
es —
which, for the ! to him im-
portant Meantime, Martin had
the public
by the exarch
1

onstantinople, the I

ship of the church the B ;

Btantinople had been prevailed u]

mentioned formulary of union and as ; tl. the
Bomiflh church stood high with him, it

* See acta Maximi. >. 90. T. I

opp. pa*. 30, and the following.
f A>
Calliopaa would not have . he had pledged
himself to do so beforehand. J See abo
 EX CHUB i

employ it for die pi him to yield. But

d convictions of his own mind weighed more with
liim t hau i he authority of b single bishop; and he dec!
that though tl:
bishop had fallen from the truth,
il. even an
angel from heaven could pn
proposition havin by
>
1

him. be Mas sent in exile to the

when kept confined apart from his disciple. But
when every attempt to produce an effect on him by
nations had proved unavailing, the s]
man. whose will could not be broken, passed all bounds In !

the year (i(>2. he was dragged back again to Constant^

publicly scourged, his tongue cut out, and his right hand
red at the wrist; after which he was banished to the
country of the Lazians, where he soon died (on the 13th of
August), in consequence of the injuries inflicted on him at so
advanced a period of life.
Thus the emperor succeeded to enforce everywhere in the
tern church the adoption of the Type; and with the

adoption of this, the bishops of the chief cities in the

(whom the major part of the others, without any
•interest in, or independent examination of, the points in

dispute, blindly followed) united, at the same time, the

defence of Monotheletism. In the Roman church, on
contrary, the zeal for the doctrine of Dyotheletism continued
to propagate itself; and out of all this arose a schism be:
the two churches, although the two next success irtin 1

— Euueniusand Vitalian from dread of the e:i —

i
not to have taken any public stand against the patriarchs
ustantinople.
•
But under datus. in (iTT. the
;.

:n took a more decided shape. All connection betv

the two patriarchs was dissolved, -inc.. the patriarel
tantiuople, now devoted
to Monotheletism, werenol<
tied in I; tin- lie church, and
I

of their lettiand the nam

m bishops were no longer enrolled in the church re<
(Diptych) tantiuople, and no longer mentioned in the
the church. The patriarch. Theodoi
Miitinopi' carius of Antioch, v
aim- of Vitalian from the church r
ii

>i>inion that the Itoman patriarchs could be ju>tly

whi<

troubh <l

ebon ril peace

of the church should si H
pass any j

ence : and 1 1 1
•

the bishops themselves, under wliom th<

bring about a
u le

dclr. .
for the purpose of unit
patriarchs and bishops of the East
'
in

Hair. The
from the ordinary in such
\ luces son
trinal investigation. Hi
that be would allow equal fn
ar to th
tw <»
partii
- could
ates
with all honour to R
the Latter ii;u
;

year 680
•

with the i

ncil assembled for

third
tmiversal council held at
room in the imperi
named the Trullan council (council in IruDc
emperor himself attended h
1 his council also, th

disputed points ;
inn

dignified manner, and with

influences, than bad beet in earlier council

formably to The ruling principle of doctrinal tradition, the

* His -words are clx trrt <Tct*

k/A iru$u\^t)ri( timir.w^T^
aXX' itorrrTM.

f iMMHiff vbv
Si'iov tuXoitiou ro eorvf
WiXtyiftirt* T{tZkX.e{. Vita
Stepluuii, ed. Muratori. p. 4S2, i rpZxxcs, on* nput «J«t«» xxkoZu.tr.
268 ) TO THi: TRULLAS COUNCIL.

standard, at this council, for the determination of disputed

point all, the declarations of the older approved
church-teachers, with which each part] wanted ii

to present only the ane'h nt doctrine of the church, lint 51

Ider church-teach< r have already remarked, had
written before this opposition had ev<
and had often expressed themse] indefinitely, h
their words might often he differently understo in- \

terpreted from different points of view and one ;

the other of perverting them, or of forcing them out of their

light connection and garbling them. Thus by such authorities
nothing could be decided, but the dispute had to fall back
upon the logical determination of conceptions; as 1><
evident, for example, in the proceedings of the eight
in the case of Macarius patriarch of Antiocb. The Roman
:ates brought with them a letter from their bishop Agatho,
which contained a full exposition and defence of Dyotheletism,
with proof passages from the approved older fathers, and
besides this a brief containing the same in substai;
by this bishop in the name of a numerous synod held at K
These two documents were publicly read at the fourth si
of the council. In the seventh session, on the 13th of I

ruary. they laid before the council a collection of

from the older fathers (which they had also brought with them
from Rome) in confirmation of that doctrine; and now the
bishops George of Constantinople and Macarius of Ant
together with the other bishops siding with them, w
whether they agreed with
the doctrine presented by the
p of Home. requested leave to defer th
They
of that question until the next session, that they might have
time to turn to the p&6 ted from the fathers,
amine them in the connection in which they stood and at the ;

ion, on the seventh of March, the patriarch

that
having made the examination, hi
cordingly he professed the Dyotheletisn
in that in
in the of authorities from the
collect inn
fathers laid before the council by the Roman
deleg
nothing Was to be found which he might not have learned
polemical writings already existing, we mu
suppose he had adopted his kotheletism bli
 ith'out any examination
of hi
iti 1

1 from bo
the-
letism, pn
with a col m the fat! •

of hi !

one mode of work:

hovering before his mind the truly <

misapprehended, in II the volil

only from the bein in him :
j
Mould admit in Adam before the fall nothing hut t]
will as the determining |

litions
(ffapcuco ^eXf/ftara)
and human r
-uovr) to
'
•
:

i<- fall.* W i in their

nvictions, though they were dh id<

by differe inception.
the fanatical zeal for BUCfa •
1 1 Kl

pro© remarkab i in
the fifteenth session of tl I >nk from I

In Thrace, made his

app

to him, and amid t!

by whom, perhaps, he i himself. I

said to him, V will

\>ifin)
and the dh inely human ago
istian.He m
should neither make nor ado] faith. T
to prove that this doctrine WSJ true bj
; dead mail
faith, drawn up in BX with it. It was the
•

people from bein- led

synod and the
multitude of the people, made ti. on the public
square. A
corpse was bro i silver p.
bier. I'olyehronius laid upon it hi- i

faith, and
continued to whisper for an hour Of two in the dead i

till
finally he was oblige that he was unable
* See Actio
VIII. fol. 11S1.T. III.
 i
him. A
shout now tin; forth from the
le, pronouncing anathema on tl
but :
c Aild not shake thi
in tin- mind of the man, anil
:i
Tolychionius still re-
i a> firm in his i'aith a- i

Bj trine of I

willing and workin irist now obtained the

victory in
tin- Eastern church; and this
doctrine, together with a
cautionary clause against the conclusions rom it by
the Monotheli established in a new symbol, "Two
Wills and two natural modes of united without working,
schism, and without confusion, as well as without ci
that no conflict ever existed between them, but the In
will was invariably subject to the divine and almighty will/'
The anathema was moreover pronounced on those who had
hitherto defended Monotheletism, as well as on the patriarchs
of Constantinople and on Honorius, whom however, at an
earlier period, some had attempted to defend by a strained
interpretation of his language.*
lint since Monotheletism, as appears evident from the ah
cited examples, had, both among clergy and monks, so many
zealons advocates, the Monotheletian party could not be
suppressed at a stroke by the anathema pronounced by this
council; but it continued to propagate itself, and evi
Us existence by many indications of a reaction, down from the
reign of the emperor Justinian II., which began in <
In opposition to such attempts, the decisions of the sixth
ecumenical council on the doctrine were confirmed anew by
the second Trullan council, in the year i]\)\ or 692, which
as a supplement to the two preceding
general
councils, the fifth and the sixth. f

* See the The patriarch

eighteenth session, Harduin. III. 1398.
Ceorgius, and several bishops of his diocese, had petitioned "iva u «•«» :

iv'0!v*u,sv*;y rot \x&onr.

Irr/v, pi a.*a6ipa.7ir$airi Tpoevrat us <reif

LS, 3/
tlxoviop'iav n*a; but he was obliu
yield to the majority. Act. XVI.
f Hence its name, <ru»ole; *%>6Urn, concilium ijuinisextum. As both the
other councils busied themselves only with doctrinal matt. I

church Life and church •

•^supply the deficiency auditpubl ;

anons
J of them I
lisli in a more decided form the opposition
 PHILLIP* • II.

Kut in

letiai
! I ••
emp<
who rseless despotism.
I
the imperial ,

symbol of tli«

beea placed among the lymb

should be n moved go En. He
-I the nan
in the di]

imagei
\ u Ml op la the public
<

in his
i

place John,
istruincnt in furtluri
theletism. Under the preai
held intinople,
\\ hich overtnri

sixth genera] council, and drei up .1

otheletisni
them the emperor's will, wi
In Italy, 00 the other ban< .

place**
had no power ti
>eror
to mtroduce the new symbol into the 1.'

in an iii-urrfotit»!i of ili<
this loven

peror, A.n astasias

1 1.,
by w horn he w
all that had been dom
:. The 1

conduct at once, and stepped forth as a seal »cate

of Dyotheletism whether in his doctrinal — •

more to one party than to CI

I
the hyp
between tl

Lbtf connection.
*
According to the report of tli-

the Constantinopolhan enni

tion respecting tl
uthor to hi>
Concil. III. f. 18
tion from the abbot Stephmn
carius of Antioch, defended Mon< al council.
of th< v of the court, men without character, and ready

interest to worldly motives. He issued a letter ad<

the Roman l > i -1 1 < »

p Constantino, which, by flatl

in

he sought to gain his support, in fact

addressing bun
— st,

a thing which the patriarchs of Com

induced to do —
as tin* head of the
church, and begging- him b
In him a Christian brother. I! <d himself, in this
document,* were a sincere follower of Dyotheli
as if lie

lie pretended, that he had been forced to take the patriarchate

in order to avoid a greater evil, and to prevent
monarch from making a layman patriarch, whom he m
use as a still more effectual instrument for establishing the

supremacy of Monotheletism. He endeavoured to justify his

whole course of procedure under the late reign, as a ne-
cessary accommodation to circumstances (ok-oro/im) de>i_
to protect pure doctrine from more violent attacks. " The
—
pope himself he thought must be well aware from his own
—
rience, that in such matters force could not be directly
ted, but resort must be had to art and cunning. f I

the prophet Nathan used concealment, for the purpose of

reproving the sins of adultery and murder in king David."}
John of Damascus embodied the results of itro-
-

versies, with a logical exposition of them, in his al>

mentioned work on the system of faith, lie also WI

particular treatise on the BSme subject, and thus transmitted

the polemical arguments against Monotheletism to the later
k church.

Like Nestorianism and Monophysitism, the Monotheletic

m, banished from the Soman church, could prop;;
itself only among an insignificant race of people iudepeii
of that church, the inhabitant 'ion and Anti-Lebanon,

among whom this doctrine had probably been made dominant

by a certain abbot Manm (Map&v). After this abbot the
whole tribe WW named, 'lie abbots of this Mai'

* T first is ad iu
it, published by Combefis, I

Ihrduin. III. f. 1838.

f 'II; ou >.icc* utrtrvvuf xtt, cxXr.eZ; IX"» *"{»* **' «>>* \\»ua'tx{ JLyxyxn*
-titvrtif anu nvlf ri^vr,; xu.\ rtpMtctf xafiiffTtixiv ivpupi;.
X "E>.iyx»S olx axioixeiktirrti.
 •a with them, and
!»'ii their govemmi
Protected by their mountain
trived tomake and keep themselvi
empire, and afterwards of the S
i. ill now |

which did not

termination of individual doctrinal conceptions, but to the
i
Ihristian worship
— the
about image-toorship. These dfc a their ver
would necessarily i
than
those before mentioned |
bjecl to w hich
did immediately occupy the attention of tl
not
wns only by tin- excitement and odium produced by
;t

theologians, and then operating on the mult::

cipation of the lail mi could i

but as this subject could be by the

i
i
1

by tin- th. . it would obtain the >_\ mpatl

readily at that of the c
Christian worship necessarily
tions of religious objects, or whethei
arc indispensable I

\ l>c answered diff

Bpeak
betwei ;i these contt and tin-
as tin-
disputes about the ti
ISt in this that the — 1.

distinctions, but the subject of the former was -

sensible, outward, and 1\ ing bei
as the devotion of the multitude had
the subject of this COOtrOI
them and occupy thougl their Fur-
thermore, opposition related Dot barely
thlfl t

lectio, and notional distinctions, but Opinions belonging to the

* Ovh\
yio vif) c*» h 7*
ut fi itxuxarr.fi;
XV finm
xcer?
a.u^iffir,T»i/uitx f
rai^X i T ^ v «»'««'$'» »i/» 3i $
' •
xa xet't xu -

[i*rovu.i*»i> r.roi a<rs£ivu. 21, in Sirmond.

opp. T. V. f. 331.
VOL. V. T
uniw i
•

in con-
ilict : ami the the Other of tin B6 must
from, on the whole
future develoj tkureh and of itsdoctrin
In Iain tli«'
origin of
history of the mode
nice back upon the
of thinking and acting in reference to this mar
we have shown in the pr<
to the aesthetic religion of paganism, under which
:

Christianity appeared, had also brought about an uaco av

promising opposition to all union of art with religion.
opposition wore away and art, particularly
s this
;

painting, had been used for the glorification el religion, con-

formably to the spirit of Christianity, which spurns nothing
belonging to our pure humanity, since it was destim i

appropriate, interpenetrate, and ennoble the whole of it.

Although, then, the rude multitude, even in the Western
church, soon allowed themselves to be misled into the error
of making their worship too sensual, and of transferring the
homage, due to the object r in the symbol, to I that,
symbol itself; and although this aberration of Christian :

ing was occasioned by the culpabh

Christian instruction to the people ; vet by the church-
teachers, the distinction between the right use of il
ile Christian feelings, and to instruct the

unlettered multitude on the one side, and the sup

Worship of images on the ever held fast am .
:

the former was recommended, so the latter was combated

with can, appeared. herever
This tendency it

still observe bishop with whom we commei

in the Roman
the I
riod. hermit having sent t<> A tiie

for an image of Christ, and other religious symbols,

;

the 1; Mm
a picture of Christ and the Virg
and pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, and explained in the
his views
ts, respecting
. and the way in which they were desig
ion.f le
expressed himself I

ith the wish avowed by the recluse, since it

jht with his whole heart the Being whose in

* Vol. I. ii. 298 : Vol.

that
I

the \

" thai thou desmri

the lore <>f Him v

lt
fie added, prostrate oui the image a»b< I

lint v
I

ity.
out n
and according to the re]
>•<•-

of joyful .citofc
in oui'

ccially worth
• •ncc of I

}. The ! 'MTvrd. that ainoiiir tho rude

f his din-
Jo !
|gt|

iiitat
]»!:; again>r

sponwm aman
*
i alium ar
Henrn ant ad ecclosiam ire, statinr

I ilium ml

re t---*-.
imagef (the

not i
•

I to the reli ppose

tch misunderstanding in the ine thathe
would be likely to perl votions to the image as such, and not
•'
refer
X Zalim vns, ne quid raanu factum adorari possit, habn
\imus. As Gregory here declared himself so unconditionally ;
276 'pes.

ired his rashnesi In pro sriminately ag

all ii: into the churches
take of those who could not instruct themselves by
ing the Holy Scriptures, that at least l>y the contemplation of
es they might come to some knowledge ol scriptural
as not disposed to fix any such limit
his zeal images and whether it was that his critical
;
against
judgment had become warped by his pious zeal, or that he
v
sought some pretext under which be could proceed in
his work oi destroying images without seeming to d<

papal authority, be declared the letter of Gregory a

and considered himself bound therefore to pay no further
attention to its contents. It was a consequence of his well-

meant, though by no means temperate or wisely directed zeal,

that the minds of the rude Franks were provoked to hostility
against himself. They beheld in him a destroyer of that which
they held sacred and the major part of them renounced all
;

fellowship with him. When this came to the ears of the

pope, he reprimanded Serenusf for not distinguishing the
right use of images from their abuse, repeating
on this
casion what he had said in his former letter, and expi
as his opinion, that the first-mentioned use of im
important, especially for the rude nations recently c
from paganism J Had he duly considered this, the
wrote to him, he would have avoided the consequences which
had followed his indiscreet zeal, and more certainl)
his o tde him ta pains to repair the in-
juries which had been done, and by paternal gentleness to win
back the alienated affections of his people. He gave him the
following instructions BS to his mode
of procedure for the
" He should call
future. together the members of the com-
munity, and prove to them by testimony from Scripture, that

the adonuio Unaginam, we may infer that lu- rejected not merely the
idolat ig
in that tendency of mind, but also every out
t, the custom of prostration and of kneeling, as usual!}
•

fon- idols; and in this way we may account for nil Lang

* L. IX.
ep. LO ;•• IS.

p in.
-
zelnin di- duhio et ea, (ju;e intend.
lae
salabriter obtfasre et eoUeetam gregem non dispergere, sed potius dis-

perse:
men should pi by human
hands ;
and h in to them in
a friendli . that his »
a practice whi< i which Images had
heel) ill!:
of them iem as a
'

'

I."

mages,
:
'irit, did I

tain itself, bo
evident from the manner in which tli ted in
the i rainsl images <>f th< church, I

already, down t<> the opening <»f the eightli

oome /.ealons defenders of i

indeed, lie tin til of that tendency full

out. which lay at the found

tholi< which uniformly I

tinguishing and separating

the divine
ned t<» represent it. and
the latter what only to tl

church, f' which h.:

'ii|>
of images had n e at a much earlier
od, and w;
ilso w ith civil and i

and church-In d with )>l.

the \ :it>. imt these i

fronting the )

: and even 1 and weai

v
apparel
whom were many monks, emulous men
'1 he v

paid and to th<

in the Western church, such
church. I

the pietm inch had the

reputation of performing miracu!- <m-
pre-

* Vol. II. -
p- -•
inpixur^
 :ip.

.ldron were named after them/ J n that

.
many legCM ed with.
\ii for these religioi
. which a
by human h
•
<-ial \ eneration. and v
1 of amu
to have been miraculously produced by Chrisl blmad
times others, of whose origin no distinct account con!
tpie, the city of Kdessa DOBMSBed its

famous ancile in the picture of Christ, scut to k

it WSJ pretended, by our Saviour himself; and in

poiroiijTor (at image of the moth<

eiKiov -rjc SsorA w
made Without hands). t Still another Christ was said to
bees impressed on the handkerchief of St. Veronica (the e

healed of the issue of blood).

The extravagant lengths to which this super
rence of images was carried might the more contribu
excite a reaction of the Christian consciousness again)
among; the laity, as Jews and Mohamm
Christians on this score of idolatry and at; f the
divine? law; and by such reproaches many might be h
reflect on what was really required by the Christian faith on
this point. To
in the ease of the
this was added,
clergy, the
Wading of the Bible and of the older fathers, whereby the
unprejudiced would easily be led to see that the prevailing
rship was utterly at variance with I

principles of the primitive church

lod the and if ;

could not distinguish the different points of view of the

Old and K ill
they might Del*
bound to apply the Old Tettameml prohibition ofamagi

* Theodore Studita writrs in of the emperor'

sputharius of whom he had heard,
,, that be the in. WOW
. as a.*dlox<>{, at the baptism of his child and lie c< ; I

confic •!), in which the man did this, with the confident faith of

wrought the miracle then

'

hturion in Matth. via.

dthoagh not visibly pi —If, so
wmtm • u.iyu.Xoy.a.oTv; rtivu.xrt rn oIkiio. uko»i to p>»if*i di-^cpin;.
I r,v itd rr,f eiKiiai itxcvo; to fi^iifof ii<rii%o'{A<)tai if' <iffo» ovtv arnn-
fiAgru;
eriUKUi. Ub. I. ep. 17.
f 'J actus
Simocatta, I
 Christian wot -wor-
ship wu thill i l( ii from

bounds of iih"

id to

the ,

fruit

the tin.

inn. thai this i

hose calling it w
\\ ..

king hut from the possessor

;

•>
eminent, wb
think it
possible to ( nfo
lence, that which can
d w here tii-
and indulgence
.
d<

\\ hich is ra<

men would drive into

developmi . will
but -

nature, ami \«

ashich is in itsell
which alone truth c
power different from that of the mind into
: the suhj

illy
in th

medley of truth and

•her.
•

from \\ h

urian.
Lis reign, with

doctrines, be i
aee with
rd to the limit this

purpose, lie
ftlontanisti
ooose mmwee of which
faith as before, ami mmti £ the no . is which
could be forced to join i . and
that the Montanist a pitch of entfcm-
280 MAX.

to bora tl
-

up with their church*

led men to anticipate what they bad to expect from
the emperor, when he believed himself called to deliver the
church from the idolatry, as it was called, of image- worship.
A< this idolatry of the church was seized upon a> a handle
for their attacks 1 nnnedans. and hen-tic
tision of the church and of its faith
1 with his iconoclasm. '1

if them
ecclesiastics, who, by the study of the
tures and of the older fathers, had been led to regard the
introduction of images into the churches as an unchii
innovation, and in direct contradiction to the law of God. It

probably, such persons (among whom we find particu-

larly mentioned a certain Constantine, bishop of Nacolia, in
Phrygia) who persuaded the emperor, or at least confirmed
him in his own resolution, to banish images from the chur<
The appeal to the command which forbade the use of images
in the Old Testament,
to the fact that they are not mentioned
in theNew, to passages in the old church-teachers, all this —
would make an impression on the emperor; while the misfor-
tunes of the empire, pressed hard by barbarians and unbe-
lievers, might easily be represented to him in the light of a
divine judgment on idol-worshippers. He imagined himself
called, as a priest and a monarch, like Ile/ekiah of old, to
:i an idolatry which had been Spreading for cento
* In the
report of the presbyter John, the plenipotentiary of the
<

tal patriarchs, in the fifth action of the council of the image-worshippers

Hardnin. IV. f. 319)i this Constantine is described as the head of
the party, and the spring of the whole movement; and it i> evident from
his transactions with Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, that this
without reason. Of course, the zealots for imaia'-worship,
1

among whom also belong the Byzantine historians, bail with delight
-ion which offered itself of tracing the sol.
hammedans and the.b : ts
(savour-
trongly of the fabulous) about Jews who were said to have predicted
Leo's elevation to the throne of the empire, and about the influence
peror by !'>• which first determined
him t n tin- wav against images, deserve little confid
it true that [zed, a caliph, set the example for the en.:
and lir>t commanded images to be banished from the church
u bis dom not appear that these measures bl
with the commencement of the attack on in
by the emp re inclined I
 ually
his \ uhieh was im
preparing
tivclv demanded by the I
mentioned, rather
than one result natural 1

imposed on his authorit

wont, in their ecclesiastical proji
place to their patriarchs I and then I

through these, church, upon the

remaining multitud onldnol retort
client in the pi
jenarian
anus* belonged anion
hip, and »U well verted in all

defending it. It is true he h

the willing instrumeni
-

mperor :
\

defence of images touched, without doubt, hi>

pathies much mora readily than the
.il determination i : 'u\d
not reckon on the consent and rapport of tie
believed it nee
lion in his first
appro ck of im
hip ; and
his reign, in 726,
in thi

-tration and kl

1>\ no means aeknow h<

defended as a pur.
aid not well avoid a collision with d with his
patriarch in particular ; and bein
no ( .

this oustora, which could be supported i

tions.
Although the rragmentar
We
learn his peculiar bent of mind fre:
the Virgin Mary, and from the i .

y of
from the charge ofOrigenism.
i

t Whenbisho] formulary introduced

by Philippicus (*
be, however, before this, that he ?
for thesame bent of mind which made him a warm defender of image-
worship, might also incline him to favour Monotheh
 9» well wit k the style is which

When ti^ emperor appealed to the

eh Ml Kb ;
.y nn/an£ *nj

ordm Hat Mosaic hw

had been given to Jew* ittni
tQMdto witness the worship of idok in fUrrpc V.

tians, the case stood otherwise. Amon-tbenu the

rf (^ m sj»rit and in truth bad been established for
tmty. Sot had Moses forbidden the use of images in religion
as was evident front the example of the ihiiaban
tbeark.and of other symbols in the temple. And

nse in which we are bound to worship the triune God

Hot H liU) —1 : ': nanati I I ::n. -lv nadl awama*)

of icrcieme ; and in this sense it was observed

men, as at the present oar men were wont, by
rJ, to show respect to emperors! to their images and
nordidaayoneseeiaitthe least trace of idolatry.
was, indeed, impossible to form
id's in risible essence it
saw likeness or representation ; and becee. at the position of
the Old Testament, i: would nece^arilv be forbidden to make
any image of God; bat -now God had visibly appeared in
hnmna nnaam, bal nki baa* awn anaanal anion wimi
fehnseKL As surety as we believe in the true liiimnahj of

image of the God-man. the representation of Christ in such

that great mystery of the incarnation of theSon of God, and

a atactica] of Docetma. Nor did men worship
refutation
that image of Christ, which is made of earthly materials, bat
the worship was addrcsstd to that which is represented by the
to the devotional mind, the incarnate Son of God.t
• la tie IV i<^«f the second costal of Xiee.
 Iatkeiaaace .e^oua^tWaa:.^
tbr God oftWauu.' 1: » piauu k»* avportaoi totkoU
the tkaory of aa^n, take* m the* r i li'u of

a* 4 .- ^wf:J
tic: af
rdinglv. he declared that he wa*
to gi*e ap us^
kts life tor ti« ot tr^ being w^> had

ep hk own
i life to restore ike UIW* uaage »
human on ure.
«nU M The iapw
aoaabhr <\w» to m mH
hare pexv
&««— 1 with tke
who hod already pa iked kii »«h) £ix into tk -

la ike opaaoo that ao estt of idnhrtooj woe-

itaatf tkey flamed liifti mth. ^TlL eaaaewr' deckred

l#< ..,•.. BflSMaw «v>
PJ^pHi a^MHM msi^es l«.i
..^iuh.*o .v. ;

that he only wanted to ruse atameof then*, wakk were objicti

of peealiar *eoerat»oo to tke people, to a atgher place* Uyaari

kououmL It was manifest fry hi* d**^o to «kcn re ike ok!

patriarch* and. a ithout kk participation, to prepare tke i
*tep ky ncp, far tke exacaboa of ass project Tkoee kwknpw

tke mean time, to proceed against tke i mages m tkeir olw

and as tke people aad tke major part cf the ei .

kKteJy devoted to image- worship, tab HUa^n could not fill to

be attended with many violent outbreaks* that tke patriarch m
portions of tke people, great rtii«aihant<i had grown out of
TWwwr^ofGtraa^a^kakWttirmTliaiir^akaopafi
 LK OF THE

vmplaints such bishops flowed

in upon him from many quarters. The most considerable man
of thai
party, Constantine, bishop
of Nacolia in Phrygia, who
fallen into a quarrel with his metropolitan. John, bishop
me himself to Con-tantinop: -mred the
patriarch, that it was far from and his intention to insult Christ
saints in their was directed only
images; that his object
,-t the idolatrous worship of images forbidden by the
divine law. Now. in the condemnation of such a pra<
the patriarch agreed with him and explained at large, in the ;

May above Stated, how different a thing- the reverence paid to

images was from adoration. The bishop f* DO doubt, .

it would here be useless to contend, seemed to app

all that was said, and promised the
patriarch that he would avoid
every procedure which might give offence, or prove an occa-
sion of disturbance among the people. Gennanus gave him
a letter to the metropolitan John, in which he informed the
latter of the happy result of these negotiations; but the
bishop Constantine withheld the letter from its destination,
and probably concerned himself no further about the m
had then been discussed. Similar accounts reached the
ear of the patriarch respecting other adjacent districts,
Paphlagonia, where Thomas, bishop of Claudiopolis, laboured
to suppress the worship of images. He sent to the same an
elaborate document in defence of images, and of the i

paid them in the way that was customary at that timet I»

this letter Ik adduced, as an argument in their favour, the
1

miracles said to have been wrought by them such as the heal- ;

(in proof of which he could appeal to his own

-

ind the fact that such effects were pro-

only by images of Christ and the saints, and not 1>\
!

that they could not be attributed to an accidental

* The words of the patriarch ;
: *o\ui okm xai
tmv }.ctuv ovx iv oXly.xi Tio) rovreu St>(>6 t 2v ruy%u.*ouffn-
-. in this tract, tin- custom also of placing lights
and burnim of saints, which I

ttip probal nted as being a heathen practice. Be

the s\ inl'olism, which had
a of the
writings falsel) ascribed to D
trvufioka* pi* to. uiffttTX ipira rttf a£?.cv xai 'Jitxi furo}a<rict: % n di t*»
upwuaTu* dyutuL/.izTi; T>jf dx(>cu$*tZ{ xcti c>.r,( tov ay'iov Tylv/xxrc; TietTtci'et;
ri <xi T?.*ia*rniiif.
 285

in Pisidia,
zopolis,
hand oi'an im
tl„ fad ; but still thei isea <>f th<
ami they \\h<> N it in
question
I

do Longer took
lnir.H led in t:

l.irn,
iages
of the apostles and pi

Th<
thel "ii. that ata of tin

trating beyond the existing bound

into Palestine) then under the dominion of tfa S
.1<1 churc
at that time in Damascus was thai
defender «'j* the church doctrine, .!<>hn,t whom
le filled a ch i]
idy mentioned.
1 .

ncc under the Caliphs who ruled in tl

Jem. I

iniaj' :'
spirit d..

hristionitj
defence of image- worship, | and a

* W lation of other images

would not pi

liph with an important civil office. If wc may i

Owing •
to a
pMDliar turn i

ailvai lit
distinguished
Christians whom tin- A .

idiug
expeditions alo:.
man of Gr
for this person his
Liberty, took hiin h
education of his own sou, and also of nn ad afterwards
:ual songs (K*pm2j «
p
made bishop of Majuina in P
Nothing is to be found i this in the fact that John
(who was iu the habit,
according to his
own^onderstandu
of the Christian faith, and |
of it, to have been a man of sound judgim It this
 jonx of r>A>i

the patria: I
istao-
-till a hope might be indulged, that the emp
A be induced I

which hope the defenders of images refraine

licy,
in

everything
which could offend rlic emperor, although
John himself had no oecasioB to feat him. He merely hinted
were themselves subject to a higher Poteo-
and that the laws should govern princes, 11. saw hi
dread of idolatry, which had led to the attacki;,
a decline from the Christian i'uln-

in,
a falling back into the nonage of the J<
To those who were ever repeating that command of the Old
Testament which forbid- nations of God, 1

he applied the words of Paul The letter killeth, the spirit:

maketh alive. " Christians." said he, M who have arrived at

the full age in religion, are endowed with a faculty of distin-
guishing that which can be symbolized, and that which Hau-
ls the power of symbolization. On the standing-ground
of the Old Testament, God, as incorporeal and formless, could
'

not, indeed, be represented under any image

wh
QOWj after Qod lias appeared in the flesh, and walked
with men on the earth, I represent him, according to his
visible appearance, in an image. I adore not the earthly

its Creator, who for

material, but my sake vouchsafed to dwell
in an earthly tabernacle, and who by the earthly mat
John" combated the popular tales concerning dragons and f

•:irs from
'•'.
published by Le Quieo, Tom. I.
opp.
f. 471. We -

fender of in ip might not at t

conduct, in both cases

.:;... by vir;
tion of ideas unfolded in tin- text, appears to him a pr;
it with the
spirit of Christianity, and c<
oant t<> Chri
truth :
of the latter I
-

•hat they were in such total

kept
lb- insists that laymen of all c!
,tt« ydg (iXttTriftifia. I» rav

jxr\ dtctyiturxut rif tt»d{ /3//3A.W xou i^wtit avreis xetrot rot roZ »u*i«v
'AXX' o f4.it o-TOXTiurnt Xiyi/, on e-rootrtmrr,; up.) xm) »u X»uctv
Lyiuo-xwi, a c\ yiuoyot rr\t ytugytxht This biblical ttii-
Toofu.o-iH^irot.1.
coilide with the traditional one of a zealoos
trarietirs of Mich a
•her in the same individual.
 287

shall antv
that the v.

mi of t! <
and the tsseil

through. Yf\

iiiin,
not [srael alom \i all hum

I from the 1<»\\

places of the i

ami i
nd to the throne of 1 1 1
*

if men
arc w tiling to tol<
hut not of any others, then it i

bating, but the worship of ti

ou do no;
do not ack

hip with

lis them no longer his -< r

tine ti on between the

tin" times of Ike am
a man. The death of the i

i. The touch But

now other
it is i human aaton
of the Son of God in it. and by his suticrin^s tor it.

delivered from the dominion of sin a:

worship with God and to be partakers of the divine life.

283 joh .

further, and annul the jubilees of the

saints which ar. ted in contrariety to the an
or tolerate also the images, which a contrary
to the ancient law." Cn general, he < imies
of images, a tendency bordering on Judaism, or indeed <>n
-in. which threatened to Lntrodin the anta-
ii the divine and human removed by he re- t

demption, and which ran counter to Christian realism. If, to

the enemies of the images, it appeared a desecration of holy
things to attempt representing them by earthly materials
John, on the other hand, the earthly material appeared
thy of all honour, inasmuch as through it, as the instrument
and medium of the divine agency and grace, is wrought the
salvation of man. " Is not the wood of the cross
" earthly
material? He then goes on to mention all holy places, and
the body and blood of the Lord. " Insult not the earthly
material — nothing that God has created is, in itself, a thing
to be despised. To say this is Manichaean the abr —
alone is a thing to be contemned."
Meantime, while these disputes were producing, in many
districts, a ferment in the^ popular mind, the appearance of
extraordinary natural phenomena, among others an earthquake,
iooked upon by the discontented as a token of the divine
displeasure against the enemies of images. The inhabitants
of the islands called the Cyclades rebelled, under a certain
Stephanus as their leader. But by means of the Greek fire
aiperor succeeded in destroying their fleet and regarding
;

this victory as a proof that God favoured his proceed

the idolater.-. he was confirmed in his iconoelasm. In
against
vain lie endeavoured to gain over the old patriarch to his \ I

the latter persisted stoutly in his opposition, and declared that

without a general council no change could be attempted in the
church. The emperor now, without consulting with him,
but after having dlSCUtsed the whole matter with his civil
counsellors, issued, in the year 730, an ordinance, win
nil images lor religious purposes were forbidden. Gerraanus,
resolved not to ad in contradiction to his conscience, volun-
his office, and retired once more to a i

tarily
itasittS, who was
solitude; ami hi- w i 1 1 i
•

*
zCyxtk\${, a subordinate ossed much Inflnenos
the patrian
 ifl the emp manly to
th«' usual policy, the log
the imperii] edict, were now i »m their places.* \v
the report of these i John Syria and F
of Damascus composed, in defence of Images,
iu which he more fully unfolded iu I i

the first. | In this he ftpoke -till more sharply against the

eiiip. ror.
u I? da myi he,
church. i

mention anion .ii.),

for ad > ancing the gro* th of the churches, t hi

monarcnSj bul apostles, pr<

preached the divine word.
welfare of the
the church. "i !-
ipeaka of a n l

he had nothing to fear from the emperor, still hi

against him no anathemas but applying tb

;
i'aul
-•
B ). lie said. Though an
preach to you any other gospel than
your him
the
third discourse be end' •

point out
UOUS repr<
nature, and of the Christian consciousness, u Our I

nounces his disciph

r >uch t

bodily ei fenngs an and

they heard his word-. d to
be pronounced blessed. But
sent,we hear his words l»y m
rence for these books,§ so i.\ f
images w

* See Joli n. a H
t 1 I 1 to do S<), «.i :i ui «-«»«
ivbi*y**>rra* r»7t nkktii rif «-£»r«» X*y*>
WtriXim Uvfr h *a\trt*n ii-r#*»<a, n ei \*xXr,rtxrr.x.fi xxrxtrxtti
Toiuintj* x.ai btbaexoi\**y.

The image-iranhippen frequently argued, that it was c >

pay
te the gospels (when t:
the symbol rej the
—why then might
.
.

homage of prostration (T«w*tW'>) it not K> paid also

to the images?
VOL. V.
290

of his bodily form, his miracles, ami his aufferi

and we are tin i, filled with confidence and joy.
But while we behold tin-
bodily shape we think also a> mm
itad ;
ior
twofold nature. not barely .spiritual, but consisting of
and spirit, we can only attain to the spiritual by Bffl
of th< al. In like manner, thert t

with the bodily cars, and

think that which is spiritual . 'tain thtf ions
intuitions to spiritual ones. So also Christ took upon him
and soul, because man consists of both and thus -.
body ,

—
thing baptism, the Lord'* supper, prayer, singing, lights, in-
;

is twofold, at once
.
spiritual and corporeal/' 1ft h-
of images alleged that no instance of their employment could be
pointed out in the New Testament, John of Damascus could
reply that many other things al>o. as the doctrine of the Trinity.
of likeness of essence, of the two natures of Christ, had been de-
duced from the Scriptures, not being contained in them in so
many words and he could appeal to tradition as a source of reli-
;

- know
ledge, from which even the enemies of images derived
many doctrines, which could not be proved from Scripture.
In these discourses, then, John of Damascus pronoune. -

no anathema on the emperor ; the hope being still enter-

tained that there would be a change in his conduct, at pi.
so hostile to the reigning spirit of the church. But when be
now began to execute with energy the edict against imi
the anathema was pronounced in all those churches which the
arm of Byzantine power could not reach, on the enemi
the images; they renounced all fellowship with the latter, and
ltuted from this time forward the chief .support and depend-
necuted and banished inia^e-woishippers.
To these churches, in which the emperor's power could
safely be defied, belonged not solely those of the Bait, where
Mohammedan princes ruled: the Roman church also found
itself placed in the same relation, for while the popes did
indee tlxe the East-Roman emperors as their ma
and their own political interests would lead them to
prefer
ai to a power at a distance rather than to the \.<

bards near by, still, under tin political relations

they fely
bid defiance to the emperor's threats. In a
time when Boniface was labouring with such mighty i :
as an UMtnm Otpfa
«»f
|».l|j.i<

popukuio
I author:'
II." fu. influence among ti

hat Uflfeaj wt transport ourselves back.

it Hem 1 1
icre-
dible to us th \preated hims<
ddretaing an cmi|m
\m to hiin
learning to read and write, ami tell linn you t

of the images they would iu>tantl\

:

r
bead, and tb<
you would no
in hat letter to the p " \
>pe,
hundred years, banished the brmz<
lit liundn
.0111 the 1
also
*
In or :it:

t '

from

full\

ness, or at least its genuine-

to the nuiii

• wish to wy th.
1 robes after a per

ahk nu)ti%
is a thing of very rec« ,

that the ic

many praofii in of I

rapport

thor of this letter, it i;

emperor's language. Perl;

ho defended :tiou, that
though ima
1
right in 1 .
-in from tl irte-
nanoe of idolatr liah had done in the case of the hrazen ser-
pent.
u 2
 Gregory's secoxi-

confounding Uzzkih with Hezekiah, whether by his own fault.

or because the emperor had done the indeed, .

Mir brother, and dealt with the pri<

time after the unieal manner leal with tliem
Hired him it had been his intention to
the power he had r and pronounce on .

him the sentence of condemnation, if the emperor had not

« B
already virtually pronounced the curse on himself.
he, "if one alternative were necessary, that
the
emperor should be called a heretic than a persecutor ami
r of the
images; for they that teach errors in doctrine
may still find some excuse for themselves in the obscurity of
the subjects but you have openly persecuted objects which
;

-are as manifest as the light, and robbed the church of God of

its ornamental attire." He defended the worshipper!
images against the reproach of idolatry, which the emperor had
cast upon them. Far was it from any thought of theirs to
" If it is an
place their trust in images. image of our Lord,"
lie writes,
" then we Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, help
say
us, and deliver us. If it is an image of his holy Mother we
say, Holy Mother of God, entreat thy Son for us, our true
God, that he may deliver our souls. If it is an in
martyr, e. g. St. Stephen, we say Holy Stephen, thou who
hast shed thy blood for the sake of Christ, thou who, ;

martyr, hast confidence, pray for us."

first lie gives the em-

peror to understand that he had no reason to fear his fleet, for

he needed but to remove twenty-four stadia from Rome in order
to be safe, and to give himself no further concern about the
emperor's power.
The emperor, in a letter to the pope, having said in justi-
fication of his conduct that he was both king and priest at the

regory, in a second letter replied This epithet his

'

predi tantine and Justinian, might with more

propriety
have adopted, since they had upheld the priests in
tiding the true faith. Next he pointed out to him the
ween royalty and priesthood. " If a man
an ofieno the emperor, his goods are conns-
condemned to death, or banished far from his
friends. The priests proceed in very different way from this.
When a man COnfeSSCS his -in- to them they banish him
place where he must do church penance; they compel him to
 29S

itch, and pray and, havij ;

bim matter in right
him the body and b and
bring liim back to the Lord pu
1

in his letter thai in t

1

not mentioned. To th I

d about bread and H

with lull.

er been banded down bi

themselves brought their ith them to the councils,
ood man ever undertook a journey with
he w ;pended th<
ed in
paintings. Husbands and \\ i\

chil< n by the hand, others led the youth,

i t »

:i
nations, t<» these paintings, where they could poinl
to them the sacred stories with th
to lilt their hearts and mil the
poor people from doing all this, and (each them, on the C

trary,to find their amusements in harp-pl ing r

in carousals and buffoon
The emperor, it

-
into fill) • fleet : I

ami wide diffusion of ti r in w hich

image-worship th church l>nt

life, this would pn
for Byzantine despotism, with all
of individual-.
remove the images from all
public
Chun id here tb
upon those images whie with
the i
about which various wooderru
related -and the \

promote tin- n !' But th-

images.
monuments would be likely to lent commotioos an
the people, Who saw tl
objects of their de\<>ti.m.
portal of the imperial pala<
Christ. J which was d \\ ith 1 A

* "Which was known, therefore, under the name of the «?/« x* Xx *-

t T nn under the name of xt" 7t < • ">
the surety. This epithet might lead us to conclude that it
 .. mi.

soldier of the I

up a ladder for the par-

of taking down tin- Image and binning it, wl
m of women gathered round, and that the in

might -d Co them; bnt instead of attendin

r struck bib axe inti

thofl wounding to the quick tl .

nsi-
biliti< women, who looked upon the* asult
the Saviour. Maddened with indignation, tl

the ladder from under the soldier's feet, wh<>. COmi

ad, fell a victim to their fanatical rage. Th
more soldiers to the spot, who quelled the tumult
itched
by force,and carried or? the image.* In place of this ii,
of Christ he ordered a cross to be set up in the same ni
with a remarkable inscription, which was composed by
Stephen, a member of this faction, and serves to show the
fanatical hatred of images and of art which characterized the
whole party. " The emperor could not suffer a dumb and
lifeless figure, of earthly materials, smeared over with paint.

J
had derived its origin from some special event
According to an old legend
the following: Theodore, a wealthy merchant and ship-own
Constantinople, had lost all his prop' After struggling in
vain to amass capital enough for new commercial speculations, he betook
himself to a rich Jew, named Abraham. The latter, after much entr
I to lend him a considerable sum. provided he could furnish him
with sufficient security ; but Theodore, not be ng able to find any
:

recourse at last to an image of Christ, before which he was a

to pay his devotions. This image he boldly offered as his surety, and
the Jew, moved by compassion for Theodore, as well
d by the confidence of his faith, agreed to accept it. After the
f two more vessels at sea, Theodore at last prospered in his tl

in, and was enabled to pay back Abraham the whole he

had borrowed. This with various accompanying marvels, made SU4
impression on the latter, that he had himself and his family bapl
and afterwards became a presbyter. Theodore turned monk, as he bad
resolved to do after he met with his first loss at sea. These inCHJ
which are said to have happened under the emperor llera. 1.

in a panegyric on the image in

question, which Combefis has
published in nil Auct. bibl. patr. Paris. T. II.
1648.
* Seethe
story in the life of the image-worshipper Stephen, in the
Anal< published by the maurinian Benedictines T. 1. p. I

and the mi e in the above cited tract

bad heard it to. rn pilgrims of varion ming
duin. ConetL IV. f. ii.
>TkI all the pr
I

i
unwortl

and the b ime principle

re images
<
mi li l liave led
them also to rejecl the
ie cross, againsi which, 1

The sign of th
to afford a foothold for Mich, suj
favour of the cross it
might be said that if was not, lik<

images, i wci '.n<l the

oome to any clear and distin •-> of th«*
prin<
which actuated them. As this could be
conflict vritfa a different din
education and tradition, many ii

still th<
present
Through a period of I

in vain to sulx

haltlv from thi

\
inns, as

the government in 741,

of the people to the r-in-
law of Copronynms. ^ Ii

and Bfffnti nr,

succeeded in * a
again out of his hai
.
I became I (<• resol

"TXfj )
\ui»¥ <rv* vlZ «r*» »i v K*r*rr«rri'»«
1-oujttv x$ua.rrii r«» rftri>.(»i*r tvw*,

See Banduri. I. f. 125, and Theod nd. f. 136.

f This is made prominent by Th ita in his Autirrheticus
si the
epigrams of the i<
296 -oil oram

i finish tlic work )>'

by Bui the nd experiences of the early pari of hk

his father.
had taught him tb
.
of proceeding with slow and
•

cauti if he did not in* an to ruin the whole

.

project ;

and besides, 00 hil R I to the throne, other unfavourable

circumstances occurred, which counselled him to prud<
An earthquake, a desolating pestilence, took place calamities—
which agitated the popular mind, and which might easil;
turned to advantage by the image-worshippers, who had he t

people on their aide. Moreover, the disturbances which fol-

lowed attempts against the images taught him afresh
his first
tlie more thorough measures to change the tone of
necessity of
popular feeling; and, after mature deliberation with his
counsellors, he concluded that the surest means for effecting his
object would be to convoke a general council, which might take,
its place
by the side of the older general councils, and lend
red authority for ever to the principles of the iconoclasts.
In the year 754 such a council was appointed to assemble at
Constantinople. It was composed of three hundred and thirty-

eight bishops. Among these there were probably but few

(and at the head of them stood Theodosius, bishop of Eph<
who, from well-grounded conviction, were zealous and decided
iconoclasts. The rest were partly such as had been determined
in their course by the influence of these first, and hence might
afterwards easily be turned back again by influence of another
and partly such as had ever been wont to attach them-
j

- to the court-party. To the fanatical zeal of in

worship this council opposed a no less fanatical hatred of in
and of art. The disposition of the image-worshippers to brand
their opponents as heretics, not on the ground of the doctrines
they avowed, hut on the ground of their own inferences from
those doctrines, was met by another, equally bad, on the oppo-
se. With great injustice the council declared the im
worshippers to be men who had sunk back again into the
idolatry which Christianity had banished. The devil had
rtly re-introduced idolatry under the outward form of
Christianity; had induced his servants to worship a creature
rj
by the Dame of Christ, as God; and yet the friends
of images had taken special to
guard, by careful dis-
pains
tinct^ inst such accusations. In the next place it
:it of the Jivzantine court, which
confoundi
forth hu . armed with the i
I

lory
all idolati the present time be had
inspired the emperor to b in emulation i I

for the advaiK •

I instruction of the chun

the de the in

their opponenl
in refusit be imagei uncil
the
mage
the divine essenoo was
of 1"

believe that, l>y the union of deity and huma

place of both dh ine and human attribi
quid bad resulted from this union, capableof beii
Mt; ami thus they fell into Eutychianism ;

believe that the humanit) hai ubsistenl i

own. ami in this respect

thus they tell into .Notorial,
of the a retched j

representing \\ it h his profane hand that whi w\\\i

tin' heart, and
of M hieh colli ith I

e is but one true is

himself made of hi ion, a hen,
he Appointed bn ad and wine t<> 1
•

oo by t;
instrument by which th(
to that h

himself, answered to the Datura]

the latter, ue essence.
it
appears that the bread and wii
of i! ration with the divine I

became a channel lor the COmmui I for

the sanctitieatinii of I

the imagi ,
d their i
tber Iron
tradition from Christ, from ties, or from the fatJ
nor were they consecrated
b] holy j

d from a proline to a
holy en -till

*
ITfoj xarae<rifff*or r./xut xa'i
^WicXmt, SO Say pS of the
emperor.
 II..

tued to be profane, continued to be what the painter m

it. since nothing had infested it with
•
highef dignity."
in the next
place, aside from fchi 9, which
\

exclusively against images of Christ, the in

'

ints,
and of tJ

M out of paganism, and as being altogether alien from

stianity. I

it had hit
direction, upon l!
attempting, by a mockery of this sort, to represent the ab
.* Far should it be from the Christian chore
follow this invention of men who were under the guidance and
actuation of evil spirits. f Whoever undertook to repn
-diils
dwelling with God in eternity, by that dead and
accursed art foolishly invented by pagans, was guilty of blas-
pheming- them. The art of the painter is here described ;

altogether pagan device ; and hence Christians must be for-

bidden to borrow, from what was so foreign from their faith,
any testimony in favour of that faith ; just as Christ himself
refused the testimony of demons, commanding them to be
silent. The worship of God in spirit and in truth is set over
against the use of images ; as, also, what St. Paul says (2 Cor.
v. 16), "Though we have known Christ after the flesh,
now henceforth know we him no more ;" and what he
touching the opposition between faith and open vision (1 Cor.
xiii.) Furthermore, extracts from the older fathers,
ing opposition to (mag read before tin* synod j nor
would genuine testimonies of this sort be wanting in Christian
antiquity. At the same tini< deal which is 1

wholly in the spirit and tone of the iconoclasts of this

may have been either interpolated by them, or else falsified so
ver their purpose. Such deception to promote the
honour of God, and advance the truth would, on their prin-
ciple, be considered perfectly allowable.} Accordingly. N

* 'EXsn'Sa
ya(> ava.HTa.9iut fx.ii i^*»» (a iXXmifffj.Of} ei%io* ixureu Teciyvto*
ffMiffKOTwriv, Vva ra. fih *a.porra at{ trtioovra, did rrig ^Xit/»j;
<ra^affrr,<rn.
J AuifA6*io<pt(>a*¥ citdgv* i'von/u.a.

bishops, who bad attended this council, and who r. •('•

back to it at the second council of N ire, 1. thai tlnv had I

been deceived at the former, bj p m the older ohnrefa fathers,

torn from their connection and falseh quoted. It was put Hived,
thei said, that ttu the fathers themselves should not be 1

before them, hut only isolated extracts. The declaration of h

by i i
the
-fi;tn church.*
Hon ><» 'j'

munion of tin

hip of images had i

nd furnitu
ornamented with fi

ck the churclu 9 tin 1

i<1 done the seme tl

confesses, thai
it
may 1

1
the month of
the l<

nmi.

/cal
for the ii

wool

>.*( aim l^ntr, a/>.a Itm \ itiiT.rT«».'k» i£«V«r»»

•

inter;

*«,£;. Art. IV. t. I

h men as than bbhope, that v of a falsehood

luct.
*
'Ats/SAhtm u*en xxi «XX#t»*'«» xi< Ijiikt/yuiir.i i* T*t t*» %{trruit*t
iKKktifflecs <Tat*a,v ilxoa. jx vurruui uahs xmt *** %*y-(;*iQ***
•x£mftmw**]ytiint
xttxorf£*iet{ <riTainu.'i*r,*.

kmHh r$*mirm Iri t,mw iwimwm

qiiit/.ivtuv x»ayiyaw.
I The story is in th ta Graeca, pub-
v the Manrinia:
300 CONFESSION OF FAITH.

hateful 1 iirlit before the peopl 'ore

naturally
maidered by the synod a matter of great Importance
•
Mich proceeding! future; for this
COUUCi] ordained, that no penOH should he allowed,
without >peeial permission from the patriarch or the emp<
to make any alteration in church vessels, church han_
round of their being ornamented with
figUfl
ie example of the older
general councils, this
council closed its proceedings with a more detailed <

of faith. Containing a development of the orthodox doctl

hitherto received, with the corresponding formulas of condem-
nation the doctrine concerning Christ's person being BO con-
:

structed as that the polemics against images of Christ

might
he immediately derived therefrom. Its import was as foil <

Christ, in his glorified humanity, though not uneorporeal.

talted above the limits and defects of a sensuous na;
too exalted therefore to be figured by human art. in an earthly
material, after the analogy of any other human body.* We
here discern the point of opposition between the views enter-
tained by image-worshippers and by iconoclasts. The former
idered the figures of Christ important as a practical co!]-
in of Christ's true humanity, and of the revelation of the

divine life in the true human form and the contrary seemed ;

to them a denial of the incarnation of the Logos, or of his true

human nature, lint the iconoclasts looked upon figur<
Christ, wrought by the hand of man,
as a degradation of the

glorified Christ, a denial of his

super-earthly exaltation. On
this principle, and from this point of view, the anathema

pronounced on those who sought to express by sensible colours

the divine form of the Logos in his incarnation, who did not,
from the whole heart, with a spiritual eve, worship him who.
outshining the splendour of the sun, sits on the throne of
God's right hand. The anathema was also pro-
•

noun' .1 who delineated in colours dumb and lit

f the saints which could serve no profitable end;
ad of striving rather to produce living pictures of them
by imitating the virtues exhibited in the story of their 1

Jt is. at the same time, to be observed, that the council

* Ouxiri elx eLatufAXTtt

yw,i» oci.ox.x, Ji, elf etvrot tiit Xoytif Sidtidirrieov
eeLfixrof, Vvar xtt) e£fr, Ita tu> i*xi»T»)ff«»T«v net) f*.u\ti Siej i£*/ vm-^UTnT't-
Condl !• llarduin. |
thought fitto pronounce the anatfc
I to acknowled
:.i| invisib !
to
her intercession with sincere faith; as also upon I

refuted to the Implore

acknowledge i

their Intercession. From

alone e this facl
that the party of the iconoclasts must bare bad
i. in the eireuj of the times, tor introducing such
lies into their creed j and we might be led
that they had been accused by their at
homa ">'
and tl:>

alio to be found, that such charges against the ic<

circulated among the image-worshi]

Constant] .
that t«» bring the wor-

ship of Mary into discredit, lie once held out pur*

money, and asked how much is it worth P
that it must be of great value, be poured out
holding it up again, repeated the question. Tin
now the reverse, and he said: Just with the wort
before and ai
.

possesses
nothing to distinguish her afa nen.' Be
•

to have rejected the |>I\: invoking

and th<- saints. | He is
\ als,.

:id to have treated

praci
of .saints with contem]

of the BoUandists,
t Constantine at K-.ist
ga> nark, that bs was not
SI in tli-
with SB u.
;arge
appear
credible. Th-
ins account of his life, thai bs had read thirteen ..

emperor, in which this introdnct .•

this life in I i
April. Vol. I.

aire; tytJ duly*** roiacxat.'Sixa

Xtytdua, a-rt: tiji^ii ra.7; "dvcn i(ii»f^mimitt
uM ix**'"*- Eren
rpitrfcuK* the author of the violent tirades agains'
emperor and against the i

T. 1. f. 618), who probably wrote in I

m dine, »;
him, that he (ought a|
saints, and affirmed the martyr- had benefit
but themselves. Thia author ind
against his remarks the honour and dignity of the saints.
302

the phrase in common

••
w this or thai taint," \i/.. his church,
-lore, or to thi
tliat
Martyr or Apostle."* Such reports cann i, be
c(l with much confidence ;
for the
nlhiat which
li\ on their opponents the atigma of heresy ;| but at least, tlic
spirit which gave birth to this coin: images,
the deeper principle at the bottom of the whole n.
would, in its negative tendency, lead on tD further results.
At this council, Constantine. a monk, and bishop of Syleum
in Phrygia, was consecrated patriarch of Constantinoph
.'.lion for which he was no doubt indebted to the zeal he
had manifested against image-worship. The emperor himself
presented him to the people, and, at the same time, published
the decrees of the council pronouncing the anathema against
all worshippers of images. He was now determined to
enforce universal obedience to the decisions of the council.
In every place, images were not only to be taken down, and
every one who concealed them at home or distributed them
about secretly brought to punishment, ai transgressors of the
imperial laws; but all figures of religious objects Here to be
removed from the ecclesiastical books,! aud walls of chui
embellished with pictures were to be washed over with paint.
mors of provinces and other official dignitaries courted
the emperor's favour by exhibiting their zeal against images.
Thus many a series of paintings, decorating the walla of
churches, and representing the story of Christ, from his birth
* See the Life of St. in the Analecta, pag. 481. Ol
Stephen
vavTM a-y'iuv, itKctivv, u.xoffri'kw* kcci fj,u.orvpwv TO eiyiov Lu>u; i^iTatriffecn
x.xt thoy/Aariffari /Xiyoyrt; '. *ov vrogtvri ; tt; rovi diroffroXeus. Uofav r,Kii( ;
Ik
tw» TtffffxeaKOvru fjjtorugcov.
ilou hi *a< Uf ; us tav fjua^rv^x Ssohveiv.
f
( i

iiid'-cd, Lai ntradiction, viz., when it if

(in N int of his lite), that Constantine was willing to call
the 'JioroKOf, hut not the Holy.
X Leo, bkhop of PJb narked, at council of I
.

that in the city vbftl three hundred

bad heen burned <>n account of
ired, that when the oversight of the furniture
<
lie found, from the church .

that they had been burned by the i

Nic. II. Aci ;jiu.

 the Hol) Spirit,
for tln-M-, it «n de< :

r to

painl nit-tn-cs, animal.*,

of* the chase."*
Mild not be dej>ri\ »-se tNttii:

etly transmitted tbem a- legacies and indispens-

>tion in their lamili<

secretly preserved, and prasei be greatest ha/.

niic SO nii oilier. f
The decM •

of the bishops ;
l»ut in

return, a more * iol<

of ii it 1 1 « ho possess
their influence mi the po
wliom wi of thtM n
monk Stephanus, dwelt in tb
\\ !n»

.!
lofty mountain near the I

mvnks Booked to him i

with hi-" own zeal, OT, if tli-y felt thenise!

trial, advised to tal

arm. ( 'uiistantiiie cm*.

distinction,
uncil, thinking it important

person so geoataHy res]

it series of pictures : o «•*£»-

w 1 1* -ii the monk Stephen, of whom we shall a

thrown prison on account of his real
in
the wife of the 1 him as s martyr, en
od begged to be alio/ ilege of v
and of" furnish!:

if he would but conceal it from h

then brought from lu ealed
an image of the Virgin M
r and of Paul
p ;

'ions, she then gave tl.

them, and in so doing
The same thing might be done by many piou>
men.
304

aid hare on other monks, and on the

people at I

With thii design be despatched to him a person of high rank,

with a present of dried figs, dates, and other fruits, on whieh
the monk subsist but Ste]»haiius declared he
i ;

could not be bought to deny ms faith that he was ready to ;

die for the

image of Christ that lie never would accept of a
;

presenl from hen-tics.* It waft of no avail to banish the

—
monks, or to imprison them they would not give up; they
unanimously persisted in their opposition to the i«

and industriously circulated the stories of wonderful c

wrought by images. It was necessary to compel them to
obedience by violence, and the most cruel tortures were em-
ployed. Such as refused to subscribe the decrees of the synod
were publicly scourged without mercy were deprived of their ;

noses, ears, or hands, or had their eyes bored out. Three

hundred and forty-two monks, collected from different dis-
tricts, and thrown together in one prison in Constantinople,
were tortured in this manner.")" It is true, the insulting
language in which the monks spoke of the emperor,
renegade from the faith, afforded at least some pretext for
punishing them, not on the score of their religious opinion-,
but as guilty of disloyalty, as in the instance of the venerated
monk AndreM*, surnamed, from the grotto in which lie usually
lived, the Calybite, who died under the lash, had l>.

called Constantine a second Julian, or Yalen<.i The famous

monk Stephanus, when summoned before the emperor, draw-
i

piece of coin from his cowl, said. What punishment

must 1 snfier. should I trample this coin, which bears the em-
peror's image, under my feet? Judge from it, what punish-
ment he deserves who insults Christ and his mother, in their
tying, he threw down money and trod it
tin-
imagi
underfoot; upon which the emperor ordered him to be im-
prisoned for daring to insult the imperial image.$
doubt the example of venerated monks, sutler
i

evil for the sake of their opinions, which they maintained with

unbending firmness, must have operated more powerful]]

the people, than the influence of the multitude of worldly-
minded bishops, with whom it was but too evident the
* See the account of the lift of
+ See the l
;
<•
Theoph*n<
graph. :'.
$ The Life of Stephen, p.
inter
trimming their mill to the eouri brcese. A

4
ajawn from the life. In replying to th it
images
< > 1 1
«_i
1 i t iic- ise such klolal was
now made of them by the populace, In-
my
who
for nothing else b
ought to rform tl" the
bishops ol
sheep, and Belde how ; I

their wine, their oil, wool, and -ilk. heir

They
people, or do mure fef their DO
Such bishops were but poorly calculat
men's rei
Bui the empi hurried, bj
peculiar t>«*rit of mind which him In this oontrov
hi-opposition against the ;

extreme. to an lie looked

upon the monks ai
•

chief promoter! of idi

them children of darkness.? He would
the whole race of monl but
lartyrdom onl;
thrm among the people, lie would re pleased

ridiculous to the multitu Nothing toe:

tion :;< n and women of rank embl
life; and BS tin- f lie
persons who intlm :

them.
re than to succeed In pi upon
monks to return to the world such p :

cnlate on beta
and to
exchange the monkish cowl lot

* Orat. adv. Constantin.

CabalJn. in the works of John of Dam..
I. f. I

X He called the monks pi nobody ought to remember, Taut

finis he compelled certain I

I jK*ar in the circus, with a
woman in their arms. the ridicule of the people. Theophan.

VOL. V. X
306

darkness for light.* igioUB

turn of
life which was promoted by the extraragant veneration of
s, by the formed, and by
ititioo which help from them, the same it
i

was that inspired also the seal for n ship. It

wholly in accordance with the other pro

.

inasmuch as the popular devotion w.i

to the relics of St. Kupheinia, which were shown to the p
as having- miraculously distilled balsam, Constantine should
Ofder the Mficet which Contained them to he thrown into
sea ;f but, indeed, the popular faitli in the pretended mil
too deeply rooted to be destroyed by such violent n
-. The people were now assured that the emperor had
made away with the relics on purpose to destroy such irrefra-
gable miraculous testimony to the power of the saints and the
lawfulness of their worship. Afterwards it was pretended to
be revealed in a vision that the relics had come ashore on the
island of Lemnos.
As image-worship agreed with the prevailing character of
the devotion of this age, so it was generally the case that the
more pious class were zealous image-worshippers. Hem
emperor would not be disposed to favour sucli as w<
to piety, according to its usual form in this period.

although but little reliance can be placed on the report- of

men who were interested in mprreen ting the emperor, whom
bated, &B a heretic, especially when they bear such evi-
dent marks of exaggeration, yet perhaps th-
foundation for the story. th:it if a man stumbled, or received a
c *
sudden blow, and, as is usual in such <
1 out, Help,
"
mother of iod ( ! if a man
joined in the observance of \

at church, or
frequented the public service on
punished as the emperor's enemy, and reckoned by him
*
among the friends of darkness. Opposed as Constantine
to the -<-]i>uou< tendency »>f the religious spirit, and
prevailing
feeling a repugnance
to
everything that bordered upon idol-

* As one of Uii Itephen not the n

whom the i d upon to make this I whom he
afterwards appointed I it his court: *•»',««£«», iinror*, r»Z r*r*-
fixtv <pd^ayyof ltd rov a^acjTa^wf ro $SJf ivifivfixt. The Lite i>:

| Theophaues, p. 2 J Ibid., p. 296.

 er with hi bid, that
be should Hud Bonn I

WM WW
danger to whiea be would expose
be injuring', on llii ;m<l

DO farther than -i

lentiaJ interview with t:

bint, perhaps without any distinct know

v, w bat would be the barm i

of Mother oi
•
embracing him. said. I

harbour such thoughti as these. Dost thou n-if lee

orius i> condemned by the wbol
back at that he
peroff fid!
I

rag
•ion
simply for tbe sake of information, and bidding the
patriarch
never to mention it.* Bui ;

on iinjin, isonal ill-will,

lie inform
probably was the fit h he soon
fellwith that nionareh, whfc f hu-

miliations and
I

what e the era] •

he w,h inclined to think and speak of the saint

be would
linsl all- •

-
udert'ul.
;• about tl
.^sing
mouth
i
to mouth, it became
Thus by
during a
reign of more than tbirt;
itantiaa flatter
to image-worship. itizen of Constantinople bad

placed under oath never agaiu to worship an ima

* 291.
Theoph. f.

| [bid., f, 2.' ,;• had re-

quired a similar Otttfa
empire. Iu
the Life ofSiephaaoB {t 448, 44), the write
tiuople only. Perhaps it « ..tiou, that they were ol

'x 2
308 LEO AND IRK\

Under long reign there had risen up,

this it is true, a new
bom a part, at least, bad nei
ration, of w
but had been nurtured in principle* hostile to im;.

by all his violent

proceeding*, the emperor could not hinder
rship from beii ited in a multitude
of families; and that religious bent of mind, which could not
be revolutionized at once by outward appliances, furnished
an ever-present foothold for the return of this practice and ;

nothing was needed but a favourable change in tli-

ment to enable the party (which still had many a<lh<
among the people of all ranks, excepting the army, but
were only kept back by the persecutions) to come forth, with
greater zeal than ever, from their concealment. The wa)
prepared for this under the very eye of the emperor, whose
nod was law. His son Leo had married an Athenian lady,
Irene, from a family ardently devoted to image-worship.
Wanting herself the essential temper of Christianity. sh<
the more inclined to set the essence of religion in externals.
rstition could at once pacify her conscience, and afford a

prop to her immoralities. Yet Constantine, in giving her

wife to his son, had endeavoured to secure himself on this side, by
making Irene swear that she would renounce images. No oath,
41

however, could bind Irene in a case where she believed the ho-
nour of God was concerned, and she might regard even perjury
as a pardonable crime when committed for 50 holy an end.
The emperor Leo, who succeeded to the throne in 71
firmly attached, it is true, to the same principles with his
father; but h< d neither the •
otic
sternness of the latter, being, in truth, of a milder tempcra-
he cunning and ambitious Irene contrived already to
,

accomplish much which served to prepare the way for a revo-

lution, without attracting the emperor's notice. The monks
who, under the preceding reign, were obliged to conceal
then. ild
again come forth from their hiding- pi
ir that they would have no fellowship with monk-
salute them, but call every monk sa obm urer. It seems as if it
mif
red from the Acts of tin- second ronneil of future
that the bishops at least, were tverjfwhere obliged to take this
.

* of Cedrenus, the emperor Leo after"

to tin-
According report
thinking and acting on tin
t

minded her of the oath she had taken.

 309

them who • w l><> bad not

been seen for ;i
long ler
•
iKMal the had almost wholl)
show thl ill
J>lll)Ii

with a proportionate joy and enthusis

into tin- f.uiiil

lived. The more |

round them, and tl .-

important influent
. to kindle

VOtion, as well as for in hip j

but.

e n- quiet practice, which hail

brin m the wa;

and conversation.^ The cmpreai so i

many of the monks were promoted to the nion

bishoprics: th robably, fast friends to ii

but doubtless yielded, for the present, in the i
modatioo to circumstao
their power afterwards to do more for the -

emp< ded a- a t

of the monks ; and it v

With the other, that Ik- would c

-nt thi> l;
empress I

bad combined with

artto
bring ab
-worship was all
of the emperor lint, by d ;

<\ under the pillow of the •

track of the whole design.} The members of thi

of in
and imprisoned. 1 . the

*
Probably, to judge from th.- i

Theodonu Stndita says in his life of tl

appearance of t!

April T. I. Append, t
•'
t See the aboTement «J 'ixihr.fxr.rii ?c7; i»

I mentioned by
Tliis is ;rring in the fifth year of
(

ly the punishment of those connected

-
reign j Stephanie
with the court, on account of their worship of ima
 could take no preeauti
. -
gainst the
course which mi- lit be punned in the "future by kii Burvii
he had been lulled into security by the
the cunnifl
uned the iiovernment, iu behalf of her
minor thing hi her p
fort! tion of image-wonhrp ; tart political oonsi
induced her to proceed with caution), so a< not to ruin
the whole cause; lor under the preceding reigna, not only had
ppal
chairs been filled by such alone as adopted the
(the iconoclastic council of* Constantinople, mai
whom were zealous opponents of ima^e-worship, but, what
ater difficulty —
since the majority of* the bishops of the
Greek church were ever wont to follow obsequiously the
direction of the court —
the army was, for the most part.
Strongly devoted to the principles of their successful general,
Constantine Copronymus and the empress had to fear, ti
;

fore, the resistance of an armed force. On this account i'

necessary to prepare the way by cunning- for the execution of
her designs. In the same proportion as monachism had
despised under Constantine Copronymus, it was now honoured.
The monks obtained the most important offices of the church.
In direct contrast with the reign of Constantine, the way
now open for all, even those of the highest ranks, to become
monks; and such as exchanged the splendour of the world for
-tic life were held in especial esteem. Th<
by natural disposition, and independent of all
.

outward aims by virtue of her peculiar religious turn, a warm

friend of the monks. She placed the greatest reliance on their
inter nd their blessings; and the monks confii
her in these feetinj ul for the honour of the in

ing them to overlook

her many vicious qualiti-
time, it was certainly her intention to employ the
monks as the most zealous and influent!.
promoting tin- in:
r ip, nor did she calculate

wrongly. She would now be anxiOUS, abo. to have a patriarch

at Constantinople, who would fall in with her own views,
whom she could i Instrument for accomplishing
either too timoreu
follow the method usually pursued, by removing at once the
patriarch 1'aulus,
who had thus far attached hinwlf to the
to the '•till import i iiile

the patriarch, substituted in .

irould a]
no li' an inter stances which
nine' that
she w evil coo*
dluS, w li<» wa«* then pahiarei
'

by a severe fit .in the year

palace of the j empress «

plained <>f tin d demanded the reasons whiel

him to think of renouncing the patriarchal

he could find d
the truth ;
that, through the fear of a ased
testifying for the universal tradition of the church, valid, in
all times,
gainal the I

retired to purpose
monastery for the
he urgently intreated th<
orthodox man. who, it might ould tin«l i

arch of the ii

head elm: w hich ir

ical tendency, ami QJ
on the aide of truth ;
and he isjcsjMMnded, as >aor,

mpnl.se to all that nteot

itioo of imag<
<
d to with
ojreui

pains v

whole thine- had b<

the purpi the multi-

tude, and of preparing the way for the
however disposed we might i

press
had hinted to irch it would I fot hint. U
the preti ..

voluntary abdication avoid tl

such a conjecture i» met by the tact, that the fifth of i'aulus,
* The accounts in 1 ofl by
.us. c. I. in mod Mens.
*

Februar. T. III. f
577, and in the' d to the bishops
of the second council of Nice. Harduin. LVncil. I \
312 possiblk n' of r.vr:

which occurred soon afterwards, renders his previous sick

It must be
probable. taken, then, as the substantia] truth,
that the patriarch was
really induced by sickness to retii
—a step, indeed, which must appt ther
natural when viewed in connection with the peculiar turn of
•ian life and manners that prevailed in the Greek church.
We may accordingly look upon the transaction in the fol-
lowing light: —
This voluntary step of* the patriarch Paulus
dd hold of by the empress, and the cat
the patriarch had retired from compunctions of r<
account of his previous denial of the truth. But it may also
be supposed that the same reflections, which, awakened l>.
sickness, led him to retire to the convent, might awaken in
him remorse for the course he had pursued with regard to
images. This, in a weak man, would be extremely natural ;

especially if we consider that he had been trained up to the

worship of images, and had yielded, in the preceding reign,
to the dominant tendency merely through feebleness of cha-
* that the new
racter ; spirit of image-worship, which, thn
the influence of the court and of the monks, began
more to be powerful, had its effect on Ins mind and that, to ;

all this was added the impression, that his end was near.
From the feeble character of this individual we may also
count for it, that though equal liberty had for several j

-ranted to both parties, he had nevertheless hesitated to

le before in favour of
image-worship, and to use the au-
thority of his patriarchal rank for its restoration. The truth
stood in too much fear of the still power-
perhaps, that lie
ful party of the iconoclasts, supported as they were by the

imperial body-guard. But if ho really was the first to recom-

mend the emperor's secretary Tarasius as a suitable p.
to succeed him, he did so, no doubt, in conformity with a plan
erted by the court; or else this recommendation of
io-.
by the expiring patriarch was merely a story in-
vented for the purpose of first drawing the attention of the

* This is confirmed a fact which i that in

by Theophai
the reign of the emperor Leo he 1 ! against accepting tb
triar. I

odency, then prevailii

!:>! that in- pt it
against In* will. Hut
it
may be, that Haul's latter induced him
condad lir^t I
to die story, in order to palliate hia earlier behaviour.
 TAi.

people to a man itioo from

and of palliating tin- irregularly
spiritual order,
Such irregularity was indeed by do means a singular i

rence the Byzantine empire,

in from
f the church Q
high ei\ il DO
witneaeed. Bui itill, iw the pi
eted as the tit inatrumenl for achieving a i
rk, if

Would doubtless seem to stand in ition.* It

certainh d plan that Tarasit

patriarchal dignity, should decline acceptin bould

Deed to l" ind should be called upon
tions jml)licl\ before the atsembled people. II.

the first ared to patl directly from business

place, he f< .

secular, with unwasheu hands, into th« this

he felt hound to submit to the divilM call, as made hi

to him
through the will of the q
,
a
difficulty which seemed to him b
mountabl he musl i

tizedas heretical by all the other head chui

J !«• could not undertake t<> b
nation, the COUSeqU S hich lie pi -|i in
such language as was calcul impress],. i

the minds of his nudici.

eland that he could not, vt ith a
were upon the condition that all would
il I

with him in a petition to the queen regent, ti

the proper m< astir. ion with the .

head chur
ecumenical council, by which the unity
e\ er_\ where b< lished. 1 1

the multitude with ma

plainly saw the design 1} in.:
a! t,

and who no doubt i to the |

clared that there was no Deed <>f a i

* It is
angular, at the same t-
that in the Sacra additssed to the
(latum of Tarasius is not i:
ieneed men in the ssairi of the church who had h
the subject of a worthy patriarch, ted.
t See Vit. Taraa. c III., rod d
the second council of Nice, Harduin. I\ Iu the latt-
it is said : cm; 2s okiyot t*»
uQi'ov* a*.
 irking that it

images from the

th<>
and the council <

ntinople had found the

banished ; the matter, then
at tradition had bean
arbitrarily atta.
•

ral council should, with the

f the Other patriarchal churches he coin encd.
nee more set on foot,
•

pope Hadrian I., who was invited to send

frith

church-assembly, to meet at Constantinople. 11a

declared himself satisfied with the orthodoxy professed by
Tarasius, and with the zeal he manifested for the r<
of image-worship j but it was only out of regard to this, and
to the present emergency, that he was
willing to overlook the
imglllarity in the election of one who had been elevated with
so little preparation to the highest spiritual dignity.
sent two delegates to Constantinople, who were to act as his
representatives at the council. It was now desired, that the
synod should be held not merely under the presidency of the
two first patriarchs, but that nothing might be wanting which
could be reckoned among the marks of an ecumenical council,
and that it
might stand with decided prominence abov<
council of the iconoclasts, it was determined that all the five
patriarchs should take a share in the presidency. Yet altli
it
happened at the present time, by peculiar circi;
that the orthodox Melchitite. and not the Monophysite
party,
had suoasodod in elevating a man of their own number I

Alexandria,* and that there was therefore no

so far as this was concerned
difficulty in the way nevertli- ;

it
difficulty still remained, arising from the domini
of the and Syi ia, who for political res
d to allow of any negotiations betwixt
Churches within their dominions, and those of the EtomtSJ
empire. The patriarch Tarasius did, indeed, send del<
with Letters, to the three other patriarchs lint these ;

>mpany of monks, who informed i

thai under existing circuit they had in I

view could not possibly be accomplished. If they

determined to
proceed onward, they would not only involve

* TheU
Comp. Walch'i Gesehifihts u. >. w. i»>, s.
then pur-
mpiOMNM
bring down the be
in theM-

then, they found it

im] Lisfa the i

which tli-

would allow. Tli' <»\\ii inn

and Thomas, w li< :

Of tii'

the orthodoi churahei

ind these-- with the little authority
were made to present them-
potentiaries and re] f the three pai
\e it the felae app baa held • itfc

concurrence of all tli

* See the w r

Whok ma"
of tip :

t It ii remarkable that 'I

of this COUXICi] would -

intinu
-

still title e<-uui'

the tl

f an
full>i# tl K%*m,
rpfiffvToi ti rwt HkXmt ruTft**\t
bout truth. papal

count of the synod, and thai I

tions they had received, to si

of th this reason, on tin ii i

by thi' of their spiritual offlow

pOM
other patriarchs *'. Y tXX$t it tUi tn«r«X5c, •?>>.' Ito t*» itrmvim *^tr
:

xal iXx^«»T«f, tux uvi viit

T£K*-ii>rtf v*rtut»^Z* iT:fT«/i>Ti,-, 'in p.*Si
tfittruv, ri vrrteer, lite ri <r»v U*tv{ Hf Itiket
tovto li i-rolovv el trratJlo, 7>« cc» mitiT^e*?* >.zn luikXtt wilr-rn wfc-
%e%u* (x rev elx.»vu.uixnv lr,e:v u.t tue tr,*tu <wtc6e*. He States, that this
council is considered in th-
To be sure, the more ripid '! with
this church assembly, of their lenient t:
.;it f the

bishops who had belonged to the party of the iconoclasts, and of those
convicted of simony ;
see below.
316 or THE COUNCIL IN 786.

In year 7s6 this chorch-asscmb

tin'
pened at
«

Btantinople. The plan, however, bad not been well conce

majority of the bishops, having been created partly in
the time <
ad partly m thai of liis tucceseor Con
tine, still maintained their hostility to in nd among
them wen many zealous opponents, many from families that
bad long since banished in m their households,
that, from childhood, they had been aeeu>toined toabom;
them as idols.* Bat still, owing to the servile spirit then
reigning in the Greek church, they would not have ventured
upon so stout a resistance to the will of the court, unless they
had counted upon a powerful support from the army, and
.ally from the imperial body-guard, who cherished along
with the lively remembrance of Constantine Copronymus a
steady attachment to his principles. These bishops, with
whom many of the laity f were associated,} held secret n
previous to the opening of the council, for the purpose
of devising measures for frustrating the patriarch's plans, and
preventing the meeting of a council which they regard &
wholly unnecessary. The patriarch, who heard of this,
reminded them that he was bishop of the capital, and that
they were guilty of an infraction of the ecclesiastical lav
holding meetings without his consent, and exposed themselves
to the loss of their offices. They now, indeed, relinquished
their meetings; but they endeavoured to carry on their
still

operations in secret. Meantime the empress, with her 1

guard, made her entrance into Constantinople but the latter, ;

id of being men who could be relied upon to support the

of the government, were, on the contrary, leagued
with the bishops of the opposition. On the evening of the

*
Bo said KYeral of the bishops at the second council of Nice, actio
I. ilardiiin. T. IV. f. (30. it ruvrri <rri aloirn r.u&v yi¥»nii*Tis atiraci^ruiv

f 'V.Tiiaiuoi ftira Xuixuy rtvu* ToX\ei» t«» apituov. Ilardllill. IV. f

X They irere bishops from diU'e'.-nt countries; yet Phrygia, th

pinal scat of thii |
held the same pi
id named among the beads of the conspirators against im
Leo, biahop of Icooin m , in Phrygia; Nicolaus, bishop ofHierapol
the same province; Hypath.s, bishop D Uithynia ;

biabop of Piainas in Galatia s,

bishop
of Pisidia ;
l

of the iflan and another Leo, bishop of tlie is,

-
|

pathni rduin. 1. c. f. 47.

 317

thirty-firs!
of July, the d
of the oouim issemUed
in the
baptistei church, i Mai was I

beld, irith noi

that, hut all Uoitillg in tl nil.
The empreH did not on this account falter in her purpose.
On •

<il was
the i
- read, tl,

be held without the assistance of the other pat:

l>y
w hich the I

afterwards declared to be null ami void.)

of soldiers, perhaps at the instig
opposition, assembled with wild and furioui
doors of the church when the nip: ; »

yield to foroe, in order to OOOQUer l>y cunn:

officers "1' the household to inform the isw moled council, that
must dissolve, and yield to 'he mult: !

w ill of the Lord would

The empress directed that the multitude, who
ISO I
of the bishops, should rave and
•
nth
ecumenical council, until noon, when I

people to disperse. Thus the up:

drew t;. .

broken up. and a in their

whom reliance could I"
>ia\ !•
ing
later, in 7">7 ; do! I
i

from the party of the

but at Nice, where it might derive additional .iut ii-

the remembrance of th
of the members compos is about three hun-
• Ilarduin. Concil. IV. f.
himself at the
opening
then hut few bishops decide
dly in favor.:
tSt i*i>rj*i xoXuailtf *x x « Bvu*v xa, -rixe.nt
yip**,
rif4.7v i<r&a.\uv, t£ eu x i
'i*
S- .

>» i£#»ric rvpft*X' at KeLt T4 **f

tit

umftt/virtvi irirzo-Tovf. Among the few who Ixddly stood by the side of
Tarasins wss the abovementiomv. .-,., whose lit'

written by Theodore Studita. Si ndix,

84, f. 50.
chvil and fifty. TIN
her proclamation for
empress, in
it u
one there should
tn,
with freedom ;* but she liad assured
herself beforehand, that the bishops hitherto hostile to ii:
would now yield to the prevailing spirit If everything had
upon and settled before the deli
took place, it would have been impof [uiekly to
despatch the \\ hole business, in SUI from the fwenty-
of September to the >ixth of October; SO that in the
i

seventh and last session held at Nice on the thirteenth of

ber, nothing remained but for the decisions I

mally published, and subscribed by all. The history of

OS, shows too. tliat further deliberations were not
needed on the employment and worship of images.
At this council, many passages from the older church
teachers, sometimes forged from the earlier and sometimes
genuine from the later times, were read and quoted as testi-
monies in favour of images; miracles said to have been
wrought by images were rehearsed from the intsj 1

nor were those wanting who affirmed they had witnessed such
themselves. A
presbyter testified, that on his return home
from the council of Constantinople in the preceding year, he
had been visited by a severe fit of sickness, and was cured by
a figure of Christ.f Individual bishops, one after another,
and then numbers of them together, came forward and re-
nounced the errors of the iconoclasts, and desired to
cih-d with the Catholic church. Others appeared, who
tended now to have thoroughly examined the whole
and to have arrived at a sure and settled conviction, J —
bishops who. with a disgusting want of self- bore
voluntary testimony to their own stupidity and ignorant
Whole bodies of them exclaimed, we have all sinned.
in error, we all
beg forgiven » of
who now professed to repent of their former
.

hostility to images, declared b&nad become

convinced. 1>\
pture and of the father-, hilt the Of t

accordance with the apostolic tradition. '1

* L. c. Ilarcluiii. I
*
, iv. tau. l,
I'ks uKouf fMV &/u.a$ixi kxi sate£i>x;
xau ruu.ruiir,; 3<»-
vatec; %<rrt rcuro.
 .

d him, how if eoold

.

De convinced of the truth; to which hehadtfc

- The »\il has existed
iv| d v. agatime, tired
.mi iiifliiriic rh;ij»s we
in
conseqi
liven
that I

up, and educated in that sect;

uieir
iiml might doubtless b
it i

Opinions when the government a

favour of images, and \s ho h.

that they would . now be <

vinced by the arguments of the One of

the l>i>h" o-Csesart-;!.
|0 learn how my lord tl i h and th<

decidi rwarda hi ii«>l»- aateu

neai and think alike, I am :li."J

whom th- e same as

to their opinii
nth, change
times. Some w ho, mi*
mu-. had been compelled to awear that thei would
irship, now felt, or pretended
boul prol was
ir for the*
that
to the divine law.! Among bopewho avowwd i

me that had borne a part In the conspi

he ieonocla>ts
••
We sinned befon

mo>t forward
hut the other
stantinople party exull
:

of that couneil pn
witness of their own i
own
teaehin^.*! Those ;heir
*
L.C.f.48. f L. c. f. 60.
+ 'Hv/xa volvo. « ,lfjtr,yv{is a'vzr, re i» '/.cti.u xa.~.
fcotu, lucttev xai
irknot^o^hf, on h dXrihiu .

^roupim xcti
xn^v«ro-o(jt,'iin.
§ L. c. t S
% L. f. L
320 PRO!

orthodoxy by signing a formal ion, were not only

:vd to the fellowship of the church, but
permitted, th
oae deamrriog, to retain their episcopal stat
That tlic COaDOil, in Opposition to the practice of the church
in similar cases, should treat with so inncli indulgence the
men who had been at the head of the icOOOCl I the
-
of their intri a
policy
which nodoubt
be justified by the eifCUmstancea of the times. The
l

party of the ieonoelaata waa still too powerful to be alighted

altogether; and men were glad to adopt any means wi,
ever, which served to deprive that party of its heads and prin-
cipal adherents. lint the fierce zealots among the 1

were not to be satisfied with this policy of the court party.*

As to the form of the recantation adopted in this
following- particulars in it deserve to be noticed. The ana-
thema was pronounced on all such as despised the doctrii
the fathers according to the tradition of the Catholic church ;

on all who said, that on points where no distinct and certain

instruction is given by the Old or New Testament, we are not
bound to follow the doctrines of the fathers, of the ecumenical
synods, or the tradition of the Catholic church. f From this,
it
may be conjectured, that many of the iconoclasts, when
opposed by the authority of the church tradition, were in the
habit of replying, that even this, separate from the authority
ripture, could not be considered by them as ;u,\
authority —
a mark of the protectant tendency which proot
from this party.} At the suggestion of one of the Roman
e was brought into the assembly, and ki

by ail the members. § In the seventh session, to determine

* This
appears afterwards in the case of Theodoras Studita. The
monks made it a matter of
complaint gainst
the majority of the bit
council, that they had obtained their official stations by simony.
letter of the patriarch Tarasius to the abbot John. Hardiii .

f. 521. Tourest et/'ra/f otr ut UiKakaran rn eutohy re irkiet fillet rZt tw-
XxZZt fto*ax* ¥ > Kat k/U*t ^ 1reeiyitvfKef4.it r*t tyxktio-it t«i/t*)V en $1

•xl.iiotit Tut 'iTtexoreJt ^orifxetett utt.aettre t«v lievrvtr,t. This agrees with
marks of an bishops, these whi<
image-worshipper respecting
I. Thus their dependence on the dominant court-party
ill more evident.
I
r. f. 41.
onoaneed in the eighth session, f
E" rit irae-at xaeeihrtt IttKAnricte-rtxrit, iyyetttyet n o.yea.$ei, olviru,
a.t*hu.a

Urm. § So«
what ted images, and win-
it w I,
that not on] D of tlir BOSS, hut
inia with col
formed of other mitabli the
chur< "1 vesta*
in bouses and in tl

the \ and of all hob

irship, by broadlj accn>in_: tl

from the foUowin

— u
Bowing t<> an
ami with
the adoration which is dll<

was true also of the cross, the

and other consecrated objt this symbolical ex]
•ion of the feelings was reckoned likewise th
incense and the Imrni.
which the in.
represented.
nod li;i\ ing com:
-;.

the patriarch, with the whole assembly,

to Constantinople. Here, on I

field the eighth session, in the in

and this was attended by the em]

of t'.i for whom the i

no doubt especially desi

that the decrees which hail been passed s
read she then asked th<
;

expressed their common conviction ; and all ha

with
decisions to be phi.

*
EiStMf IK -y r$tl«t.
t 1 *'!»
wpexvrnfn iv t rtit xcctx
rr/tf-Tiv riftu* a.\tih*rif
\*T£tlett, j| xmtw /k->
X In tlie letter
to the empress, the rpvxv*nm xara. Xxrtt,
other kinds of -raoirxvwic e. g. from that '.
— h it
WU the custom to pay to the emperor, ed, in the spirit
Of Byzantine adulation, IWt, yao rc,ex:>r7<; xxi r, xxtx Ttfjir.i xx\ T»fa*
xa.) ^e'fsy, ui Tooa
xvtavfitt ri/xt?i rh u»kXit*n xeti rumreiTKr £o*v ^ariXuan.
Harduin. 1 \

VOL. V. I
both subscribe! them. When thi> * obled
,d livi
bishops repeat' form, Long
orthod -lit.

Tims, after id violent ie worship of

ted the victory in the Greek church;
but the means to which, as we h :v to
1 in order to achieve this \ i>

breakers formed a si
still
important party. An I

Course, was impossible that, by SUCn Hi'

it

spirit whieh
had taken so deep a hold of a portion of
pie, could
be suppressed at once. Reactions would ei
from the party oppressed, by means of whieh. as we
it the opening of the succeeding period, a n<
of violent conflicts against image-worship would linali
introduced.
It only remains for us to east a glance at the part taken by
the Western church in these disputes. The negotiations
tween the popes and the iconoclast emperors show to what
it the worship of images had become dominant in the
church of Rome; but it was otherwise with the church of the
Franks. The only question which here If is,

whether in the Frankish church image-worship was

from the beginning, since we find that in the ti-
the 1 1

enus, bishop of Massilia, was a violent

of images, or whether this tendency of the r -pirit
was ftrst called forth in the Frankish church b\
of culture in the Carolin : We should be abl<
to a more certain d< this point, if any d
still to be found of the first pro© I to
rankish church, under tl of Pipin.
Pan embassy sent by t!

tine to King Pipin, the points of dispute then generally

existing between the Greek and Latin churches, and co
quently the dispute about images,
wore discussed in an assembly
of bishops and seculars at Geu ; but
in none of the historical records whieh mention this assembly
a word i Ilusion arrived at on
to draw from
Subject ol
what afterwards followed a probable inference, with regard to
to the
ignified
iCtion with what had he
iii
which,
led
•
Bat
this -

for !• that the had

transact d at this assembly

trinal in

of* ;

the king of I

wrested
;

in It.ilv

ented to the chnrcl

r. This l'ipin had red
ins to the king his
induced to pass milder j
d with regard t<» i

the Prankish church would

opposing the
'

.
that this i

church v
on the other band]
: i f the Efol
and •

on this partial]
ruin
it must have met tl

not the 1'

the Frankish church in I

opponent of I

by that council on th<

ihtp.
The hostile relations M I

* The words of the ione

t T1k' pope had said to the k: to be

Maori T. XII. f. 614),

ad exaltationem matria
tint ho would on no :i

the apostle Peter. This hope the pope now saw fulfilled.
Y 2
 324 !S1."

Chattel and the empn who had retreated from her

.

advance- towards betrothing her son Constantine to the

first

Frankiah prii brad, might be supposed to have an

influence on Ins manneT of expressing himself against that
council, and various sarcastic remarks might seem to In;
imewhat ruffled by outward \eitement.
I

But certainly the emperor's conduct may be satisfactoril;

plained from the spirit of purer piety which animated him and
his ecclesiastical advisers, and from the impression which the

language of Byzantine superstition and Byzantine exaggera-

tion, so fond of indulging in a fulsome verbiage, would make
on the simpler feelings of the pious Frankish monarch. 'I
years after the close of this last Nicene council, therefore, in
790,* there appeared, under the emperor's name, a refutation
of that council and although there can be no doubt that he
;"|"

this celebrated work, entitled

" The Four Caroline
composed
"
Books (quatuor libri Carolini).! as lie intimates himself, not
without some assistance from his theologians, who perhaps fur-
nished him with the matter, and had some share in elaborating
;>ecially Alcuin,§ yet we may easily believe concerning
* As said in the preface itself
is (p. 8, ed. Heumann).
f He
himself says: quod opus aggressi sumus cum conniventia sacer-
dotum in regno a Deo nobis concesso catholicis gregibus pradatorum.
X Which work was first published by J. Tillius (Jean du Tillet, after-
wards bisbop of Meaux), in the year 1549.
§ That Alcuin, whom the emperor Charles was in the habit of con-
sulting on all contested points of doctrine, and whom he employed as an
author, must have had some share in the work, appears evident, particu-
larly from the striking resemblance of one passage in the Carolinian
books (IV. c. G,
Heumann) with a passage in Aleuin's
pag. 456, 451, ed.
dospel according to John (1. II. c. IV. t 500, id.
Froben). if we consider that be published this commentary not till ten
years after the appearance of the Carolinian books; since it is clear from
the letter ad toror.et fil. which is prefixed to the commentary, thai I

books appeared complete in the year of pope Leu's escape from the eon-
y which had been formed against him, and of the transfer of the
imperial crown to Charlemagne. The most important objection to the
supposition that Alcuin sasirted in the composition of this work is, the
chronological one, brought forward, after Frobeniufl (see T. II. opp.
Aleuin. f. i that Aleuin was then absent on a visit to
.

England. Hut even if thil till he could, while al

r with his pen; and that he did so, is confirmed by a tradition

ger Of lloveden, of the l.'tth eentury.

relatii. ltd that Aleuin wrote and transmitted
to the the decrees of
' t oun-
I prince who •

;
Alcuin
himself to \m\
writings, thai
. which he publish* own
nail- ""1 fimndi
made to coincide with fa

himself, thai a
•
not
i

In this work, whih

ofimagei he combats tl
in church-life,
Doclasta i n of the ii

attacking
>t the assemblies win1 >< i 1

.mi laid claim I

utterly exterminate
1>\ ill-' ancii d

memoriali <>i' all

peat
imagoes in one and
members <! their council had
a hich i* due '•

firotn Idol
DOre lenity than thai of the
r. d
though

which bad Ik fii

usedagainsl them at 1 1 1 *
-
n
cil, it i- thai the]
- in bo great a Mn by ttrip]
mistaken seal, of the in.
With
cil of Nice, in t!

this !•

worthy U'stimonx
tradition may Ik-
lying at tlx
*
Zelua D< Liana,
t Inugii \sm et mm m gestarum ab
antiqi; . V.
!3ee 1. I. e, -i~. 1. IV. o. 4. Ii < a basilicarum
iniluis
qoodammodo tot A erred from imperii!
from m'tmitia.
 " UBU CAHOLINI."

portion to the prineipl :'.. tj well

which tli. led : and
the interest litual piety manifests itself in a
i'or ;t

ile manner. While to

images no other end ;

than '
nameota churches, or a- mean
to the

perpetuating the mcQMM ad while the ate or tlie

abate od then red to have no farther
!i the intere.-ts of the Christian faith. Other
of regarding or of
using usages N opposed in tin i

led manner; and it

'plainly appears how entire
from the author of this work was that enthusiasm for art and
for images, which we observe
among the ( reeks. 1 Le calls it ;

absurd and foolish j to maintain, as had been done a'

second Nicene council, that images exhibited visibly to tin
the walk and conversation of the saints, when in fact their
virtues and merits were seated in the soul, and could not be
represented in sensible materials and by colours could not be —
made objects of sensuous perception. " Can
anything be
known.'' he asks, "about their wisdom, their eloquence, their
"
profound knowledge, by the outward sense of sight? J
It is represented, indeed, in this work, as the true end
being
of images to perpetuate the memory of holy deeds; yet not in
any such sense as that they were needed to bring up to remem-
brance that which should be ever present to the religi
mind, but in the sense that, as sensible represent
things which, even without such outward meinoi .

nt to the religious
consciousness, they served to embellish
the churches; and
accordingly the image-worship]
red for maintaining that images wen / to
per*
id to call
up the memory of holy things. 1

to tic < this seemed indirect contradic-

It
importance as
tion to the spiritual nature of Christianity. They who
themselves confessed to a singular blindness ; they
as that, without the help
iusl be afraid they should be withdrawn from

* I* Utrum
II. c. 21. in lcis'iiic'is
propter aienorisai reran jjestamm
'inn s'mt, :
:i
nut, nullum fidei catholic
poterunt pnejudicium, quippe cum ;i«l
peragenda n(

nulh: offlcJnm hal tur.

X & 17. p. loo.

knowledged tJ incapabl<
above sensible thingi si the fount

lighl pirit
i such fellowship with Jiim after

the i
If, which
liirm thai
in order D mi. Thtl would be a |>r
. and not of thl icfa must he r< .

the chara the ( lui ind.f

Id not ell

must be looked for onlj in the heart Thomeai

that tbe faith of <

. and that mu>t. with the

it

invisible— nich he qi
in
The following m one of th<* promii
to in tins work :
— (
rod, who fills all tin

sent
to the "
pure heart.} Unha]
•

which, in

his
imagi

not from that lo\ <• of tin

think of Christ, but is ihriM eo as

unpolled to present
we hate, i behold them in a .

Bickn Mr l>y SOS

* M vim illani
qui animw, qusc
memoria nancupatur,
nam adminiculu
sanctorum i

oculum supra ta a lu-

men, nisi ereatuit
f Cum hoc infirmity indicium.
% Non est in matemlibai \el qua'rendus, scd in
corde mundissimo semper hsbCMUS, L III. &
§ L. IV. c. 2. pag. 432,
328

of tik'ir
image, they would utterly fofget that Saviour v
r to be
memory i

present to their mini brie*

dans, vvh<>. with open face beholding the glory <>f God,
changed into the same >m glory 2 Cor. iii. I

18), are no longer bound to seek the truth in 10 d pic-

tores;—we who, through faith, hope, and charity, have

attained, by his own help, to the truth which is in Christ.*
position to the secomi .iincil, which had com-
the images of Christiana with the Cherubim and the
i

tables of the law in the Old Testament, the different points

of view of the Old and of the New Testament were distinctly
" We, who follow not the letter which
rth. killeth, but
the spirit which inaketh alive —
who are not the fleshy but the
spiritual Israel we, who look not at the things which are
;

but fix our minds upon those which are unseen rejoice to have ;

received from the Lord mysteries greater not only than im

which contain no mysteries at all, but even greater and more
sublime than the cherubim and the tables of the law for the —
latter were the antitypes of things future but we possess truly
;

and spiritually what had been prefigured by those symbols. "f

The ima^e-worshippers, as we have seen, were wont to
pare images, in reference to the higher things they n ,

with the sacred Scriptures. In opposition to this, ti.

greater importance of the sacred Scriptun
cultivating and promoting the Christian lili .

rth.
Holy Scripture is a treasure richly stored with all
manner of goods: he who comes to them in a devout temper
of mind, rejoices to find that which he BOUghl in faith.}
the Nicene council, as well as by the
image-worshippere
nerally. images were compared with the sign of the cross but :

attributing tOO much importance to them.

signofth< here set quite above ima be sure, »

without falling- into a like error with the image-worship

the outward symbol and the Idi :.ted by il

they should have been, kept distinctly apart.

ii Under
thu banner, and not by imaj aid, the old eiieni)
vanquished; these weapons, not by showy
by of colour, gauds
the power of the devil was destroyed;
by the former and not
by the latter, the human redeemed for on the ;
« :

* L. I. c. 1j. p. 89. f 1- 9. 19. p. 1 '.. II. c. 80.

 not on images, hunf paid for the world.
not a picture, i • to which
the warriors of our annj constantly iring
of tmagei at thai council w itli i

t" i»' paid »<»

requiring a like reverence Ihem, i- al
with disapprobation. mall injui 'I

saints,'} since raiment

which had and I
.

thinga of the ought to

lik<" kind,

contact w ith their persons they bad acquin d a lacredness w Inch

bega had In n sanctirl •

sometimes
. 1"

sometime* not, according to tin- skill of th<

and material- hi' euiplo;
of siim- of promo-
with Christ in heaven, and their bodx
in from the dust. To show BUCh
which had never \ t< and couhl n< 1 i i .

be consumed by natural d
thing.) Considered in tins point <»f i

prostration (wpoffrvnjtrti ed by the

condemned a> a tran-f
(iod alon nd as a
but every mode of
images,
\\
hich, for the i

to the
!. It was denoum
feelings for lii
gee which could pr
only io li\ he multifa
to this matter, \\ hich a
I I

sprung up
sharply rebukt may painfully study attita
i

said to the una

* L. :

$ Adoratiom-m soli DeodebitUD

si
utennqtte agitar, tot
il'inlitur. S
matter how. into an act of this snrt, it ; but
if, when made aware of tin- I

is madness or unbelief, want

Aliud eat hominem sale
|| eqnio ado-
rando salutare, aliud pietnram divt-rsorum colonun fu<
sine gressu, sine voce Yd ca-teris scusibus, nescio quo cultu, adorare, 1. I.
c. 9.
330 M u m."

.
with in \<>ur
images; we will carefully
commands in the books of the dii
law: you may keep lights burnii your picl
will be diligent in the Holy Scripture."* Bui
the emperor uitrodi ou deride those who
bum Lights and straw inceni dumb images, and
you J hum lights ami incense in churches, whicii
To this he replies

thing to light up the place-- consecrated to God's worship,

and iu these places to present to
c i < »< ! the incense <>f
pi
and sensible incense quite another to set lights befop
; it is

image thai has eyes and sees not, to burn incense befon
image thai has a nose but smells not. It is one thing solemnly
to honour the house of God's majesty, built by believers and
crated by the priests, and quite another irrationally to
bestow presents and kisses on images formed by the hand of
some painter; for churches are the places where belii
regate where their prayers are heard by a merciful
;
(

where the sacrifice of praise is offered to the Most High and

the sacrament of our salvation (mass) is celebrated where ;

troops of angels assemble when by the hands of priests the

Community of believers present their offering ; where the word
of God comes to water the thirsty heart." The ob-
jects to the Greeks, that, as he had been informed by hi> own
ambassadors and those of his Other, while they aucli 1

pains on the fitting op of images, they let their chin

decay, and to which he contrasts the magnificent endowment
of the churches in the Prankish empire. |
As the Greeks were inclined to bestow tin ation
on the outward ceremonial of image-Worship, even to the
more practical duties of Christianity, v.
of the
how just conception the emperor had formed of the actual
a
condition of the Greek Church, when we find him reminding
-
them that, while tli nowhere enjoin im
do teach that men should eschew evil and fo

* L. II. c. 30.
.
eornm terris lion solum lui
rilms et thrmiimntibas, wd euaa i
psis carent tegxninitas, oripp
ipitolsQte, q
tur, sfflnenl minis BO n.

•ihus.
 " i.i 331

•
•

that whir 1
tO the niee « ii-t in<

liv which it was sought

ima.
tied, l>iit it would a lultl*

wli;

superstiti
tum-
an.
bling to the rial.' I U

shipped in then only what t:

pounces w bet
little ones, how much h w fall on him
cither portion of the church into
•

fotf il
hip,
oi threatened those s ith the at
In refutation of the appeal to miracles mid to har<
wrought by images, the amp
from animpeaohable testimony thai such mil
been wrot rhape the whole was m< >r if
i

luch things had actually hap

works of the evil spirit, who by I

beguile men into that which is forbidden. \ t we

hound to
ing from God himself, yel even this would
•

be propriety of in.
mlit miracle- i

the I

iible thitu
down by many exam]

a to the e\ id
dream, to which one member of tin
app< doubtful matter Could be >.

for it was impossible, by any evkj

to another that he had
actuall]
*
Dean inquirendum docuit Script
-
i

per
Imaginam adonttonem, si earn, qui vult
lam inuiLM ,
dolo et lin -ituit
cohih pktaram eolsn docuit, sed declii teste
bocitatem, I. 23.
in. o. lev
I Ne forte calliditatis sut astu antiquus hostis, dum mira quacdam
demonstrat, ad illicita perasrenda fraudulent^ :

§ III. e. 25.
 BRI CAR0LIN1."

Therefore dreams ami visions ought to be carefully > :

ns inspired
by the divine Spirit did. Indeed, occur in the
these, however, were but individual o
ad
be distinguished in respect to their
to

question, whether they

>eet to the |

from divine revelation, or from the person's own thoughts, Of

from temptations of the evil spirit ;* commonly, how-
were deceptive. And BS it concerned the virion of an
!. it
behoved, even where such a vision had been vouch-
to follow the direction of St. Paul, and try the spirits,
.

Whether they were from (loci; and this was to be known,

according to the instruction of our Lord, from their fruits.
Now as image-worship is an ungodly thing, it could not I

been a good spirit from whom the exhortation to such worship

proceeded. I As we have already said, reference was often
made, in defending image-worship, to the picture of Christ
sent to king Abgarus but neither the truth of this story,
;

nor even the genuineness of the pretended correspond

between Christ and king Abgarus, was acknowledged in the
Carolinian books. J
It is true, the worship of saints was not by any mi
placed in these books in the same category with the worship
of images, the former being acknowledged to be a truly
Christian act; at the same time, however, ll cum-
(\ within
>

the limits which the Christian COnsciou

demands. While, at the second Nicene counsel, images which
itwas pretended had wrought miraculous cun
pared with the brazen serpent, the advice here given
who are afflicted with any bodily disease, repair to
images and look up to them, that so. when they find thej
not cured by thus looking, they may return and trust the
Lord, that through the mediation of tin' saints they will be
v('d to health by him. who is the Author of all health

and of all Ufi ought not to believe that the s

I

who SOUgbl not their own glory, but

in their life-tine i

disdained the marks of honour which it was intended

* Veniuiit
ttOPMmqnam ex rerelatione, mnltotiei two ant
tione nut ex te&tatione sat ex iliqaibai hii similibus. 111. <••
; Bet l. IV. e. 10.
I mills, mart v

rami! i>oti i luraudi. 1. IV. c. 27.

 :\i." 333

then and
foolish testunooi
Although thi^ book appeared under the name <>f an em
tine habit <>i' idolizii
it w itli v the old a]
ined in the titles and bonoiu the
intine emp I

appealed to the custom of ;

e theimages of en] 1 1 1 «

bidden thing, for arguments to defend another l"| lb I

itterly abolished by Christianity.}

Christian priests to take their stand
.mi to ( Jhristianifr

empress and emperor in th ouncil, u

title ofdivitk of the imperiaJ re-
scripts by the name tfdivalx
condemn) i

the bishops who compared the empen

pure Christian doctrines, \\\\\\ |

proi ed and the occasion

:

in full between the <

nip i

bishops had. at the same time, asserted thai

enlightened !

ved on this point, th it

*
L. III.
f Nam <|i\is t. ran-
darom imaginoxn ridiculmn ml luratur,
civitatilms et plat
III. 15.
% Cum apostolicis iustruamur d rS oc-
"m maligno, cum talem gentilil mortalium

§ L. I. c, .'5.
Qui so fidei

tigium, qui et i: im QOvai -

'

stat acre aflectai:'

non formidant.
O adulatio cur tsnta pnrsir
|J

^ Tauta est distantia inter apostolos et impcratores, quanta inter sanc-

tos et peccatores. 1. IV.
334

rom other Ch for that spirit

r than the Holy Spirit and it ;

that ::l! MOSSOd the Holy Spirit fo ;

Paul, Bom, \ He that hath not the Spirit »>i't'hrist

.

'

his.
'Dif synod is oenaon for
having allowed then>
uidi'd and instructed by a woman; for h.
red a woman to take part in their meetings, thoog
direct contrariety to the natural destination of the femah
and to the law given by the apostle Paul commanding that
women should be silent in the church assemblies. The woman
aoh and admonish only in the family eirch to —
age in Titus ii. 3, referred.*
Weremarked, in the history of the church-constitution, that
the emperor Charles ascribed to the popes a primacy over all
other churches, and a certain right of superintend'
all ecclesiastical affairs; and that in ecclesiastical Battel
lad to act in concert with them. Ace
\xv find this way of thinking and
this effort plainly man
-elf in the Carolinian books, though in all oth<
the emperor expresses himself with so much freedom, evi-
dently departing, in important points, from the prh.
the Roman church. In this work, he not "j"
that
while in the Frankish church the unity of doet
of Kome v. as always preserved, so by oeeasiofl i

which pope Stephen made to the Frankish church, unit;.

iso to their church
Psalmody.} He then rem
that by his own efforts, this conformity to the Dfl the I'

church of Koine was still further promoted, not only in

Frankish churches, but also in Germany, Italy, and an
* Aliud est nim matremfumili;.
«
irudir.',
plifl
aliud antistitilms she oinni o onlini vel etiam
i
publi
im inutilia docentem im videlicet ista,
i
quae
nam in coaumu ifectmn, ilia
atom laadii et solius .

petitum. HI. l.;.

1. l. ••. \ l
relation of tlu- 1

chun debent ob*

ut al» -twin ad muniendam fidem adjatormm
lialn-i,

liuin rat
:!lt UllillS -
mda traditioi
 irthern til

from the Rom thai

lie \v;i> m ill'-

had roan truth by the illuminating iu-

Buenoea of th<

rictiona i

not be moved
of a Koiuan bishop.
of abbot Ajigilbert,
cil to
pope Iladrian.j The i

j>oiut of the Roman church-t<

with It tn on tliis
i
subject ; and he transmit!^
inal rcplyj
which, in point i

be compared with I

not calculated to sh

mbly held ;it. Fran

and by I

in of n..

he paid to ii:

-*is and determination! with regard

matter, I

council.

f It still remains in
-

semblv at Frank
mm Coocil. T. XIII. f,

§ Th
refutation, ad inereilulorm..
e which he cert.i:
,ui
imaginil
rationem non imj
336 LCTION OF THE CHURCn-SYSTEM.

III. [ON OF TO r the Dominant

NES.

•tion of the Christian consci-

ousness, within the chun nsl this ecclesiastica] system
which had been formed by the combining of Christian with
:n elements —
a reaction on the pari of rwn<_: and spread-
that stood forth in
opposition to the dominant church
— presenting a series of remarkable phenomena of the religions
Spirit, extending' through the mediajval centuries, and accom-
panying the progre lopment of the church theocratical
system. We
discern the commencement of this reaction in the
period where we now are; having already noticed the germ
and premonitory symptoms of it in the contests which Boniface
had to maintain with the opponents of the Romish hierarchy in
Germany. But it was from the Greek church especially, that
an impulse proceeded which continued to operate with great
force in promoting the development of this opposition.
In spite of all persecutions by fire and sword, the remains
of those sects, which arose in the early period of the Christian
church from the commingling of Christianity with dualistic
doctrines of the ancient East, had been still preserved in t

districts where they were natives, and could be constantly

supplied with fresh nourishment from Parsism. Their oppo-

sition, however, to the dominant church, would
necessarily
modified, in many respects, by the changes which had taken
place in that church itself. Originally this opposition had its
ground an oriental mode of thinking- that made Christianity
in
subordinate to its own ends, and was directed against the
peculiar and fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith.
And while it IS true that, even at present, the sects which
jpmng up and grown out of this beginning-, nevi
denied their original one-sided tendt • embrace the
i

and completeness J still the oppo-

tian truth in its purity
sition was now directed against one of the main elements in

corruption of Christianity and against many of

;
I

bines, which, being grounded in this corruption, were alien

from primitive Christianity. T!. haying, from the
first,
stood out against the union of Christianity with Judaism,
now entered \i.' against those
doctrines and insti-
 337

tutions in particular, which I I of the mixta*

Jewish with Chris; turn

might serve lo the pmificatioo of the

church.
Tim t in tliis
period, winch had sprung
uj> in the and which flourished In the
districts reckoi
where such tendencies bad always been pieoom fol-
i of this sect were known by th
an hypothesis of both the aul whom we
indebted for the meal Important h
'

th ;

n<
cting though
writers, that this sect was i and
that it took it om a woman,
(

lived in the di the fourth

century, and whose two I
and John, w<
as the founders of the si mer of ll

said, nioi< over, that the sect took

opinion of one party, that thi /

in the place from s c

firsl I i the
(bunders, in the form H
:is for
doubting (he truth of* this whole account. |

chasism ; the truth is. th

ti
period,
; w Idle in

tic from the Manic I

all,
however, in the d< eti in< -
of the Paulician .

line that they were an

* 1

ricain, "kn
of the Panlicians published l>\ ti.

l'hotius, in his work a

but little from th< l
pro-
L J. C. Wo r. I. et II.

t See l'hotius. 1. I. o. II. 1. o.

J On this point, as in m-
tiling this
:ul well-th
ofc;

Nothing is to be
^j their opinions or practices akin to i

Manichacism or Parsism except in what Johannes Ozuicnsis, of whom we

VOL. V. Z
338 mi

on the other hand, we find much which contradicts such asup-

positioo bj for example, the fact that they considered the
;

creation of the world as the creation of a s|»iii at enmity with t

the perfect G Demiurge, in a sense of the Anti-

Judairing I
: while Maui considered the creation of the
world as a purifyi.. ordained and instituted by the
.

Supreme Being himself. In aniarion of th<

look in vain for the distinction, which belongs to the
MVmichsaiam, of a two-fold standing
—
and the exoteric, that of the " elect" and that of the
'•auditors." Although Photius sometimes hints at a distinc-
tion of esoteric and exoteric among the Paulicians, yet it is

certainly one altogether foreign from the spirit and char.

of this sect; and there was a disposition gratuitously to foist
upon them such a distinction, partly because contradictions
were detected in their doctrines, which, considered from their
own point of view, had no existence, partly because i

taken for granted that whatever was peculiar to the consti-

tution of the Manichsean sect, would hold good also of the
Paulicians. On the contrary, we may confidently reckon it
among the characteristics of the Paulicians, that they knew
of no higher distinction than to be in the true f the
word Christians that they recognized no loftier
; position than
that of a xpHTTiavoQ or y^QifrroTroXirrjc and hence, ;

nothing higher, than the complete and pure knowledge of

the truths belonging to this position. Tosepar from
all debasing mixtures, and to give them universal spread.
their highest aim. The Scriptures were prized by them at a
riier rate than they could be according to the prin-

ciples of Maniclueism and it is certain, that when thi

;

to attach themselves SO closely to the sacred Scripture- they

did so. not in the way of accommodation to the univ<
Christian principle, —
not barely as a means by which to pro-
cure the readier access for their 'lie minds of other
I

Cnristians ; but it evident, even from the manner in which

i-;

their I
write to the members of the sect, and from the
order and denominations of their ecclesiastical officers, that

shall - them, when in his t:

tin- PaulicL rtain adoration of thi

iiowever, does not well harmonize with the Other doeti

well at in their
prevailu
with the

numb
in th(

offsho

Theodore t ami (

being
peop
nine:
ow 11 oaasl
We mighi he alio*
form,
special cause or otl

of Marcionitism, to
lit in the i

thin.
St IK!

that this

ment, took oi

cioniti8m. ks to I

and Johl '

bo was a
foil
trie!

* -
;
I
I,
that in t

Tollins, (Insignia itinerar. Ital .

and Booh have

hers then th
t Gieseler thin lit to
.
table. Th
Paid and St, John as the tn
in truth, th. utne, Panlic
oironmstanoe, as also the rel hich men
feh to allow the Pauh-
ciaus the honour of beiug named after two apostles, led to the invention of
z 2
340 ORIGIN OK Til

be n a matter <>f the least importanc

-

tlic
question concerning the Pauliciana to any coi .

don of Callinice and the Paulician

we l
o better than a fiction.
certain that the Panlicians themselves did not hesitate
ndemn the sons of Callinice, rith whom
they irere arbitrarily associated.* Nor can it justly be
affirmed, that this was hut a pi an accommodation,
sed for the purpose of concealing their real opinions i

very far Were they from allowing themselves to he DU

by worldl] r considerations, to any false pretens
with regard to the persons whom they regarded as the true
founders or teachers of their sect.")" As it was
nothing but the traditional name Paulicians, which led men to
suppose there must have been some particular person by the
name of Paul from whom the sect derived its origin, so it
happened that there were many who traced the name of the
to a later Paul, an Armenian, who was undoubted! \
of the teachers of the sect,! though not the individual from
whom its name was really derived, that name being, in all
probability, of a much curlier date. Thus it is manifest, that
no one of these explanations of the name Paulic
any historical basis, but that all of them grew out of

hypothesis, that the name must necessarily have

been d<
from some false teacher, w ho established a new ami distinct
i. But the form of the word by no means su
derivation of that sort; since by every rule of analog
should have been, if so derived, ravXucoi or xavXiavoi (Pau-
Uans). At the same time, it is most probable that the form

>ry that the sect vu founded by

•

icher* Paul and .'

nation, howerer, is
quite too ani :ic;:il
;
and although the
licians did attribu of John, yet it
1

y to that a:

tie Paul.
1. 1. c. 4. ]-. 13. 1. c.

I j' true, that the Paulician

liniCe, li xa) xive<p<vv/a.-
/; ixivvvr.^uf mifirtfi; yet Ik allows that the Pauli
1

and acknov

; PhottUl 1 : u rovT-
jk i\a%l<r7 raf'txs xai rh* \Tt»*uu,lu* 'ikxu* ftu/.kc.
rut rSf Ktt\>.tuxnf xafhui r« fiveetcn tw» M«»^«/«» \hn vui*evri».
 CON

md thai from this,

rhaps
iclunon, that as tin

the fori >ring

the ilioe

itianity, tl i in truth
;mI it intimated by Photius birrwelf.*
period it
mpted to fin of the
sonic individual who was the 1

u •

in the latter hall

intine,
ury, chiefly
under the
might, with t

founder of the sect, wl, red in thi

name Paulicians. Be b
a Marcionite sect, which had spread from S
into these districts, and resided iii

undoubtedly had sonic influence on

;

incuts and the character of I

when he had either csta-

menl at all. or inii;
plete copy of them i,
in
itude for the
-

I. entertainii i
ii in

probably ama
applied himself to the study of tl

particularly the ej '.ml. mad im-

sion on his mind, an
and to his li:

spiritwhich gave a i
invklioi
thing done or said ly a lit
retic, t:

lowers were ,

their religious opinions from till in order

'•ape the sword of the i

BS, by m is
deception, t<» the minds of t.

whom they wished to |

bound to presume that the fundamental ideas which he found

presented in those Scriptures had a powerful influence on his

* L. II. c. lo. p. 190. From the apostle Paul »u ^ivh-rtitvu^i «-*#«-
yaufotrx, ;
though he is
Wrong in sa\
ing that they called them^eh
this name.
 .1 11 J.'

mind, tied to stand forth

related to the dominant church, but
which h At the -

was, In spite of hit

principles of . which lie could nor be in-

Scriptures of the
with a mind al:
•

CCUpied by these prin-

s, he believed that he
found the same principles enfo
in what he then
cting die opposition of darkni
light, flesh to spirit, world to God. It was by a Christ:,
drawn from the writings of St. Paul, and in part of St. John,
but apprehended under the forms of the Gnostic dualism, that
the Paulicians were, from this time onward, bent on
about a renovation of the church, a restoration of the pure
apostolic doctrines. To designate his profession as an i

tolic reformer, Constantine took the name of Silvanus and ;

it became the custom

so afterwards, for more distinguished
teacher- of this sect to call themselves by the names of the
several companions of St. Paul a custom which ma] —
rightly regarded as marking the distinct, aim which thej
before them. They professed to be simply the organs of
Pauline those who were the compani
spirit, like Paul
in his Constantine laboured twenty-seven
labours. ;

from about 6oT to 684, with meat activit .

ment of his sect. Its further spread drew upon it a

CUtion. In the year 684, or one of the other last ]

of the reign of Constantine Pogonatus, that em;
on, an officer of bis household, into tl
ring him to punish with death the leader
of the
and i
ad to bring such as were disposed ton
to the bishops, for the purpose of being more fully instn.

by them in pure doctril antine. if we may credit the

ant given by opponents, was, at the command of Sin
d to death by faithless the li ad of whom
i tl

his own ungrateful adopted SOU, .Justus.* But the major part
handed over to the bishops persisted in
heir old opinions upon which Simeon Ul ;

took to deal with them, and bring them over to the putt
* It is
reported, that tl.
trie* I Inircli. !

lie wbm struck irith th<

our, and more and

the principle* «»{' th
lie returned I

of li\
ing in a he was I

conceal or deny fans real coi

-a. in A •

U>W< 'ill to !»< found. 1 I«- tin !<• Ix car

party, ami took the apOfltO
ding offioi
to .join it. be and hi- follow.

bishop of Colonia. by the *

irominent a part in
tine. At the suggestion of this bishop
1 1,
directed, in the yeai
it of whicl
besides, died at the >take.
me of the individual
(

by the name of Paul, was now placed at th<

and lie appointed as hi
whom he named Timothy. From I was
divided into two pa
nism \u\w i\t a eat)
held that spiritual
connected with the regularity ound
be founded his claim t<>
but his younger b
know i

principle
.

mediation ipirit
immediately ;

ruder tl. Leo the i' fsauri

lodged against the Pauliciai
peroT ord
a trial. The examination v
before whom <

* Phot. I. 18. Ms «"«T{»V»»

oofti fJUTxrxutj
proposed to him respecting hit orthodoxy in satisfa<;i

manner; attaching, however, quite a differ from the

true one t«» the formularies <>f church orthodoxy. The
him why he had led the Catholic church,
I

lied, thai he had never entertained the rem

wish of forsaking the Catholic church, within which alone
salvation was to be found. Bui by the Catholic church, he
meant only the Paulician communities, called, as they beli<
the church of Christ to its primitive purity. The
patriarch demanded why he refused to give the mother of God
the reverence which was her due ? regnsesius here pronounced
(

the anathema himself on all who refused rev< the

mother of God, to her into whom Christ entered, and from
—
whom he came, the mother of us all. But he meani
invisible, heavenly city of God, the celestial Jerusalem, mother
of the divine life, for admission of the redeemed into which
Christ had prepared tin way, by first entering it himself as
1

their forerunner. lie was asked why he did not pay lion
to the cross? Gegnsesius here pronounced the anathema on
all who refused to venerate the cross; hut by this he under-
stood Christ himself, called by that symbolical name. Further-
more, he was asked why he despised the body and blood of
Christ, and refused to partake of it ? The reply to this also
was satisfactory; but by the body and blood of Christ he Was
accustomed to understand the doctrines of Christ, in which he
communicated himself. So also he answered the qui
Cting baptism, but by baptism he understood Christ
himself, the living . the water of life. This trial
having been reported to the empen lived
from his sovereign a letter ofprot curing- him against
all further complaints and persecutions.
We might readily conjecture that the emperor Leo, that
mined enemy of images, was disposed to befriend the
-
Paulicians; and that the issue at this trial, which was
vourable to their cause. Mas brought about by his inflm
tor a certain affinity existed between the spiritual tended
the Paulicians and thai of the iconoclasts. 'I he Paulicians,
too. were violently opposed to imaue-w orship
they a,' :

icking this superstition, accusing the dominant

church, on this ground, of idolatry and pcrhap
: us to
be indicated I it the
 .

i'anlicians w liidi I
If 00
image-worship was the i I led
ora the dominant church, and then, in\it<

the spirit of reform, \\ bich

unite with the Paulidai
that all i<
\onrably
disposed to the Paulicians; f<»r that
tl i

evident from the example <>!' th(

And it is well known that the icODOcl *geT
to BOO* their Attachment tO the church orth
but one, and. tO remove all BUSpicioD 00 thJ
tion as the disposition i them wit
From these considerations remain it must still i

whether the emperor Leo purposely favoured the Paulici

l)nt it* the
report which has come down to
trial of ( -till hanli
leglisssiufl
supposed that the patriarch would 1:

that heresiarch to deceive him, unless he ha

for allowing himself to b f he had
•

without doubt es]

—
Clan* were, to
tions to ( ould have compellt
tinet explanation-.
i the death of this I

thirty years, h<

opposed, however,
•
by another i .

by the
ih, so tli,

This Joseph was corap< i

!
>

;.
bj I i the
. to transfer the seat of hi- h in
Piflidia ; and the St

* We mean the polemka] trad

native city, Qsnnn, in the proi in.
- bora A.D. 668. Bon
t primate of the annenian church. His works wtre publiab
•

the island . with

Anchor's Latin translation. 1 st the Paul i

whenever they nut with b> t\ j

first

began with sneaking against im . that

many iconoclasts, when
from the Catholic church, joined the
ejected
Paulicians, It were rical allusions of the
J
words, Mad once Panlicianos ieonomachi
qmdam ab alvanoram C'atliolicis
reprehenai lavenientes dhsMernnt," m ed out in the original
sources by those acquainted with Armenian literate
346

Armenia into tl nor.* J< I

from the Cynic mode of lift

•
ho.
which lie adopted ami encouraged, received the suroai
A
'filti>
ughl him and his party into
bad repute. But at this time (near the beginning of the ninth
centra vrhich had been bo rent by inward divi
and injured by the influence of bad teachers, 1"
to lilt its head under tin of a new i

up in their midst.
came from the village of Ania, not far from the
town of Tavia. in Galatia. and was won over to the sect while
yet a young inan.f lie was led to join it by a singular inci-
dent, worthy of being noticed, because it shows how numbers
might be induced, by the defective instruction of the el
which failed to satisfy their religious needs, to join the l'auli-
cians. lie once met with a woman belonging to this
who asked him, in the course of their conversation, whether he
had ever read the gospels. Sergius replied in the negative,
adding that this was a thing which belonged exclusively to the
clergy that the mysteries of holy Scripture were too exalted
;

"
for laymen. Hereupon the woman said, The holy S
are intended for all men, and they are open to all, for God
wills that all should come to the knowledge of the truth: but
the clergy, who forbade them to be studied by the laity, wished
to withhold from the latter the mysteries of the divine \

lest tiny should become aware of corruptions which the cl

had introduced into them. For the same reason il
portion- torn from their proper connee-
.

uhich were publicly read in the church. then

* I'nless the account of the
Byzantine hii Irenus, pis
too early period what happened not till later, a seat had alreadi
d in Thrace
.
lor this sect, under the emperor Const:.!.
Dymns; fortius historian, in the eleventh year of the reign
tine, relates that the emperor, after 1
quered the Am
province Mclitenc, transplanted many PauDcians to
Constantino]
Thra
ut liis
bavin d with the sect. Hut l'hot
thai his tat! a member of t;

; in doctrinal from his child-

its

is with the Pauli-

cian 1 it, and would lead 01 rather to

SUpp<> itholk elm:
 :
liim whom H
he s]
and prophesied in ould
rtheleea r<

niraculoi
I
honour tlie In
n on the mind
flu* writi'
knuv ;
what belongs t<> a \ ital

to perceive m
and the ungodlike, the spirit and the fl

this antithesis, distinctly expn sted as his point ol

combated the confoun* Id in

the effete churchism of

time, he grounded his pi
one of the iDOStlC dual <

himself up
and laboured for thirty
ible activity, ti

and !

tainl\ not n ithout j

tie of his
niunitN ,
" I have run from I

South. t till
my km
Christ.''} Hi
also, in refusinj
and s

* The qi
Did they mean that tin-
story ah
timis ; or that tl:

of the Demiurge vbom tnsj

t Which words
from which his labours
J 'At« a.vaTaX*/y xa.t
f*i\ei "bvrpu* urn tirtu
thectfjjov xr,Bi/rtran <ri
iiayy<Xi>>* rev XtivraZ <r$7; \uc7f yiyecei (Imptfrnf.
n here the -words arc cited more lullv and accurately than in
Photos, 1. I.
p. 118.
348

hands. To
this end be followed the trade of a carpenter.*
Even opponents would not refute to Sergius the prai
his
Strict morality, and of those kind and gentle manners which
Win the heart, and by which he was enabled to conciliate even
his bitterest enemie-.t Il<-
gained many follower-, especially
by his peculiar ma ing before them simply
the doctrines of practical Christianity, which, b] hers, i

five way to a mere formal orthodoxy, until he

had won their confidence; when, having gained this advan-
he proceeded gradually to inveigh against the dominant
.

church.} Owing to the manner, also, in which Sergius him-

self had been first drawn to this sect, many of the laity would
be easily attracted to him and to his disciples, especially when
they heard them repeating the hitherto unknown words of the
evangelists, and of St. Paul, and exposing to view the contra-
diction between these teachings and many of the ordinaix
the church. § Even among monks, nuns, and ecclesiastics, he
I

many willing- auditors. ||

But conscious of labouring
BS a reformer, he was, no doubt, accustomed, whenspeakil
himself, to adopt a tone winch, making every allowance for
the hyperbolical language of the East, cannot be pronounced
entirely free from the charge of a self-exaltation, inconsistent
with the essence of Christian humility. lie thus writes to
of the communities "Suffer yourselves to be deceived by no
:

man. but be assured that you have received these doctrines

from God for we write you out of the full conviction of our
;

heart-. For am the porter, and the good shepherd, and the
I

er of the body of Christ, and the light of the house of I

J. too. am w itli you

always, even unto the end of the world ;%
.
* Phot. 1. I. p. ISO.
+ xa) osfyurtwf
Kasl <rattnoi %fios xaTtff%r,ftxriffu>i*o{ rgcXo; xa) rutoerr;
el roiit cIkiIov; 'vrovviaU»v<ra. (should doubt' r/xrxivovru) fxcve*.
a.\\a xa.) rohf t#«^j/tij«» iixxuuivoui vToXiaivevo-a ri xa.)
rvXayvytZva,
Phot. 1. I. c. '22,
peg. L80. I od traits in a heretic
but a hypocrite's mask, trorn tor the pur] sbling him
rry on his deception.
Phot I. p. I

§ Peter of Sic -£*AiTe» to fth etnctprartwai vx* avrZv

r&uf uTkourriftUff dtiri laura vet t$u ilayyiXtov xa) <r»Z a.Tovr»X*u Xtym
iiuXiyovrai.
H BO him for leading astray mam monks,

5 Photius, 1.
81, p. rdl only thus far ; hut the I
 ! U 349

for though r i! 'Mit in rli** ii frith yon in

bod]
thespirit."' And at Colooia in
omniumty
menia he irritai ie primitive comrnnnitiei
their shepherd
illuminating torch, the clear-shining
I

salvation. "7 !• then

quota I hich
he probably ui 1 1
— thai b

of the soundness of the eye within then

realities awakened in their muni
•

d him as the true light

II' we
placed certain
:

v
we should be compelled to believe that
self-exaltation to thi

thai himself the Paraclete and

he called the Il<>;

Bui accusations of this sort cannot be without si

don ; for, to say nothing of the in trim

thing, it is plain, from thos<
which men were disposed to find
ius, how widely remote
from their
the waj in which they «
accuse tl of praying in the •

lie, to seal up
Conclude their petitions with the phra
the Holy Spirit w ill 1).- favourabli
this formula, imitated after I

iut» •

ting
d to the supreme <
rod, is
pn
Paul, the inward p
sidered as a pi S »iril aims
God dwelling in, and .

which Sergius li

n with what folic

*
yir,lCt; Vf»Mt icetTXTiitn x.

i^oirn vaoct Stov $u»ri7rt, tiftiif ^a* Ttrnru.itu Swri$ iv r*7f xtub'ttttt r.ui*

\ i/*iv uu.iv, ort i Sufu*af xa) i vttuit* i xa?.c; xai ilnyif rev M
TaZ Xetarou xeci i ~" V Utf
\vx**S ifJh li/ui
vauroc; rui huAon; 'iot; rrj; ci .
. xni rm rvftetrt
cLtul/.i, aXXa tsJ
TixuftxTt rvi |
ri, MTWfri£lWs xai i
SlflJ T

f He calls himself AauT«S« ^at/v>i»,

> >t«.
X 'H ii>xi rcZ kyiov Wtiift .
t. I. 114.
 ion that S
himself i
rit, and clete,' it could
only amount to thi nrius represented himself, t.

the Holy Spirit, hut ft| idle his oppon

making no distinction between the the 1

-
if he understood the Paraclete to be
[oly Spirit. The truth was, however, that
he distinguished these two forms of expression and bj ;

•lete he understood, like Main, an ichor

enligl
prom Ihrist, who should separate the doctrim
(

by him from all foreign mixtures, and open their true St

and as such a teacher he meant to be regarded himself. But
did not think himself to be the first or the onlj
i

former of a corrupted Christianity, and therefore could not

have called himself, in this sense, the promised Parade!
whom believers were to be first led to the oonsciousni
divine truth, freed from all elements of error; we must sup-
pose that, while he recognised the earlier teachers of the Pau-
licians in their capacity as teachers, he still designated himself
as the ijreat teacher whom Christ promised, and by whom a
reformation was to in the entire church, and that heI

.subordinated them, as his fore-runners, to himself. We might

this in
designating them as simply ttov.
his
-
:a\ovc (pastors and teachers), while he calls himself the
resplendent lamp (\a^7rac <jnuun)). the shining light (,\<
(paii'(or),
the light-giving star (\vxvnfj>(ivj)r kerfy).] But op-
to this view is the fact that he represented the apostle
:

Paul as the great teacher, by whom alone Christianit

chibited in its true tight; that, compared to Paul, he
<i himself only on a Level with Tychicus, and thai
nothing higher than to be an ambassador and dis-
ciple of St. Paid, holding forth not the doctrines of his own
>m, but those of his master.} It
is, then,
the most

* S. I.
p. 111. f Ibid. I. 98.
\
hayyiXXit /*« alroZ roQixf iTvat*, <rau ii 3iJ«|a»r«; ttai
rJjf «n-
<rrxXxo<ro; UavXeu vetotxyy'iXu.ir*. Photioi himself notiers the U
ithets, and
tanding in this subordinate relation to St. Paul lb
cplanation.
iy when a :
-
who
hi. I, in the lorni.
initiated into I. p. 111.
ly
babl< tion that S. i
grins did not wish to 1

either thi the Holy Spirit ; but ti.

sions, in which
Holy Spi
[<
Christianity,
mentioned
The active lab fell within a period which at

N icephorus, w h

ninth be employ
for the persecution
•
i
bat ;
i

icularly in Phrygia and Lycaonia, I

the -
f their D
whether this emperor was determined to this milder treatment
of the Pauliciana by bii impatieo
by different principles from tho*
•
;•

ailed respecting the proper modi

for it is certain thnt at thi
k church a betl
unchristian procedure to p*
r

and who declared it

the occasion of bloodshed, it being their duty
the erring, if possible, to n •
this min<

who, when Biicbael Curopa

the intlu*

tinople, to threaten tin

>t all
rgi us addressed

* v

them

the Father, and of the Holj

i'the Cor]
follows Tir^jxi, rZ Tcifec;
: Z Blou xx'i
xar^is In St *«/ Ti{)
tou kyiou wn.Ufm.TH fiffiif i,.- rtxo* avrav xari^m w*£t»u.ti*ivvmm.
114.
TheophsiM raph. f. 4l3,
% Though we I
the stories
told by the
Byzantine historians, his bitter enemies, concerning
connection with the Paolicil
 :
ion* OF Til

ition of the order.* And one of the mo riders

of the church faith, and fanatical supporters of image- worship,
abbot of the students' monastery at Constantinople,
.

may be considered five of this Christian!}

minority. |
I To Theophilus, a bishop of Ephesus, who
had declared that to kill the Manichedans was a glorious work,
he writes, M What sayesl thou ?j Our Lord has forbidden —
this in the gospels (Matt. xiii. 29), lest in
rooting out the
the wheat might he gathered up with them. Let both
ther until the harvest How then canst thou call the
rooting up of the tares a glorious work T* He then quofc
confirmation of his views, a fine passage from the homili
Chrysostom on the gospel of Matthew :s alter which he
on to say: "Nor ought we to pray against the teachi
error: much rather are to pray we hound
for them, as our
Lord, when on the prayed for those who knew not what
cross,

they did. At this late day men should no longer appeal to

samples of Phineas and of Elijah for it was nee* ;

to distinguish the different stages of the Old and of the

intent: —
and when the disciples would have acted in that
spirit (against the Samaritans), Christ expressed his displea
that they should depart so far from that meek and gentle
spirit, whose disciples they ought to have been." Citing
the passage in 2 Tim. ii. 2o, he remarks: " ought n< We
punish, but to instruct, the ignorant. Rulers, indeed, bear
not the sword in vain; but neither do they hear it to be used
ist whom our Lord had forbidden it to
led. Their dominion is over the outward man and it ;

is incumbent On them to punish those who are found guilty

of ci linst the outward man. But their power <){'
punishing has do reference to what is purely inward this —
belongs exclusively to their province who have the core of
* The ch who mentions the fact, p. 419,
bo maintained this ground with being altogether at
To prove this, he
exam] the death of Ananias and Sapphire
I ; of Paul, who
such tl

i. ll«f eiiK uotiriot avrufy Utt e't robs *"««•>» ^v^ixtit **<

to
volu. blXLVIL
souls, and spiritual pnnkhim
forexamp] from the fellowship of the ehurc
i

I
Midi individual voices OOttM avail nothing against tin-

dominant spirit I

in the adoption of persecuting measures against these •

which, in increase sjid spread^
apparent under the mocesso the ana*
perora .Midi.
id CuropaJ il

nian. The common zeal b) liiim

'

her. WOftbip COuld n->t DM>Ti

the Armenian to adopt any milder measures sjj
Paulicians; l>ut perhaps he was -zeal
for the pure doctrines of the church bj
natc sect TbomaS] bishop
and the abbot ParacoB pointed mqtikni
the Paulicians. Those who manifested rep<
placed in the bands <>f the bishops for the purpose i

instructed and reconciled to the church] then

put to the sword. The with which these in
uted their commission provoked the Panliciai
in the citj of I

them, by which both w

Bed to tin parte 1

whom tip ad in a friendly manner, as anemi

the Etonian empire. assigned I ise a
ton ii call
had met with, and the
induced a constantly

in this
place. 11'

* 2*<*«t*»
ym{ o^^rrif, <r»vt i» nft r*n*rix*t mXirrmt i\*t mi
x»Xa£uv, avxi r$7s i» rn it should read »v%t r*u; it fwjr) a«r< \
<r»y
yecg y]/u%Zt a.e-%e*T** r$Zr» t it rm xeX**7r.»ta. afttiru** xa> at Xo,xa)
ixtrtuixi. B<

t Ol XiyitMw Kvuxm^Tai, Phot. I. p. 128. Oi WMMflSmf xuio ( rftf

%«f* !• P- 66, which communities are designated by Serghn
as the Laodicean.
'

% 'Aoyaouv, perhaps |er, L c. p. 94, unless the fact

town, which is described as lying on a mountain, red
thai this
its name from the mountain olsuahf HI mentioned.
The inhabitants are sailed Skolot, 'A^yxeurai. To this com-
I

munity Sergius gives the name of Colossians. Petr. Sic. p. 66.

VOL. V. 2 A
 354 do«

force ; and, making inroads into the Roman provinces,

many Bf capt i \ «•-. whom they endea\oured to make
proselytes. Sergius disapproved «f tliis, and endeavour
iade his people from the : Imt his edviot
he had neither part nor lot that
in all this calamity. )ften had he exhorted them not to make
(

Romans: they refund to liear him.* Alter

hnring pnrsnnd his labours hen; for several j

wliile employed alone on one of the adjacent mountain-,

felling
timber lor his carpenter's trade, was attacked by
Tzanio of Nicopolis, a fierce zealot for the church-doctrine,
and assassinated, a.d. 835. f
In reference to the dmtrhxs of the Paulicians, the
only sources of information furnish but very meagre accounts;
and from these it is impossible to form anything like a com-
plete and well-defined notion of their character. As writers
Bammed that the Fanliciani descended from the Manichs
the mode of understanding and representing" their doctrines 1

would easily be made to wear a false colour of Manicha^ism.

Their system was certainly founded on dualistic principles;
the creation of the sensible world, for example, was referred
only to the evil principle, which they are said to have repre-
i as the Demiurge. But since, in all the older Gnostic
ms, the Creator of the world was considered a distinct
being from the evil principle, while, in the Paulieian system,
the Demiurge, as the principle of evil, was opposed to the
kingdom of the supreme and Cod. it may be donbted perfect
whether this distinction between
Creator of the world and tin-

principle was really held by them.

i 1 The doctri;
•

the Paolie is
described,} viz.. that the evil spirit, or
the Demiurge, sprang into existence <>ut of darkness and fire,
in.
ty doubtless
have some reference to such a distinction for ;

this two-fold Bature presupposes two elements, whose eombi*

nation formed the essence of the Demiurge darkness, the —
of evil, and lire, the principle of the >i« 1<
proper principle
world, both opposed to the spiritual life as in the Clement ;

*
'Eya/ rut xclkZ* rouru* ktet'triif it/it, rakXtt y&» rsfnyytWev etl/rotf,

Ik tou a.\-)(JJMyMr't\ut relf pifialtut tivrarrriMxi, km ovx' vxtiKtvrtiv fJttt.

tio&sd Esssy, ; 1iot.IL • ;.

and in th »hri.

Thui the Paulician

fundamental principles, or two abaolnte fundamental principles,
and a mi'
the distinction
on, and the p<
but the spiritual world, and who i

world of
i w ith tin* Catholic
miurge and th-

of worshippin only. In their disputes

:i. You :

tor of the world ; but

hii shape," after the manner in which

m
world revealed himself in the old TeataaataJ (John \.'.\~).
" thai the
Fhotiut says,t Pauliemni did not all in lik
ade the pi

heaven* ;
to the e\ il
princip]
all ti

ed the h<

probable, then, that the Pan lie

that the perfe< t mj (

to the different senses which they atta<

by !:•

thi> the Paul* i

as belonging to t !.•

i. an of the Demiurge, and opposed to it the ereatiou and

the kingdom <d' th<

li
ipiritual
things divine, this they regar
the j

his own appropriate \ r it.

that Photius, by m
Of the term
•

different mode ,>. lUit

* See Pet. Sic. ft i;

|

X According to the statement i Armenian

bisho; the fifth ee
lated in 1
tschrift Afar
Stuck, the perfect God has his seat in the third
2
356 D0< I.ICIANS.

at the same time, it li

probable tliat a difference of opinions

really existed within the sect at an early period ;

[growing oat
of tin- more or leu d< cided maimer in which tin- dualiftio
- we findthat different opii
entertained on this point among kindred sects of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. According to the Paulician
ii. the
corporeal world proceeded wholly from the Demi*
urge, who formed it out of matter, the source of all evil but ;

lOul of man is of divine origin, containing in it a germ of

kin to the essence of the supreme God. Thus human
nature consists of two opposite principles; but this union of
the soul with a body foreign to it by nature in which all the
sensual passions have their root —
this banishment of the sou]
into a sensible world, which fetters and confines its higher
essence —
a world which has proceeded from an entirely different
creator —
this cannot have been the work of the supreme and

perfect God. It can only be the work of that enemy, the

Demiurge, who seeks to bring down the divine germs of life
into his own kingdom, and there hold them fast. Such being
the Paulician system of the universe, we must suppose they
had a corresponding theory of the origin and nature of man.
Either starting with the doctrine of a pre-existence of souls,
they must have held that the Demiurge was constantly drawing
away these souls from the higher world to which they properly
belonged, and confining them in this material world or, like ;

the older Syrian (im»tics, they must have held that the De-
miurge had, at the beginning, charmed the divine
life intothe phenomenal forms of the first man, a being en
alter some image of the higher world that hovered before him
— which germs of now proceeded
life develope themselves
to
in humanity, giving birth to human souls. An important
source of our knowledge respecting the opinion of Sergius on
this point is contained in a fragment of one of his letters pre*
d by Photaos and Peter the Sicilian, but which, unfortu-
I

nately, in the mutilated state in which it has COOK

" The which
extremely obscure. firtt fornication, in
Adam downward we are all ensnared, is a benefit ;
but the
second \^ greater (namely a greater fornication or sin
which Si. I
lie that commit teth fornication siimeth
inst his own body' (1 Cor. vi l^j.* To understand the
 )

we musl I

them in connection with «

not in this limned
wards occur, ire find that S re interprets the I

fall
I

fornication), in spii itu

the tod, from the true the
<

supreme
fall from the tun- Christian church, the
Paulicians, ami from the pi i doctrine
! in that sect the railing back into the corrupt
;
church,
which belongs to the I tomii aid,
in like manner, be interpreted spiritually, w
what is said of
woprtla in
Adam'- th«

m's disloyalty to the supn me kkl could b< <

benefit cither to bun or to his posterity, even ao

. this
disloyalty
can onlj Uion
I
'

And We Should then ha\c the follow-

train of ideas : the Demi ired to hold the
man in
complete bondage, [e s I

SCiousneSfl Of his higher nature, l(

after something beyond the kingdom of the !

the command which forbade him to eat of ll

know [edge of good and c\ il. i

by which lie
and this disobedience of his, this l

his bond of servitude to the temi 1

lie and hi nm«l to the a Si of their hi I

nature, transcending the kingdom of the

therefore, he might righU]
nation for the redempti
-

I], however, the phrase

(we arc enveloped in the fornicai so har-

monize so well with tin- spiritual mod
much as the phrase den*
thing that
that cleaves to the
person. We should bai id it,

then, met onymically. 1: con* f this

" fornication"
of* the first man. which turned out to -it to him and
to his er to us: which, h. ould
posterity, p
'

put,** iVti, <rtfti rit kiyti xtti i Arirrc\a(' i <r**nu*i ti{ ri Tint rZpa.
kuMoram. See Phot. I.
p. 11"
I Ik* words
r,uA~i aru.it cuy^ ^ivrtu t.
: -iron rut xeteetocrint
Ttv atuuMTa; rov ^oitrtv, rtt/rio-rt rtZt iu**, ccuxorxtu, ort
tr^orr/i^..
xeii axiiiu r»7i
trtgoliiarzxkavri lytalttvft >..;
358 do

natural interpretation of the words.

'

not Nor, in
Mriet bound or warranted to explain 6V(
propriety!
spiritually in order to :
for
and tortuous the met
!

ruing
in-

terpretation which we may expert to mid in

it could
hardly he sop]
! that
he would understand those words of St, Paul by tl as,
!.
denoting Spiritual fornication. This would 1»
preposterous. Most probably he understood the words in the
first place literally as warning- — fornication" in the
—
;

proper sense a warning- which would not appear superfluous

to those strict upholders of moral purity, the l'aulicians.*
But then, in conformity with the principles of the allegorizing
mode of interpretation, he added a spiritual exposition of the
same words, as denoting the fall from pure doctrine, a spiritual
" fornication.
"J
By these remarks we might be led to infer that Adam's
iropveia also, refers primarily to that of the body. might We
then understand him as follows: Sergius considered the
nal connection of Adam and Eve as a ropvela, as the eating
of the forbidden fruit; which sin. however, was still a benefit,
since it led to the evolution and the multiplied individualiza-
tion of the germ of divine life in humanity. Or we must
suppose, that he considered the union of the soul with a
formed out of matter, as a -Kopviia in which case, the connec- ;

tion of thought would be as follows The Demiurgv succeeded :

in enticing a heavenly soul down into the corporeal world ;

and from thit sprung all other human souls. This soul was
the mother of all spiritual life in humanity. Now since,
this view, as well as the other, the spiritual life in
Cording to
humanity was evolved to multiplied and manifold individuality,
and lince by this means also the way was prepared for the
UCtion of the kingdom of the Demiurge, thi
irded as a benefit. The phrase irepiKeifxeSa

* It infer from
manifestly perverting the language of
is

did not consider the -roquet to be a

sill, bat sought to jiistifv it. W
from this example, u hat reason
nUOOl in admitting all that is said against the Paul;
f It should be home in mind, that iVtius Siculus after citii
-, iToiytif Xiyuv. thci
)

their end] ng.

 Ml
i
peculiarly well with thi-
1 with tl •

planation
ited at the birth of i

lie sssumptio oul to

.
oonstitoies an essentia]

ejooite doctrine. I

eoonectioD bet i

lly rotated t(» «

upreme <
rod, from whom th«

the 1
kstniurg*
, Tin j mp-
;ui
original revelation implicit!) d in
1
banished Into tfa tin- Den
power of reaction sgainsl the Deni
of the spiritual world enlighten Mines
into this world -so they
explained the words in the
; Inl

duction to John's gospeL" To this, doubt

all manifestations of the truth in I ture. It

depends man's will, wbi

<>n
'

r of sin. and so continually to

depress
life ill his soul, or to follow out I

and so unfold
! of di\ ine
life within him. Bui
by virtue of his nature thui
.

still,
not be utterly disposses*
the 1 'null.
thralled even the SOuk of those who ha\
doned rrwiraeeWos to i . that t:

left without the

from the Ugh) of truth for : I

shall be there ean never b

;

reveal himself, t
We may easily gather, from wh,
•

said. tl.

doctrine of redemption would hold an inn D the

aion Ot the ineoin-

Photius 1. II. p. 1R9.

f PllOtius 1. II. C. .'». Gull ya.0 til) »lrm xarixedrr.fu olii rut £««'»-
ruv rtahluxo'rvv lat/roh; rr.; *i>vxr,; «
'-X^'- "{ ur'cxur «-;;; w^un
o\u; rm akr,6nat a"y\w |
Slot «» du xai \ffri xat ttrai.
360 DOCTRINES 01

prehensible God,* upon the dark]

foiling ouls held
bound iu the
Demiurge, would not suffic
kingdom or the
their imprisoned souli to p mununion with the
Supreme Being, and to peri dom. The good I

J himself in some better way to mankind, in order

to
prepare
them for oommunion with himself, and to re
them from the dominion of the Demiurge. This was done by
mer. Of the views entertained by the Paulic
respecting the person and nature of Christ, no ants I

have, indeed, been preserved; but thus much Is certain, they

taught that he came down as a heavenly being, from the 1m
of the good God, from that higher world which is the source
and fountain of all divine life, the celestial city of God. — —
and that he ascended again, after having completed his work
nth, to his heavenly abode, for the purpose of placing the
faithful inunion with the same.f The doctrine of the l'au-
lieians touching matter, and the material body, would not
allow them to attribute to our Saviour a body of this earthly
material, since this would be inconsistent with his perfect im-
peccability, and since the divine cannot enter into any sort of
fellowship with the kingdom of darkness. Still they did not
fall into absolute Docetism but, like the Valentinians, they
;

to have ascribed to our Saviour a body resembling the

earthly only in appearance, a body of higher stuff, which he

brought with him from heaven, and with which lie pa
through Mary as through a channel, without receiving any
portion of it from her.* And here we must remember, that
the native country of the Paulicians was Armenia. Now, in
the Armenian church, afonophysitiam was the predominant
faith, but the system was understood and received in two ditfer-
It had its moderate and its extreme party. The
former made u>a of the following formulary Christ Bui :

of two natures; and they taught that by virtue of the actual

union of the two natures, it was t<>
suppose in himi

but ' as well as one person— the one nature of the

•

incarnate Logos;— and by so doing, they were enabled to dis-

tisfa without
separating the divine and human predic
* It if deKribed Sf the ibm*H and dxttTeiynrrrot. Phot. II.
f 1 1 lOD : v x-Buecyix Siot»*os, {»
jj
itrqkh* *«< [%n\ii* i

XV(t6f.
X At alrr,f itf 2<« fwXtjuof },i\ri/.u(i»cti. Phot. I. 7.
 do 361

one nature — ami

intimately united
:

in thia in t

proximate nuMi ha( more i

faith. ( m tli-' . the follow

ophysite view, on account of their extreo
particularly their AphtJ
other party with embracing I I 1
to
reeemblance oi eeeencc betwet a the b
end other human bo
secundum carnem live ]»er earnem.^ They would no-
'

ne incarnatua, but t* virj »w, in these ulti

inns of phrase
erning the
attachment.
ot had the Peulicians, in thii view of the m in-
ducemenl or occasion to fall in with the worship
the other hand, they must have felt liein»e|\ fl in- f |
» i
•

ously called upon to oombal it. in proport'u

so hateful to them became attached to this
away their opponents from this object ofidolatro
they appealed to those passages i hich
to intimate
i t

Jesus,§ a kind of argument which, if they considi

intercourse* and the lte^cttin'_r of children irreconcilable with

perfect holiness, must have b< heir

own point of view. 1\ ter tin- s
ful again$ i not to allow her i
and virt in this we may infer, that
•

ted to \arions passages of the gospel i

pur-
pose of setting the religious char
the \> of her faith, in an unfavourable light.
itertaining such not they did of the n
Christ's body, the Pauliciana could
that it was capable ..f beifl l>y any
kind
ing. Christ, by virtue of his divine di

* Bee the tract of

John < I

JoaBIM contra phsj I 111.

t L. c. Ne forte dnsi attune is mm
Christo iinmere videunnr,
ipsummet verbum divimim erst, quod utrsqne turn hamsxs torn divina
ohilmt. X I.

!j
l'air. IS. M»j5t *«» it
$ t \r, «-«» kycttZt dt$»HT*i rimtt urt%tii;
362 DO-

In all
probability, they tau«_ ht tliat the
r I

finding thai the life and labours of Christ threatens

tion to his kingdom, incited I i

crucify him : but

that his pnrpOM was frustrated, b :iri-t. by virtue of
the higher nature of his bod] Hire against all outward
injury. Perhaps. however, like the Maniclm-aiis. tl

ribed a symbolical import to tin; crucifixion of

Christ,
—
holding that Christ, with his divine life, descended
into the kingdom of the Demiurge, and diffused hit

through it. This would appear probable, from the fact that
the Pauliciaas were always ready to venerate I

symbol of Christ, stretching forth his bauds in the form of the

.* But the sufferings of Christ could, according to their
doctrine, have contributed nothing- to the work of redemption ;
nor is it indeed probable that the idea of God's punitive jus-
tice, which required that Christ should sutler, had any
in their system. They were opposed to the worship of the
. the worship of a mere bit of wood, an instrument of
punishment for malefactors,! the sign of a curse. Gal. iii.
—
13. Nothing of this sort could have been said by the Pauli-
cians, in case they received the doctrine of Christ's redemptive
sufferings.
They were for restoring the life and manners of the church
to apostolic simplicity. They maintainedthat by the multi-

plication of external rites and ceremonies in the dominant

church, the true life of religion had declined. They com-
bated the inclination to rely on the magical effects ol
I

forma, particularly the sacraments. Indeed, they went

r on thia side as wholly to reject the outward celebration
of the sacramenta They maintained that it was by no mean
Christ's intention to institute the baptism by water a- a per-
,1 ordinance, but that by baptism he meant only the
irit, for by his
teachings he communicated hiin-
* Kai
r^P* r *S X^Z"-* i^»*kvfft, and the
tturbt ut ffrauoev in
ya.£
Anathemas pnbli -ins. the l'aulieians are described as
to» fcgirrov, of ixruvxti faat, rat 'X.upxt to» « t«m/£«xo»
,

vooZvns «»r< ffTotvfov

tvtov }tix*(*&- Insignia itiixr. ltal p, 141.
f 'J lot) KUXOueyv* 6oya*a*, ill PllotillS (I. '>), IS
it sliouhl mean an
:
Instrument used by bad man.
i_v

Thus, they «h<> threaten otheri \*itli inch tortures, would be

y.ccKovoyoi ; bllt tl

it
elliptically to
mean an instrument for the punishment of evil do
 TB

p, for the tli"'

human d held thai I

the flesh and ilrinki uply

in the coming into vital onion with him thro
his word, which wen- hil true Beth and b
ble bread and sensible wine, but hi
the soul that bread and wini
which he desigi ind blood.
•

the report of I'lint'tu-.* the 1'aulie;

I
the hah:'
which, when th< tod,
tide. Nor can tl oy doubt that they allowed
their
children to be baptized by priests who ^ n as 1 i •

captives; though they affirmed that all thi

bod) but not the sold. If this he so, we n
OS smh
'

it w itli the doctrines of the I

["hey beard
a
gi
>f the won
of the cross, and of baptism in the healing of diseases.
of the uneducated 1'auliciai <-<l with I

- that had no
iurge a power over i I
say
as perha] the case of tb
tints, that these outward works,
performed bj
miuive, possessed a virtue from him i
to the relief of the body though it could ;

lite, which lav

beyond ! :

does not i

rumour, yet we must doubtless understand what he sayi

true only of individual-, and line
hour of distress were involuntarily
ancient faith : at ai hie to rji

language any eonn< the

Paulicians generally.
They undoubtedly considered the confoun ther of
Christian, Jewish, and political elemei f the

* Phot. L 9.
T Ihul.. 1 i'tr. Sic. IS, "On oil* n* aL*rt( *«' •<»«?, •» •
»t>j/«f
ii/dsv Tug
f*x0tirec.7; ctiiTov W) roZ hiviov, tckket
nfifUXinSf <rd fr.petrct air»7; idihv,
if ecprov xeti oitn.

X I. c. 9. p. 29. $ In like manner Gist

364 SIM!

corn; f the dominant

Church; they were d<
bringing back the simplicity of tl lie church; hi
d themsel' Catholic church, Christians, ypesr-
ro7ro\7r«i,* as contradistinguished from the pro! P the

iligion (fivuaiavc), Th t<> folio*

of apostolic Simplicity in ;ill their ordinances, and care-
;i

fully avoided everything that approached to a resemblao

in rites. Hence they never called their p]
tuples (yam orfepa), which sug-gestcd the in
wish or pagan temples but gave them the more Ul
;

tending name of oratories (irpoatvyai.}^ from which, too, we

may gather, that with them prayer constituted the most
ial part of divine
worship. Among other comiptioi
the Christian element, they certainly counted also the Christian
priesthood, founded on the pattern of that of the Old 'I
ment. They recognised it as belonging to the peculiar essence
of Christianity, that it aimed to establi^i a higher fellowship
of life among men of all ranks and classes, tolerating no such
distinctions as the existing ones between clergy or priests and

laity. They had among them, it is true, persons who ad-

ministered ecclesiastical offices, but these like the rest were to
be looked upon as members of the communities. They v
distinguished from others neither by dress, nor by any other
Outward mark.} The names, also, of their church of:
were so chosen as to denote the peculiarity of their vocation,
which was to administer the office of Spiritual teaching, to the
-ion of all sacerdotal prerogatives. Hence the;
the name Upecc and also rpea ince even this latter
rewish for them, suggesting to their minds the presb]
of the .Jewish sanhedrim assembled for the condemnation of
t.>j At the head of the sect stood the general teac
and reformers, awakened by the Spirit of God, such
tine and Sergiua, These were distinguished by the title
* Tii- name xjimToX?™ in the Anathemas of the Enchites inTollius,
p. ISS. t Pliot. I

X Phot. I. J). 31t O^ti ff^tutrt, *ur\ lialrr,, »Sn rin a.\\y reirv (1**9

et[A*ori»o* iviTtXeZyri ro i*dft£»9 aitreu* irjof

TO vXtifiot \<T*h\l*9V9Tau.
;iot. I. D. 81* Aioti to Kara. Xairrov truiiloto* el ItpiTf xtt* TftrfiCrtpo*
t*Z kaoZ av9WTrt9a.9r*. Petroa siouliis lo) smong the peculia-
i

of the PauliciatlS, T# rovt iTfiivCuriftui rri( i**X»ir/«f d.<r*r^iw%rtm.t,

ert el TzurZvTteti Kara. r*u xvp'ttv fvn^frio'et* **< 0**a r»vr* *v xt*
avrehf e*eud^f^ai.
 - N
of apostles or propbi ta four of them.* .

followed the class called hidmcaX

i

») ; then the itinerant messengers of the faith, v\

•

• <

'///o«,

mpanioiii of those divinely illuminated beads over

<i <

trained under their influence, and regarded

: the coinnuiiiicatii.il of the
spirit which ,

from them next, the : )

their butineai to multiply and dimerni

rds which embodied tin

for they consii i ateat m<

all under the
enlightening influence! of the dh in* S

lia\c it in their pi draw directly |

recordi of the doeti hritl ; and it i

these notaries devolved i und-

ine Scripture* 'her individual, after the death of
ius, attained t«. iuch eminence of autlx
confidence of all as a propb de the wi.

munity, so it was his immediate dSsciph

elate itinerant-), w ho. in the \n»»i
authority, now took 1 1 »
<

tendence of the sect To thi

pounders of the written word «
But at a later period, when I ktiOO of ti,

disciples an r> of tie- Spirit «

ami 1>< •

the DOtarief, who had mo>t carefully StudJ

of the religion, in search of a rule for the
spirit-, ami who w
,

acquired the h
the Scriptures, use who only ipoke by immediate in-
spiration. The knowledge obtained b; the reli-

gious stood in higher than immi pira-

'

tiOD without such know

we find a class call.
not be so exactly determined. The word reinii. rr«-

*
Photius, p. 116.
t GJSSeltr aptly compares them with the y»*uLfutri7( of the K
oent
X Phot. 1. c 25, p. 134.
T
6 In the Anathemas in Tollius, p. 144, u» (tvn*hr,(jLoty) «J <ri»Z*£(4.4»-
Ttgoi Sura^ioi xa.ro*e/*ettyf*t>oi «r»j» fin /S3iA.i/«r*» 'Oiylmi inx*f*X trr*
366

mi-, in Cor. iv. 1, from which probably it v.

1 1, to
denote he life of missionari
t
ling
from one pla<
another and exposed to manifold | may
er, that tii ta •

employ
of th .loi. Thi •

perfectly with the account

i of them bj Photius,* who mi they were tin- ded por-
of the (I -t One of them led the
Cyin *to mentioned eon>pir; the i
;

ror*s commissioners j but in m> doing be certain}]

from the principles of his ma
In respect to the morality of the Paulicians. we find that
their opponents —
among whom may be reckoned Joha
OzniensisJ
—
accuse them of allowing themselves in unnatural
huts and incestuous connections. It is obvious to remark,
however, that little reliance can be placed on such accusations
coming from the mouths of excited adversaries. Such bad
reports concerning the religious meet in us of sects accounted
heretical are to be met with in every age of the church. Nor
here wanting in the present case the no less common
;

charge of infanticide, and of magical rites performed with the

blood of children. We have already observed how a single
phrase, found in a letter of Sergius, was so misconceived or
intentionally perverted, as to make it appear that he coqsi<
fornication (-jropvda) to be a trifling sin. In like manner the
contempt of the Paulicians for the laws of the Old Testament
ting hindrances to marriage, grounded on certain de-
of relationship, may have been the sole ronton of their
accused of denying that any degree of consanguinity
a

obstacle to mania--'.
ituted a valid We must ertainly
admit, however, that the Pauli< liable to
d by their contempt of the Demiurge's law
ie delicate scruples of a pare moral sentiment on this

subject. 5j should consider again that the oppoo

them the Paulicians distinguish Baa nee, prin-
toriously loose, and Ids followers, froo
ulicians; that Sergius took decided ground.
nst the pernicious influence of Bnanesj thai

opponents themselves of the Paulicians the

acknowledged

*
V. 128. f T«» rtu 2t»y!au uu6nrZ\> el /.oyicis.
.. c. p. 85. § A
 ,1
spirit
i usual manner,
thrv icpi wonted the whole thing n by]
t J H U >
_1 1 1 I

I lie Ainu man I'auiicians, as iutii;

in the
passage we I
prin-
cijil.
n ith flic inline •:.

this cannot
sect.

only required, l>ut

;• ;iinl strict moral:
Which tlo wed direct Iv limn tin
- of (
epressed rod, d<
of life, held imprisoned by tin pa
proceed ro unibid itself without let or hindrance. Ii imi
to be found, it cannot be
rture from tin
spirit ;iikI
tendency or the sect. Indeed, the mor<
ll from a principle like that

rigidly h oralftr, m
and later sects oi'a kind
'

t(» be found, at least in

of ti.

perhaps led, by that spirit

I ol
which haM Wen infused into theii
the \< \\ Testament Stripton
ommon among older
certain that they protested ajfain-t the mull
ami ordinances of the dominant .reek church. ( While in
latter the
apostolic
strangled, ^r.. u< re held to be -till ob
on the eontrai
which they probabl I

they wen defiling

t

things forbidden. They I

nor did they hoit.r ,• and mil

m of bating rred by ti,

*
Among the anathemas directed against the Paulicians, is the fol-
lowing (Tollius, pag. 146) diclhft* rut ** £»*ru <r*» Su#*> ™» :
$*r>r,fut',**
ftiXuvoftim; xa.) to7{ vra.att* fth \»Tft Wtfti uxk* tr.arua.^ xara, li
<rov rr,; loxavar,; a. Z xai yxkttxr
xxt^lt <ri

m&Htt.
368 :A(iiv.

It wu objected to tin Paulicians that

particularly I

carried to utmost extreme the principle of justifying

tin* f

hood when employed for righteoo Photius affirms that

they denied their faith without the slightest scruple, and ap-
proved of Mich denial though a thousand tin
ready equivocatioi d to l>y
Gegneasius, for the
purpose of evading the confession ol itan*
tinople,t may serve as an illustration of the laxity of tlieir
principles with regard to the duty of veracity. Indeed, we
find nothing more common among theosopbicaJ sects than the

practice of justifying falsehood when resorted to for the promo-

lion of pious ends. But among- such sects this princi]
ever found connected with the assumption that only a certain
class of superior natures are capable of attaining to the know-

ledge of pure truth. While Christianity, by founding a higher

fellowship of life, on the basis of a common religious consci-
ousness, as opposed to the distinction of the exoteric and
esoteric in religion which prevailed before its appearance, had
established a new principle of truthfulness, and deprived par-
tial falsehood of the prop on which it had hitherto leaned for

support, free room was still found for the old indulgence of
prevarication, wherever that fundamental principle of Christian
fellowship was lost sight of, and the separating walls in

religion, thrown down by Christianity, had been rc- cro

It cannot be said, however, of the Paulicians, that thci/ denied
Christianity its rights in tins particular. In all men alike
they recognised the repressed conaoiousneai of Qod, the im-
prisoned germ of a divine life, the point of the :

of the same divine truth which was meant lor the

all.
stance This they showed by tlieir active zeal in
"f"

the doctrines of their sect. If, then, they gave

propagating
latitude to the principle that deception might be res
•

the purpose of promoting God's glory, and advancing

>r

the truth, still they most assuredly acknowledged ti

ing
the truth, .since on no other ground than as [4
dutj
served to advance the truth, oould they defend their lax prin-
ciple of accommodation.
we have noticed already the high value sei by Pau
(»n the written of the truth. Among these, hov
* abm
I. 8, p. f See
 di<l not i

Judaism from the I><-nn

old Testamenl they, like I

words of oar S.iviour in John

ichers who weft Mat, d
like essence to the consciousness and fri

their higher n the know

hut rather to lead them
•

1 h.tt

connection wfa

ment, seems, hardly recoocilable wit

rding to Photiu rphuned tin- irordi in John L 11.
him, by the t< oec lii* <>«" h (

the \uyowr rpo^irracwc (prophet If theee wo I.

really so interpreted by them, ire

lions by supposing thai
:

phets ai men who. in their own intention. V

advancing the kingdom of the Demiurge, bul
sciously, and
in
spite
of then
tiie
purpose! of the supi itistrnni' I

the way for Aim, who was to deliver mankind ft

"s
kingdom. I

tin- Paulicians (perhaps is), in the pi

misunderstood them, we might I"

here. There is,

;

understanding these wor which, to say the !

i> far more

congruous with the Pauli
dso with their mode of interpreting John I

ding, as they did. th-

urge, all D from the pi

I,
but recognising the souls of mm as allied
destined for. and o •

the
divi
to understand by <7<oe men i:hiu
them a simnh
in it i-.
according to what * narked
on a former page, that tli. ]

thority of the apostle Paul ami !iis epistles must ; I

* See Phot. I.
p. 24. IYtr. Sic. p. 18.
VOL. v.
 Ill OF ST. PAUL.

by them M
the main sources of the knowledge of
rom a marginal gloss in
. I

hi. p. 18, ire tinil. at least in to the later Pauli-

. that they, like Marciun. al«> an epistl
Paul tO tii*- whether this was tip
1 .

Paul to the Ephoians. under another name or an

apocryphal epistle. They also regarded with peculiar
pence the very words of Christ recorded by th<
Hence, they did not scruple to imitate the Catholic (

in testifying their respect for the book of the gospels, h

ceremony of prostration, TrpoaKvvqrric they fell down bi ;

it, and kissed it but to show thai this act of veneration had
;

no reference to the sign of the cross, usually marked on the

books of the gospels, but that it was paid only to the book
itself, they said, in BO far as it contains the words of our Lord.*

According to Photius and to Peter the Sicilian. f it would

seem that they received all the four gospels alike, at
of the knowledge of the words of Christ; but a mar.
remark to Peter the Sicilian affirms of the later Paulicia
that they used only two gospels. This latter account is ?
preferred as more accurately defining the fact nor is it :

how the other less exact account may have

difficult to explain
arisen. The Paulicians, when the words of Christ were qu
to them from any one of the gospels, were accustomed to

acknowledge the authority of these declarations indeed, they ;

found to cite such declarations themselves in their dis-

with otli 08 it was inferred that they attributed
lint it was
equal authority to all the four gospels, quite
with this practice, that they should recognize only two
I

of the gospel* as absolutely trustworthy anil uncorrupted foun-

ious knowledge, although they borrowed or
lid from the other
gospels^ whatever seemed
to tin r the
impress of primitive Christianity. These
re first, that of Luke in iheca —M
* 4>a.ff) l\ rl xe»fKV*i~i u; rtuf hrrarinovt
fafskitt *ritii%i* Xiyav;.
Phot Lf tin- same, p. 18.
.
ym.(> Wf p.ii9t( r»7( $«/«
£{«Jw«4 tva.yy.Xi6i;.
ing round t

ios, that he had falsifie

ithema 11,

Tolliui, i'. in.

 fjl 371

and for tl the refer. m],*

>hn, m ii

•1 WOtjU

diHtinctiv. with regard their

if the other two gospels must be applied also, if i

out tin- ll

r
writings of I

niiK' apostle, b d him as one of flu- th

\\ ho corrupted tin-

alleges'! as the reason, I rial of his oaaal

v believe that Photios did not draw here simply upon Ma
own imagination, hut that til I, in
their disputes, to Peter's denial of Ch
:
of his i

lodged that tl

M hell it w
which they certainl; ished from

•n, on account of which

tie; thej
which induced
tolic authority I him as
who
confound Christianil
enl from the incident mentioned in Galat. ii.

But to n moms to t
;

;nan
Babl I,
in their

disputes, to his momentary denial of our i

-aid
they, my confidence in a man whom we find

iwardlyand minded as I'

fickle- dim-
self to he. when he preached Judaism instead ofChristianit;
* In the
marginal remark : red to, mmi u.ik\™ (£j*»t<w) <r£
\-'jKxy. \ I .

J Here we differ from Gieseler, wh that Photic

Ted to the denial of Christ's
penoa, what the Paulicians affirmed
King the denial of the gospel truth I Antioch.
farther history of the Paulieiai> till the next
following period.
2 B 2
 Tli:

r, wu l)ut one form of the manifestation

of a more deeply-seated antagonism ;* that ii I

in it the reaction ami counteraction —

though modified, in
this cast', by the fusion with Gnosticism, and veiled under the
rion and counteraction of the Christian
consciousness, in its efforts to acquire ainst that
of Jewish and Christian elements which appeared in
ision
the later church and we have here revealed to
; the inci- m
pient stages of a remarkable reaction which, as it began to
spread more widely in the succeeding centuries, unfolded i

in a continually widening circle, and in an ever-incre

multiplicity of details, in opposition to the perfected system of

the ecclesiastical hierarchy.

*
Although the Paulicians, among the oriental sects opposed to the
hierarchy, were the ones who made the greatest sensation, yet we are
not to suppose they were the only sect of this kind in this period.
There were, doubtless, other sects also deriving their origin from the
Manichaeans and Gnostics, whose offshoots will become better known to
—
us in the following periods sects which have not been sufficiently dis-
tinguished from the Paulicians in this period. Thus, among the
Byzantine historians, we find associated with the Paulicians a certain
'
sect of Af'tyyxvoi— probably a sect who were accused of following certain
Gnostic or Manichaoan principles because they held that the touch of
many things was defiling: fiM Slyris, Colos. ii. 21.
 iol KT1I IERIOD.
i
01 TH]

i IMI T\ I :<

( 111 K( il.

already remarked, in the i

ceding period, waa the intention of

it tin

that thf circle of churches and of mi

about to !>< founded in North® I

beyond theae limits into the coui

viau and Slavonian tril»e> and, ; in order to |

\
ed to fi\ a
metropoli
i

Albingia. For this reaaon he irpo-

b church planted on the !

!i, and placed under t]

with any of the neighbouring biahopi
in his own hands the power of establisl

purposes above mentioned, an independent bishopric

the war in which he \\a- tl and
afterwards his death, prevented iplishment I <

plana by himself; and they were first i

under peculiarly favourable circumri and

BUCCeSSOr, Lewis the Pious. In >emuai k c« -rtain I I

ii, touching th. :. on

this occasion, his interfere! elicited
'

the
bj
princes, Uarald Crag, who ruled in Jutland. In
this application he tent, in L an a; M , )
, I Vnmark ;

*
Himberft Life of Anschar, c, 12. amenta Germanise
historica, T. II. p. 698.
 .

ami. with the negotiation* which em introduce

proposition for the establishment, oral least to prepare th<
for the establishment, of a mission among the Danes. The
primate of France, Ebbo, archbishop of Rheims, a man
ated at the imperial court, and for a time the empe
irite mini jted by him for the management
of this business. Elmo, who at the court of his bad ,

often seen ambassadors from the pagan Danes, bad fi

time before felt desirous of consecrating himself to the \

of converting that people.* Practised in the affairs of the
world, and ardently devoted to the spread of Christianity,
ell as confident triumphant progress, he was
of its |

of ambassador with that of a

liarly qualified to unite the office
teacher among the heathen. Hatligar, bishop of Can.
author of the Liber poenitentialis.j- was for a while associated
with him: and the emperor made him the grant of a place
called Welanao or Welna, probably the present Minister
near Itzehoe,J as a secure retreat, as well as a means of sup-
port during his labours in the north. He succeeded in gaining
over king Ilarald himself, and those immediately about his
person, to Christianity though political reasons may, no do
;

have contributed somewhat to tins success. In the year

the king, with his wife and a numerous train of folio?
made a visit to the emperor at Jngelheim, where the ri

baptism was with great solemnity administered to him, a;,

ral others. The emperor himself stood godfather to
king, and the empress Judith godmother to the queen. All
who submitted to baptism were magnificently entertained,
loaded with])!' This would natural! an allure-
many who were not to be influenced by purely reli-
irald was now about to return to
his country, though far from being as yet firmly establh
in the Christian faith as he was likely to be assailed in the
;

mid>t of heathenism by so many temptations and ;

the time of archbishop Kbbo was too much occupied with

.

the Spiritual and secular concerns of his station, to enable him

uorum, <ni<w in palatio nepiui rid

Vol. HI. p. 291.
 ion on ti-
lt v..

book

Thia dut) w
in tl, LJthfulnen
I
himself
moment the monk

with hi I * i i « i

from childhood to

w hich had attained a high

ie, i

inciiiof the al bard, and w In

one of the Learned men of

flourishing school.

until called to indepeudi

.

lued after bo many obstii

bad oined to R

deal establishments, m<

and for the Christian <

which these establishments had been foum

many obstacles in b i

from tinned his

first
place, simply to pi
ment of thia o distributing tl.

of war he had taki

Frankish mom
a< monks, they might return and labour for the I

of monachism into Hair own

the mon d him t"
numbeT of the yon: that institution.
The abbot Adalliard. who well under
kinsman the emp<
Saxons, named Theodrad, of B tr. md on hi
estate abounding- in and well-adapted for the
springs of water,
foundation of a mi ion youth he v
to his
country for t lie
purposeof procuring from his fri
 ibedj in order thai monastery might
be founded there in which business he would be very
;
likely
to succeed. But Adalhard was soon afterwards prevented, by
4
the I
political business committed to his care, then
by the disgrace into which he fell with the emperor Lewis the
s, involving the loss
of his abbacy, from prosecuting this
plan. Bui another Adalhard, who succeeded him as abbot
pbie, followed up the enterprise, and at the di»*t of lader-
born, in the year 815, obtained permission from the emj
to found a monastery in the spot above d< .Monks
sent there from the monastery of Corbie, and by them
inonastieism was first introduced into that region. The mo-
nastery soon acquired great fame among the people many ;

young men of noble parentage applied for admission into it,

and many boys were placed there to be educated. But the
country in which it was placed was too unfruitful to secure for
it a sufficient
support; the monks were obliged to struj
with the want, and indeed would have been wholly
unable to sustain themselves, had they not been provided with
food and clothing by the parent monastery of Corbie. After
having thus maintained their post with difficulty for more than
six years, they were delivered from a situation of the most ex-
treme distress by the abbot Adalhard, who, recalled from his
exile, and restored to his former situation, had acquired still

greater influence than ever, lie not only procured for them

momentary relief, by sending them waggons loaded with pro-

visions, but also secured to them a more lasting beni I

to bestow on him, as a gift for this

liading the emperor
in his own do-
purpose, a more productive region of country
mains, not far from Hoxter, on the \Ve>er j and to this place
the monastery was removed 822, where, from its parent
in

it received the nai \cy.+ An>ehar Mas one of the

:

monks transferred from Corbie to this spot He had the di-

ion of the Conventual school, and at the same time preached
to the people, which doubt! ed to prepare him for his
later labours anion- the heathen.*

* tration of the
'I
empire <>f
Italy during the minority i

prince Pipin.
int
by SB
ancient author in Mabillon, acta sanctorum.
 ly
childhood Anschi
:
«s of an
tion towmrdi the godlike, which kept him from wasting his
u frivolous pursuits. Voices of admonition and
warning bad ied to come, to him in visions and
dreams. Tin God, the blessedness of the lii
had been presented to him in b inspiring images. I

nple, he thought himself lifted up to tl

of light, whence all holy bei their su]
the following account of what the I
.

ranks of the heavenly boat, standing round In exultal

joy from this fountain. The light WSJ iinun-.ei.
I could Mac.' neither
beginning nor end to it. A
dd Bee far and near. ;

embraced within that immeasurable light I saw n<

itward shining, lieved thai

St. Peter
says that even the to behold Him.
i Be
himself was, in a certain tense, in. ill. and all around him I

in I lint. lie encompassed them from without, and suppl]

their every want, inspired ai m within.
\ direction alik wis neitlx I

moon to
give light
th-

earth; hut the brightness of the tram 'iier VII Midi,

that instead of :

being tie- least oppressive,

satisfying the souls of all with inexpressible Miss. A.nd
the midst of that immeasurable liLr lit a I

me, sayin and return to me again crowned *

"
tyrdom.* In the vision which beamed forth from
of his own consciousness in this lymbo resents tion,
lisdosed the inmost longings of his soul. W i

that the accounts he had heard of the labou

among the rerman tribes hail awakened in him an in-

(

desire of tthen, with a

preaching the gospel atnoi
willingness even to sacrifice his lift in \

Two years at he had auntie

ged in
prayer. He thought
I
him,
Calling upon him U) that he mighl
absolution. He said,
M Th0U knoWCSt all I

thought is hidden from thee." But the Lord replied, " I

true that I know all thin, iv will th.it men should

confess to me their sins, that they
may he forgiven." So after
lie had confessed his sins Christ pronounced them
forgiven
—
 Efl OF His LABOUB6.

illed him with in< At an<

time, when a»urcd aft- 00 manner that his

•veil, he inquired, " Lord, what wouldst thou have m
tin* word of rod <
ti

of lii- own Christian experience, and

of the divine Spirit which guided it. Anachar
was already and waiting lor this great callings when
fitted,
summoned undertake it.
to 'J'he abbot Wala of (

g consulted by the emperor Lewis, knew of no other

horn lie eould eonfidently reeominend as qualified for the
Danish mission. And when the emperor asked Ansehar him-
self whether he was willing-, for lorv, to a

king Ilarahl to Denmark, he replied at onee that he was both

willing and anxious to go. His abbot Wala then declared that
he would by no means compel him, by his mtrnftfitif vow of
obedience, to undertake so formidable a work but if he c ;

this vocation of his own free will, the abbot said he i

it, and cheerfully gave him permission in it.

Though I

many tried to intimidate and dishearten him. by dwelling on

the hardships and dangers he must necessarily eneounter. he
adhered steadfastly to his purpose, and, retiring to a neighbour-
ing vineyard, prepared himself in solitude, by prayer and study
of the Scriptures, for the great undertaking. Only one monk.
Aubert, a man of noble descent, volunteered to accompany him ;

but they found it would be necessary to wait upon tl

for not a single domestic of the monastery was disposed volun-
:d the abbot refused, in (his
tarily to Ol i

to interpose his authority.

The emperor called the two missionaries before him. lie
them church i ind whatever else they ne
for their journey, ami dismissed them with exhortatio:
zeal and p At first they met with
ce in their calling.
able reception from king HareJd and his attend*
:the latter being still too deeply -unk in pagan barb.;
to the office ol' a mi»ionaiv. Bui on
their arrival whence they were to pass bi
.

Ivliii; ind, and then to Denmark by the way of 1

tatum (\\ it that time a famous COmmei

* \ ,
 ill, and of the

commercial inl P*g*" and Christiau tribes,

bishop Hadelbod ppeaci
their dd to join company w iih

them, thus affording them an opportunity of win

fiden* _ird, a task in which tin
har eminently qualified him to suit.
The first tw
speed in
mark, nrh<

nits, how indefinite

to much confide—e. Hi^ mori important
narked the w isdom of hi pmrhaar b
to the nation, whom, with OtJ uted to liini
by the I

he took under hie own can-. t<> i

for their countrymen; The work onmmnarad rro

weeool for twelve !><>>>
institution planted by Aneehar, which, for the sal
lie established on the boundaries at Hadi

unsettled condition of the «

more. iul;
1 'hri
1
( id
forming DOi
with the Franks, riarald liad inpopular witli
his nation. In tin

and (lii\cu to seek . which h<

,w the emp< ror. N

long* for Anschar in Denmark, Besides, h<

ratni ii t<

cirel
a ii< .Id was <
him. whs fully

bristianity bad ia Bwmmn* <

men had contributed to

ilv thi^ event '

ineiciiant.s had
conveyed the kn
ii. and merchants from S
quainted with
Dorstede had, narrj ef them, no doubt I

embraced the faith. Others, indi, nat they had 1

about ( bristianity, betook them* e for the pur-

pose of obtaining a better know

i\
ing baptism.* In the i i

* B from Anschar's
ige life, s 27, cited in full on a future
I
380

<

Christian lands, they had brought away with

to distant
tin innumber* of Christian captives; by which means the
knowledge of Christianity had already found its way b
and attracted, more or less, the attention of the people. 1 1

it came about that certain I on Sweden sent to the

on other btumess, infonned him that tl
many among their people doirous of obtaining- a better know-
of Christianity, and of becoming incorporated with the
;ian church and the emperor was invited to tend them
;

priest-. Accordingly, the emperor replied to Anschar, pro-

posing that lie should undertake the mission to Sweden, with
a new to ascertain whether any opening presented itself for
the preaching of the gospel in that country. Anschar declared
at once that lie was ready to engage in any enterprise which
rve to glorify the name of Christ.
The Danish mission having been confided to the care of the
monk (Jislema, Anschar, accompanied by monk AVitmar of
mbarked on board a trading vessel for Sweden, in the
year 829, taking with him various presents from the emperor
to the king of Sweden, the object of which was to procure a
readier acceptance for the proposals of the missionary*. At-
tacked, however, on the voyage by pirates, they were glad to
pe with their lives, after having lost nearly everything
they carried with them. Many of the crew were now for
abandoning the voyage but Anschar would not allow himself
;

to be discouraged, lie declared it to be his settled resolution

not to return till he had ascertained whether (iod was pre-
paring the way for the preaching of the gospel in Sweden.
They landed at Birka (Biorka), on the lake of M&larn, a port
near the ancient capital Sigtuna. Anschar obtained permission
of the monarch to preach the gospel, and to baptize all such
willing to embrace Christianity. They found also
many Christian captives who rejoiced in being allowed once
more to partake of the communion. Among the first who
r to Christianity VU Hcrigar (llergeir). a man of

rank, and the governor of a department He became a zealous

promoter of Christianity, and erected a church on his own
freehold (

iding in the country a year and

Having a half,
thus,
prepared the way forth pel, and accurately
informed himself with regard t<» its future prospects, In
 II kMDURGH I HI! THE N 381

turned. In Lnkfcfa
kingdom The favour.

prospects fur the extension of Christianity in the North, dis-

closed by Anschsr*i report, induced the e peror Lewi m
carry out the plan already projected by bis father Charle-
Ele founded al Hamburgh metropolis, which
irth,
and got An-cli rated archbishop of North \

The dioc< poor one, and o i

i
ed to the
inroads of the pajran tribes of the North, he I on him
the mon boroult) in I
1

both ai i place of n Inge and

.
m i •
mrce
of revenu ly
the ex]
more stable foundation, he inunedi
this
arrangement on I

despatched Anschar to Rome, on a visit to V. ]

i

The latter confirmed all that had been done; on I

iiar the
pall,
<>r
distinguishing badge of the archie-
piscopal dignity,
and conferred on una, in connection with
archbishop Gbbo, the c to the 1

nations of the North. But M

An-ehar «rai unable, aloiX
supply the wants of both the missions, thl
'

that in Sweden, and as Bbbo, though he never ceasod to tak>-

a lively interest in the spread of Christianity in I

-till
prevented by the multiplicity of his
,

menus from lending an active personal co-operation in the s

the latter appointed and consecrated to the episcopal
his representative, his nep
•
i to him
-•ally entrusted the ink-ion in Sweden. At hi- ordina-
tion he received th< n, The monastery founded
v
by the archbishop at
for the nine purpose as Thot been gi
An-ehar,
4s to Denmark, the mis-ion at f kins:
Ilarald, had been shnt ont. it is line from all inline.
to this
country, where king Iloriek. a violent
-
enemy of
Christianity, reigned lUpren -liar, how
wearied in on a small scale, hoping by
making efforts i

lighter neginnings to prepare important I

operations in the future. 11-'

purchased captives of the
Danish, Norman, and Slavonian races, particularly 1-
and such as lie found suitable for his purpOf irher
retained near his own be trained as monks and .
Hfl VIi

vmen. the future fa

of Thoroult. In
ieii. mi the other hand, tl <
i'
tilings
his. that Christianity here had a'

bed people them-el\ S, who

followers UQODg the <

N. from outward motives of im

.!

hut from the impulse of their in

.

Itert met iu Sweden with a favourable reception, and

continued to labour there for many years with good lUOt
but in thi > he was attacked in his own house, robbed
of all he had. and driven away by an insurrectionary mo
the maddened heathen populace. About the same time that
Swedish mission was thus interrupted. Anschar's work in
the North was also threatened with destruction. In 845, the
x

city of Hamburgh was attached and pillaged by the

who laid waste the whole country with fire and sword, making
the churches and the clergy the special objects of their fury,
and Anschar lost his all. It was with extreme difficulty that
lie
managed to save himself and his relics. magnii A
church, which he had procured to be erected, with the
monastery attached to it. as well as the library presented to
him by the emperor, fell a prey to the flames. When An>char
beheld the fruits of his frugality and toil for so many
annihilated as in a moment, he repeated once and again the
words of Job, "The Lord gave, the Lord has taken away, —
he has done what seemed him u-ood.— blessed be the nan
the Lord." Followed by his companions and scholar
Was compelled to wander about in uncertainty, till at length
00 the estate! of a noble lady, by the name of
e

Icia or Ida. IJamc-hoe in the department of Holstein.

at
this spot, he now travelled over his
n
pillaged and
labouring to promote the religious instruc-
.
•

tion, to confirm the faith, and to console the minds, q

unfortunate inhabitants. .Meantime, he had lost
powerful protector, the emperor Lewis, who died in 840. In
the division of the territory after his death, he
;'

of the monastery Thoroult, which had hitl

Supported him in \\. [any of his companion-
i.im for want of the means of susl Lined
i>ie. I'.ut Anschar mad'

of hiv situation, and endeavoured faithfully to fulfil the <i ;

 p. 383

Che niiiKt of 10 many embar um-

Thw he laboured mam from hi* pi

peri
(»i* i. i
diocese. In (he
mean* f i i 1 1
. be 1»» held th<- m rich had r>

commenced in Sweden, without a

iration. The archbishop Bbboof Rhetma, from whom

thai mission originally proceeded, havii d in
tin-
political quarrels
of the Frankish empii
true, wholly withdrawn from missionary
lamities, in which he had involved h

participating in the ineurrec

the Pious, he became bishop of HUoesheim, in behalf

of the holy enterpri kindled, tmd he exhorted

not to l>r disheartened by these accumnlathi
In their last interview on this >ai<l he to tin- Ian
subject,
red, that what we have laboured
the bring forth fruit in
glory of Christ,
will thi
i-
my ami settled 1x1
tirm

although what we have undertaken to do an

tin* a time with ol
-
ad hindrai
our sin-, yet it will not ;

. till

the name of the Lord extend- to tin Ix.nndan

th !"

his a with th.'

,
rilied. Leuderich, btsfa

vising measun
sly for
the good "1' the churd all
his lie time
difficulties, probably left this bishopr
without an incumbent, with the intention '
the
archbishopric of Hamburgh, and thus
this latter, which v

barbarians- an an.
into complete effect only by the n
and objections, on the part of the spiritual B

* This scholar Kim -. cum

qui
tCTttnt, proat potei I licet in pubertate degens, injunctum
sibi officiuni Dequaquam Luit Yit.
384 i with ii

arising from the necessity of introducing various cl

the rclan
listing dioceses to each other, the —
bishopric of Bremen bavin subordinate to
another archbishopric, then belonging to the kingdom of
Lotbaringia, the archbishopric of For tl
I

and because twilling to create any strife in the

I

church, and wished to avoid all ap|

iar declined, for a
long tim pi of the
which was thus proffered to him.* By various negotiations,
ding from the year S47 to the year 849, all the difficulties
which impeded this new arrangement were finally removed ;

moreover, the change was sanctioned by the papal confirmation.

Thus Anschar came into possession of a larger and securer
income, without which he would have found it impossible to
maintain the missionary establishments in the North, with any
prospects of success. From henceforth the town of Bremen,
on account of its safer position, became the ordinary seat of
the archbishop.
Under these more favourable circumstances, Anschar turned
his attention once more to the missions in Denmark and
[en, By presents, he succeeded in softening the temper
of Horick (Erich) king of Jutland, hitherto a violent enemy
of Christianity. He undertook the management of certain
political negotiations with that monarch, in conducting which
lie won such a degree, that the lung admitted
his confidence to
him to private councils, and refused to treat with any
his
other agent inhisanairs with the German empire. lie availed
himself of this personal attachment of the kinir. to obtain his
nt for the admission
of Christianity into his kingdom.
evidence, it is true, that the king himself emli;
:io .

the Christian faith, but he held it in great and

Anschar was permitted to lay the foundation of a Christian
church, and to establish the Christian WOTShipofGod win
>

he chose, as well as to instruct and baptize all who desired it.

ted, as the nio-t eligible spot for founding a chi
the town . situated on the borders of the two
dome, a place which had much intercourse by trade with
* \ Ports monuments, T. II. p. minus
hoc silii periculosom esse aliqno modo formidsni 1 1

qmbnslibet nssvo copiditstii reprehenderetor, eaate pnsvidsnSi nan boils

huic disposition! sssenti
 385

od Hamburgh.* Over the

church here established be appointed a pries! tied
Christians, who had been baptized at
Hamburgh or Dorst
ventured to make profession of their religion, ami
*
jk»\v j
> 1 1 1 > I i «

Iced in the opportune more uniting in the ( Christian

worship of God. A- {nun this time the Christian merchants
Of I I line to the place with and
the Intercourse the two mart- grew mora lively, the

favourably for the prosperity of the town, and

Christianity recommended itself by
it- beneficial influeno

the condition of the burgesses. Man baptism, hut

.

many' also joined in the public worship on]

for the same reason that had induced mnltitui
more ancient times to put off their baptism,! under the im-
pression that, by delaying that rite until the last moment, the}
should, by then recexTinj without blemish to immortal
life.
Many who, under the visitations ofi tight
help in vain from the gods, on whom they had lavished |

ings, submitted to baptism, and

girded as an effect of the borj
tilure happened pn
at the Mime point of time which had unforti,
t<» Anschar and durio ;

expulsion of Gauzbert eden, lie was unable to

thing towards the iv-e-tablMmieiit of the mi — ion.

th, in the
able person t<>
engage in this enterprise. He
:

priest ami eremite, «ful

for lent,
more active labours in promoting the kingdom
calculated in this illy. 00
the well-known zeal of
i
;

his ancient friend

Herigar, to whom, above all others, if
his earnest advice that ch him-elf.
deceived in his
iie .

of circumstances Herigar hail not only continu< ist in

the faith himself,

having never 1" by any pressun
distr j
help from the ly proclaiii
his faith
among circumstances, in
the In ad many
themselves unimportant, had contributed to give his testimonies
. the place on th.

f See Vol. I.
p. 321.
Vol. V. 2 C
386 oms.

and exhortations additional weight w it li the ]

For it

happened here, as it often b s, the

ie influential, from the connection

iio had I rt in the

by which
- <
tumultuary p
>n o£ a chieftain, and he had
a
Urge portion of the booty which fell to Ins ah
father 8 h w happened thai thia family were afterv
visited wh they lost the greater j>art of
and the son, with many other members of the family,
.

died. Thefather, judging after the usual manner of a heal

luded that lie bad incurred the displeasure of some i

and thus brought upon himself these misfortunes. Follo\

the common practice in such cases, he went to a |

the purpose of consulting him respecting the God whom he

had provoked to briiiL; these evils upon him, and whose favour
he must, seek to propitiate, in order to be delivered from them.
Tin- mriest assured him, that inasmuch as he had bee
faithful a worshipper of all the Bods, there was no other whom
>uld have injured but the God of the Christians; and he
therefore advised him to remove as quickly as possible from
hill house every article which had been consecrated to that
deity. A
religious volume, belonging to the spoils obi;
by his sou ill the attack on Gauzbert, was immediate!;.
moved from house, and bound to a stak
the
the God whom he had injured.
ion to The
volume WSJ afterwards taken away by a Christian, and
till the arrival of
i
Ardgar. It was thia Christian who
related the whole transaction to Rimbert, Anschar's dia
and biographer.* Again ; it was a prevailing i

aong
* S .m afterwards, in the
•mmitted the Psalms to memory, with a
ply to hinwlf, in this way, the want of a knowledge of letters. Ex
.
Minis, qui i
oe iidei et

Lmo6 quoque apud nos memoriter sine Litteris didj

Latin without a know b
which, ho* 1 1
probable, or there i

f the INali:
>

liil.is, win.

htill t

e.
VII.), quorum aduue i:
 d to tin' calami to other
of their
o him a ;* and if
an object

mentioned, th< ealthy n*

tie army ;
and the inha
protection in vain from their
on to direct them to the A .
whom lie

himself worshipped. The immiuenl i

dance with the usu

the whole population m< '

they vowed t" I ( Ihrist i

i of
aim- in nil name, CMC he should deliver them from
in
r of tla-
enemy. t By a concurrence of ,

were actually dclil id Similar

erl them, it is true, at once into
helie\ ing Christiana, yet the}
to the conviction, that Cntiet U -
rful (hi;
than other gods.
itier 1 I

incidents, to prove the pi

We then, with what delight the
rai hailed by the ttadtl
i .1 the holy sapper from ti.«
Through bis mediation, he obtained permission to |»!

wherever lit'

who had painfully felt t

not a little rejoiced at behol<

.

all the violence of th< Joed

in the faith. And seei t that. i;i

hour of death, which t<> uld not 1

<listanf.>he could receive the holy rap

priest, she had pun
it in
•

i
spud nonnullos babentnr. .* edition of
j
on John, in
• Adam. Bivmens. hist, i
liantes in a.
:
ultitudine Deonun, <|uos COlont, unuin in auxiliuni
cant. v\ post victoriuni deinceps sunt ti-

; Rimbert, c. 19. 1 in campam

pro hbsratioue sui jejuniuni rent.
2<
388 f; ob.

the last hoar, portion of the element, which was to repr*

to her the blood of the Lord, and be the
sign that she c
mended herself to the Lord's mercy, in pairing from the
world. The greater was ber satisfaction in being able to
join in the Christian
worship of <i<>d. restored bi
and she now had her most earnest wish fulfilled, in b
permitted in her last moments to draw comfort and strength
from partaking of the holy supper. Zealou>ly devoted in her
lifetime to works of charity, she charged her daughter Kathle
of all her effects after her death, and to distribute
—
muli in alms a bequest not unmixed, perhaps, with
(tome superstitions notion of the effect of the pious act. in de-
livering her departed soul from the pains of purgatory. Aj
the poor were few in numbers, however, in that neighbourhood,
— the inequality of conditions being less strongly marked in
the simple mode of life which there prevailed the daughter —
go with the money to Dorstede,* where churches and
•

priests, and also paupers, abounded. f These directions the

daughter faithfully obeyed. Proceeding to Dorstede, she
procured the assistance of pious women devoted to that Invi-
to go round with her to all the churches, where the

poor were to be found, and inform her how to distribute the

money according to the various necessities and deserts of the
needy. :J Ilerigar also enjoyed the privilege of receiving

* One evidence of the important influence which the constant inter-

between this commercial town and the northern kingdoms had on
I

ristiaoity.
eat number of churches attracted thither also a multitude of
d the unwise distribution of alms, no doubt, encouraged and
promo
*
t>

further recorded, that when the daughter, with her companions

It is
d distributed about half the mud. she ventured to take
of the money to purchase refreshments for herself and her
friends, weary and exhausted with their labours, lint
great was her
it on
finding in the pane, which she had placed empty in a
ilar spot, I mm
distributed, with the exception of that
stilted with a priest, in whom she eonlided, akmt
;.

.led her that God intended, by tl.

.to let bet ICC that he, the almighty and all -Sufficient in hi;
bat whatei d to the poor, from lc
i

him, should be richly repaid in heaven, t<> encourage her in similar

:e her that her mother was I

WSJ now presented to her I

and she ml \ Its Ansel.

 with HUMBERT Ti

holy rapper In bit bet moment! ; l>ut apon his death, the
eremite missionary could do Long Went
of his mind for the quiel of the contemplative life, and, in
returned to bis fori ion.
think
thi> mission
ought to be left unprovided for, as bis friendly
understanding with lung Horik, who to lend his
promised
aid and protection t<> I more
favourable prospects than ei er. !< ini ited his follow labourer,
1

the bishop Gauzbei nine the work in which In- bad

been Interrupted; but Gauzberl rep resented to him, that
lir himself had hit behind him so unfavourable an in

on the minds of the people, it W8S DOt ho. bul

whom they still retained the most iViendly recollections, who
was the most suitable person to undertake this mission*
An-ehar was Compelled to admit the (

ment, ami joyfully oh ill. which, no less Dj

relation to the
proposed aim of his life, and to the h
divine Providence indicated by his position, than
I

those visions which imaged forth the divine sspirati

sou!, seemed to him to he from God. During the tin,

his
deepesl anxietyahout
dream. Adalhard. ahhot o' B him in

glorified form, and foretold him.

a i bis lips
the
islands and the distant tribes should hear the word
that he was destined to Ivation to the extreme boun-
dariea of the earth; and that the Lord would
gloiifl
.nt. This dream appeared to him as a pr< the
'

spread of Christianity in Sweden; and tie

would glorify his servant)" he was inclined to inn
having reference to his
martyrdom, which lie had
anticipated from bis
The more gladly, therefore, did Anschar follow the
on of Ids friend Gauzbertj and with a cheerful alai
lie was ready even to meet the CTOWn of
martyrdom, which
according to the \ ision might also await him in Sweden; tip
lie
by no means intended to seek the martyr's death, by rashly
in the conduct of the
disregarding any rule of prudence
20. Wehave here either a beautiful myth, or an example of that
deception sometimes resorted to for the purpose of working on the faith
of the new converts.
390 [.of.

of k I ill business from

monarch I
accompanied by the priest Eriml
a nephew bert, appointed by the latter as his n
live. King Horik sent with him an envoy to intro
and recommend him to tin
envoy, the king declared himself in a way which clearly illus-
the point of view in which hi
well as the faith he preached. The kin-- said. " lie was well
acquainted with this servant of God, who came to him I

ambassador from the emperor Lewis. Never, in all his life

had I a man, nor found one SO worthy of
i <

dence. Having found him out be a man of such

to

tinguished goodness, he had let him order event!:

do in regard to Christianity. According
to

king Olof to allow him in like manner to arran

as be pleased for the introduction of Christianity into
kingdom, for he would wish to do nothing but what was
and right.
Anschar, however, on his arrival, found the popular mind
in an unfavourable state of excitement, the occasion of which

might be considered, indeed, as a proof of the influence which

Christianity had already begun to acquire. For it is man
that the seed- of Christianity scattered in Sweden had, in the
meanwhile, been operating even without the aid of teaei
and the very fact of the mixture of Christian and pi
:its amor tifies of the power which the

I stian faith had already begun to exe: the minds-

of i! he one hand, there were some who decidedly
i

<>n the other, some who were

dis]
to admit Christ among the other deities. Hence, in the zealous
adherents to the old popular religion, the apprehension might
d, that Christianity would work mischief to the

worship of the gods. One individual, accordingly, from the

le, hail believed himself called to appear
among the Sw< from the national gods, to
er
announce their <ii- al the neglect into which
hip of tho
had fallen to whom they were in-
* Orici ra
" rrding to th<

crcdenti
 the introduction of the
!od. I f
they wish< d for a i

;M enrol
-

licir deiti
This enthusiast found .

. ami much real was manifest* d in

founding a temple and a ritual for the n

In this \

and h< found a prevail

•

Birka ;
i

unfavourable t<> hi His old frieni him

to abandon hi with
liis life. I »iit . .
o his life, h

abandon nothing for that; he would gladly Ol

:' torture. But

life, to make every procure an entrance for effort to ti

ho did not Imprudently and E rush <»n n

had all the n >

off the danger, and pave the way f'<>r the in;

tianity among the i I [e im ited kin

his own house, am ith whicl
ified.
Raving thus gained hi> personal good-will,
red that he might be permitted to preach and make known
the ( Christian faith. The ki

assembly of tl

tilting the gods by lot : but \ our

-al in the

their decision ; and r, with pi

'

Jit the the

popular mind as to be
own
he felt such inward assurai ding
he said
that " •

1
I
nd,
am now sure of m be with them;" and 1

his assurance was confirmed

by the event.
At first, the kingronsuKed with hii and they -
to explore the will of the gods by the use of the lot. The lot
favourable to the admission of Christianit the .

proposal was made, in the king's name, to the assembly of the

people. While thedisenssico
and heat, a very aged man stept out of the midst of the
392

bly, and me, king and peoplo: many of

ii>.no doubt, have already been informed that this
be of great help to those arho bope in him, for many i

here have bad experience of this in dang* id in

manifold straits; why, then, should we spurn what is neces-

snd useful to us? Once. several of us travelled, for the
ligion, to Dorstede, end
there embraced it unin-
vited.* At
present the seas have become dangerous by pi]
Why then should we not embrace what we once fell Constrained
ek in distant parts, now thai it is offered at ourdooi
These words produced the desired effect. It was resolved that
DO obstacle should be offered to the introduction of the Chris-
tian worship of God. The resolution of this assembly of the
people bound, it is true, only a part of the Swedes, the in-
habitants of Gothenland but in the other part also,
;

in the more limited sense of the word, the resolution of the

popular assembly turned out to be favourable. Anschar left

behind him in Sweden the above-mentioned priest. Erimbert,
to guide and direct the public worship. The king granted
him a spot for building- a church ; Anschar purchased another,
on which to erect a house for the priest. This being com-
pleted, he returned to hifl diocese in 854. Christianity had at
it is true, but few decided followers, and these were for
first,
the most part merchants but the recognition, widely diffused
;

among the people, of Christ as a deity, and the impression left

by the stories of his power, served to prepare the way for
greater things in the future. Circumstances, similar to those
which have been mentioned, contributed to lead men. in the
first place, into the habit of regarding Christ as a mighty pro*
in war and in other dangers. The consultation
of the lot had induced men to apply to him for succour, and
had corresponded to the confidence reposed in him.
LD| were thus led to hold fast* and to distribute alms in
honour of Chi I

* The words to w hi eh ire have made allusion at page

already
and which are contained in i. 87 of the Lite Aliqoando qoidam ex nobis
:

tadnm adenntes hnjui religionu nonnam profuturam libi scut:

spontanea volunt;:- -.to be sure, understand
word- ben thej bad visited Dorstede on other bosi
they had t
Christianity; hut the antithesis ii mora in
favour of the rendering followed in the |
 393

Denmark, i
in the same year
unfavourable to the into I
iristian church. King
Horik, Aneehar's friend, was killed in I
ntire
dant, I forik [I., •
small portion eoontrj. of the
This person allowed himself to
Dverned b tin itadtholder, man hottilely
disposed towards Christianity. The doon of the Christian
church at Schleewi ristian worship I

hidden, the priest obliged to irds how-

I la ri fell into

tianity,
and who already, in the time of Horik I., had 1>«

the •. nitv,
attained t<> the highest inth: i ':.<•
king himself im
•. since Ik

i
to be the friend of Chi than the elder
Horik. One thing which t! would not suffer r>
on account ofthei nchantment, was now permitted;
the church of Schl provided with i bell. Lil
moreover en to found a second church en in
Jutland, over which a prie.-t wa- appoil
Anschsr was si all timet
missionaries sent out by him should # mple of di.-in-
tedne.--. He advised them to ask nothing of any i

hut rather to follow the example of Um Paul, and

the labour of their own hands, content with
port themselves by
the little they needed for subs d clothing. Hehin
how< \ what they required for
their own subsistence, but also surplus <<»r
making
and so creating friends, according to !

eking, by mean- of tial

patroi
the missions in Denmark and Sweden. Hi- OWH
diocese had
but recently been rescued from p . and the wars with
adjacent heathen tribes could not he otherwise than unfavour-
able to the growth of hi- people in Christian life and know*
ledge; hence he was Still -tain many a hard i

Conflict in his own field of which the

with pagan barbarism :

following is an example iristians who had I

jed off as slavi

•

their escape from the harsh treatm compelled to

sutler, and taken
refuge in the adjacent territory of North
Albingia. But some of the more powerful chieftain.- of that
394 MII.ITY.

distli ;
hired them, sold Bome of them
rvants in
their own bouseho] : to find, that
: but he was at a
the pride of these mighty ones, till bj
•ilue

impression of a dream in which Christ appeared to him, he

inspired with confidence. He repaired in person to thedis
had occurred. With such equanimity
he Btart on thi^ expedition, that his attend
id

remarked they had never made so pleasant a journey, so hi

did they find themselves in his » they
that the Lord was with them. lie him
Jitway into the midst of the nobles; no one dared
tradiet him. The captives were collected from all sides, and
immediately set fin
Anschar from his youth was exceedingly given to religi
mplation, to prayer, and other devotional exercises of life
crated to seclusion. He had caused to be constructed for
this
purpose a particular cell, naming it his place of quiet and
penitence, to which, with a few like-minded friends, he was in
the habit of retiring. This indulgence, however, he ti

allowed himself, when an opportunity was given him of

recruiting himself for a short time from his labours ai
heathen, his devoted toil as a preacher, anil from the fund
of hi ton leaving again this beloved secli
more in his public duties. lie was in the habit
of disciplining himself by severe mortifications; but a:
oorant that humility is the bouI o,
.

life; and observing how easily self-exaltation attached

tch outward austerities, he begged God to save him
from this danger.* Too humble to enter;.
able to perform miracles, he could not pn
ons from distant parts, who hop'
I

by hi- |
,i word, however, dropped in
miracles had been wrought b-
thai
i the healing of tin- sick, he -aid, "Could I deem
Kir from the Lord, 1 would ;

him i
that out of in .

he would male man.**!

I.

Dominum meom, rogarem, quafc

 !
more than thirty-- \ for the
itioa ofih rth. when

under which he Buffered for more than four months. An

Jii-,
bodily pains, hi than bis

from the hand of the Lord, and shall i

rid that the
ho]
a
martyr, with which that early dream bad inspired him, was
not to be fulfilled. i'<>r his <i

the souls of the individuals stood round him, and

especially
who
for the salvation of the Dane- ami Sw< pied his n
to the last. In a letter written during this
mended in the most eat' m bishops,
to kii

missions. At last, bai I

the holy supper, he pi
that God Mould f. who hail done him \\ i

A -peak, t!

merciful to me i
into thy ham
and died, as it had been his w'lii

ti
bruary

all respects t<> imitate hi I Fe w.-a<

neat danger, to Denmark

s

1 1 1 > r without and

captured by tin
trted with everythii

urch, and to the borse, which he ke] I

oonvenienop.t Bui tin

unfavourable to the missions ; : 1 1 1
-

for ti from those parts, by th<

in qu 'under, spread terror and h,

among the Christian nations, German m .

where threatening with destruc: institutions

Canity themselves. Y. i t!,

in
England, in the midst or on the f a Christian
people, were in part brought more marly within the ramie of
Christian infhi Lterbury,
inihi sign am, videlicet nt de me gratia sua facerct bonura
homiiu-m.
* See in the actis sanct. at (he III. of
February.
f See his Life, e. 17. Mabillon, acta sanet. sac. IV. P. II. p. 4S1.
396 KING r,n:M OF 1'l.N.MA!

ibou! the middle of tlu> tenth century, and was honoured

tended from a pagan Danish family. Christian-
ity
had tai hold of his mind while he was yet a young
man. and he professed the Christian faith in opposition to the
will of his parents.*
In Denmark, during the first half of the tenth century, king
Gurm, a usurper of the sovereign authority, manifested the
most bitter hostility thing belonging to the Christian
church till in the year 934, when compelled by the power of
the German emperor. Henry J., he promised to desi>t from his
ration of the Christians, and at the same time gave up
the province of Schleswig to the German empire. This pro-
vince now afforded, for the first time, a stable and ft
for the Christian church. It was settled by a colony of Chris-
tians, thus affording a convenient point of transit for Christian-

ity to Denmark, The archbishop Unni took advantage of this

happy change, and again made a missionary tour to the North.
J lis were unsuccessful to produce a chang
efforts, it is true,
the mind of king Gurm himself; but he found so much the
readier access to the heart of his son Harald, who, under the
training of his mother Thyra (a daughter of that first Christian
prince Harald, and a zealous confessor of Christianity) had
already been led to the Christian faith. Though he had not
received baptism, he publicly declared himself in favour of
Christianity and as he shared the government with his father,
;

the archbishop could travel, under his protection, into I

of Denmark, labouring for the establishment of the

Christian church. This Harald. Burnamed Blaatand, through
the whole period of his reign of fifty years (from 941 onwi
favoured the spread of Christianity. war between thisA
prince and the emperor Otho terminated in 972 with a
I.

treaty of peace, which also had a favourable influence towards

the firm establishment of the Christian church in Denmark.
JIarahl with his wife Gunild received baptism in the presence
of the emperor, and the latter st nod-father at the baptism
1

of the young prince Sueno (Sven >tto). Bui although Harald,

(

before he became sole ruler, had shown h'un-elf favourable to

*
Accordingly we find
treaty eooclnded betv
in England IM the English in tl.. ulu ivby the former
. I •omul
themeelTei to renounce peganiem rod to adopt common a
1
 397

Christian^ not to infer from thii thai he bad from

the fi as the only true religion ; buthe
'

liristianity
proceeded i>y from ;i belief in the God of the Chris-
i

tians, as the mightiest deity with whom however the old na-
tional gods in ;

whipped, to faith in the l

of the Christii only bein ihipped, to the

MOO of the oVA national mi lie fina I

no better thai! evil spirits. tO the manner in

change was produced, we

'

wliieli this !
•

itimony
ancient legend, widely diffused in the North, and handed down
by popular tradition and by the historians,* which doubl
is not without some foundation of truth. A priest by the
name of Poppo, celebrated for his knowledge and his spiritual
gifts, had Come tO Denmark from North Kriesland to labour

missionary. He happened t< ent bauqui at

the palace, when among other topics the conversation tui
upon the strife betwixt the old and the new subject religion,
which at that time greatly agitated the minds of m<
of the Danes said, ( hii lipped in I

( rod ;
yet the old |
they had
performed greater wond< ppo disputed, and main-
tained, that Christ was the only true God, th
whom they Worshipped were on the contrary evil spil
king who was still a believer in the old .

Christ, asked the priest whether he dai

miracle; and then, as it i^ reported, pi Mat he should
submit to the judgement of God b]
iron. Now whatever may
-uin, somethin took place which
* T
at the li
century. Annul. 1. III. inMeibom. -

rerun German. T. I.

burg, in his chronicle, 1. 1 1. It Adam of Bremen, who

lias drawn into his narrative niai J
events <>t* tin- North, Buracoli el tunc
mnlta millis per earn orsdidsront el nsqac l

ram celebre Popponi nomen effertar. c. i 1. Lindenl

To be sun many important dil 1
, red in
the report ahout these and time, which
'

;laee,
is nothing wonderful in a
legend, handed down from mouth to mouth,
and points to th which the story came; hut it is i

impossible to make out the exact character of the facts lying at the
foundation of the tale.
398 BRISTIAS :

made a <leep impression on Haiald'i mind, and contributed in

re to settle Ilia com Lotions, and which »
to lia\e 1
on the untutored people.M

Poppo, who bishop of Aarhus, is said to

afterwi iroe
laboured earnestly for the spread of Christianity in Den-
mark.* llarald, both in r< he development of his
convictions and to the character of his conven
may be compared with the emperor Constantim ,

manifested great zeal for the spread of Christianity

ia-tieal institutions, and thus obtained a good name from

garded solely the external interests of the churchy

vet his cruel and perfidious acts show that Christianity bad
produced in him no moral change. The influence of Chris-
in the manner in which
tianity, however, is certainly manifest
be directed Ids efforts to restrain the rude passions of his people.
Jt was first under his auspicious rule that
Adaldag, archbishop
of Hamburgh and Bremen, an active and zealous labourer both
for the spread of Christianity and for the enlargement of his
archiepiscopal province, Mas enabled to conceive and carry out
tlie plan of consecrating several bishops for Denmark. One
of these was bishop Liaidag, particularly celebrated for his
devoted and influential activity.
The Christian church, however, was not to obtain the
victory in Denmark without a fierce struggle in the first place
between the pagan and Christian parties; Tin
still quite numerous and powerful, and they were embittered

in their feelings by the violent measures adopted by llarald

for tiie universal introduction of Christianity. Of this tone of
feeling, Sveno.
the SOO of llarald, twice took ad van
stirred up a rebellion against him. In 991 llarald perished
in battle: and io took the'
government, re-established
the old religion, in compliance with the wishes of the party
which had him on the throne. The Christian j

Had. Libentius, archbishop of Hamburgh ami

.
attempted in vain,
by messages and presents, to give the
* of place* in the Norm mem
Many names perpetuate his
pie, Popph< Flensburg and Schlesi
lition, he bnilt himself a hat. In a brook which
baptized h
'
:

tanicce, p. 158. The villi

bttttel, near Hamburgh, ma;

 1. 399

:. When
eh, conqi
their fuiy moi
i
the church. In this ( Ihristian land,
howi
in
opposition to
( li
'hristianit;
which he had 1
who
led from the year loll.
the influence of the Christian church in
of his consort, the English princi
Christian. But reli
as to placi
1 1 i 1 1 1 <»n the 1
;
.

and thirst forconq

Ions, hid love of rale
in which Christianity had been taught him i

up
uith superstition, to furnish him with ample m i

fying an alarmed conscience. When i

.md and Denmark, he applied himself with

the work of giving a stable foundation to I n church
in his oative country and to this end empli ;

inan\
rcsp. rything that p \
by
•
of \ iol< himself and I

1027, he which he had

'

dilated.
of behalf of bis people.^
•

tie- in
pope
him. in I

objects worthy of a Christian prince, all which h town

in a
writ. i

my life
•

h to act in all
things as shall
to rule with justice and pi<
subjects; and if, from the impute youthful p
from
*
Fulbert, bishop of Cha: :

lurch, writ :ii audieru-

dii modo Christianum, verui
benignissimum largitorem a

t As he says himself: Quia sanctum Petrum

ndi,
cla% :
.:t-.r ejus patroc'mium
apod Dtuiu ezpetere vslde utile d
400 r.

right,
T now propose, with God's help, to reti
I therefore command my counsellors, n
countenance any Injustice out of fear to me, or
IT to any ; ;
nor to Buffer anyt hii -

the kind to find admission into my kingdom. I also conn:

they have any regard for

- in my kingdom, if
my
dship <»r their own good, never to allow themselv<
arbiti of injustice and violence against any man. I

rich or poor. All, from the highest to the low* shall

ience exact justice according to the laws, and none shall
depart from them, whether for the sake of gaining my royal
.:• from respect to the person of a nobleman, or for the
purpose of collecting money from me."*
It was
only by slow degrees, that the rudeness of a people,
who, as Adam of Bremen remarks, thought it disgraceful to
shed tears for their own sins, or at the death of their dearest
friends, t could be subdued by the influence of a church which
its members
trained by legal discipline, and it was only by
gradual advances they could be brought into closer contact
with the mild and humanizing spirit of Christianity.
A- to the spread of Christianity in Sweden, the work com-
menced by Anschar had been there also interrupted by the
same causes which had operated in the case of the Danish
mission. For seventy years after Anschar's death, nothing
beyond the transitory essays of Rimbert had been doni
this object when Archbishop Onni, who under King Harald
:

Blaatand was performing a good and successful work in Den-

mark, extended his labours from that country to Sweden. lie
met. BJ it is reported, with a kind reception from the Swedish
king [nge Olofson, and laboured among the people with
ed at Birka, as he was about to return, in

ing to the intimate connection with Denmark, where

at that time the
reign
of Harald was so favourable to the
I of
Christianity, the gospel at all points found its way
ii.
Liafdag, bishop of Kipon. and the bishop
Odincar, whom archbishop Adaldag had ordained for this

* See Wilkins' Concilia, T. I. fol. 2-J9.

eomponetk)
inantur, ut i curis
i Hi Here lid
 ro coxvi.i .
401

purp q particularly active In promoting

this work.
Prom this time, Christianity continued to make |

though it often became intermingled with paganism. The

lish king OlofStsutconnung, who i i the first half
of the ehveiith eciitiirv, declared himself at the beginning
decidedly in favour cured to i

his
i

kingdom. nen,
Sigfrid, Grimkil] and others, who came thither by tl

As the famous temple at upsals was the Inl from i

which the old cultus was continually preserved ali\

bearti of the people, the king resolved upon its i

rarest meant of overturning the old popular

When this intention of the hin^ came U) be known tO
people, they entered into an agreement with him in a popular
ably, that he should select for himself the best portion of
the country for the purpose of founding it the Christian
in
church ; but that ich shonld he all
the free e\erci-e oi" hi> religion. 'I'he
king chose tin
of the country, and ihoprie WM founded at t i i-
part
in West-< rot bland, <>\< r which an
i
man 1

by the name of Thurget was ordained by archbishop un

But other
inism with such inconsid the fury
of the heathen population. One Wulfred, who had aln
.
mean siting mani
the

ground a much
to the dol. \ II<
i

by
body or furiov .ami died, ith wounds.*
less \ lolenl
king leal <>f

tributed ao much
the more sflectually to ti, brit- I

Hi-* >tep-brother Emund, who acceded to the >_jm\ em-

tianity.
inent in 1051, pursued the HUM C
not so inclined to acknowledge the tuperior
authority of the archbishop of Bremen, who acted BS the p
legate]
and was Very dearOOf of letting himself up as patriarch
of the North. Osmund, the king's bishop, who had been
ordained not in Bremen but in > for proceeding
after a more independent way in tical affairs, and the i

* Adam. Bremen, c. 41 — 44.

VOL. v. 2 D
402

king ed him. The delegates of the archbishop of

Bremen met with very bad reception in Sweden; in
quenoe of which, the king and htf bishop appeared n an
unfavourable light to the a<. church*
It would lia\ tended with mtv important
:
the church and Christian
development in the North, if the reaction of the northern

spirit of freedom against dependence 00 I

v had lasted for a longer period. Hut under Stenkil,

Emm from the year 10,39, the am ient relation
to the church of Bremen was immediately restored. An 1

happened in the reign of this king, which must have gi*<

favourable direction to the current of popular feeling with
:d to Christianity, A
priest of the temple at Upsula
lie blind. This man had heard a great deal said about
the power of the Christian's god; and as there were n
who worshipped Christ at the same time with the other •_

it would be no more than natural for him to conclude that

this calamity had betallen him in consequence of the anger of

the only god, whom he slighted and neglected, the God of the
and as he had sought in vain for help from his
;

own gods, he might now conceive the hope of obtaining 1

by applying to the Gtod of the Christians. While his mind

was occupied with these thoughts, the Virgin Mary app
to him in a dream, and promised him that his sight >houi
red if he would come over to the worship of her 5
The priest recovered from his blindness, ami went about
where proclaiming the almighty power of the Christian's
and the vanity of idols. The archbishop of Beemea
favourable circumstances, and Ik:
one of his clergy, to the episc
him to Swedes. Adalward entered upon his work
with g il, and, Conjunction with bishop Egin
in

to bring about the destruction

rtion
of [JpsuJa, that tteongrhold of paganism,
i
tin it

f torture to l

;
;
but when kin- Stenkil heard of their d<

red them, declaring that, if they carried it into t

'

only fall victims them the wrath of

* The accounts on this side, therefore, in Adam of Bw i
ve no
coiifid.
 403

the |
nit involi tole church of
en in the rs.*

ntemporary and eye-

WitneSS Of ill- 'lie c;ui(tnic;il i

nen,
much more mighl have been accomplished by the ;

in Sweden ; for tin eptible to relig

impressions, and Indeed incHi
r in (
"liri-tiaiiily,
and to unite the worship with
the old worship of ti 'in of Bn men ;f
the preachen of the truth with great kind
If th e, and able bo that th ;

admitted into their popular assemblies, wh< ladly

listen to their discourses
concerning Christ ;md Christianity.
And assuredly they mighl easily be converted to our fail
had teachers, who seek their own rather than the thin
(
Ihrist, did no;
The o called, had manifold oc
their predatory excursions to the rem <
h, of
tainted with Christian!'

people, with whom tin M Coiita.

'

'icir

leaders had, among their other adventures in

to the knowledge of Christianity; and in a life full of
rdous chances, and chequered
awaken the coMKnotisnesB of dependence en a
high*
Controlling human events, th
led to believe in the God proclaim* d

by the same means they

i f
in their faith, they
the God whom they worshipped to the re-t of their
men: hut thev failed of possessing that kind
knowledge, and that peculiar spirit and disposition of mind,
which would lead them to the apprOpTJ
id a
religion like that of I I. The
Dipted plant the Christian church in Norway
to

prince llacon, hefore the middle of the tenth century. lie

had received a Christian education at the court of i

Athalstan of England, and full for Christianity

returned when a vomer man to Noru.r in- made .

himself master Of the kingdom; hut he found both the

people and the land hlindly devoted to the reli-
* L. 229.
c. c. -
f L. c. c.

2d 2
404 mOTCE B TO INTRO!

of Odin, and lie would have the throne, which

did not belong to him by the law <>f inheritance) if be had
publicly shown at the 1
for Christianity.
He ^ Christian worship
in secret, which purpose he had obtained priests from
for
observed Sunday and Friday the ;

a
fast-day in remembrance of Christ's H<'
ed it, that the ancient national festival in honour of
Odin, the three days festival of .Jo] or Yule in honour of
natalis invicti Solis of the Scandina-
which was usually celebrated with abundant
feasting, should be transferred to the time of the Eastet
tival. Thus, without being- disturbed, or exciting ob><
tion, he could keep his own festival in his own way. I:

probably his design also, in some future day, to convert the

heathen festival into the Christian one, since the very object
of it, as in the case of the analogous festival anions the pagans
of the old Roman world, furnished an occasion for so d<
Having first gained over his most confidential friends to the
side of Christianity, as soon as he had reason to believe that
his p< sufficiently established, he proposed, in the year
-

945, before an assembly of the people, that the whole nation,

great and small, masters and servants, men and women,
should renounce idolatry and sacrifices, worship the only true
God, and Jesus Christ his son, devote every Sunday to the
of religion, resting from all labour, and ob*
Friday as a fast-day. Such a proposition to renounce
at once tiie old religion and customs of the land could of course

only to exasperate the minds of a people who I

ted to their ancient sacred institut:

nothing had been done to prepare the way lor sueh a measure
by a previous inworfcing of Christianity upon their mod*
thinking. The heads of households declared they could not
for themselves and their families Si

much tin '.'withdrawn from labour. The labouring

ants declared, that by SO much fasting :

would ha\- igth left to work. In many of the

k up the argument, seal lor the old
national religion and rej to a in w and foreign worship

oppo>ed to the Ople

v. a- most emphatically
rested, and the king's proposal repelled with universal
 NORWAY.

^nation. I I to have
introduce Christianity ; it
i

isable to the prosperity of the !

that bould take part In the public the

to an ancient custom,
must I"
quired t<>

repair with the rest to the |

be performed but he ate with

; his I

.separate spot, to avoid defiling himself u ith the p

and haying ii i- religious feelings annoyed by the
heathen customs. This behaviour of the king, whici
on the festivals and
mi a reproach
Avd by them a- an insult to
his ancestors, and ods them*
the most influential of the in. hies, ami who had been the i

active procuring the government

in f<

mediator between the long and his in

vineed him tl: popular insurrection, it troul
for him
to yield in nds.
•
u returned to his . the full
|

.fed, w hie.

dinavian custom, must |

dry in !

id drank first to the kin::, in honour •

d it, tilled
up to the kin,
before touching it to his
tips, signed or it, as a
pn>:< nst the poll u tii of this approach t

noble-; and the only way in which Sigurd

:n
could pacify them I undly asserting that had
merel)
-
er the cup the hammer of their own
Thor. But on the nev
broke out more Bercel] forbidden
dred of the kimjr, with
clamorous uproar, that he ihoul ndv
refused. At length he consented, for fori .
to touch
his lips to the (doth which la the caul,
in which the flesh had !
the king and
* At the time of
the planting of the chnrch in Germany by Boniface,
the eating of hoi -
already denounced as a heathen pr:.
ry III. strictly forbade it, in his letter to Honiface of the year
Brandon enim est atque execrabile." See Boniface, epp. p. 66.
40i>

ch other ;
the
yield so much
fbrnn had been forced to against
his own religious feelings the ;
I
rose the k
all. Mold not be brought back to the *m iinl m i md
ma. Ti i .on of the Yult-i'<-ti\nl of this
lwl to a repetition of the same stormy and clamorous demaj
and tin* kinu". <>noccasion, fearing last the fury of
this
le should break out in open
rebellion) actually c
part of the liver of a hone, and to drain all the
•

drunk to its honour, without

signing i!

repented) however, of having rented to do a thin

contrary to his conscience, and was already P Q try
the fortunes of war with the heathen party. The invasion of
his country by a hostile power, which he met with the united

Strength of his people, was all that reconciled him to them.

About the year 960, lie was wounded mortally in battle. lie
now it to be his
declared purpose, if he should survin
kingdom, retire to some Christian nation, and by
his

penitence, and a reformation of life, seek to obtain from

.

God- the forgiveness ef his sins. The conviction bore like a

heavy weight on his conscience, that he had denied the faith.
His friend> begged him to direct that his body should be
ported to England, for interment according to the i

hristiau burial but he said he was unworthy of it.

;

Having lived Si a heathen, he desired to be buried M

The universal affection of the people for this .king, who had
died in battle for his country, would afterwaids be likely to
have a salutary reaction on their feelings towards a reli
sincerely and zealously devoted,
"When the Danish king ilarald, in <M)7, made himself ma-
>ruay. he sought to destroy pauanisin and introduce
Christianity by the same violent measures as he had rest
toin Denmark ; but here, as in the other case. nV
tilled only in a more violent reaction of paganism*
n whom he appointed stadtholder was Yarl 11..
With who nee he had conquered the
•
al object was to serve his own
inter d himself independent of his master, and,
oying all Christian foundations, showed 1 in

again the
pagan idolatry. But when
he had fully r,
he
 himself i

.mny, and
hatred with which le opened the
for Olof Tryggweson, anotl .
who
ming .-it tl

'I'll is ( Hof had «r;i

Russia. I
n<l, and libouring port

in his predator ons, lie had ob nc kn<>\\i

firwtianity, and had been led. i>\ eircmnate i

to ME B divine power in it. In I

port lie

had become acquainted^ amoi . with

ecclesiastic from Bremen, Than^brand I

ptiuit, whoaa- tamper and mode or K4 dtod

to the spiritual profession. Thi ed about with
him a large shield, ha\ ing <>n it a
figure of Ihrisl on
(

isatd in
gold. The shield attracted 01<
[e inquired about the meaning of the symbol, which
i

the priori an opportunity of tell

and Christianity, as well as he knew how. how
:ly Olof
him a
present of it
;
for which t in
richly
id him
gold and niter. in He mon d to
d by him, if he should ever n
•
n. in the future. In various dan
land, which ( >lof at !
that he
i
his lit',- a to this shield ;
and hi< faith in the
e power of th< and
the Scilly l>lc<. on the
in ;
upon which he returned to

•nntry. fully resolved to <

tganism. In I

he again met with the pi ud. who had been corn-

el to leave his country for ha nbat
a man of superior rank. Olof took him a!

apacify of a court could 1"

pocted t(» result from his connection with a
person of this cha-
Inclilied of hi- ine.l-

paganism and the spread of (

for the destruction of
- ';

tianity. he would only he continued in this mistaken plan by

Thanubrand's intlut
O in
Norway with
- -rhedelh i

of the country from the Oppn oke of Hacottj and, no

408 AGAINST TAGA

r had he obtained possession of the government, than he

made the introdnctl aity hii chief concern. At
an assembly of the people, the king stated thai he should
require of them such obedience as became freemen ;

should be knights t<> the Lord, whom he him-

—
i

of the Bang of kings, the being who en

t

n ami earth, and who would make them, from servants,

-

brethren of Ins only begotten Sou, and heirs of the kingdom

of heaven. The kingdoms of the earth lie said v — —
founded for no other purpose, than to form the citizen
good institutions, for being incorporated into the kingdom of
en. Olof everywhere destroyed the heathen idols and
temples, and invited men to be baptized* Of those who would
not otherwise submit, he purchased obedience to his commands,
by conceding to them various privileges; but he also made
use of threats and violence to extort obedience, and in many
cases exercised a revengeful cruelty. Paganism hail, how-
ever, but very few martyrs, or OloPs violent measures would
have turned to its advantage. His reign ended with a war
against the united powers of Denmark and Sweden, in which,
in the year 1000, he lost his life.
As the foreign rulers, who divided Norway between them,
though friendly to Christianity, took no active part in the work
of planting the Christian church in that country, the pagan
party, which, under the former reign, had been suppressed by
force, were now- enabled to cast off the yoke imposed on them,
and stand forth free again; but the Other tWO parties the —
ed Christians, and those who were for uniting the worship
—
of Christ with that of the old national godfl could also freely
themselves. If, under Qlofs reign, a mi
and simple method had been pursued, to work upon the reli-
of the people, such an interval would have
q victions

proved a more important and salutary thing; since the previ-

ous];, seeds of Christianity, left to themselves, would,
by their own inherent and divine vitality, have surely made
and freely developed themselves.
. Ihit that spiritual

elemi md this short period of free develop-

ment in by I domination of the Christian

church, arbitrarily forced upon the people from without for :

Olof the Thick, who del Ibrway from her foreign yoke,
came into the country in L017, when already a decided (
 des ; 409

tiau, priests, whom be brought with bin

with bishops* and
from and Ms m<
England i
-:ill more
Otic than that of led with D
t

harshness and ie travelled

i

through the whole country

I

with i \ !•
thing himself
in with <•

bow far the and the obstinate

cause had prospered ;

itened with the confiscation ofthei themaimii

their bodies, and various kinds of punishment by deaths H<
it
naturally happened tliat many submitted to baptism tlir-
not
changing their religion, but only practising
.

though even this could not escape the jealous •

:ly :

tiny of the king, and SUCfa who had n< . I .

been believers, incurred bis particular die un-

productive season which, in 1021, followed, after..
fruitful years, In many of the pro
1
.

msequenee of aunt I

of the transition to the worship of the and they

who bad submitted to baptism merely i

t(»
practise in secret m
view to propitiate the ;ui-i ;. 1' came to t

the king that m the otoymh nd number

banquets had been held in honour of the godsj when.
cording to an< m, all th<
national
gods, the
sprinkled with blood, and tl

j)rodneti\ ity of the earth. He

come to tun from that di-tr; le what reply they had
to make to these aceu

among them endeavoured to ]

<>n the n
said
they were QOthing but the convivial n: irily
held on
among the people of the land, and tha: d
such occasions ought not to be i

rictly is I

*
Adam particularly distinguished among these
the bishops Sigafrid, Grimkil, Rodol£ Beros He
f his zeal for the extermination of all pagan superstition: "Inter
B virtutum
open magnum Dd BbIqib halmit, ita ut maleficos de
terra disperderet, qaibns qtmm Iota bsrbaris exundet. pnecipni
talibos mODStrii plena est. div'n. b, magi
Nam
et incantatores
|ue satellites antichristi ibi ,hal .' bojus modi
lui decrevit, ut sublatis scaudalis firmius in regno suo religio
Christians elucesceret.''
410 nawmots tu.

-
inquiry. Olof
found out that the inhabitants of this provin they had i

submitted to baptism, had almost unii -ntinued I

they observed the usual times of sacrifi

autumn, winter, and spring, in order to obtain a favoui
season, lie fell upon them unexpectedly, while engaged in
of their spring- festival
•

4 terrible
ho had deceived him. As many, through
now promised sincere obedience, he founded chui
which he appointed prie*to, who were to make all
;•

the arrai; required for the due introduction of (

tianity*.
Dread for the mo-t part of Olof's violent measures, in<!

indeed, though there was no iincerity in it

ience, while ;

from the boors. inHained with /cal for their divinities

d OH by the speeches of their leaders, he occasionally met
with an obstinate; tfcoogfa short-lived resistance. In the

province of Palen was a powerful man. named (iudhrand

(after whom the whole province was called ( iudbrandsdalen)."]'
lous champion of the old This person assembled
religion.
the people as Olof approached, and totting them that they
-
not to wonder that the earth had not yet Opened to
swallow up the profane monster who presumed to treat the
with such insolent contempt, said they had only to bring
great Thor (a colossal idol), and let him appear in public,
when Olof and his whole force would melt away like
words were received by the multitude with a >hout of
exultation and, clashing together their shields, the crow
;

ntry marched forth to meet the kimr. who soon put them
jht. Gudbrand's son was taken prisoner: and the king,
ining him for a few days, sent him back to his father,
to announce his own approach. Said ( iudbrand. w Who, then,
of the Christians, whom no man has seen, or can
I

We have a gpd whom every one can see, the

Thor. in whose presence all must tremble." meeting A
upon, where each party WM to prove the power of its
'I

Mof prepared himself for this meeting, the

(

i . 1. II. <•. _'l. I follow, in this

rthern sou:

t Stift A leu of St'ins He;

 411

oloSSaJ in liior.

overspread with u<>M and silver, was drawn to tin-

public
place, and around
it the The king din
>ne of Ilia

muscular strength, to stand near him. made

challenging the
. Ihristiana to ( ;

the power of their God, and pointing them to tl

tin-
sight of whoa filled In in all with alarm. I
t

Olof spoke: " Von threaten us with your deal' and Mini
i. But I

the i
heboid CUT rod. «»f" w Inn <

liy no one, how Majestically lie reveals himself in tin

light." The Mm burst forth; and at the same moment <

fxiti. sj
previously directed by the king,
demolished with a
single blow the mighty idol. Th< fell, cruni
small fragment which crept a great multitude
id lizard-, land was
Make everything up that could not help him-
The embittered si
ling ocas*!
rityprobably facilil
Canute, king of Denmark and England.
Pned, and prepared himself for a new strtlSjg] "iihi
\e none but Christiana into his
arnrj
shields and helmets of hissoldiei with the
.\ e them .

and the king." H<

ided in battle on the 29th of Jul)
his di ath honoured by the ( Ihrisl
of the miracl at his tomb it

day on whieh lie 29th Of

duly, «
observed iil
by the
in which
,i >iof was held could not fail to have a salutary
(

otion on the tone of popular uity.

no of Bremen of the Normans, who,
says by the infla
of Christianity, were first induced to their piratical I

Tornunl. Torf. 1. 11. i

adaa <>f BseaMai i

hodte pluribaa auraca ram fiunt, Dominus

l«re digpataa est, quanta iM-riti sit in ca!is. qui sic glorificatur in
terris." .m.
 LAND. TIIORWAI.D A CHRISTIAN.

schools, t: fore peace, and to uted with

their pore
itrodred ujiation of Iceland4 bj
Norman colony, the fir-t attempt was made to transplant
Christianity to that island. Thorwald. son of Codran, from
a noble Icelandic family, r<>\vd the
inary with sons of the hist Norman families; he distin-
guished himself, however, from others of this clax by devoting
all lie
gained, beyond what wm necessary for his own mil
.to the redemption of captives. f 1 nis trait of phi-
lanthropy spoke of better feelings in the heart of the rude
ider, and formed, as we may presume, the medium of
access through which Christianity reached him. His adven-
ture* brought him to Saxony, where he fell in the way
certain bishop, Friedrich.j who instructed him in Christianity,
and baptized him. His conversion to Christianity amounted,
indeed, to something more than such conversions usually did
among these rude inhabitants of the North, who, while
sojourning in distant lands, were induced to become Chris-
tians for the bishop Friedrich had probably given him better
;

instruction, and he showed the influence of Christian prin-

ciples by renouncing- piracy. Still it appears evident from his
conduct that he had by no means as yet experienced that

*
Where, perhaps, even earlier than this, the Irish monks, -who
wandered everywhere and defied every hardship, had endeavoured to
form an establishment since it is intimated in old Northern legends that
;

Normans, when they settled in this island, found there all

Christians (Papas, priests), Irish books, bells, bishops' stall's, &c. See
Mim* lite der Kinfiihrung ties Christenthums in D.memark

\orwegen, lid. I. S. 520; with which compare the remarks of monk

Dieuil of Ireland, in book De mensura orbis terne, was first
published by Walekenaer. l'aris, 1807. He Bpe&kfl De mensum. :

of the Thile ultima (probably Iceland), in qua a'stivo solstitio sole de

iente transitum, DOS nulla. lirumali solstitio perinde
nollot then relati
d there from the 1st of February to tl
unit of the introduction of Christianity into Iceland,
Kristni-Saga-- a narrative drawn from old traditions. The origins
:

itin translation, published at Copenhagen In 1778.

X As be had been :i I OBI his dtOO
bishop of any particular aee; but if he had re
ordination, may be inferred that b<
that be had been ordained bishop of a church yet to be
!
among the heathen- uionarius.
I
 \xi\ 413

w hich Christianity aim

rmy
which swayed the rude pagan of Um North wen
.ii>

subdued En 981 bishop ih, in company with this

I
I

Iautlic chieftain, his land, in flu- h

in which he was encouraged by Tborwald, thai be should Ik*

able to win over multiti ristianity. The first winter
he spent in Thorwald's family, who Laboured time I

without - induce his father to receive baptism,

old Codran worshipped more particularly, as his tutelar}
a sto imagined, of wonderful virtue, and
. as he
refused to put faith in the rod of the ( Ihristians, until it should
<

be proved that be was mightier than his own. T:

ed over the stone, and it fell in pieces. This ,

the heathen the power of the Christian's God - lie T

later tradition which, DO doubt, may have nii\e<l up the true

of the case with fiction still in SUbstan ;

fully with the character ami manners peculiar to the infi

of those tribes Of the North and similar sti ;

in Connection With the more authentic hi

among people at tin culture. I'm

belong! an event which took place when Thorwahl and the

bishop attended the cu-tomary autunr
On this occasion two of those m< n called who. in I .

ir possession, were supposed CBpab

doing extraordinary things, rushed frantically in. and prop
to pass unharmed between two

however, without a scorching; which was regard'

effect of certain words spoken by the bishop for i

looking upon these entl men possessed of e\il sp

he had pronounced a pi
the power of the demon. Both victh | t »
•

1 1

but >uch OCCUITI

'

popular fury ; turned out ii,

end, left but a transient impressioi windivid .

Till the bishop could readily express himself in the Icelandic

dialect of the common old < •
to the
heathen was done by Thorwald. The latter Stood forth al»
the advocate of Christianity before an assembly of th<
but he was not well received. .Many of the Scalds (the
national poets), eompos ist
Christianity and its I

* We may here call to mind the lupidts uncti of the ancients.

414 ri\

preachers. Thorwald, yielding to the Impulse of his

took hl.H e oo two of them for their -
defamatory
in spite of the the bishops to pacify him, by giving a
milder interpretation of tic equivocallanguage which bad
Within a period ot five yean they travelled in
com; the whole island, often followed and >toned by
the people, who threatened to arre-t and UOODSe thei
ies to the national fiodfi In the northern part- of the
island alone they found many who were willing to be bap'
others who eonld n< r>uaded to submit to baptism
— whether because they were not fully convinced of the truth
of Christianity, or because this custom of baptism by immer-
sion appeared to them strange and 41
or 1>.
foreign,
the reasons already explained, they Wished to put off the rife
to the end of life.f Over these they made t! if the

and then admitted them to the class of catechu-

.

Others broke in pieces their idols, and ceased to pay tribute

to the idol-temples yet without becoming- Christians.];
;
One
of the new Christians, Thorwald Spakbodvarssun, went so far
build a church upon bis estate? and the bishop appointed
a priest for it, which produced a great excitement among the
And whether the bishop now supposed that he could
no longer remain in Iceland ami hope to escape the far
the heathen, who threatened him and his companions with
death, or whether he wished to expend the rest of his labours
lorway, with the assistance of Thorwald, who beione/i
a kindred race, the fact was. they went over to that country
in the year 986. The bishop, however, finding it iniposs
ine the revengeful spirit of his warlike companion,
nouii Uowship, and retired home to his native land.
The kin<_>( )lof Tr\ of whom we have already spoken.
.

felt himself bound to labour for the spread of Christianity

* If lustrations
by water I ly in use among the northern pa-
was conceived u> b
ration
"
with i' Is si milii Immo:
paer aqu
rsendos, ille non del icietnr, etsi in sciem venial, non cadet homo ills
Vol III. or the edition of Copenhagen, Lfl
Ml! not be univi I rite.

f Tl ; tin- end ;

c. II. p. 15. Bodes, Island. T. I. Elamka.

C.
.
c. II. near the end.
 415

man
I It- was moved to natural interest for tin
of those who belonged to tk and
era i'or his own subji by their Inter-
com "ii with the I
1

be infected bj mUin .-till prevailing tli w as

were many [colanders at tin Orlof, arho bg I

is bad t'n acquaint* ad then b

verted to, the ( hristian
the name of Stefner, who bflloBjJI
fiunilies of Iceland, to undertake the work of in1
t
iiiiiity
into his native Lend. Here thru l >e of
| l;i\ in. m countrymen in ail I

This happened in the 3

tlic whole i.dand, but found none who were inclined to listen
to bis preacbii his own family declared him.
ing it
impossible to
d himself with destroying the temples ami idols, [n
nst him the wrath of the his
ps I

I,
which
1 in the port, I
i loosed
from her moorings and driven by a storm to sea,
interpreted it as paniahm ipon bias t^od
assembly <>f the people il
man. from the fourth degree of kin. si. >und to prose-
the Christiana, as enemies of tl. Thus the
to be Bundered by abandoning tin
kinsmen now appeared as accuser
•omh inned, lie was forced, in •

bis eountiN and return luck to king »lof. (

of the higher
Com] in ridicule of the k and
he, with his step-father GlSSUT,
llv. who their

country on account of their I v, met wil

much the more friendly recei»tion from
king Olof. Other
Christians, who still namained in Iceland, did not fall %\
from the faiih. though I

of Christian worship. 1
eoess, however, did

* A crime of such a natnre as to occasion a severance of this sort vas

.
ated by the . liou.
416 Tl!

aduce the king to abandon his purpose, and he

vantage of an opportunity which soon presented itself of carry-
c.

Thangbrand, thless priest of whom we have aln

ived an appointment from the lung i

ii
island, after squandering away the property of
church, had endeavoured to cover up Ens lavish exj i

itortions made on the pagans. Having thus

fallen into
no other course remained for him to regain the favour
of his monarch, but to oiler his services for the work of trans-
planting Christianity to Iceland. He first visited that island,
a- ambassador of kingOlof, in the year 997. A p
ui

procure an entrance for Christianity to the hear

fitted to
men could scarcely be found. If he effected anything- it could
only be outward conversions, brought about by constraint or
other foreign means addressed to the sen-' ion as it
became known that Thangbrand and his associates were Chris-
tians, no man would have anything to do with them, not
so much as to show them a port. King Olof 's authority,
however, procured for them a favourable reception from S
hallr, a man of some importance, who was perhaps already

favourably disposed to Christianity in consequence of what be

had heard about it. On the festival of St. Michael, while
Thangbrand was celebrating mass with great pomp, in his tent,
llallr felt a curiosity to witness these ceremonies. The -
made a strong impression on the pagan's mind. This prepared
the way for his conversion to the Christian faith, after which
he stood by the priest Thangbrand in his labours. The latter
found means to address the people at their popular assemblies.
Il«- travelled through the country and baptized many, but the
.Ids) persecuted him with their sarcastic so
a- an enemy to their gods. The warlike Thangbrand. having
revenged these insults by killing two of the bards, was pursued
murderer and compelled, after remaining two years in
urn, in i)JeJ, to his king. He complained of the
insults which he hail received while acting as the kind's am-
lor be described the Icelanders as obstinate and in<
•
:

rigible enemies
to
Christianity. By this account I i

transported with anger: he resolved to take >evere retribu-

tion on the p landers who had just come to visit
him. He Commanded them to be thrown into chains; lm
 >n. 117

fr<.m Ir. lun<l,

already mentioned, Iliallti and
-

iur, endemyonred to
pacify
bun. They Informed bim that
Thangbrand had made bimaelf odioua by his violent mode of
procedure; that the Icelanders, it'
properly treated,might
eaailibe won over to Chriatianity ;
and the] reminded him
eharacteriaric remark of hi once the
Warmth of hia seal <«>r the ij tianity
and its lack
*•
of know ledge, that he iraa read any
magnitude, if the ti >i would i
be baptis
He then agreed to pardon all [celandera if they would embi
Chriatianity.
II«' detained only four of th< rable
men as 1 nd all the Icelanders near hia court >nb-
mitted to baptiam. In the aprinj
and Iliallti in a miaaiorj to their native land,
engaged
panied by the prior Thormud and eome other
with them building materials, supplied by
king
Olof, for the erection of a church in Iceland. Such as had
remained Chriatiana in secret now came forth openly. Iliallti,
Giaaur, and Ilallr high in tl
i of their
countrymen, and knew how Thua
to
appn .

formed an important Chriatian party; and

•
this w
by
a with the utmoal exaaperation of
pa
religioua war aei m< d inevitable, bul
influence of the prudent foil party, and of
thoae who, though id loai tip

dence in the p waa the •

with numbers ap: ample.

frightful account
of the eruption Icano, having
ed upon by the
pagana ami represented and
token of the anger of tn<
M What irai 1 hah ei
exclaimed,
the gods, when the rock on whir.
flamea
The pagana res

*Even before the inf. aristianity had wrought this in Ice-

.
I

land, it is reported of many that fGod had

so far pierced through the tog of idolatry as to determine them to
pay
s Church
•

religious homage only to the creator of the sun.

'

D.-nuiark'and Norway. \ol. I. p. I lam

of Bremen probably alludes, when he says of the Icelanders "Licet :

ante soaceptam fidem naturali quadam lege non adeo discordarent a

nostra religione." Hist, eeftl
VOL. 2 E
 ;.i.k.

•:iity.
that each of the four di "he island
the compass) should offer two men m
dlti and GrWUI said to
their friends :
"The] iieirgodB
the m<»>t abandoned men, and them headlong from preci-
cast
!l choose an equal number from the best of the
people, who, in the tn shall devote themselves as
offerings to ourLord Christ, shining forth to all as conspi-:
cuous examples of Christian life and confession." I

pose] was adopted and executed. Conformably to the Icelandic

titutioD of government, each several district had its
pri<
who presided not only over the religious rites of
the pe>
but also over the legislation and the administration of justice;
who had to direct the deliberations when new laws were pro-
posed at the national assemblies, to promulgate these laws and
see to their execution. Now, as the pagan laws were jio Ioj
agreeable to the Christiana, the latter chose Sido-Hallr as
their head, requesting him to draw up for them a schedule of
laws accordance with the Christian point of view.
in But in
this way the people would be divided into two opposite pai
not only in religion but in their civil affairs. Such a schism,
which certainly might lead to a civil war, Sido-Hallr wu
*
to avoid. For this purpose he repaired to the priest Thorg
then holding theofficeof chief supervisor over the legislation.!
who was probably himself already inclined to Christianity.
It was agreed that he should propose new laws for the whole
nation, and that among these he should adopt three in favour
of Christianity while it was conceded that, in some other
;

be might allow indulgence to the deep-rooted pagan-

ism, leave many things still undetermined, and the whole to
the reforming influence of Christianity after it had once
me firmly rooted. A> a compensation for carrying out
this project, Sido-Hallr paid
him a certain amount of gold.
Thorgeir now summoned a national council. When con-
vened, he represented before it
danger winch must
the
great
m- to the nation in case two and two
different legislatures
ernmenta should Bpring up within it: it would sow the
il war. which would lill the island with desola-
r that both
parlies should make mutual con

* Goda. The office of Logsugu.

f
 OTY. -11!)

« hich should be valid for

whole inland. The ivotirably recea
and both parties OHM '
'

that they would

adopt
the law- by ThOTgeir, which ti • • —
1. All [celandera should submit I n and profess Chris-
•_'. All idol-temples, and in
tianity. usages public
view . mould b '•'
publicly i

idol hip, should

Dished. Bui for airy man to practise the pagan religion in

private, should not be n

flesh." aad to expose children,! «
law and the
:

tianifv, arere to remain.

Thus, while Christianity the publ*

inism might atiU subsist along arith it, as a prii
ion, anion.!- a portion <»f I

another, in manners and oustoms at \.r.

might still aadure.

principal men of the nation wi,o united with |

lianit\ a warm love for their

ally introduced more ami more into the pie,
King Mof. tin <

make his code of < ical laws, dra

(irimkil. valid also in Iceland ;
and on learning that
•

infants and other u>t<im< springing out of p

«
,

still
prevailed there, he sent, at the
i. an embassy t.> Iceland for
at, who then administered tli

t A 'hese
inavian tribes, il

and li'avo to perish suoh ehildrei

up; which waa done not merely I

for their offspring, bul

the make and of their
shape
landers, even in their ooodit
discovered of a reaction of the mora nong
them than among the South 8 natural COS*
•

was only by the innV !>e

-wholly
suppressed. How difficult tfa when
men ventured to forbid the public
not extend the prohibition to this point. See on this subject the remark
iu Finni Johanna :
land. T. I. ]

2 I
 tbolisfa those heathenish customs.* At firs

only labouredIceland, without any fixed <li(n

in

tir, however, who bad done so much for the diffusion of

Christianity in Ins native land, saw (dearly that Christianity
could not exisl and flourish without culture. lie sent his son
Fto Erfurt to he educated in tin- school there established.
Thia person. On Ids return, imported the seeds of knowledge into
untiv. By the choice of the people he m
bishop in 1056, and established bis episcopal see at Skalholt,
a place fixed upon by his father. This was tin OOpal
itablished in Iceland; the second was founded at llohun
in the year HOT. The first bishops, sprung- from the ancient
and principal families, and who had received their education
in foreign parts, were enabled through th<

(being reverenced as fathers and looked up to for counsel and

advice on all subjects), to act so much the more efficiently for
the extirpation of the remains of heathenism. The historian •(•

of the Northern church, the canon Adam of Bremen,

concerning the Icelanders, at the end of this period
u As in —
their simplicity they lead a holy life, and seek
nothing beyond
what nature has bestowed on them, they can cheerfully say with
the apostle Paul, 'having food and raiment, let us be ti
with content' (1 Tim. vi. 8); for their mountains
them and their springs are their delight.
as cities,
Happy
people, whose poverty no one despises, and happiest in this,
that at the present time they have all received Christianity,
markable in their manners; but above all
their charity, which places all they own in common alik-
the foreigner and to the native." J
Alter the same manner Christianity was propagated from
under the reigns of the two Olofs, to a series of
.

thern islands dependent on this kingdom to thi^Orea- —

* SeeTormod. Torf. hist
f Adam of Bremen Episcopum habent pro
:
re<ro, ad eujus nutum
•jimIus,quicquid
•

Bcripturis, tudine
gentium ill'-
i
conttirait, hoc pro lege habent
X See Hist, eccl
§ On the itablighmenti had
p. 41S . iil

I be ftboTe-i
f the bland trionali Britanni
Dtnoaalibui ljiit. Lis daorom diem
 421

and to tli- I ndf. K son sent for a

man. I>\ I who. after ha
suffered from the p. dldhood b variety ofmisforta
and passed thn td ventures, had attained
in the this man be
power I

promised his
i

dship and great honours if he would eml itianity ;

lira, however, thai bj f injuring him-

self, he would title to the happinc rhty

would bestow "ii him, ther man who kept
his commandmenti from love to the Holy Spirit via. to r —
for ever w ith his beloved Son. the
bliss of the
kingdom of lie.. mund might the a -

easily !>.-
persuaded to emb
have been convinced of the vanity of idolat
had found anything betl tisfy
his p, h
this circnmstance which had encouraged Olof to h

by his means the way might be pn

Christianity in the Faroe islands, for he had heard that be
not in the habit ofsacrincii like other

He, with his followers, all received baptism then first —

instructed in Christianity. lie returned home, in '.)<>*. with
hut on
eccle applied by the king :
pro]
>le they should all renounce idol.
that I

baptism, he met with the ni. td it

not till after he had
could induce the people of i

majority remained pagans in th

lapsed into idolatry as soon as tiny had nothing mot
Sigmund, how church i I > his own
te, and continued to labour for the nity.
nwhde another principal man of th. ued
Thrand, who had Sigmund from tnd only
yielded to superior for with his fol-
lowers to paganism. K

naviirat'mr.e. pic. udoo fdiciter ailiri queunt and he says of :

them, in quibus in centum ferine SDIlil eremite B OUS navi- I

eantes babitavemat. Bed ncnti a prineipio mnndi mper

Vuenint. its nunc causa latronum Nonnannoium vacua anchoretis plenae
inuumerabilibus avil ;
eribus multis nimis marinarum
avium.
* See the
Farcy! published by Mohnike. 1833. p. 321, 322.
 GREKNI.a JA.

an church in these islands on a fin

footu
Olof Tr
tiani: lander, in the j

land, wliich had been discovered and peopled

but a short time before. In 106 in Albert

to t! .. their bishop, by Adalbert, archbishop

of Hamburgh or Bremen ; and in a bull by pope Victor II..
ning the arcbiepiacopal district of the Ha bur h and
g m
church, Greenland u
• ii-ii led to this see.* In i

Ion «>r John, a Saxon or [risfa bishop, is said to bare mad<

attempt to introduce Christianity among the inhabitants of one
of the three cot rth America discovered by adventi
from Iceland, but to have died there as a martyr.!
Several tribes of Tartarian and Slavonian origin, dwelling
on the borders of the Bast-Roman empire, were in this p<
brought over to Cliristianity. Among ti. the lml-
ana, who, coming from the central parts of Asia, and
ading themselves along the borders of the Roman empire,
hail among Slavonian nations, adopted their and
customs. Becoming involved during the ninth century in
frequent wars with the Greek empire, in which tin
off Christiana, particularly monks and ecclesiastii

they were instructed by them in Christianity. In an irruj

of the Bulgarians into the Roman empire, a.i>. 813,
panied with wide devastations and the capture of Adrian
they dragged off, with other captives, a bishop. This pet
formed the companions of his captivity into a church, who
remained nma to their faith, even in the midst of heat:
and earnestly laboured for its spread. Many of them perished
mong these, the bishop himself*) Then, some-
what later, a captive monk, Con>tantine Cvphara-
rry forward the work thus commenced, though not with
happened, however, hat in the 1
J

861, the empress Theodora, for some special reason or other,

* S
uftthrang oYs ChrisU'iitlmms in
n, Bd. I. I.

f L. c. 8.
-
J tin. Porphyrogemt. Lift of the empen
Ml contiii ;

iicui, p
 : »N OF BOG'

from bondage, and to procure Ml

ratarn to his native country . At tmsjuncf the
Bulgarian prince 1' tantinople, whither
is a captive, and «
in
ear)] youth she had
I i
I

the bad been brought up and educated ae Christian; and

the negotiations to effect the redemption of the above-n
Homed monk resmhed also in hes being sari bach to her
friends. She d it her duty to the •
i

for which tlic ni(ti. tred

the iray,
by laboui i t her brother to the <

faith hut aurrounded

; as hi and
inadingj if be should aN faith of ma fathers, an Km
recti. »n of his
people, the found
little incline a to mm
her exhortations. But outward (nieumstancea favoured her
pions eiiorts. A famine, severely opj o the count
softened the heart i

tible to religious imprt n induced

heap from
fondness of* the prince for painting, I:

of* this
circumstance, and sent for M a monk
skilf'nl artist, probably the same who
heated for his efforts general the
oniao tribes. dent lover of the
to paint a hn nk
of his palaces but in-tt ad of it, he (i
;

mm -nt. and the impression it Mind

is furnished an opportunity for making him bet
(tainted With Christianity. He was ba]
aim

* The arguments ad<:

P. 111. p. 171, against th< tin- two, ai

though it is c that
atethodina, belabouredif in Bulgaria aa i did uot bestow
inert pains on this m:
1
doM from
his mode of procedure in other Slavonian missions, of which we shall
hereafter.
f A
chronological mark is funuY of Photius to the
bishops of the East, win the Latin
church ; for in tinea the
conversion of the Bulgarians, wh« I achan of the western
church found entrain, ipaientd shortly?
before he WTOte this letter, ti7« yx% I Ml* oiV llf "hut iytavreu
 KB TO BOG<

be took fnmi him

.
tl el.* Photi
who was then patriarch .ntinople, wrote him a !

letter, exhorting him to prosecute the work which bad b

to take
td
every pains for the conversion of his
time expounding [to him the essential
.«•

of Christian faith and morals. Jn the

beginning of his
unfolded at large the matters belonging to church
ortho from the different ben
contradistinguished
added a brief history of the genera] comic
ich he :

the church, things which the rude Bulgarian prince

neither prepared to understand nor to make use of in any
for the promotion of his equally rude Christianity. In the
id
part of his letter, he explained, indeed, the require-
ments of Christian morality, representing love to be the ful-
filling of the law,
and saying- many things which Mere well
adapted to the capacity and wants of the Bulgarian prince ;

but he said a great deal besides which was wholly out of pi

Among other councils of state-craft, he gave the following,
with reference to the political divisions in the Bulgarian
nation, then no doubt on the eve of breaking out in conse-

quence of Bogoris' defection from the national reli

"Concerted insurrections, which cannot easily be BUpprei
it is the better plan to
ignore and allow to be forgotten, rather
than attempt to suppress them by force. For the effect of the
contrary course is often only to add fuel to the fire, and to
LOUS dangers, and great damage even after t lie vi-
has been won; but appeasing the storm by gentle meaai
avoids both the danger and the injury, while it pro;:,
humanity and wisdom. "•j- On the whole, it appears quite
evident that the learned and highly accomplished Phi
could not so well adapt himself to the condition of this people,
as a Western bishop of simpler feelings, but moi med
ith men at a similar
to a- Stage of culture.
But^the Bulgarian prince Michael, following no doubt his

Trit optti*
tZ* XeifTia*Zt n/xZiroi 3nr,tr*ii'xr. PhotU epistoki'. Loud.
1651, ed. Montso
*
Bee Gonstsatui. I' it. 1. IV. <•. u et 16, Ucp.
r
7. >,and

ed. Lsehmsan, in the new edition of

ulir.

f Sec the firs*

f Norwich.
 BOGO! KIT. 425

of Chriitiai bis people to

change their religion. The consequence irai revolt against
his authority." II«- succeeded in suppressing it: and the
cruel revenge which In- now took <>n the trinity, proves the
.; ami superficial character of his Ihristiaaity. ( I [e ord ered
thai the principal men who had b tie insur-
ion should »ii the pari of I
: church.
there seems to have been ai rani of the
pro
which was needed order to the thri\i
in
nity
among so rude a people. The deficiency of clergy indu •

sk
layman who happened to I" himself I

pretending thai b icher,

him many were baptized. Bui when they found I

bad been deceived by him, they cul off oil noae and i

alter upon him man;

inflicting raonal injuries, bani
him from otherthe country.^ I

strange stories and superstitions among the people. ]

boasted of being able to foretel all fatun mom the
Scriptures. | They pretended thai the true chrism s
found in their country alone, whence it w;is distributed thro
s bole world. I ad from
distant regions came also
doctrines, so thai the people hardly knew whal to Indie
Jn th i>
partly of a political as
existing diffei
conn, (lions which 1 i:i< 1 been formed with the Qerman em]
and partly re! uncertainty p:
of the doctrim I
bem, and the hop
many other rude natioi
i
of doctrine from the church of S cir-

* Constantiu.
Porphyrojrrnit. oontinuat. I\'. a 15. Tl
'.emits are drawn from tlie later of
I. I. to this
DSp
cited c. 17
prince, presently to be .

f In the letter of Nieolsus, c. 14.

X L> c. c. 77. Gneeorum quibnsd in mani-
lausuin, uuus ex iis I nam
particnlam ligni, hanc
intra ipsUtt eodiivm oondst, et si undeeunmie aliqua vertitur ambiguitas r
aHtnnant
•
-
d cupiunt.

L. c. c. lot;. Multi ex divems locit Christtsni sdvenerint, <pii pront

1)

voluntas coram existit. multa et varia loquuntur, id est, Gneci, Armeni

(perhaps Pauliciaus) et ex caeteris locis.
426 jciiolas i.

came( nbined, induced tl rian prince and his

nobles, in the Tor
belp to pope Nichoi
Thb pope, in the following \ two Italian bishops* as
his
plenipotentiaries t«» Bulgaria, perhaps also with the pro-
posal of appointing a bishop for that province, lie E "j"

then Dibit*, and other books suited to the wants of the

obnroh, with a letter, in which he answered a hundred and
si\
question! ami petitions p] bun by the 1'). i

swera show that it was not the sole anxiel

pope to introduce among the Bulgarians the institutions of the
-

an church, the papacy, and a Christian ceremonial; but

that hewas at great pains also to direct their attention to the
things requisite for the advancement of the Christian life.
And the ECSPOCt which lie paid to the peculiar situation and
wants of the newly converted people, evinced his pa&toral
wisdom.
He told the Bulgarian prince and his nobles, and m <

voured to convince them of it by passages from the Bible,

that they had sinned, in permitting the innocent to sutler with

guilty. And even with the guilty whom God had delii
into their hands, they ought to have pursued a more gentle
course, sparing their lives, so as to give them an opportunity
of voluntarily and cheerfully seeking forgiveness for what they
had done.J With regard to those who would not rem
idolatry, he said, it should be attempted to bring them to the
faith by exhortation and rational persuasions rather than by
force, if they refused to listen, it was onl\ iVOld
intercourse with them, thus they would become ashamed of
their folly but in no case should resort be had to violence
;

force belief, for nothing could be good which did not How
i

from free inclination of the will § God required only a

voluntary <; had it been his pleasure to use I

•could ha his
almighty power.
:
Suchasretused
to be converted, wen- n the judgment of God. The
i

\nastas. Pncfatio ad Ooueil. CoQStsntBMMk IV. ll;inluin.

. T. V. p. tins ths Bulgarian prints idooeoi inMitutores
pit,
l'uuluin scilicet Popalonisnseta nan Portu-

f At the close of til 1. iSS of tlie fatartU

.17.
§ L. c. c u. Onme, qu it, boson esse m latest.
 AG A I
427

001 i<»ii-r
prejudic
liis i

;iply
this principle in its full extent. Be made a difference 4
and those who fell away from the faith,
though in
reality tiiedUhfanoe wu only outward; yet to the
applied
i
the Old 1 I
against I

pfcemers. le 1 >!i i the Bu for their

unjust and cruel OOoduCl I -incut ion.

priest. He undertook bu defence, on the -round that he had

adopted that fiction from
piotU motives, and with tic

d and even if lie dplTVed to tx

l :

from the country would have been sufficient in b

pope was consulted ring
of the cfow, which
plained. | as meaning the mortification of the
compassion to our neighbour; for it wai our Lord*! coann
lliat we ihould hear the 0*081 in our heart*. But i:

also to bear] it on their I

of their duty to bear it in the heart. ;ion I

on what festival dayi men ought to mat from bodirj

he was not satisfied with barely naming the Hays, but took this
opportunity to instruct the to the
and of r<
\als
. he said, were bound to rest from their lain
r to ha\ . to

occupy i: with prayer, with spirit] \ith

the divine word, to unit the saints, and to I

ribute alms among the poor. But if a man all i

and squander! d away in idle amusen

taken from lawful occupations, hen battel to
labour on such days w ith his own hands, that I

something bestow on the to o<

In connection with all li. ful to

warn the liul. ance on out-
ward which they v
thinu-, to
their previous pauan notions and ha! its. '1'! M ked
him what they wciv to do in -urprise :

by a sudden attack of the enemy, whilst they were assembled

* L. c. c.
18. | L c. c. 14—17.
J L. c. c. 7. § L. c. o. 11.
428 ITN1SH.V:

in the church for prayer, which would m no oppor-

tunity to finish their devotions. He told them thai the
unroeooed might be finished in any otherpli
were not oonfioed to any partieular place
Ihristiani

er, like the ancient Jewi to Jerusalem.* They had ai

bim, whether they might be allowed to go out on any di
-

battl aich he replied. j thai in the pursuit of their

lawful business, men were not restricted to particular d
Is he had
only (sudden emergencies ex
mentioned, which were reverenced by all Christians not as ;
—
though it were wrong to do things lawful even on those <

for men should not rest their hopes on particular times and
or expect to derive help from them, but only on the
living God. Rather, on these festivals they should be more
diligent in prayer, except prevented by some unavoidable
neoest in answer to a like question
.
\
the 1

times for fasting he said:]; All wars and contentions came

from the temptations of the great adversary hence they ;

should, if possible, be avoided, not only in times of hist

but always. But in cases of necessity, when men are called
upon to prepare for war, in defence of their country or of its
it would, doubtless, be
laws, improper to lay aside these pre-
parations, even in times of fasting for to do so would be
;

tempting God, by neglecting to do all that lies in our power,

for our own good and that of others, or for preventing any
injury which might be done to religion. Having explained
to them,§ that with the baptismal vow they renounced all aits
of divination and sorcery, and all that Superstitious observ-
ance of days and hours, to which they had formerly been
aCCUStom Oft, in preparing lor war. he wrote them,
that the preparation for fighting a battle on the side of reli-
.should consist in to the church,
i

repairing offering up
the ma<s, forgiving those who had injured
the prisons and setting the prisoners
'

intni.
opening
to the sick and
ring freedom to the si ecially
the feeble, and distributing alms to the needy. The DO]
i< true,
carefully
avoided intermeddling with the civil Legisla-
Of the coimtiA ; but he took 6V( r\
opportune

* I. f L C.
 429

lauuitiats against tin- barber

which prevailed in
the existii objected to the frequent em« He
ploymenl of the punishment of death, recommending the
let mildneai which lity enjoin be it I
—
be to them in this connection—thai after baring conn
the know! eil'ula*. -.\imir. they should
still
proceed to indolge in th re in the
administration of justice. Rather ought they now to !•

much inclined to |
had
formerly been to take them* ml, '
who
once breathed thn atoning and i

of the Lord, was ready, after be bad obtained

banished <>r to give up bis life for his brethren, so should tl

.
after having been called l»\ I

action, and illumi-

nated by his light, not onlj no longer thirst, after
the shedding of blood, bui n
life to all, and ;h well the life of the b the soul.
briet has yon from eternal :
death to
ieek to deliver from the rain
ht
yon to
eath not only the innocent but the guilty." The 1

earnestly protested against th< k, which

commonly resorted to by the Bulg
tion of such as were accused of thel't.f This I

cedore, he • rites to tin m, \» against all law, both human and

divine. " And all ti -

NlppOSS you foil, by

ploy, to extort from the accused tilt, must
you not then, ;it h ..

inner in which aister justi am :

suppose a nan forced l>y tort

a crime which he never coiumitti d. will DO
the one who compelled him to ma
whole heart, that which yon have biti
then, with your
been accustomed to do in you; :ted
them to be JUS< and gentle in t:>
and to keep constantly before their mind- thos
the New Testament, which taught them that they had one
and the n ter in hea

* T.

+ L c. c. 86 quod judex Otpol

: tundat ct aliis stimulis
fcrriis. donee voritatem depromat, ipsius Utters
; L c. c. 81,
430 in-, i in i. a

pope Iiail :

I ln»\v it WIS proper to tr

headed In tin* act of ieeing from their country.* To thi
first, that they should treat them according to the
.

holy men, :i> Abra-

•

lie added, that many

ham, had left their native country, without
being considered,
hewing done anything criminal. 9e
.
<t be allowed to leave his country is not a free man.
It was a custom ssnoag the Bulgarians, in the spirit of ori
itism. to allow no perscsi to sit and eat at the same I

with the kin-', not even his own wife: while his nob
obliged to sit at. a distance, on separate stools, and eat from
t round. The pope having been requested to give his com-
mands, with respect to the observance of this custom, replied,
that although this practice must be considered a violation of
manners, yet as it stood in no direct contradiction to
right faith, he had no commands to give on the subject; he
only exhorted and advised them to follow the example of
Christian princes, and dismiss all idle and arrogant pn
sions. Christian princes, he said, paid respect to the
of our Lord in the Gospel, Learn of me, for I am meek and

lowly of heart. Ancient kings, many of whom were deemed

worthy of holding communion with the saints, ate with their
friends, nay even with their servants. Nay, the King of
kings, and Lord of lords, the Saviour, ate not only with his
servants and friends, the apostles, but also with publicans and
sinners, f
Though in other respects the pope endeavoured, by the

spirit of Christianity, to infase a better influence into

.! institutions of this rude people, yet he knew how to

keep distinct and separate from each other the principles

civil, and of i lesiasticaJ Legislation. Hera
ni/.ed the freedom which should be enjoyed by every nation
within the pale of Christianity to shape and fashion its laws
I

institutions, according to its own individuality

char.; only to the demands of Christianity. Al-
though many opportunities were offered him. by the questions
which the Bulgarians proposed, t<> determine matters pertain-
ing to secular relations, yet he never availed himself of them,
i led to do SO by the immediate interests of Chr;

* L. c. c. 20. L. D. 0. 41
t
 example, wt. is lx £
Old, hI\' iieir
1
not onl\
do tlii-. but 8i afyl, which it hud b
custom to do before their baptism. Peter bad ibar-
man, and Matthew a toll

r returned to b I itthew did not return to his

ler employment
M
him about the propriety of their drees, he -aid .•+ We require
no alteration of your outward <j;;irl>, but only the c
your inward man; that ye put <>n Christ ;
.

of all who have hern baptized into put

on Christ. We inquire about nothiii
increase in faith and in good work on-, prudence
of the DOpe, en all matters of hi- soft, i- shown t

when iolioited to give them a eolleetion of civil bum. !<• I

that he would he very _; lad to land them tuch bookfl as

might serve their purpose in this I

he Mire that there were any SmOBg them whc» woiii

to interpret and expound tip id. for t: hi- I

dele iot to leave behind them

an]
hooks of this description, which they had taken along with
them, lest mi-elm- om •

interpretations or from fal-i

-

( )u another
point, however, the pope WS
church prejudices, or his mu
from attemptin
with those <>f the Christ
him eoneerni.i ed with-
out the faith. I !<• an-u p . .

far them tl not

to
pray; adducing in the passage in 1 Johi
proof
respecting the -in which i- unto the
interest which he took in his id- a of him I

no less than his Interest for the spread of the

two being inseparably com* lind he —
could not forbear inculcating it on the prince a- an important
principle, that though it would lie necessary to appoint bishops
the new church, yet these should be held bound, in all

* L. c
c. c. 49. U c. 59.

X L. c. c. 13. L. c. c. 88.
432 ILL and M

dubious and w< ask council of the apostolic

chair.*
rom these braanctionfl <>f pope Nicholas with the Bui
rians. it must appear quite evident, that he was far better
to provide for their religious wants, thai
qualified
patriarch bad proved to he. Yet the Bulgarian! Mill con-
tinued t<> tcording to the iway of their politica] in-
ii the Greek and the Latin ehureh, till finally

they decided once more wholly

in favour of the first The
k emperor. Basilius the Macedonian, spared neither |

nor i about this result and at length it ;

£0 arranged, that a Greek archbishop, and (J reek bit

chosen from among the monks, were admitted into the com
and set over the Bulgarian church. j"
The conversion of the tribes bordering on the Greek mpire <

was brought about chiefly through the exertions of two men

from Constantinople, Constantine a monk. J called a Phil<
pher, or, according to his ecclesiastical name, Cyrillus, and his
brother Methodius; the latter beingprobably the same person,
whom we have already noticed in connection with Bulgaria.^
*
Semper in rebus dubiis et negotiis majoribus sedem totius ecclesicD
more consulent apostolieam.
+ Constantin. Porphyrogenit. Life of Macedo, considering the subject
from the standing-point of the system of doctrine taught in the '
I

church, represents the matter as if the Bulgarians were now, for the first
time, rightly instructed in Christianity. See s. 95.
X Anastasius, in his preface to the fourth general council of Constanti-
nople, notices him as a friend of the learned Photius, and a zealous
defender of church orthodoxy Constantinus philosophic magna sancti-
:

tatis vir. Ilarduin. Concil. T. V. p. 753. The title " philosopher

given to hi in either on account of his learned education, or of his <;:
guished eminence a- a monk.
§ It is to be lamented, that the accounts we have of these two remark-
able men ar •
and unauthentic. The oldest, in the A
»t the 9th of March.
M time after this section was printed, led in obtail

through the particular kindness of 11. Kopitar, of Vienna, .

ork, of which
•. would have been glad to avail myself
I !

biography of Clement, archbishop of Bulgaria, composed 1'

Lar the archbishop Theophylact, and published from a manui

of St. Manui, in Macedonia, ir^r**,*
(bfitv UwofjuiKov r»v Uctfiviaivf, with a tract bj N
together
iphy is an autl;
weight, 'm what it reports concerning the fortun i
and
odius, and the history of the Moravian church, _\et the I
 433

When the I

ft, a powerful tribe, who inhabited the

peninsula of Crime*, where Mohammedans a I

;i "
'

eekii embassy to the r* <

m
e peror Michael, requesting him for them a teacher I

of Christianity, the aborementioned Cyril] was despatched on

this mission. A
part of the people embraced Christianity;
the truth century, tin 111 divided beta

ns, who constituted the minority, and Mohan

ristiana.*

.rid truth.

acquaintance with
irer I the
instruction ami cuituiv i.f a rude people; and the
spirit
•

tome one of thi

tliat, in tod to
furnish still more contribute
at, with other scholar
driven, after his death, through the intlin
were
n^itnt, as hi

greater joy, becauee tk

auth. riting,
who •

With entlni
in everything which SOUld adva:
tod the country. Be bad * I

alar attention, anil from iflMOSJ whom I u up

reading and writing sad to make them

thinm .
As
the Bulgarian ;

inguage, ai
nnoeratan I
irople
.

adapted to the condition of the ro

of tl. \yav( tltvt u.h }i*Jtvyti* /*»»
"it re* rXituiraror it BtuX-
yi»e. in
Boigarl
wild growth of the forests and the fl
•

procured from the Greet empire fruit t.and im;

the wild b among the Bnlga
for the arts of cultivated 1;' uitiful chut built,
and SOUght by this m< chain their affections to the house and
worship of (iod. Fir- <>f
Achrida,
the principal seat of his labours then an epil :

for him at DrembritSS, or Helit.- ..terminate episcopal -

this country. He died in ording to the Byzantine era
t

of the world, therefore in the year 916.

* So relates Achmed Ibn
Foszlani, who travelled as an ambassador of the
. V. 2 F
434 Tin

ill. who wa> after* l>y

his brother
dins, extended the sphere of his labours from thi> peop
other pagan ti •
The Slavonian nation of been n. I I

subject to the Frankish empire by C'hai Ieinauiie and by this ;

connection, Christianity ibnnd its way kg mat f the

tribe. The active sphere ol* Arno, archbishop oi'Sal/bui

whom Charlemagne bad given the direction of a mi
among th< ironian tribes,* as also of bis *
had been extended to these parts; and the newly-founded
Churches in the present provinces of Carinthi iaik,
and Hungary, were reckoned as belonging partly to th.
partly to that of the archbishops of Lorch.
Thus the princes Moymar and Privinna, who stood in con-
nection with the German empire, appear under the char;
of Christian princes. The latter of these resided at Mosburg
on the lake of Flatten (supposed to be the modern Salawar),
and had founded in that place a Christian church. | But the
Moravian nation, as a whole, was still devoted to paganism ;

and its ruler, Kadislav or liastices, formed an alliance, from

motives of political interest, with the Greek empire. This
furnished the occasion on account of which the two brothers,
already mentioned, came to be sent to him as teacher
Christianity. That which distinguishes Cyrill from all the
Other missionaries of this period is the fact, that he did not
yield to the prejudice, which represented the languages of the
rude nations as too profane to be employed for sacred I

nor shrink from any toil which wnu >

in ordl
ue accurately acquainted with the language of the ])•
among Sfhom he laboured. Accordingly he resided for a
order to learn the language of
B8 in
Chazars ; J manner he mastered the Slavonian
and in like

tongue, when he was called to teach among Slavonian nations.

On this occasion he invented lor it an alphabet, and translated
caliphs through their country, in the year 921. Their king, at that time,
the of l'rahn, in the Meinoires de l'Aiadeinie de
E*8aj
11. 1820, p. 590. i

VoL 1II .

% p. 87.
f See tin- oarrat priori of t!
Bajoariocna et Cajneoihaaonun, in Freh rsnmi
urn, f. ]'.).

X See the oldest report in the Ad • U.

 i
the language. H<
it f<»r
liturgical pu d he
feel in enabling le t'»
ap with a
itianity
tl import, than to i in a bare

ceremonial. But when afterwards it to happened, tliat the

;\ ian prii^ I

by political i

eaanreh,
i. 'mi-' when the

by an i

J
i ill

and Methodiua proved then

higher value on the Interests of Christianity than <>n

rtionlar chinch.
d mi difficulty in into an u with
Hadrian I.
Cyrill resi
ik.* lint Method
submission to the Komish church, and laid down ai oil] as
as a writl -ion of faith, which
i ian

din- d interrupted or cl
disturbances in tl; an kingdom,—

* T .as well as the fir

(Ualli

lint i
j

pope John \ III - had as yet been held

on this mo;

jectured. that CyriU'fl de Dp out i

if the

nivetiM, Tom. III. p. 17.'>. co-critical

i
'will and Methodius, 1
71. But it

from this circumstance, how DDOertaill the later narratives must be, which
netted with this part of church hit
f This may l>e gathered f. j»ope John to Methodius, ep.
90. sicut veri>is el lit vdere pronnsisti. ;

Ilarduiu. Coucil. T. VI. P, I.

p.
61.
2f 2
436 METHODIUS COMPLAINED OF TO THE POPE.

empire, the occurrence* tali

.an Mture
tad the chequered fortunes of his
Zwentibald or Swatoplnk, in s 70 and the following years. «

Whether it was, that the disturbance! in Moravia induced him

to tai it Christian provinces connected
with the German empire, over which Chozil, the son of Pri-
vinna, ruled Of tl ; nded the circle of his labours to
:
Buffice it to say, that his appearance in this
field where Salzburgian priests were labouring, aroused the
jealousy and suspicion of the Germanclergv. Bis attachment
to the customs of the Greek church, his holding divine service
in the Slavonian tongue, and the peculiar form in which he
caused the creed to be chanted, with regard to the process of
the Holy Spirit, all this would appear strange and foreign to
the German ecclesiastics;* while the celebration of divine
worship in the Slavonian tongue, which was understood by the
people, would naturally be more edifying to the people than
the same held in the to themu nintelligible Latin language.
This displeased the German clergy, who forfeited their good
standing with the people, and the Salzburgian arch-pried who
presided over the ecclesiastical institutions in this district,
withdrew for this reason to Salzburg.f
Thus complaints on the part of the German clergy against
* The aversion felt towards Methodius
betrays itself in the report of
the above mentioned contemporary priests, in the narrative of the
De conversione Bojor. et Carinth. where he speaks of
Methodius' arrival within the province of prince Chozil, and s;ivs that the
archpriest Richbald,who had been sent there by the archbishop of Salzburg
was induced by that circumstance to return home again. " Qui multum
H ibi deinoratus ng suum potestative olhciuin, sicut illi
injunxit archepiscopussuus,us<iuedum qoidani GrSBCOfl Methodius nomine
noviter inventis Slavinis Uteris lingnani Latinam doctrinamque Koinanam
liter. lt*s latiuas philOfOphioe That
atqoe roperdncens."
—
is,
:

Methodius despises the Latin language and doctrine as a philosopher,

just as complain; wards made about the nova doetrina Methodii
philofOphL The name philosopher is
certainly not applied to him here
niuin ;
was unchurchlike. Hut this name,
but to denote that lie

Mi-thodius may have brought with him from his count other :

mtine or Cyrill had done.

•

tinuation of the Latin words

in the folio
f The remarkable words of tl> ntioiied priest, who n
rhen it had just taken place: "Yileecere fecit enncto pope
isticumque offlcium illorum, qni hoc latin*
runt qnod ille feire nun volcns, sedem repeti;: in."
 437

archbishop Methodius, reached the ear of Pope John

VIH. Be wa
of ha\ log infringed on the .sec of the
d

archbishop of Salxburg; be waa reproached with employing a

different language from thai of the church in divine worship,
ami doubtless also with the attachment which be showed to
ek church, and with his deviations from the Komish in
(

many other particulars. Though tb< ed to

bbiabop ordained at Rome in bis dignity and his
right endent only on the pope himself, and
to give liim iii» :is il ficthn to the German
bishops yet by ;

these accusations, bia mind was filled with m tight

naturally be expected, especially at that perio
bickerings between the Latin and the hurch**
he rammoned the
archbishop Methodic
the same time forbidding him to bold mass in any
other than the >i''<k or the Latin Ian <

univ< :

ticeof the chun difierent

nations. Yet he was allowed to preach in the lai ! "the
country, because in the 117th Psalm all tin died
upon to praise God, and the Apostle Paul, Philip, ii. 1 1.

toe
riorj Methodius obeyed the call, and in
the Father.

year 879 repaired to Some, accompanied by an ambassador

the
of the Moravian prince Swatopluk and by a certain Wichin,
whom that prince wished to I

ra.j
M< tl i
•

md-
with the pope OD all the
complete]] d with the explan

views, and allowed him to retain hi med form of

* Tin-
i" |
. that the M den into doubts
tin- the true faith : ami be tetter ad T .

term ile lf*r*XU . rniiv in tl] the faith of

the Romish church. V
had entered the mind of the nope that were inclined to
IT the doctrine of the Greek Chut tact, cone*::
qnis alitor docet. cmau
.

et Uteris pi \alde mirainur. This prince Tuventar must have

.

belonged to a Slavonian tribe converted long before this time; for the
pope speaks as If bit UMestOCT bed ristian doctriue from I

the preceding p.
»wsky in his work, Moravian legends con-
corning (\ rill and Methodius, Pi expresses the conjec- .

ture that Hamas .ad near the extreme limits

of Pannonia.
438

tviociag the pope

that the use which lie had hitli* iian
in divine worship Was in M
ducive to the edfifiefttioo of tb<

id forth as his defender on this point, and

WlOte M follow* to the Moravian prince :f "The alpl .

certain philosopher CoosiaotiDe,} to the

God's praise may duly'sonnd forth in it, we rightly comn*
and we order that in tins language th<
our Lord Christ be declared; for we are exhorted by H<»]y
Scripture to praise the Lord, not in three languages alone.
but in all tongues and nation ii. and
Philip, ii. And
the apostles, full of the Holy Ghost, proclaimed in all lan-

guages the great works of God. And the apostle Paul ex-
horts us, l Cor. xir., that speaking in tongues] we should
edify the church. It stands not at all in contradiction
with the faith, to celebrate the mass in this lam
the gospel or losons from the Scriptures properly translated
into it, or to rehearse any of the church hymns in the same

(aut alia horarum officia omnia psallere) ;

for the God who is

* It isclear, that this had been a subject of controversy. The pope

"
•f it in his letter to the Moravian
princes, ep. 107: Ipitur hune
Methodium venerabilem archepiscopnm vestrum intern coram
positis fratribus nostris episcopis, si orthodoxy fidsi symbolu:..
crederet et inter sacra missarum solennia caneret, sicuti sanctam
Romanam ecclesiam tenere et in Sanctis sex uniYeraalibufl synodis a
Sanctis patribus seenndnni erangelieam Chriflti l>ci nostri enctoril
promulgation est atque tradition constat, [lis autcm prcfe-
jnsta evangelicam el apostoUenm doctrinam sicuti sancta Rom
docet et a patribus trauitum est, tenere et psallere." Tl
tf> the retaining of the cited in the unaltered ancient form which

conformable to the evsngelica Ciiristi auctoritas, the words of Christ,

John •
more on this point under the history of controversies.
t Kp. 107.
+
This expression deserves notice: "literas a Constantino quotlam
pkilo*
Thus
enatomsffj to sjx-ak of a man, of ll
it is

little is known. I fable that, if the pope knew 1 1 - j i I

:i.-r of Methodius, if this ('onstantine liad been in

the office of his predeoenort by the pope, if he had died as a
I

monk at Koine. |
nld li iv. d hiiosclt* concerning
him? especially since it must have been pleasing to him ti> recommend
M'ularl v on ICOOOnt Ol
r
", a hol\ monk, a man
died in trw ehnreh at Home, the
founder of t
 k. 439

the author of
•

rfed the «

al-<> for hi* own glory. Only -sary, m ordei

.
that in all I nan chui
hould in the I

publicly read in I.

and then to be an-

toml liy tl ."*
Tin' .
icliin l)i-
:

another p
or deacon of m far the pur*
1

to the episco ;
so that tin 1
archbisho r with t! xmld
after wan:

bishops 8S misfit for the new church. In I

i

Biethodiui returned home to hi- diocese* The pope r< <

Bended him, in em rms, to hi

judicea
no doubt had al rist him.

firmed him as independent

church. no other person than himself for
:

administration of that church, f which wa-

Chi him against thi
I

tl Methodiut could no4 bul to be involved, on hi- reiam,

in new disputes with the I
rhese
would i:
'
that the,*
M-
i lent on the <
.rch,
and received the lir-r

bishops, should n church u

afchbishop, and
their o\\ n I
\ ith-
drawn from the dim
tO it.
J Added to
•

* To tliis the popo adds :

Latum Lingua magis ami -.irum tibi

solemn i i oelebrentur."
bratod in a awnd language, bad I

agreeable t ivian

f Nam popnlns Domini :!. rorum hie

redditnrns est rationem.
I.This m sented in the complaints,
which Theotmar, d in
ir 900 io i". VI. P. I. a.
|

Tern Slavinorum, qui lieaatBT, qu:r regibai nostris et popnlo

nostro. soots qaoqae cum hsbitatoribtu m in culta
440 i iopluk.

of the Germans to in archbishop coning from the Gi

church, and their blind fanatical sea] against the peculiai
of that church, after the antagonism the two churc
become public this time, the

clergy Bccmed to have acquired tome Lnflu<

in

the Moravian prince, which influence wai now increased by

the change of political relatione, the close alliance *>i Si
pluk with duke Amolph of Carinthia, afterwards emperor.
ore serious inisunderstandii,_ n Metho-
diua and his sovereign. j The bishop 'Wichin, who should

ChristiaruE religionis, quam in tribute substantias secularis, quia exinde

prinnun imbuti et ex paganis Christiani sunt facti. Archbishop Methodius
cd over in silence in this letter, as if no such man had e\
and only the bishop Wichin, ordained at Rome, is mentioned, and be as
one who had been ordained for a country then for the first time subdued
by tin- Moravian princes, and then for the first time made acquainted
•with Christianity by means of the Moravians (a country therefore whose
case was quite different from that of the Moravians, who had before this
been converted by missionaries from Germany). By the appointment of
this bishop, the interests of the German church were not endangered.
* See on a future
page.
t The old legends, which speak of the misunderstanding between the
two, of the excommunication which Methodius pronounced on the prince,
of his journey to Rome and his recall, deserve but little credence, owing
to their character in other respects, and particularly on account of the
want of all connection in the narratives. Besides the cause of the
understanding is still left in uncertainty. But by comparing the docu-
ments already cited, and the consolatory letter of the pope to Methodius,
presently to be mentioned, and by considering the fact that Methodius
soon disappears from the page of history, we may conic to some elear
conclusion with regard to the truth which lies at the bottom of these
accounts. Iu the narrative, not now before me. of the life of the
Bulgarian archbishop Clement; said to have been a disciple of Methodius,
written at a much later period, from which a fragment was first published
by Leo Allatius, and which was published complete at Vienna in 1808,
the true cause of the quarrel is correctly stated by a zealous adherent of
; the aversion of the German clei
that church. Sc »wn from this writing DJ Dobrowsky,
iu the eisay already referred to, Cyril! and Methodius, P. 115.
According to the account in the above cited biography of Clement,
Methodius died in Moravia, having administered the archicpiscopal otliee
24 years; and it was not until after his death, that the Frankish or
German party obtained the tscendancy, and Induced Swatopluk to ;

cute those who adhered to the doctrine of the Greek church. Methodius
had fixed upon one of his seholn | Moravian acquainted with
the Greek ss well as the Slavonian for his successor; hut
language,
this person was supplanted h) bishop Wichin [^lUyuKef), with wheel
 TO YIELD. 441

:;nan
party, and Appeared his opponent m It should seem, thai be
•fleeted the air of one \\ Iw had >
I :ted by ti,<

keep watch over Bfeihodiu ihaf he remained

to tin- principl i

nothing
in contradiction to them. And I
taken ad-
rentage of this, to injure the archbishop fan mrioc
i

Swatopluk tppes oftnepope] whether it

wraej thai he mieeonetn language of th- »re
cited, or that be pn d another. Metho-
dius bad difficult r ;t and when bii a«l-
many
•

appealed to those plenary powers which

iriei
ed from the pope, he began dou
aboul this. 1the pope the whole matt
1

ed tor perm is ppear himself one- more In liis

nee. John
granted him bii
A' I II.

deeii me time, of hearing both rides. M<

time, be endeavoured to assure him, by a friendlj
of the sincerity of bis inl m;§ and exhorted
him top* ting the work which he had l>«
in the confide him, no man could pre-
vail
against him. Methodius availed himself of
him l'\ the
i
and from .

thai time la- disap]

it
was, that hi

Methodius himself h;i I ;ind who Stood at I

German i ais, amonp

•nt, Nauui. An-, larii. .

tinguishrd. Had the co:.

plains of the ill-treatment which I

N^mt^m (Slavonian nan.

* We infer this from the fact that the pope, in 1.
deemed it DSOCSSaiy to assure him, that he had
commission to that bishop than the :

Wiohln also named in the I

uor hound him .

:li to anv
supervision of that natu: poilli pala:
to aliud faciendum injunximus et aliud | LOUIS, |

qmmto minus credemh. raineiitum ah eodtm piscopo e.\ .

i

mus, quern saltern levi sennoue D .dhxuti non fuimus.

"
f As the jK>pe says in his letter, Quidquid enormiter adversum te est
commissum. quidquid jam ii >utra suum miuisteriuni in
Qti Coneil. T. XVI. f. 199.
|
sta dubietas," he writes to him.
442 vor.

him in Mi lithim again to enter his field of

ir in t luit
country. The (Jernian bishops continued still
the foun rch-
bishoprie,* till th Ived, and
mans, I
[ungarians, and Bo
;
-ion of thf political de;.. I tlie
Moravian kingdusn, at the time when Methodi , »>ur-
:i the latter country, duke liorziwoi of Bohemk
iristianity at the court of* his liege-lofd,
and was baptized. f For a long time, however, Ih
maintained between Christianity and paganism in
afterwards independent kingdom of Bohemia. I

son, duke Wrataslar, left behind him, at his death in

two minor sons, the elder named We end a younger
Boleslav. The care of their education was entrusted t»>
* See the above mentioned
letter of the archbishop of Salzburg to pope
John IX., and the letter, written in the like spirit, of II >ishop
of Meats, and his suffragan bishops, to the same pope. 1 II I autem
Moravenses in occasionem superbia; assumnnt, quia a vestra eoncessione
dicuut se metropolitanum suscipere et singulariter de^entes aliorum epis-
coporum consortia refutant. Mansi Concil. T. XVIII. f. 206.
t Dean Cosmos, of Prague, in his Bohemian Chronicles, makes mention
of the baptism of Borziwoi in the year 1)04. Were this date correct, then,
according to what we have above remarked respecting the life of Metho-
dius, no immediate share can be assigned to him in Ufa
Borziwoi. Dobrowsky, the learned investigator of the history of the
Slavonian church, thought he must put the conversion of Borziwoi
between the years 870 and 880; see his Moravian Legends of and
Cyrill
Methodius, p. 114. The contested Moravian-Bo!:
that when Borziwoi betook himself to tin* court of his feudal lord, :

•hen, could not eat at the same Rfbfe with him, but must est with
his own
people, sitting upon the ground, Methodius testified syn
for him,and improved the oppor tunity to direct his attention to what lie
would gain for this temporal life, as well as for the eternal, by the l

ver, what is here said of the relation i

to his superior, is at least consistent with Slavonian customs. See

abov.
AVI the relation of Drahomira to Ludmill:
: more
careful examination. Tin- Russian legend, considered by tho
versed in t!i a literature, as very ancient, and published
Wostokow. istmrg, from s manuscript of the fifteenth century,
the relation of Drahomira to Christianity in a far D
ahle point of
light
When wrote what is found in th.
I !d not
avail myself Of I made kno\
a translation, hy special kindness of a learned scholar in th
literature.
 443

ii. and she Wl

the bead ofth< n party. Their mother, on the other
hand, Drahomira or Dragomir, who became mistress of
I blind /<;tl to
paganism, and
doubt I Ludmilla'fl influence might
her; cnrnl her a—tssination. [nlhei
Wenaeslav had -ccptible mind the wed
Christian piety imparted to bin by bis gmndmotl
ardour of his !br (

defect He had not l>.

qualify him foi tot advantage asa -
fur the ;i<lv;u,. ingdoaa bcri:had
such training and direction ai belonged rather, ;it I

to the profession < I monk. <

the government, I
I himself not only to suppress
LdoJatn and to d. ota, bul also to inl

Christian discipline and a reformation of morals aa

hi> j etl the rudeness of their man

lie abolished the frequent and cruel puaiahmi

and founded mon At insti-

tution
Air.;.' -aid. ho WU on the eve of* abdid
eign authority. becoming a monk, and maki
rim-
me, when, at the instigation of his brother. .

u
fanatically devol d in
ossioa of tin- prince, but
!

paganism again revived.

.

into which Boleaku was foro

1., in tin

tion of the churche-. and the rfotahlishumnt of tit

He him* ind,
under the suflR ids later reverses,

conviction, to have professed Christianity

The foundation of the Bohemian ehun his j

and successor, Roloalnv the Mild, undi this

church was established with a fixed central point, in the arcli-
bishopric of Prague. V- t, fur a
Long time, pagan barbai
maintained its
sway in Bohemia, under the garb of Christianity ."J
* See Memoir of his life by the monk Christian, in Halbini epitome
hist, n-nim Bohoaseanun, i

f The biographer of Adalbert of Prague says of the Bohe-

444

I violent were the man

prang from noble family of that land, ami educated at
a
to sustain, when, in 988, he became arch-
•
I

biahop oi ami. Impatient of the hitherto prevailing

.

outbreaks <>f barbarian, endeavoured to compel submission

from the people to all the ordinances of the church. Be com-
bated, in particular, polygamy, the concubinage of the el-
and the traffic in Christian slaves carried on by t; I

Had Adalbert been more free from fanatical <•

and had he failed less in point of Christian prudence and cool-

ness, he would, no doubt, have been able to accomplish more
than he did. He aspired to the death of a martyr. After
having- tv> ice tied to Home from the rude people who would
not listen to his voice, and retired to the monastic life, and
twice returned home to his see at the pope's command, and
after having abandoned it
again for the third time, in following
his restless impulse to labour and suffer for the faith, he
the death he desired in 997, among the Prussians. It
was not the year 1038 that Severus, archbishop of IV,
till

succeeded, under more favourable circumstances, to eni

the ecclesiastical laws respecting the contract and sacred ob-
servance of a Christian marriage, the keeping of festival
days, and similar matters, to the promulgation of which he
pretended to have been called in a vision, by the martyr Adal-
bert himself. | The use of the Slavonian language in divine
Worship, which had been derived by this church from the
avians, and prevailed in scattered mstai also
fiercely opposed, and looked upon by many as heretical.}
From the times of Charlemagne various attempt- had I

made to reduce certain populous tribes of Slavonian origin,

bearing the name of Wends, and dwelling on the northern
eastern borders of Germany, between the Elbe, Oder, and
Saale. to the Frankish empire, and bring them over to the
Romish church. But that Christianity which had been lin-
ed on them by constraint, and with the loss of their lib

mians (wet "

:<>r.
April. T. II. f.
179): PtariqiM nomine tonus
Christian! ritu geutiliuin vivunt."
* L. c, f. 181.

f 81 ^mas, book II.

t so example is the appendix to the Chronicle i See
Menken Script, rerun Gernuuuearnm. T. ill. 1. I
 Tin: wksds. 445

and indeptndePt individuality as a nation, became odious to

them. The <i' irruptions of the Normans, of which
we have spoken mi a former Alributed to the revival
oi*paganism in these district ins liad I.

he-n.wed on the baiilW instruction to this

people, in a form adapted to their national peeuliaiv
Though individual bishops, to whoee dioceaei many people
from these tribei belonged, laboured sealous] j for tlieir <

a want of t<aeher> for them, suffi-

ciently well acquainted with the Slavonian t And

though it is evident that individual bishops and monks, 4 led on
DV their pi«»us zeal, acquire a knowledge <>f the
did really
onian, yet the number i
mall, compared witli
•he people who were
to he converted. j lad the

\ rill and Methodius found more imitators, the

planting of the Christian church among those populations would
have been greatly facilitated. [o 1

sented by the foreign liturgical language appears, an.

other-, from the following example: Al —
d labouring for the conversion ol

vonians belonged, in the last half of the tent: tain

as a monk in the ab '. lanine-
ran. a! lit .and was then employed a- nan
in the service of the emperor Otho I. He learnt I

nian language, preached in it. converted and baptised many

od the mperor rewarded his labot
i

him the first bishop over t

;

him for the Slavonian-, lie DOW wrote offfOT them the lit in
forms in Slavonian characters ;| hut it.

themting the K\
to i

transformed the phrase Into a onmhinarion i I 5

with a somewhat similar sound, Kvrki; amused ti.

* 1!
pariah pri g to the Tillage Bosow, in the
bishopric ofLnbec, who in tin- t\\ of thecon-
:i of tin- Slavonia
.vorum) an
old tradition, which states that in the reign of the emperor Lewis 11. monks
from the D nmolated, perhaps, by the example of
bar—had gOM forth as missionaries among these Slavonian tribes.
f Hie tit sii.i eonunissos eo faeilius ins;: mica scripserat
i
Ditmar M Chronica 1. II. f. 24. e<l. llaineeeii. Francof.
But the whole more complete in the edition in Leibniz

Script, reran Bransvic T. I.

 it that hi to have I

1
'•tin mih in the hedge.* It is a jut remark.
atimpression would, doubtless, have
on ti oniana ii* Bono had taught th Sla-
iui.

anew by the oppressions th avo-

nian tribes repeatedly broke away from the yoke in
last it became
it, until at possible, though not befoi
portion of the people were exterminated, and their nati
to
being about, in a way eontradictoi
,

the very essence of Christianity, the establishment of the church

among them.*
Tlie emperor Otho I. availed himself of the victories gai
by his predecessor, Henry I., and by himself, over the 3
man bribes in Germany, to give a firm shaping to th-
Wend-German church, by found ing several bi and,
doing,
i took pains to fill these bishoprics with
lit'

already distinguished for their zeal in promoting the clirl .

of Christianity among time tribes. In 946 he founded the

bishopric at H
avclbcrg ; in 948 the bishopric at Altenburg,
or Oldenburg, among the Obotrites, one of the principal
of the Slavonian power in Germany. This last-named bishop-
ric became extremely rich, and the bishops could make u
their wealth as a means of binding the Slavonian population,
and their princes, to themselves. Furthermore, in
founded the bishopries of Meissen, Merseburg, Zeitz (which
latter bishopricwas transferred, in 1029, to th.
timburg) and, in 968, he gave tl:«
: oiiian church, I

with the concurrence of pope John XIII., a

point, in the archbishopric founded at Magdeburg, f It
the empep a that the bishopric of Oldenburg, lib
* Adam of Bremen and Hehnoh)
agree in stating that the opprea
and extortions practised against the Slavonians throw obstacles in the
way of theii of Bremen cites the remark which he
from the lips of the then king of Denmark: '• Poptdos Slavorum
:

jamdudum procul dnhio facile eonverli posse ad Christian;-

Saxonom oostitisset avaritia. Qmibas mens pronior i

dium, qnam ad com* entilium. Nee attendunt ra

quantu .piditatisluant periculum, Christianitatem in

qui
;\aritiam turbaverunt, dcinde per orndelitatem so !

ad rebel landum coegerunt et nunc salutem eornm, <mi credere vellent,

ntemnunt."
B Imold, l. l. o
 447

dinafte to this cosn-

DKM9 mettopolj 1 i>v the opposition
of* tlit- aniil'i . who MHirlcd the clain
optical pi them.* The

<»|h-1 to the Slavonians on the island of liiigen.j IJa>

found it
impossible, htvsvi
of the |"
"in*- n 11* over the t i

n ia-ii new and u ider field

the Slavonians
.: new op and insults led to a nev.
iiisiii ,,|>. ( )n«' of their chii
. who had become a
t»> i

:ial
injur]
coiiicst at Rethre, the princi]

nip, and I central point of the nation ; and

u. in foundation was des

ity must i.

mind of i»h chief h

I ind when hi

time to subside, he he had

peebabl) con I

with repentance and regret. A

tolerate hi in u hile he n mail.. :
ian lie fin

to
spend the roenunderoi has \

hat similar change in ;

\ iethuis w.

tiwoi, w bo
of til

in a school atLuneburg, he n
the news of the murder of hta
rht upon bis mind, that he fled from I

termiiied to revenge hie his

people. The spirited and enterprising youth coll< ther

Ids countrymen for new and bi

* Or the on.
L. e. c. 1. t i

the old Nai irgemushi Meibom.

rerun Genn. 'J'. I. f, 7

§ Helmold, 1. c. 16. Imold, I. c. 19.

448 gottschalk.

and- | the district of Hamburg

and Holstein. Hut the I
feelings,
instilled into him by
his i' . could not be wholly suppressed at
once; and it bo happened that, on a certain occasion, while
surveying the Nation which he had created, and
beholding a once populous and highly-cultivated district, which
had been sprinkled over with numerous churc rted
into a barren waste, he was seized with deep pangs of rem
at the reflection that all this misery was caused by him
"iiscience was aroused, and he felt constrained to make
restitution for the wrong, and once more consecrate his life to
the religion in which he had been educated. This Gottschalk
became, in 1047, the founder of a great Wendish kingdom.
The whole aspect of things Mas now changed ; for a chief
sprung from the people themselves, and animated by a sincere
love of his countrymen, was striving to impart to them, out of
a true regard for their well-being, Christianity and Christian
culture. Gottschalk sent in every direction for clergymen to
come and labour among his people, which was attended, how-
ever, with this great disadvantage, that many of them were
ignorant of the Slavonian language. Gottschalk contributed
his own efforts to remedy this deficiency. In the church he
often addressed exhortatory discourses to the people, and
translated for them the forms of the Latin liturgy, which tin*
bishops and priests used, into the Slavonian tongue.* P

churches and monastaries were founded at Lubec, Oldenl-

Katzeburg, Lentzen (Leontium), Mecklenburg, a principal
place of the Obotrites (not far from Wismar). Adalbert or
Albrecht, archbishop of Bremen or Hamburg, encouraged him,
in an interview at Hamburg, to steadfastness in defending the
faith, and to perseverance in zeal for its diffusion. Bremen
at that time the central point for the missions of the North,
I

where banished bishops, clergymen, and monks, from all quar-

gathered around him, for whom he had to provide the
.

Ibrecht joyfully welcomed the oppOT-

*
f Princcps Godesealcus tanto religionis exarsit studio, ut ordinis sui
oblitu rtmtionii ml popolnm !'•

ea ib eviseopii el presbyteru dioebantur, B

<jua> mjsttee
copteni redden plsalors, Adam <•. L&8. a
illy in this section respecting Gtottschslk, Retinoid
Chronica Slaver. 1. I.e. 20.
(unity which w
i
to him ling them i

4
Held of labour; though it must he i
that
Mich pern qualified to acl

imong tli«- SlaTOoiaue, With hie seal for the

difiussoo of Christianity, this prelate united an ambition to
appeal as patriarch of the North ; and this induced him,
the purpose of multiplying the number of bishoprics under
hk c one bishopric of Oldenburg Into three, and
iiixl two other
bishoprics al Etatzeburgand Mecklenburg,!
which may iiavc been a salutary thing for the new church
moo 'i>l«'
that needed careful
oversight.
this new i
ed
Thoo chalk had converted a large portion of his
If to all appearance, vet the hea-
Christianity. ;.

then portion, be had runwhose i( him by all

fiiry
hristianity, and by the alliances which
!

lie bad formed with the Christian

princes of Germany,
•till too
strong; and the devout kin<4- fell a sacrifice tohk
seaL >n the 9th <»i' June, 4. i>. 1066, he a mar-
perished is
<

tyral Leutzen, er with the priest Ebbo (Eppo), who

i and
laymen,
who were made to Mil. The monk
and oth-
monk§ is said to hare entreated tin
would first stoue Iris companions, forwh
had tears, and when these had fell

'.idly
on his knee-, and Ottered np UUl lite. The old

bishop, John nburg, * with

•

clubs, then dragged in mockery throu

the Slavonians, and, awj the faith, his as
and being first cnt off, his head
feet ,

upon a
carried about in triumph, and i

in the temple at Kcth: .

p. 447) J and
* Adam of Bremen, c. 142. Dt parvula Brans ex illius virtute instar
e divelfcata ah omnibus terranun psrtfbm devote peteretur, maxime
[oilooalibaa nopal Sehnofd, 1. I. c. -j-2. Conflaebantergom
curiam ejus multi sacerdot.s et religion, plerique etiam episcopi, qui
urbsti, mens* ejus ersnt psrucipes, quorum sarciua ipse
alleviari
en]
mint eos in latitudinem gentium,
f Helmold, I. e. 22.
'.lssus est noster Maccahanis.
I lam of Bremen, c. IGG. and the appendix, Helmold, I. c. 22.
. V .
-' o
4,30 «
HKISI'IAMTY AM

of a BOH .

uaong the 8 ins. Those who contii

t'ist in their faith wen muioV
pro\ Mlatiou.
In this ;
•

foundsiioo of the
church; indeed, the firsl Christiani
among tl as about the time tl

united in sue monarchy under tb ;urik,

sprung from the Norman race of
to the southern
parti of the prei
i

Kouiaii empire in the East, they were, like

ilic

other nations in the like circumstances, made acquainted with

Christianity; and Greek emperors and patriarchs of Constan-
tinople were induced to make attempts for their convex
In the circular letter issued by the patriarch Photius, in 866,
nst the Latin church, he n< mong other tfa
that the people called Russians,* hitherto noted for their bar-
barian and had forsaken idolatry, received Chris-
cruelty,
tianity and allowed a bishop
to be placed over theni.t I

tins, without doubt, describes the change said to have been

produced by means of the Greek church among the Run
in a boastful and exaggerated style but some truth no doubt ;

lies at the bottom of this exaggerated representation. '1

attempts to introduce Christianity among the Russians seen

to have been continued also by the emperor Basilius the
Macedonian, and the restored patriarch Ignatius, of
tinople though here also, the 61
; accounts t

orians,! mixed with those fables which io easily sprung

up and spread among the Creeks of this period, an
entitled to absolute confidence* The commercial interoo
-11 as the iran of the
Russians with the Greek empire,
the enlistment of the "Wara/ians in the service of the liv/.an-
tine government, all this contributed to bring it about, that
in tl
(ding times of the ninth and tenth centuries.
many seeds of Christianity were scattered anew among
without being followed, however, by conv(
.

nt. When in the the Rui - .

: i
eluded a
*
Ti ihot rb xaA«t//t/,t»a> Vug.
t Photii e
L Basil, f. 4S4.
 OLGA. 45]

Russians
empire, the b in t! re by
the led of the
( w ho swore l>y their
Slavonian god Pel Llished in tin*

church dedi-
the capita] of the

empire t Thi
centre for the diffusion toitj in these d
i

rulers of the Russian empire were mure taken up with other

than with tho .

an»l the very difference itself i

of which the ruling •

ut hail
and h bo by \ irtue of then
sprung;,
t<> the
religion of >din, and that of
;i < ;

|0 theSlavonian idolatry, may i. the

more liberal tolerance of a third religion.
the forms <>f Ihrietian worship ( at

by what they here

learnt COO
nity
11 to the Rum the old i

f idols with Christianity, and thus it

may hi
about, that Olga, -rand princess of U with
n faith. In 956, she D

journey perhaps tor this special purj

.

intending to t iptism in
culture; unless it may be mpposed thai she undertook the
joiin I

by the
"
inipi'
i her mind by
Christian worship on ti, ind by the
k at

• B peace in the Annals of the Knssian nunik awi

to; in ir thi close of this ]*?riod, in the translation

X The three follow DsW, "were

the nio>t important metropolitan :is in
this
period.
also relate
this event The] name the grand dn LnraL
1. S. 584, near the end.
f. tine I'orphyrogenetos,
wider whoso reign this hap; m the cere-
KRnee of the Byzantine eourt, the solemn reception of -tan- <

tinoph'; but in this connection he makes no mention of her baptism, this

a to the design of his l ais work, ed. Niebuhr, vol.

2o2
452 m.

.ijiti-m tin She by no

her son Swtttoslar, and her people
r

tianity. Perhaps she hail recourse, in the

uperor Of y bie
fame which Bpread far and pride in every direction, and
liad

by the accounts given of the zeal he manifested for the

on of the Slavonian tribes; perhaps by the sinhasaadoT
whom she sent to his court she requested him to KDd her
a bishop and priests.* If this story really
then the abovementioned Adalbert (p. 448), who
.

afterwards became bishop of Magdeburg, visited that country,

but was soon induced, by the unfortunate issue of his mi-
to returnhome again to Germany.
Vladimir, uncle to the grand duchess, who had before been
a zealous pagan, was the first who began to waver in his reli-

gious opinions. Having rendered himself famous by hit eon-

quests far and wide, it is said that people of various oati
Bulgarians from the districts bordering on the W'olga, who,
• * The
confounding together of Rugi (as the inhabitants of the island
Riigen, but sometimes also the Russians are called) and of Russi, Ruscia
makes this story, which occurs in the old German chroniclers of
the eleventh century, a matter of dispute. The question arises, whether
the island of Riigen, or Russia is meant. The statement of the chro-
niclers, that the Russian grand duchess made this request to the emperor
only in pretence (ficte), and that he was deceived by the Russians, cannot
be considered as altogether inconsistent with the supposition that the em-
press of Russia is referred to; for her son being really an
Christianity, and the people generally devoted to paganism, it might
happen that die bishop seat to them from Germany was frightened away
by the unfavourable reception which he met from the multitude, and it
may have been unjustly inferred from the unsuccessful issue of the
mission, that Olga had a bad object in view. But supposing the story to
relate to the inhabitants of the island Riigen, it admits of being i

explained, that these latter, who were devoted pagans till down inl
twelfth century, sent an embassy to the emperor with an entirely different
object in view from that which they openly expressed, and that they pur-
posely deceived bim. Rut still it remains singular ami unaccountable that
J of the German chroniclers should so distinctly assert that l(
the Russian prin i, baptized at CoiuUaitvtoplt, who sent this
COOid not surely arise out of nothing.
•

one hypothesis then remains, unless the who!.

Russians, viz. that two cmk ans and another i

at With different objects to the emperor, and thai

two have been confounded together in the account. S
accounts brought together in Schlozer's Nestor, V. p. 10G.
 vi \n. 453

unlike those dweMin ere nol devoted to

-ti.uiity bu immedani ars who were

Jews, also tnd Latin Christiana, sought to gain him

to their n lolred on tending
BmbnwiflB to different countries- to obtain more accurate in-
formation with regard i<> the character of the different reli-
[» and modi
rahip; and then to make nil selection
rding to the reporti which he received. Thoee of nil
tantinople were invited to
the whole pei vice, even the celebratio
'l

iu the
great church of St. Sophia. The magnificence of the
church, solemn pomp ox the worship according to the
the
k rites, made
a singular impression on the minds of tl
rude men, and the report of it which they sent hack to their
prince, determined him t<> embrace Christianity according
the Greek Vladimir was baptiied in the yi
in the old Christian commercial
city of Cherson (Kerssan
<>n

the western hank of the Dnieper), conquered by himself, and

ived at his baptism the name Wasaily. He married the
id then
'

tO introduce
* M with

Bd. I.
p. U
.
iramiim'i

with I
irt
1 1

tin-
tnoayn
'i tory

i
hild,

biea
ni has published, Imperiun i. II. Amu
st;intin.
Porphyr published by Banduri I

:• in tie- Ki. '

the
I with what they saw
hut
by what they beheld at
in**, c

edit •
multitude
of lights, the in. none, then the . lebta-
tion of the eucharist, the hj ;
forth with
torehss ami tin" Mabel 1

I them with sstftnishnu

W and Athauasius (which without doubt should be Metbodioi
said to hare Tinted I
their
oman alphabet, tin- inaccuracy ot' the Seconal dent.
And so also Hisilius II. may have been bere oonfbunded with Beailius
Macedonian, and a later wit] .ry enterprise of
the (in eks among the Km- f the miracle wrought

among the Russians see i h certain iy belongs to the time

ot' Baailiufl the Macedonian, is interwoven with this tale. The chro-
i.al date, as fixed
by N< .yond all doubt, the
454 ::Y.

Christian: .pie. To effect this

object,
mack' use Off BBS authority ;is ruler: tho idols w<
and the p. :unanded to submit to baptism. \

bodies of men and women appeared with their children on the

banks of the Dnieper, and were baptized at one and the
time. r had this outward conversion been for-

thao schools were established at Kiew. ami the

Cvrillian alphabet and Cvrillian translation iA' the B
ian instruction.*
Vladimir's successor Jarosssw, 1019 — 1054, endeavoured
to advance further the Christian culture of the people by
still

BCboola, churches, and monasteries and by arrangements for

the translation of religious and theological books from the
Greek into the Slavonian language of the country. At
Kiew was founded the first archbishopric of the Rim
church, and Jaroslaw was desirous of making it, and with it
the entire Russian church, independent of the patriarch at
Constantinople. This independence, however, was but a
transitory appearance.
From Bohemia the Christian church was transplanted to
Poland. Duke Mjesko Miecislaw of Poland, the first
or
Polish king, was persuaded by his queen, the Christian Bohe-
mian princess Dambrowska, in the year 966, to receive bap-
tism. The old pagan worship was only suppressed by ft)
the adoption of Christian customs was effected in the -
way hence paganism resisted for a long time a Christianity
;

thus imposed on the people. By the establishment i

bishopries and of an archbishopric at Gnesen, the organization

of this church was afterwards completed.
The Hungarians, who emigrating from Asia, at the c
of the ninth century and onwards, conquered Pannoni;..
stroyed the Moravian kingdom, and spread consternation
the south-eastern parts of Germany, settled down, it is true,
in countries, where the Christian church had been lo

ilished, and where the] nrrounded by Christian

ins; but they remained untouched by the inlluein
and proved thosanolvcm to be enemies to all

* This doubtl'
'

'.}
rill to the :nd the int:
tion of hn Slavonian alphabet bj bimsel£
 nan founi red in the (Instruc-
tion which tiny left behind th<
The < i of the Hungarians with tb mprre,
is said to have furnished the finl ooceeion h>r
thai people. \i»<»ut the middle of the I
eoterpriae MBong
cciitiirv. i! l-
reported thai two Hungarian princes, Bulosu
and I
the latter of
whom took back with him I

bishop
(or his people, f- \\\\\ MOM <|ne-tion n. rd to
the motives which induced these tWO piincev. wh,, i

loaded with costly presents at Constantinople] to emfaa

Christianity. It h certain that Bnlomdei soon fell m
I from the Christianity which hi

i
to hit iornier pagasitai; and the oonvei
followed, at least, hy no iniportair
been preserv ed aliv in the
family of G-ylas, His daughter, Sarolta, made profession of
Christianity and, being married to the
; Hungarian pr

same We Day add to this, that when the

the Hungarians was broken, by I
ipe«
rieneed in the war with the emperor Otho I. in 9&
other onHICCCarful wars in the next
compelled to renonnce their thirst for Conquest, ai;

particnlar, to enter inn. n

nan empire Thus for the first time, from ahont the

mpire found it in I

for the benefit of this -sau,

people.^
drew up, in 974, for pope B likable r<

* S which
\
II., or rath, r VI., in a letter in the

year B : man arch! ofthi

diocese of the archbishopric of Lorch in I

multis retro actis teinporilms ex vieinioruin '

rorum deserta et in solitudinoin i

habitatorem meminet, namely, till the

perot Otbo I., nsqae dam genitor pii imperatoris nostri bellico trophseo
ccrum vires retundit.*' E Concil. T. XIX £
f Sec Cedm'l Annals, f.
X So Pilgrim, biahop (rf I'assan. diet VI.: in

pad quam fudere paeto sub occasione

pacis fidueiam simisimus operam exercerc pnidicationis.''
concerning the spread .uity
< : in I! which had
about under the influenc
relations.* Rewrites to the pope, thai he bed been earni
solicited
by the Hungarians, cither to conic to them in person,
or to send them mil He had sent to them monks,
priests, and <»t is, and
about five hundred Hun-
;

d baptized. Particukurlj instruc-

tive, with reaped to the diffusion of Christianity in Hung
11 as supported by internal evidences of
probability
his
report concerning the secret Christian* in Hungary.
v Christians were to be found
among them, who had
been carried away captives from different nations. But I

had not been allowed to observe the Christian forms of wor-

ship. They could only get their children baptized clandes-
tinely. Now, for the first time, they enjoyed complete reli-
gious freedom; they could build churches, and provide them-
selves with clergymen. They hastened in crowds to the
where their children could be baptized and, according to the ;

bishop's report, their joy was as great, as if they bad returned

to their homes from a foreign land.f Pagans and Christians
lived for a time peaceably together. J These commuu
consisting of foreign Christians scattered among the pa
population, were certainly an important preparation for the
further spread of Christianity. But when the bishop proe
to say, that nearly all the people were ready to adopt the
Christian faith, we must consider this, as well as many other
of his sayings, statement 1
;

other accounts, which we shall presently cite, by no m<

confirm the supposition that the state of feeling was so uni-
illy propitious. Probably Pilgrim was led, by some par-
ticular interest of his own, to set forth his report on the pro-
of the mission among the Hungarians in somewhat
The truth was that, like his pn

* This
letter, afterwards received into Mansi's Collection of councils
I first
published, from a manuscript in the monastery of
ia, Oewold, in an appendix of diplomas to the
:

by
Monaehii, Hit 1, p. 24.
'
. rantulantur oiiun-s t:i:i<juam de peregrinations sua in patnam r<-
doeti.
t I* rani earn Christianii taatamqae ad in^
?
familiaritatem, nt illie videatur [fSUB impleri ; LupM
•

n- simul.
 .; — ai.ai 457

censors In wri liis independence of the arch-

bithopric of Salzburg; and he defended the dignity and
rights of thai anci< opolis, the long since dilapidated
of Lorch im i. irhoi tched onward
to I'aiiiH'ii; i."and m we may rappoee that, in Ins efforts to
convince the pope (from whom, in met, he obtained the fulfil-
ment of Ins wishes) bow ration of this I

metropolis was to Pannonia, and to its subordinate bishoprics,

[lowed himself tone betrayed into a some w rated I it

lentation <>1' this new sphere of labour in Hungai

Among the missionaries sent by this

bishop to Hun-
was Monk \\ the mora I
insiedeln
tane-des-Ermites), in Switzerland, who was after-
wards made bishop of Regensburg. But the writer of Ids
life relates, that he soon returned home
again, having met
with an indifferent reception from the people.} No doubt it
may bav< been th<' ease that, owing to political events which
soon afterwards occurred, whereby the quiet of these districts
turned, to the war between Otho II. sndduke
Henry of Bavaria, the successful progress of the mi—ion com-
menced by bishop Pilgrim was interrupted but if the enter- :

prises of Pilgrim were really attended, beginning, with

in the

the favourable results s,

and were only interrupted
I

by these unhappy political disturbs ne intimation

might be expected to be
gii en of these independent disturbing
influences, in the contemporaneous accounts but these speak ;

the Hun-
i
04 ople.
The banished archbishop, Adalbert of above,
p.
1
11), i
aid promoting

!.. inhish-t' archbishop of Lorch, had

n (1 tins metropolis, which isssid had HIto hare :>rics.
rst published in the sbovs-mentiooed Collection of coun-
17.

f As be writes to the sop raidem multa, operarii

autem pauci. lade QSMMRM quatenus
'as TeSUS illic juhtat aliquos ordinari »•; And afterwards:
"quod niniium crave It mini, ut tot mei pontificii
ac vahle I

parochiss solos pnvdicando circomtsm."

X Dob-bat emm idem pontifex, bishop Pilgrim of Pssssn, tantum colo-
mna in soJeu sterilibos ezpendere lab isnctonun.
V.c 13. f. S17.
458

stianity in Hu I !<
repaired to that
country himself, where he bie nwourite and beloved dis-
1 <
-
f r

ciple. Kadia. m to lia\<- found access to the p<

DBWllling that Kadia .should leave the con:
which from the fact, that Adalbert had directed him,
••tly. and find hi-
if lie could do DO better,

back to him.* From this it is at least evident, that the p<

unwilling to lose their ananooaiiea Bui Adalbert him-
wlio. it mutt be i wanted the true Chris
.

patience necessary to endure the rudeness of a heathen pe

by no means satisfied with the effects of his preaching
aaseng the Hungarians. Be loeins le have found there a
mixture of paganism and Christianity; and (ieisa, though
he had received baptism, still favoured this mixture of reli-
gions. To the reproaches made to him on this account, he
opposed his lordly authority; and his wife, through v.
influence he had first been led to favour Christianity, gave no
evidence of a change produced by it, in her rude manners. f
Stephen, the son and successor of ( icisa, who acceded to the
throne in 997. was far more deeply affected by the influx
of Christianity than his father. The preaching of Adalbert
and other pious men, who visited Hungary, had probably
made a stronger impression on him while a child. \ innnedi-
* He wrote to the "
princess Surolta: Papatem meura (my nursling) si
necessitas et usus postulat, tene, si non, propter Deum ad me mitte i

But toRadia himself he wrote another note, to be handed to him in

secret cum bona lieentia. bene; si non, vel fbga
-
i

venire ad earn, qui te desiderio concupiscit, Adalbertum tuum." See Life

of Adalbert, at the 2:3rd of April, s. 22, f. 195.
f Concerning Adalberts labours in Hungary, it is said in the above
cited history of his life (c. VI. s. 16. 1. e. f. 192
Quibni (Hungaris) ab :

errore too parum nmtatis umbram Christianitatis imprcssit and of the J

wife B it Christianitas inter i

miscebatur eon pegaiusmo pdlnts religio • deterior

1 1 I

rismo Unguidna ss tepidaa Chrisuamianas. with this agreea what

Dism;; in the
,
beginning of the eighth book
above referred to, says of Geiss II : one deonun
tatibus inservieiis, eum ab antistite inoab hoc argueretOX, iiKjuit; d
mibi abundant i

and then lie speaks of the intemperance of his wife, who, in a

of anger, had man.
man chroniclers of th IVOlld
:
that the
trscung a marri
 \ n . 459

he aatumed the rail

•
r be had to
with the powerful beathee party. Ihm- A
ian prince, by nan,. had placed himself at the .

of it, and disputed the possession of the throne. Stephen,

in thii war. relied on divine asi He made a row to
in, the patron saint of I'annonia. which ana to be
fulfilled ons the victory
bii eiieinie-.* The \ u which he
believed himself indebted to the assistant d, whose
hip he was determined t<> promote in
•
through- i

ont his kingdom, and to the i:r Martin, he

ii-lv con firmed in bis teal lor
Christianity, Hi>
religious and ma political inter* closely i

Hie sought alliance with the political and the ecclesiastical.^

beat tendom. He naanied the Burguianaai
prim I

la,widow of duke Henry of r of

l.io;. II.. and kinswoman to the emperor (Mho III.; and

with the latter he entered into strict alliance, which pro-
cured for him the royal dignity. He invited monks and
vmen from all
quarters into his kii
though it

irian bishop
Csrthwig who Is, wrote the life
ther hand, that he

dmil
Hut ti

would Kail us rather I

j by his ed m childbo as he
had I.

tin- Christiaa church. The i

o much to <
ienDaa intluet>

by bishop lain can be

•met accounts c< :

nary labours of Adalbert in !

*
He
says himself, in the deed of prn fed to thr abbey of St.

Martin, in fulfilment of this , quod per m<

T>. Martini in pueritia posterorum tradere
eura\ jnahli Am •_'!. and in the
.

r. at the ftnd Septein pracvius to his

; h\ . s. 15.

t The accounts respecting the ever, are exaggerated. In

his exhortations to his sou we find no indications of a peculiar devotion
to the pope. See bdon
X In the life of two Polish monks, composed by a contemporary, bishop
460

may be doubted whether most of then were capable of in-

structing the people In their spoken la? He invariably
showed th. set for ecclesiastics ami monks, ami
sought in
every way to promote tlmir Kuflueoce among tlm
peopl i
ndeavoured to soften their manners, by new
imbued with a more Christian spirit. I
inly,
many foreign means were also employed to effect the sup]
ism and the introduction <>f Christianity; and
[Uence of this was, thai the Christianity thus im-
;was not seldom rejected again hence laws must ;

ted for the punishment of apostacy from Christianity,

and for its neglect; and hence later re-actions from paganism,
which had been suppressed by force. When, in the
1003, Stephen conquered Siebenburgen, lie enforced the
adoption of Christianity in that district, as also in a part of
WaUachia.*
In the exhortations and maxims of government which he
drew up for the use of his son and successor, Emmerich

(Henry), he has left behind him a proof of his devout temper

of mind, as well as of that peculiar form of piety which was
determined by the ecclesiastical spirit of his age.f

Maurus of Fiinfkirchen. These two monks were Zoerard and Benedict,

who came to Hungary for the purpose of assisting in the establishment
of the new church Tempore illo, quo sub Christianissimi Stephani
:

nutu nomen et religio Deitatis in Pannonia rudis adhuc pullulabat, audita

fama boni rectoris, multi ex terris aliis canonici et monachi ad ipsum,
quasi ad patrem confluebat. See Acta Sanctorum mens. Jul, T. IV. f.

* The law of Stephen Si quis observatione Christianitatis negleeta et

:

negligentis stoliditate elatus, quid in earn commiserit, juxta qua!

offensionis ab episcopo suo per disciplinam canonum judicctur. If he
refused to submit to the penalty imposed on him it should be made more
severe. Tandem si per omnia resistens inveniatur, regal i judicio scilicet
defeusori Christianitatis tradatur. See Actis Sanct. mens. Septr. T. 1. f.

f He says, among other things, to him, Observatio orationis maxima

acquisitio est regalis salutis. Continua oratio est peecatorum abb
remb him, whenever he goes to church, to imitate the
!

vie of
king Solomon, and for wisdom,
'

| Kings, c. iii. 1

worthy of notice is the m.imier in which he speaks of the church,

r this inter-
community of saints founded on Christ, th
pretation of Stephen V rail, the most natural, judging from the
tion though it is not to 1"' denied, as has been observed in
;

sition to th in the Latinitv of this period the reflexive OP

t

..f the demoi >ws: —

 461

By bit pious Mel, end met Uot ions eflbrti for the extension
of the christian cliurcli, Stephen attained to the honouxi of a
saint. B nave already intimated, in C0H«
sequenee el the manner in which the Christian church
planted by him in Hungary, that the prepared
for a reaction by a pagan opposition-party, who had made
:iij>ts
at insurrection even under the reign of Stephen
himself, and who continued them into I

a Hie political, as well BS the religions prin-

part
ciples by which Stephen aimed to the condition of the
change
people.* Twice the
course of the eleventh century this
in

pan;. tablishing the pagan worship, to ac-

complish which they took advantage of the political revolu-
tions in 10 lo and L060, under king Andrew and king B
these were but transient eth.rts; and by force or by i

the Christian monarch.- contrived to def position. f

Such Were the facts connected with the extension of ( hristi-
anity in this period. We
must now turn to the opposite side,
and consider the cheekfl and hindrances which it had to en-
counter. Jn the preceding period, we took notice of the check
which was given to the prog 1*011 of the Christian church in
Spain by the supremacy of the Mohammedan Arabians. Still
tlu- Christians were allowed
by the laws to enjoy th
their
;

religion,
and on this .score they suffered from
the civil authorities no disturbance I

Thus they remain, d down to the year S.",() in the full e:

ment of tranquillity and peace. Christians were employi
court, and in the administration of ci\il and military If
without a suspicion being excited that tingincon-
ntly Wtth tin . I

j
OH n and

hums. tu os IVtrus i-t esism

mcam. Bs iptom oaidem aominabat petram, verum ooo ligneam ?el
lapideam taper m
edificatai inn aopiisitionis,
genlssa electsm, dWhuun, gregem fide doetaat, baptaunate lotam, chris-
mate iinctiiin, sanotam super adit: M
Band 1. c. t.

* ^
phen had ezhori ancient national
spirit, Q\ i moribus ? aut quis Latinus
Bullae
t See Joh. de Tlnvroez Chronica Hungarorum, c. 42 and c. 46, in
udtaer. Bcriptorcs reran Hangaricarum, T. I.
X See many examples in the Memoriale Sanctorum of the presbyter
462

monks, -killed alike in the ml Latin

the
ire all oti i

negotiations with Christian prinet •, who regarded the '

Mm
on of the ancient culture, which had arisen from the

drawn from
U
literature, and the Scriptural knowledge
the Latin versions of the Bible, as matt.
supreme importance, complained that the youth the i

Latin ami Christian literature for the Arabian and Moham-

i.' M.nriauo were not seldom contracted bet
iinmedans and Christian- and in such cases it some- ;

happened, that the husband converted the wife, or the

-

wife the husband, to Christianity that children, educated as ;

iinmedans, became Christians and fierce contentions ;

prong up between brothers and sisters, when one followed the

faith of the father, the other that of the mother. But under
such circumstances, persecutions might easily be engendered ;
since, according to the Mohammedan laws, apostacy from that
faith must be punished with death. And though the C
tians were not otherwise oppressed by the civil authorities, than
by being obliged to pay monthly a high poll-tax, and were not
disturbed in the free exercise of their worship which
guaranteed to them by the laws, yet the signs of the Christian
profession could hardly fail to ezpeae them, in the midst of
Mohammedan fanaticism, to various sorts of insult and abuse

Eulogius of Cordova, which is an important source of information with

regard to the condition of the Christian church at this time in Spain to ;

be found in the IV. vol. of Schott's Hispania illustrata, and in the

BibliothecoD of the church-fathers, and in another important work con-
.with this subject, the Indiculus luininosus, con aulas
Alvarus of Cordova, a friend of Eulogius; also in theEsparia Sagrada of
Florez, T. XI. ed. III. Madrid, 1772.' p. 219, f. s. 9. Qui palatiuo officio
illorumju- nit.
* The of Cord' in his Apologeticus, 1. II. p.
al n,
385. I £1. Appellants ex regio decreto ego ipse,
quatenus, ut pridem :.. in, ex C'lialdieo sermone, in I

loqninm ipsas epiatolaa deberem tranafeire.

t Willi sach a complaint Paul Alwof conclude! his Indiculus Lumi-
•nncs juwii.s Chriatiani gentilicia eruditione proclari,
Arahico eloqaio suhlimati rolnnuna ChaldflBorum avidiaaime tract
iaa flumina d manantia qnaai riliatima contemnentea, lieu
lorl Linguam mam aescinnt Christian!, el linguam propriam Don
it latins, ita Dtomni Chri a mil-
rationahi liter dir
I
 a in. 463

not appear in public

without i

by the fanatical multitude with j

tad icoffii liter them in the ones
thrown at them. \ e buried with
the uceaJ eoJemnitiei <d" theohoroh, the imirtele were followed
by the populace with f the churehr
i

beUs afforded Cor abutting tiane and the

their fail (och insults, men might easil]
ted, expecially in thai sultry elk rong
•

for wrong, and ridicule the prophet of the Arabian*. I

worda, they would and this perbapi pit

the occasion of tin itian blood; for in
rdance with the principlei <>f th- law bed ;

enacted, that whosoever blasphemed the prophet, or

<

atriki ihould !>• punished with d<

insulted one of the faithful, ihould I-

i
i.f

* This situation vards

of the Christ::
from the reproach oi :ns of
interrupting the rnlen'oni which secured the Christians in th>
.

who boasted of the p Indi-

culus l.tuniuosii iruni
is obruti persecntionem non (Kcunai m, at alia
t«- duni (hi lando

lapid 1 'omiiii iin; |

ulum

luggillant,

thej supposed tome other person «..-

•inni-
entis ii-ris sonitum, qo -ue adunan ;iibus
canonical percntitar, oaiont, ini mem
:n milleno i

impetunt. So BulogiaS, U nun, 1. I. 1. c. f. -M7 :

tiam nbique perpetimar, edeo ut multi exiis

taetu indamentonun raoram nos mdignoi dijudicent, propriaeqae sibi-
met srentur, ""y " 1
scilicet coinquiiiationem exttUmantio,
si in
eliquo renun loarum idmiscesmar.
t That blasphemy of the prophet punished with death
re from the history of the
mart] ben the abbot John of
of the emperor
Otho I., be heard this sated Lis in Legibtu primum dirumque est, ne
:

quis in religionem eorum quid unquam audeat loqui, civis sit vel extra-
464 ALVAR OF CORDOVA.

The Christians lir wen not of one mind .

with regard to the principlei of conduct irhich duty required

them to observe under these difficult circumstances; but, as
rlicr times,* tl divided Into two parties, the i

and the more liberal The One party thanked (iod for

liberty allowed to Christians, even under the rule of unbe-

lievers, to confess and to practise the principles of their faith.
l«> be dune to preserve invio-
thought everything Ought
late this liberty of conscience and security that,
conformably ;

to the Scriptural precept, every act should be avoided which

OOuld furnish the unbelievers any occasion, real or apparent,
for persecuting the Christians that all abusive language should
;

be carefully avoided. They considered it a duty to employ

means, not involving a denial of the faith, to presi
j

and foster the friendly relations subsisting between them and

the Mohammedan magistrates. Not would they hesitate to
accept offices under them, and in so doing sought to avoid
everything that might give offence. Others, on the contrary,
looked upon such conduct as being already a violation of the
duty to confess Christ before men. and not tobe ashamed ofhim.
Paul Al varus, of Cordova, one of the fiercest represents!
of this class, casts it as a reproach upon the Christians, that by
accepting offices at court they became guilty of participating
in infidelity, since they were afraid to pray and cross them-
selves before the unbelievers, and dared not openly confers the
deity of Christ in their presence, but mentioned him only as
the Word of God and
the Spirit, titles which were also _
to him in the He styles them leopards, taking upon
Koran. t
themselves every colour. He accuses them of adopting Ohris-
neus, nulla intercedente mlemptione capita plectitur. The king hit
forfeited his life, in case lie heard such blasphemy, and failed to i

it with death. See tiie Vita .Joannis Abbatis (ior/iensis, :it the 27th of
February, s. 120, f. 712. In the Indiculus Linninosus, s. 6, is cited the
law: ut qni bluspheiiiaverit, Dairelletur, et qui percuxserit, oecidatur.
That the blaspheinare in this instance cannot refer to a blasphem:
Mohammed may be gathered partly from the connection, and partij
the judicial mode of procedure already mentioned.
* Vol. I.
1

f In the Indiciilus Linninosus, s. 9 Cum palam coram cti :

orationeui non faeiunt, aigno crueis OfoitSntei fnmtein non muniunt,

Deuin ( hristum non aperte coram eis, sermooibus proferunt,
verbum Dei et Spiriunn. ut iili assernnt, profitenb
cord<\ omnia inspidenti
 465

:lv l)\ hai for the sake of the

monarch' izement, they \

trilling to take up the sword to defend unbelievers against

own brethren in the faith. f "
their Day and night," -ays be,
11
is heard from the tUIT naret) thai

phemei the Lord, l»\ eortolKc time with him, the

lying prophet ; J and wo to oar times poor in the wisdom w
"
that ao .

the command of the Lord, the banner the

mountains of Babylon and the dark tower- of pride, and
sent to God an
Both parties, by proceeding in tie is, may
possibly have which should have been
pureued j
!>nt in a ease where sneh element- for violent colli-

d, and a religious tendency of the sorl we

\ ing at the bottom, it certainly at i

Imt a slight oee.i-ion to |>ro\. ad

fanatical enthusiasm for martyrdom on the other.
a martyr in Spain by BO
belonged to thai fanatic ither to the more pru-
dent and temp the nani'

*
Quid his omnibus, nisi varietatem par
idunt, (linn
t (

'
t
mod

would delr
'•
•<ii. 7. ( . that

Mohammedans. Eul
Martyrnm, f. Si
cry from the m on on hi

iming with i ugh, "Keep Dot tl

eneml tumult, and they that I

wiii. I,
2.

§ Bcoe et qaottdie borii disarms et nocturnis in turrihus suis et roon-

tibue 'omimuu nuiledicunt, dum vatem impudieum. perjurum,
rabidum, iuhmuui, una cum Donn.
et
lieu et vie huie tempori u egeno, in quo null us
invenitnr, qui juxta jussum Domini tonantis etheru super montei Baby-
lonia ueis fidc-i attollut vexillam sacri-
iicium Deo offarene T ffpfTtiaasi.
VOL. V. 2 H
 466 :— JOHN.

Perfect us. attached to a monastery in Cordova, then the

dentialcity of the Arabian caliphs. Some time in the year
under the reign of Abderhaman II., Perfectus, while on ln's
to the
city to
make some purchases for his convent, fell
into
company with a party of Arabians. They asked him
many questions about Christianity, and the views entertained
by the Christians respecting Mohammed. The last inquiry he
cto evade, telling them he was loth to answer it,
he feared he might annoy them by what he would be obliged
y. Finally, however, he concluded to inform them, since
they invited him to speak frankly, and promised him that
whatever he said, it should not be taken amiss. lie then pro-
ceeded to represent Mohammed, for reasons which he assigned
in detail, as one of the false prophets foretold by Christ an
the signs of the last time. To all this the Arabians li--
with ill-suppressed anger, yet for the present they let the
priest go unharmed that they might not break their prom
him but the next time he appeared in public they seized
;

and dragged him before the judge, where they accused him as
a blasphemer of Mohammed. It was the season of the .Mo-
hammedan fast. He was therefore for the present loaded with
chains and thrown into prison. Some months afterwards,
the Mohammedan Easter, he was again brought forth ; and,
as he steadfastly confessed his faith, and instead of retrac
only confirmed what he had said about Mohammed, he
condemned to death and perished by the sword.* The 1

repressed rage of the Mohammedans against, the enemit

their faith having once broke loose, it soon found a second
occasion for manifesting itself. .John, a Christian merchant
and a peculiar object of their hatred, was arraigned before the
tribunal, where he was accused of having often blasphemed
the prophet while disposing of his goods in the bazaar. As the
charge could not be clearly proved, the judge attempted to
force him to deny his faith by resorting to the scourge. After
having been beaten till he was half dead, he was thrown into
prison then he was driven through the city, sitting backwards
;

" This is the

on an ass, with a herald proclaiming before him,
punishment of the man who dares blaspheme the propfa
but as he firmly persisted in
confessing his faith, he

* II.
Be rials Bsnctornm, l.
 467

the judfl man by

""in the i
miles ht
hi Cordova, where an unusual degree of fanatical
excifc ed. He pretended that he had come for the
purpose of obtainin r
knowledge of the Mohammedan
ion, with f
embracing it. The judge, pl<
with the idea of gaining so important a pr< <>k
pains
pound to him t!i«' doctrine of the prophet bnt g ;

his rage when the monk, instead of being convinced, under-

refute what he advanced, at the same time vilifj
Mohammed, whom he represented as a detestable imp
ami >f mankind. The matter n d to the
naliph, who ordered the monk to
of this <d\-\. to confess Christ before the u
lievers, non spread abroad like an infection, upon thai
tendency to extravagant asceticism which existed bef
Prom the mountains, di mo forth
f down
their Uvea for the truth. +
Among these crowds,
who, yielding to a fanatical impulse, sacrificed their !

without any r d women

belonging to the first families of the land. Sometimes, I

.
they did themselves of their own
'nt

voluntary but Mohammedan relatives took advan-

:

of their descent from .Mohammedan families, whether on

the father's or the mother's side, to complain of them
sample, was young unmarried ;i

woman descended from her father

ibian and a Mohammedan, her mother a zealous
v

being
The mother had ri-tianitv .

from childhood she manifested a temper of sincere and ai

piety. Her brother being a bigoted Mohammedan, disp
could hardly fail to arise I I
the matter of
their faith;and the fanatical brother, when he found that all
the pains he took to convert his
j»erated against her. 1 1 :
she
* 1. 1. 1 the Indiculns lomin
Eulog.
f Eulogius of I
'

le manner in which the ex-

ample of martyrdom . I. tl. c. [.near the
end): Multos 01 ta montinm et nemora
sofitudinom in Dei detes-
tandom et maledicendnm sceleratam vatem exilire eoigit
1. II.
Etalogius, Bfemoriale,
2 it 2
 red thr judge that, on the contrary, she had never b
lammedan, bat had been bro infancy i

Christian. The ji
red her i

that she m d to a denial; but as she conti

uttered a syllable against Mohamme
dismissed her. She spent some time in retirement, but finally
feltc f
again before the judge, and
ily confess her own faith, but testify against Mohan
anism and its prophet. She did so, and was executed.
There were not wanting both ecclesiastics and laymen who
disapproved altogether the conduct of those that wen
to oiler themselves 8S voluntary victims. These
partly of such as feared and wished to avert the
I

quences which threatened the peace of the Christians, and in

part of such as were convinced that this was not the right way
to confess Christ, but directly at variance with the teaching
and example of our Lord ami of the apostles. They lo

upon such conduct as the effect of pride, from which no

could result, and as manifesting- a want of that Christian
which ought to be shown even unto unbelievers. They knew
that reviling and abuse formed no part of Christianity, and
that by such means the kingdom of God could not be pro-
moted.* But two men, who at that time stood high in the
veneration of Spanish Christians, the priest Eulogius, after-
wards bishop of Toledo, and Paul Alvarus, his friend, hurried
on by a fervent but passionate zeal, which lacked
Composure of good sense, laboured in opposition to these more
prudent views, and their whole influence went continual:
kindle and cherish the flame of enthusiasm. The caliph Ab-
derhaman required the metropolitan Recafrid, archbishop of
le,
under whom the church of Cordova stood, to employ
his e «1
authority, which the caliph himself intended
•k
by thai of the state, to restore the public tranquillity.
The archbishop issued an ordinance, forbidding- tins uncalled
for appearance before Mohammedan tribunals; and \

Saul, bishop of Cordova, who was doubtless under the inrlu-

IUS,
stood forth in defence of the party attacked
the lati
by the metropolitan,
of whom stood Eulogius, to be thrown into

* Sec the Memorials 1. 1. f. I

ofEologios,
 From hi
'

prison.* confinement Eulogius addr<

to Flora above mentioned, and to .Mary, her friend and
tli»-

companion in raftering, a letter, exhorting them to confront

martyrdom with fin confirming them in the persuar 1

that they had done

right in abusing the false pro
i

The how much injury this

had done to tli*- church the communities had been ;

deprived of their lay in chain-, no more

•

offering could be made at the altar-. He told them they

should reply, and contrite heart i- a sacrifice well
od. Such a heart and a humble spirit won!'
pted of God, even without any other offering. The Lord
would not raffer his confessors to be put to shame but that j

they hail done wrong in abusing the false prophet whom men
would persuade them to follow this they could not own with- —
out
denying the truth. As it i- the peculiar method of enthu-
siasm direct at a
single point, leavii
t.i
every feeling
other human which Christianity
interest, d, to
contemptuous negll WIS in the ca-e of Eulogius. I

Following thi- peculiar bent, he exhorted those who

after the crown of martyrdom, but by many dome-tic tie-
still reminded of tl C
self-preservation, to rise above
all Mich subordinate i

A youni> \wi i, Aurelius, descended on his father 1

a Mohannneda and on his mother's from a Christian family,

.,

but who had .o-t his parents in to live with .?

hi- aunt, a
pious Christian, under whose care h.
light
up and by the
; I 'h which
imbued hi- mind, ri the influence of his Moham-
i

medan teacher-, who. whih :ucted him in Arabic

literature, endeavoured at tin' same in him over to I

their religion. He remained a zealous Christian. Next he

married Sabigotha, a man of like Christian
;

who al-o. by a particular providence, had b from the

influence of Mohammedanism, and conducted to Christianity.
Both her parents wen Mohammedan; but her father having-
* s hott IV. f. 2*24, also in the
rum, m Vol.
11th of March See c II.
II. at the EoJ
•

first in one of
subterranean chaml tin- rns,
whicli were fust used by the Arabia- m dungeons, and then
were afterwards made to serve the same pur]
470

died early, her mother married a second husband, who

istiao. The latter took every pains to convert
his wife to Christianity, as well as to train
up his step-daughter
in the Bame faith; and she received baptism. Aurelius v
witness of the transaction, when .John the merchant, after

enduring so much Buffering, was exposed to the insults of the

multitude. Thisspectacle led both him and his wife to resolve
on preparing themselves, by a rigidly ascetic life, for the suf-
fering of martyrdom. Bui the anxiety which he felt lor his
two young children, who. left behind as orphans, would be
surrendered over to the influence of Mohammedanism, still
kept him back, lie made known his scruples to Eulog
The latter exhorted him not. to allow himself to be deterred

by such considerations from following- his call to wear the

crown of martyrdom; but to place his trust in God, the
Father of the fatherless, who. without his aid. could pre-

pointing him to children of Christian

his children in the faith ;

parents, who had apostatized from the faith, and to other

children of unbelieving parents, who had been led to embi
it. Aurelius, tog-ether with his wife, afterwards found the
martyrdom which they sought.* Two other Christians, one an
old, the other a young man, repaired to a mosque wher<
people were assembled, and, as preachers of repent
announced the wrath of God against unbelievers, while they
reviledMohammedanism and the false prophet.+ Tin- assem-
bled multitude were excited to a frenzy of madness, and the
two Christians would have been torn in pieces, had not the
civil authorities interposed,and conveyed them off As they
had desecrated the holy place, they were sentenced, first to
love their hands and legs, and then to be beheaded. '1

incidents aroused the suspicions and anxiety of the caliph, and

the Christians were threatened with a general persecution.
.Many were executed many sought safety in flight, and
;

wandered about without a home. Even Mich as partook at

first in the enthusiasm of the martyrs, now declared against
them they imputed it to them that the quiet of the church
;

* 8 riale Sanctorum, 1. H.c in. Eul -

that
the daughter, Left an orphan when eight years old, begged him t<
omit of the life ami goffering* <>t' her parents. Wh<
then atked her what she would give him for it, she answered: Fit-
will pray the Lord t<> reward thee with Paradise.
t L. c. l. II. e.
 LtfiXYB. 471

bad been pronounced them the authors of all

the evils irhic re now called to suffer. The
tin- two
caliph required Spanish metropolitans, the archbishops
of Toledo and of Seville, to call an
ably,
for the purpose of devi prevenl these dis-
turbances 01 1 1 <
-

public tranquillity
1 and a couhci] a1 ( lordova,
;

in tl. 2, made an ordinance, thai for the future do one

sIk.u Id rush unbidden to make confession before the
magistrate.*
,
after the caliph Abderhaman died, and hi->
Lammed, dismi Shristian from the places of trust
(

ourl and in tn Under his reign, their situation

me more unpleasant than e?er; while there were indi-
viduals still who presented themselves before the tribui
and courted martyrdom. Many were driven by fear to di
Bulogius, who by bis exhortations had stimulated numb i

confess and suffer martyrdom, was himself one of the very last
victims. The occasion follows.']' Leocritia, a y<
woman, belonging to a considerable
family wholly
ammedanism, had in early childhood been won over to
Christianity, and induced baptism, by the
;
;

efforts of a relative who was a devoted Christian. In vain

did her parents seek, by friendly words, then by threats, and

finally l>y corporeal chastisement, to bring her off from Chris-

tianity but, as
: Aivarus says, the flame which Christ had
enkindled in the hearts of the faithful, could he subdued
neither by fear nor by force. That she might not expose her
faith, however, to constant jeopardy, but live in the
1

enjoymenl of it, she resolved to flee from her parents h<

and contrived, by mean- of Bulogius, the main support of all
who suffered from the faith, thl
should he provided for her. But her exasperated parents
ed in discovering the place of her retreat and, with her, :

Eulogius was drag re the tribunal, lie steadfastly

confessed his faith, vilifying Mohammed and his doctrine.

*
Eologioi says A. II. 0. 15. 1. c), that out of fear they dared not
openly express their conviction*; that they resorted to dissimulation, to
an equivocation which he thought inexcusable (non inculpable sunn*
latioiK's inconsnltuin in that t!. ,
il for
holding in honour the
memory of those martj Bulogius, with all liis enthusiasm
for those martyrs, can hardly be considered an unprejudiced witness.
f Alvar. vita, c. 5.
 AI.VAIl

Tm vain BCohammedana thei lected him on

account of his blameless life and extensive acquirements, told
him that he was
at liberty to retract many
still
things which
d said. He
would not be shaken and condemned to ;

in the
. uttered the evcution of his
J<
with the utmost serenity and cheerful:
We have still to describe more fully th
which at that time was carried on in Spain .

Ulg the veneration due to these martyrs. The

frien LUS and Alvar, contended in their favour. The
former wrote on this occasion his
Apology for the martyrs

(Apologeticus martyrum), the second his Luminous Exhi-

bition (Indiculus luminosus). Eulogrus cites the following
objections of his opponents to the veneration of these martyrs.
They were not worthy of comparison with the ancient mar'
for they had not, like the latter, stood forth in the conflict
with idolaters, but only with such as worshipped the same
God as the Christians. They had not died like the latter a
slow and painful, but a quick and easy death. They had
not, like the latter, been signalized as saints by miracles.
On the other hand, Eulogius maintained, that of none who
refused to recognize Christ as being true God and true man,
could it be said that they worship the same true God in
common with the Christians. On the different form of death
nothing depended ; everything on the sameness of disposition,
which gives martyrdom its significance in the sight of God, —
zeal for God's glory and love for his kingdom, which dispo-
sition possessed in common with the older
these confessors
martyrs. In respect to miracles, they did not constitute the
;ial tiling in faith, but were only given as the seal of
faith to the church, when it was first about to be founded.
As it was only by faith men coidd attain to the power of
working miracles, so it was evident that faith had the pi
deuce of miracles and it remains even when mira<
;

Faith alone made martyrs: it was the root and foundation of

all the virtues: it helped the wrestler, it helped the con-

queror.* Alvarus writes with more heat against his oppo-

nents. "The weak and timid may; he. "but the

* Nihil est cnini, ftd« densgetur,

q quia
I

|u;im fidem exigit. HSOC <hHgit, lianc lvquirit, huio CUnCfc

mittit et tribuit.
 473
'

itrong and n« tuld

the other tide
fight
aled to tin- words of Christ often quoted for (,

line purpose in tb church, where he bids those

w ho .ire persecuted to flee from on .mother, he replied,
[ndeed they ihould flee, but n<»t to l<
concealed, but to proclaim it
eveiywl their preach-
ing, tho had provoked tl
itians i"£ • |

spirit beathen. Many of the ancient witnesses had

volui according to the examp]
our Lord; they had attacked governors and kings with many
an opprobrious word. 41
persecution i say, on the contrary, it is not a tin:
I

Apostles, because the Bhepherds from whom a flame of light

should go forth to ])i< of the unl
want the apostolic zeal and he then piOC
; the
'

shameful condition of the oppressed Christians. I

refm that the Christians had first provoked the

on by their uncalled for abuse of Mohammed. The
two nun t\ re, I'm Pectus the priest, and John the merchant,
had not sought martyrdom, but had been forced to it by the
unbe Then after having endeavoured to show that
the persecution had, in no sense whatever, been first excited
voluntary self-offering of the Christians, he com
those whom he rails voluntary martyrs ;f and da-
tes them as men who were actuated not
by human passion,
but purely by a divine zeal men who could oppose no cheek
;

to ti. but me ,
rily
follow their divine
ion.l If error. >ay» he. must not be openly attacked,

why did Christ come down to the earth? did he light Why
up the eyes of the blind, without thei without their ,

seeking their own conversion? Why have prophets and

apostles been sent ? But the proclamation of the gospel was
not limited solely to the apostolic times; it was destined to
reach through all ages, till all nations should be converted to
the faith. Among- the race of Ishmael, however, no preacher
had as yet appeared, so that those confessors had first fulfilled
*
Quod magis soliti estis reprehendere, multis contumeliis presides et
principea iati
f Spontanei martyres.
ccterni sui
X Oohtbere non valuerunt cursum, quiaconati sunt implere
Domini jussum.
for tlmt race tin'
apostolic calling.
41
He ridicules those who
could not discern in the martyrs the spirit of humility,
and meekness. In his seal for tl if God, !
holy cruelty, and holds up before them ipleof Elijah,
who slaughtered the priests of Baal, not with words, but with
the sword. f lie next considers the
objection, that it wi
ds of those martyrs the communities were
deprived of
their priests, and the mass could not he celebrated. But he
represents this as a divine judgment sent upon the d<
the martyrs; and he proceeds to describe the manner in which
it was customary to treat them. Those who ought to be
pillars in the church, he says, appeared before the judg
their own accord, and accused these persons. Bishops, a 1

and nobles had combined to stigmatize them publicly as here-

tics and martyrdom (that is, undoubtedly, voluntary self-
:

orlerimr)was forbidden to the people under pain of

munication men were bound under oaths not to do it, not to
;

answer the reviling* of the unbelievers by reviling.] He

* Wemust own they laid down their testimony in a way which would
necessarily confirm the unbelievers in their prejudice against Christianity,
instead of bringing them nearer to the faith. They did just that which
Christ describes as "casting pearls before swine." Occasionally, how-
he so expresses himself as if the effect of this testimony was not to
be taken into the account, as if it were not the spirit of love, which
ivation of all, that spoke out of him but he only meant, that the
;

unbelievers, by having the opportunity of hearing the g< limed,

should be left without any ground of excuse before the jnagn
God. Et certe non aperte at omnis creatara evangelii prsdicationem
dixit recipiat, s<-d ut predicatio ecclesis <>mni mundo generaliter cl
per quod niinisterium et pnedicatoribns inferatur debitum premium et
contemptoribus justissinium externum sine line supplieium. and of
martyrs: istiapostolatus vicem in eosdem implevernnt eosdemque debi-
reddiderunt. What blinds ion. to consider I

nnbehi fidei, after such a preaching of the gospel !

f He says of his opponent, & Qui in suis contnmeliu elati, superbi

1 1 :

6unt et intlexi et contra hostes Dei humilcs, mausueti, simpliees apparent

etqnieti; discant tamen a Christo, ab omnibus prophetis, spostoui
patribus universis ad illata opproblia existere humilcs et dejecti et pro
divinh nitum fortes et rigidos esse debere et non
pietate horum mcongroa, sed crndelitate bac sancta atere. We may surely
: in this
fierj Spaniard something of that spirit,
which at a
already
later kindled up in Spain the tires of the Auto ds
period
J Cap. 15: Tin tice interdiximus et a quibus ne aliquai
Dt palinam juramentum cxtorsimus, quil
lium inMngere vetoimns et maledictom ne male
 :
MODERATE PARTY. 475

dudes this work with a fierce attack on Mohammedanism,

which he describee as a religion wholly subservient to sense,
and of Mohammed, whom he represents as a forerunner of
Christ.*
When
the preponderant influence of the more
thoughtful
majority succeeded in putting a check on these fanatical ex-
ilic Christians in Spain were permitted once
more to enjoy their religious freedom. In the year 957, the
monk John of the monastery of St. Gorze, near Metz, came
to Spain as envoy of the emperor Otho 1. lie was warned

by the Christians of that country against doing anything

which might exert an unfavourable influence on the relation
of the Christians to their rulers, and cause them to lose the
free exercise of their
religion,
and their present quiet and
security. A bishop said to him— "Our sins have brought
upon ust: domination and the precept of the apostle
i

Paul (Rom. xiii. 2) forbids us to resist the powers that are

ordained of Cod. lint amid these
great evils, it is still a
comfort, that we are not prevented from living according to
our own laws; that the Saracens esteem and love those whom
they see observing conscientiously the Christian doctrines ;
that
they gladly hold intercourse with them, while on the
contrary they invariably avoid the society of the Jews. For
the present, therefore, we consider it best, inasmuch as we
are not molested in our religion, to obey them in everything
which does not compromise our faith. "f

I ornoe educta vi jnrare unprobiter fecimus. We may see

from this, how much pains the ecclesiastical authorities took, to repress
fanatical movements.
* He Adversus Christum humilitatis magistrum
him (c. 33)
Bays of :

erectr antra illins lenissima et jucunda pra?cepta contumacis,

gladio usus est.
+ Bee Vita Joamris Ahbatis
Gorziensis, at the 27th of February, s. 122.
f. 713.

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