2009 The culture and economics of urban public space design public and professional perceptions - pugalis

The culture and economics of urban public space design: public and

professional perceptions

Paper should be cited as:

Pugalis, L. (2009) 'The culture and economics of urban public space design: public and

professional perceptions', Urban Design International, 14 (4), pp. 215-230.

Abstract

Urban public space is once again a „hot‟ topic and figures strongly in place quality discourse.

City spaces are being recycled, reinterpreted and reinvented in a drive for a competitive

quality of place. This paper illustrates the changing face of contemporary UK public space

through a qualitative analysis of the perceptions held by public and professional-bureaucratic

actors. Drawing on empirical case study research of five recent enhancement schemes at

prominent nodes throughout the North East of England, the research explores the culture and

economics of urban public space design. Some tentative observations are expressed in terms

of the links between cultural activity and economic vitality, and some reflections on policy

and practice are put forward.

Key words: urban public space, cultural vitality, economic activity, place quality

The importance of urban public space

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While for centuries the quality of the urban environment has been an outcome of economic growth of
cities, nowadays the quality of urban space has become a prerequisite for the economic development of
cities; and urban design has undertaken an enhanced new role as a means of economic development

(Gospodini, 2002: 59).

The dynamic and heterogeneous nature of urban public space ensures that it presents many
opportunities simultaneously, including channels for communication, a source of livelihood
and trade, a setting for social interaction or an arena for political activism. As the backdrop to
public life, urban public space is arguably the most visible and identifiable aspect of the
economic health, cultural vibrancy and public life of an area (Pugalis, 2009b). Inscribed with
a cultural mission, urban public space can be considered a social binder where individuals get
a sense of taking part, of communality and of citizenship (Carr et al., 1992: 345; Watson,
2009).

Critiquing Le Corbusier‟s nouveau ensembles for overlooking the cultural dimensions of
urban public space and reducing its vibrant complexity to a dormant, functional space; Henri
Lefebvre argues that urban public space is an animated theatre facilitating interactions,
encounters and movement of everyday urban life (Lefebvre, 2003 [1970]: 18-19). According
to Lefebvre, urban public space is where revolutionary events – moments of presence –
generally take place, it „is a place of play and learn‟, a space of „disorder‟ where „[a]ll the
elements of urban life, which are fixed and redundant elsewhere, are free to fill the streets and
through the streets flow to the centers, where they meet and interact, torn from their fixed
abode‟ (Lefebvre, 2003 [1970]: 18-19). However, as Gospodini has recounted, once a product
of capitalist accumulation and expression of power and prestige, the contemporary production
of urban public space is often administered as a means to an (economic) end.

The morphological arrangement and design of urban space can be manipulated to stimulate
economic growth through the precise make-up of „qualities‟ of a place. The qualities of
places, bound up with diverse social relations, political ideologies and economic forces,
therefore emerge as an exploitable economic tool in the ongoing process of capital
accumulation. Consequently, the design and reproduction of urban public space is once again
a „hot‟ topic and figures strongly in place quality discourse (see, for example, HM
Government, 2009).

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Capitalist production does not remain stationary and orderly; it has the dynamic capacity to
switch locations at great speeds, ferocity and intensity (Harvey, 1989, , 2001). The relentless
and restless process of capital accumulation has dramatically affected urban dynamics over
recent years, as urban spatial structures have been reterritorialised, recycled, reinterpreted,
reordered and reinvented (Spaans, 2004; Taşan-Kok & Weesep, 2007; Gospodini, 2009).
These changes have incurred opportunities and threats depending on positionalities and
situated vantages, where one of the effects is heightened „quality of place‟ expectations
(Florida, 2000b, 2000a; Florida, 2002; Pugalis, 2008). According to Florida (2002), as
economies advance and people accumulate more wealth, „traditional‟ values of „survival‟
favouring social stability transform into those of „self-expression‟ favouring the right to
choose and to individuality. This has shifted attention away from the local state as a key site
of „collective consumption‟ (Castells, 1977) towards a narrower interest in entrepreneurial
growth and competitive urbanism. Thus, quality of place – centred on distinctive character
and identity – appears to be emerging as a central competition parameter, but paradoxically,
such global dynamics often clash head on with distinctive cultural identities, the production
of meaningful environments and the right to the city (Lefebvre, 1996; Gospodini, 2004;
Harvey, 2008).

The so-called design-led approach to revitalise local economies, exemplified by the UK‟s
„urban renaissance‟ agenda (Urban Task Force, 1999, , 2005), has prompted some
commentators to assert that there has been a loss of significance for urban public spaces as
they have become „empty‟ mono-functional places, pre-occupied with trade or tourism
(Madanipour, 2004; Minton, 2006; Lovering, 2009; Minton, 2009). Neoliberal economic
restructuring has witnessed a blurring between public and private space (Madanipour, 2003;
Voyce, 2003; Xu & Yang, 2008), as public functions progressively shift to the private realm.
This process is often encouraged and supported through public-private partnership
agreements and joint-venture structures to the point where the hegemonic private control over
the production of urban environments is considerably reshaping the face of urban public
spaces. Gated communities are just one noticeable manifestation of this trend (see Xu &
Yang, 2008 for a theoretical discussion).

Urban areas across many parts of Britain and beyond, are attempting to recover from the
global economic downturn, in addition to industrial decline, by placing increasing emphasis,

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not to mention hope, on quality of place inducements, including the refashioning of urban
public spaces (Pugalis, 2009a). Often public sector-initiated, but steered by (private) capitalist
interests, these schemes are carefully targeted to act as a catalyst for the regeneration of
depressed urban areas and degraded urban public spaces. Place quality enhancements are
often „sold‟ to various communities of interest, including the everyday user and politicians,
on the back of the grand logic that the initial impetus from investments will resonate
outwards to revitalise other areas and entice further inward investment. However, spatially
discriminate with a tendency to target prominent urban spaces that present economic
opportunities opposed to need, the rhetoric of quality of place enhancement schemes has been
criticised by some for blurring the distance between „renaissance‟ and „revanchism‟ (Wynne
& O'Connor, 1998; Holden & Iveson, 2003; Rogers & Coaffee, 2005; Atkinson, 2006; Mace
et al., 2007; Porter & Shaw, 2009).

Whereas contemporary research on peripheral urban public spaces is relatively neglected
(Paddison & Sharp, 2007), the focus of this study is on more prominent spaces as these tend
to be where innovative design approaches have been concentrated (Hamilton-Baillie, 2008a).
Grounded in empirical case study research of five recent enhancement schemes at prominent
nodes throughout the North East of England, the paper explores through qualitative means the
culture and economics of urban public space design. People respond differently to the
qualities of places according to their personality, stage in life, gender, socio-economic status
and cultural background. Jane Jacobs observes that the „meanings associated with the built
environment are not innate, but rather are authored by certain social groups and interests‟
(Jacobs, 1961: 229). By drawing on the perceptions of public and professional-bureaucratic
actors engaged in the reproduction of urban public space, some tentative observations are
expressed in terms of the links between cultural activity and economic vitality.

The next section discusses the methodological framework devised for the research
investigation, which included an on-street survey of everyday users and interviews with
relevant professional-bureaucrats. In the third section, each case study is epigrammatically
described. Fourthly, the results of the on-street user survey are presented to elicit public
perceptions and the views of professionals are analysed in section five. Section six examines
some issues and opportunities emerging from the changing face of urban public space.
Section seven makes some tentative conclusions and presents some reflections on policy and
practice.

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Fieldwork research

A mixed-method qualitative approach consisting of site analysis, on-street user surveys and
interviews with appropriate professionals helped guide and structure the research. The
approach attempted to understand each geographical site as a social space by exploring the
perceptions, behaviours, motivations, values, needs and experiences of the everyday user and
professional-bureaucratic actors. A scoping exercise of all prominent urban public places of
settlements with a population of over 10,000 in the North East was initially conducted. This
typological exercise provided an overview of the region‟s urban public spaces as a precursor
to detailed follow-up case studies. Spaces were classified in terms of their function(s); size;
character; location; investment strategy (where appropriate); and success or latent potential
criteria. The urban public spaces selected for study were: Alnwick Market Place, Durham
Millennium Square, Newcastle Monument-Old Eldon Square, Redcar Esplanade and
Stockton High Street. All of which are geographically situated in the North East of England,
as demonstrated in figure 1.

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Figure 1: Sites of study

Street walking and hanging-around, including observation of a participatory and non-
participatory nature, also constituted a central strand of empirical enquiry for each of the five

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case study sites1. This analysis of everyday practices examined policy-making from an
implementation aspect: investigating the cultural life of urban public spaces „in the field‟. It is
in this sense that urban public space was perceived as the research laboratory, where one can
experience and participate in spaces of sociality (Pugalis, 2009b). Each space was also
subject to both direct and photographic observation methods to support an urban audit.
Regrettably, the study did not comprehensively consider the temporal dimension of space that
has been shown to have an important effect on the visual, cognitive, and functional value-
based structures.

Supplementing the fieldwork element of research, key professional-bureaucratic actors
charged with varying responsibilities for the selected spaces participated in semi-structured
interviews. A stakeholder mapping exercise was carried out to identify interview participants,
which included town centre managers, planners-designers, management contractors and
policy officers, and following this initial sift the „snowballing‟ technique was applied to
identify further stakeholders of interest. In sum, 18 interviews were conducted, recorded and
transcribed by team of researchers and a further 14 face-to-face and telephone interviews
were conducted by the author in order to elaborate on particular analytic themes.

The case studies: an overview

This section provides a brief overview of each case study to set the context for the qualitative
analysis and discussion. Table 1 summarises each space to draw ease of comparison.

Table 1: Summary of study sites

Name of area Location Description

1
In contrast, „spectral‟ analysis involves reading urban space from a more detached vantage than street walking
(Lefebvre, 1996).

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Pedestrianised area surrounded by historic buildings

Market Place Alnwick, with a strong sense of place, situated in the core of a

Northumberland market town setting.

Contemporary space conveying a sober aesthetic.

Millennium Place Durham city High quality materials used but currently detached

from surroundings.

Forms the „heart‟ of the regional capital, displaying

Old Eldon Square and Grey’s Newcastle-upon- huge symbolic and cultural meaning and creating a

Monument Tyne legible space.

Linear space in a coastal town, benefiting from views

The Esplanade Redcar, Cleveland out to sea but displaying vehicular-pedestrian

conflict.

Widest High Street in England housing the town hall.

High Street Stockton-on-Tees Visually cluttered and under-used when market is

inactive.

Alnwick Market Place is a legible space located within the town‟s historic core. The
surrounding buildings are rich in architectural quality; particularly the Grade 1 listed
Northumberland Hall constructed in 1826 with its arcaded ground floor. Major resurfacing of
the Market Place and adjacent streets, together with removal of car parking began in the late
1990s courtesy of European Regional Development Fund and Heritage Lottery investment.
Vehicle access is permitted, although pedestrians take priority and can freely move within
and around the space. The space possesses a desirable human scale and sense of enclosure.

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Café activities, such as alfresco dining, flow out into the Market Place, reinforcing its cultural
animation. In addition, the market cross strengthens the sense of identity and the distinctive
seating, designed by local schoolchildren, pay reference to the history of the site. This
symbolic dimension is a key asset.

Figure 2: Alnwick Market Place

Millennium Place Durham was created with finance from the Millennium Commission and
is an example of contemporary „design-led‟ pedestrianised public spaces. The square is
enclosed by a theatre, cinema and a number of chain bars and restaurants. It is minimalist,
leaving one with a feeling of exposure and therefore less likely to provide opportunities for
developing a strong place attachment. The street furniture is crafted to a high quality but
seating is perhaps more aesthetically pleasing than user-friendly. The minimalist design is in
stark contrast to the nearby historic quarter of Durham and connections to the town centre are
problematic.

Figure 3: Millennium Place Durham

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Old Eldon Square and Grey’s Monument Newcastle both contain significant elements of
historical and cultural significance, which is principally characterised in the form of their
centrally located monuments. These spaces form the „heart‟ of Newcastle combining
commerce and social interaction. Each has undergone a careful makeover as part of the
extension to Eldon Square shopping centre (2005-2009) and the work of the recent Grainger
Town Partnership (1997-2003). The two spaces are connected by Blackett Street which is the
primary east-west bus route through the city with around 6 million passengers per annum.
The high degree of legibility is personified by Grey‟s Monument which links in with Grey
Street, Grainger Street and Northumberland Street, and also serves as access to the
underground Metro rail system. Expressly designed glass and stone street furniture contribute
further to the distinctive local character.

Figure 4: Grey‟s Monument, Newcastle

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Figure 5: Old Eldon Square, Newcastle

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The Esplanade at Redcar is a linear space running directly parallel to the retail High Street
behind. The space incorporates artistic features and expansive views of the North Sea that
make the Esplanade ideal for strolling along. An adjacent building houses the oldest lifeboat
in the country; however, the history of the site is fractured by the existence of a pub and
cinema which jut out onto the beach from the Esplanade. User conflicts are apparent,
particularly for pedestrians who have to tackle a busy road with limited crossing points in
order to reach the nearby retail provision.

Figure 6: Redcar Esplanade

Stockton High Street is famous for being the widest street in England. It is split into two
sections by the presence of the centrally located town hall. The High Street has conservation
area status and is surrounded by a mixture of building styles. The space is an important
district service hub and there are roads and passageways leading from it. This forms a semi-
legible network although visual clutter is a detractor. The space provides the setting for a hive
of activity on market days, but the remainder of the time it conveys an unwelcome feeling
and is socially barren.

Figure 7: Stockton High Street

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Over recent years, each of the five case studies has benefited from publicly-funded place
quality enhancements with the intent that this would leverage additional private sector
investment and stimulate economic growth. Each space is deemed to be relatively accessible
and legible, albeit to various degrees. With the exception of Millennium Square Durham, all
are linked to a permeable network of streets2. The distinctive qualities of some spaces, such
as the artwork along Redcar‟s Esplanade and the distinctive seating provided at Alnwick and
Grey‟s Monument, throw into sharp contrast places that do not work so well. Unfortunately
this applies to much of Stockton High Street. The next section explores public perceptions.

Public perceptions about the spaces they frequent

Drawing on the on-street-survey, this section examines the changing face of contemporary
urban public space in terms of design, culture and economics. The primary concern is with
public perceptions: how people perceive place quality enhancements and the redesign of

2
As part of the Durham City Vision project, strategic connections to Millennium Square are planned to be
improved.

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urban public space in relation to cultural activity and economic vitality. The section
concludes by summarising some issues and opportunities.

Design awareness

Engagement with the everyday user revealed that people do not necessarily fixate on
architectural or urban design quality when they try and relate positively to why they enjoy
places:

“I frequent this place pretty regular … I can’t put my finger on it … It’s just a nice
space to enjoy and soak-up the atmosphere” (Alnwick)
“The people make this place special” (Newcastle)
“The view is priceless … it contrasts sharply with the [amusement arcades on the]
other side of the street” (Redcar)

One explanation for this, is provided by Jan Gehl who draws attention to the pedestrian field
of vision: „A person walking down a street sees practically nothing but the ground floor of
buildings, the pavement, and what is going on in the street space itself‟ (Gehl, 1996: 65; Gehl
et al., 2006). It is perhaps only when a person purposely stops to pause and consider spatial
arrangements that they reflect on more intricate design qualities. Conversely, everyday users
were quick to note when design qualities were absent. For example, one conversation with a
disgruntled user captured this feeling, stating that: “I don’t like the brick front, the facade
should be changed”. Other respondents, across each of the five spaces, commented on
unsympathetic buildings that “jut out” or “dominate the street”. In terms of Stockton High
Street, user comments and negative perceptions were directed towards the car-pedestrian
relationship and street furniture:

“It’s a shame that the road system breaks-up what would be a wonderful area”
“The railings and street furniture don’t do this space justice”

The High Street‟s road configuration tends to undermine the place quality improvements,
which has resulted in little more than an urban facelift and consequently the space remains
inhospitable with the frequent presence of double-decker buses providing an overbearing
effect on street-level activity. Public perceptions are strong in their indictment of the High

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Street as an inhospitable social space. Whereas, Alnwick Market Place and Newcastle‟s
Monument/Old Eldon Square have successfully adopted „shared space‟ for pedestrians and
motor vehicles, Stockton‟s place quality enhancements introduced a sharp separation.
Promoting the conventional segregation of traffic from urban public space, Stockton‟s
approach is based on an ill-conceived view of risk that is contributing to the growing public
dissatisfaction with street clutter and pedestrian impediments, such as railings and physical
barriers (Hamilton-Baillie, 2008b).

Newcastle‟s Monument is extremely popular with users and yet users seemed almost
unconscious of the care that has gone into designing this space: “Works good as a social
area” and “Nice to sit down and see everyone passing around you” were phrases commonly
expressed and much more prevalent than comments relating to architectural styles and quality
of materials. A truly successful public space displaying a high integrity of design quality
could therefore be expressed as permeating the unconsciousness of its everyday users. In his
seminal text, Townscape (1961) Gordon Cullen refers to the concept of a „sense of place‟ and
explains how the aesthetic element can provide a unique feeling of a place that draws people
to it. Relph alludes to this also, asserting that it involves „being inside and belonging to your
place both as an individual and as a member of a community, and to know this without
reflecting upon it‟ (Relph, 1976: 65). This implies that good design is an essential aspect in
the success of public spaces, yet may not be explicitly identified in a positive sense. It is
perhaps only when this key quality of place component is underprovided that the everyday
user explicitly recognise the value of design features and architectural detailing.

Cultural life

Findings suggest that people value culturally animated spaces. Animation of space helps to
create meaningful environments and experiential landscapes, increasingly favoured by
contemporary society according to some analysts (Florida, 2002; Worpole & Knox, 2007;
Lorentzen & Hansen, 2009). A culturally vibrant space can help transcend a chore or
quotidinal task into a leisure and cultural experience. When people choose, for example, to sit
outside a chic café, it is not necessarily the culinary delicacies that entice them, but the
overall experience. Whilst Millennium Place in Durham is less frequently used and at times
deserted, analysis suggests that it was the social and cultural activities that people valued the
most:

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“You won’t often find me here, the bars are all for the young’uns but now and again
[Millennium Place] fills up with people. It was lovely in the summer; there was street
jugglers and entertainment. It made a difference … the volume of people was great”

This perspective supports the work of Jan Gehl, who contends that people activities comprise
one of the most important qualities of public spaces. A central aspect of Gehl‟s work that
guides his design philosophies is that people attract other people: „If given the choice
between walking on a deserted or a lively street, most people in most situations will choose
the lively street. If the choice is between sitting in a private backyard or in a semiprivate front
yard with a view of the street, people will often choose the front of the house where there is
more to see‟ (Gehl, 1996: 27). It is the „optional‟ or „incidental‟ activities that are particularly
conducive to the quality of spaces; thriving when conditions are good. Old Eldon Square and
Grey‟s Monument Newcastle and Alnwick Market Place were favoured by users partaking in
optional activities, including eating and drinker, listening to music, participating in playful
activities and even dancing on some occasions.

A strong impression was conveyed that people prefer animated space and it was something
that they would like to see more of: “The market is the best thing about it”, exclaimed one
respondent in Stockton. Street markets of all types were a focus for comments:

“I like it as an open space, on Saturday there are stands, I liked the French market
recently” (Newcastle)
“Alnwick [Market Place] is a great place anyway, but the market, the market is what
sets the place apart” (Alnwick)

Markets are perhaps the prime example of the dynamic and heterogeneous nature of urban
public space: integrating communication, commerce and social exchange by way of an
animated theatre of public life. Exploring „The Magic of the Marketplace‟ as a site of
multiple forms of social interaction, Watson (2009) reveals that such urban public space
offers significant opportunities for vibrant social encounters, the co-mingling of differences
and everyday cultural activity. Market days animate urban public space, performing as a
theatre for the meeting of strangers (Young, 1990; Watson, 2006), where different cultural
and socio-economic groups can interact. Observation, interaction and conversations with

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users of urban public space on market days signals that markets are perhaps an example of
cultural life that may help erode social divides. Acting as animated theatres, it was noticeable
that different social groups would co-mingle, whereas on non-market days they would be
found huddling in their own „private‟ social spaces.

In terms of cultural animation, people do not necessarily separate out the everyday life of
spaces from more specific attractions, whether it is a regular market or a one-off „hallmark‟
event:

“The Monument always has a buzz about the place … I can’t really recall any
specific events but its always brimming with people and energy” (Newcastle)
“Of course events are held [in the Market Pace] but what I like is its daily character”
(Alnwick)

One could therefore reason that developing culturally vibrant and economically sustainable
spaces is as much about the activity programming of spaces as it is about other aspects
relating to the physical appearance of space itself (see also Holland et al., 2007). A perceived
negative related to the dichotomy of sporadic energised space and when the “buzz”
dissipated in those spaces (i.e. Millennium Place and Stockton High Street) that displayed
less „optional‟ social and cultural activities. One everyday user commented how “the Festival
was a great experience … the only trouble was it made the place seem dull the rest of the
time” (Stockton). A similar charge was levelled at street markets where users conveyed a
strong message that non-market days were “dead” and “boring”. Perhaps the experiential
occasion generated by an exuberant event, such as a market, reinforces the more ordinary
features of a space during tranquil times. Therefore, one could deduce that by improving
urban public space, perhaps through the programming of more frequent events, aspirations
and expectations are subconsciously raised, elucidating their latent potential.

Economic vitality

User opinions tended to be directed towards social and cultural aspects, including how a
space is used and experienced, rather economic considerations. However, some interesting
insights were forthcoming from the everyday user. Firstly, several users remarked that quality
of place enhancements had helped changed their perceptions of the space and also the

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perceptions of “others”. Due to the prominence of these spaces, there was a strong feeling
that a “place that works puts the rest of the town in a positive light”, in the words of one
person visiting Alnwick. There was a strong impression that culturally vibrant and attractive
public space has a positive effect on shopkeepers and retailers in terms of improving
shopfronts and attracting more business, tourists and visitors in terms of frequency/length of
stay, and marketing in terms of image. One respondent speculated that a high quality
environment “shames” property owners and businesses into “making improvements”. Such a
perception suggests that place quality enhancements can set a design benchmark: effectively
raising expectations and prompting property upgrades. The next section compares and
contrasts professional-bureaucratic views with public perceptions that have been examined.

Professional views

Grounded in semi-structured interviews with professional-bureaucratic actors engaged in the
production of urban public spaces, this section examines its changing face from a
professional vantage. Subtleties between user perspectives and „expert‟ opinions are teased
out.

Design considerations

The design of urban public spaces was at the forefront of professional-bureaucratic actors,
perhaps to the detriment of cultural aspects. In contrast to the everyday user, the professional
„expert‟ was predominantly concerned with the aesthetics of urban space and particularly the
visual dimension. A regeneration practitioner in Alnwick, for example, commented that the
strength of the Market Place is its urban fabric and “the quality of the materials”. In
Newcastle, an engineer referred to this particular strength as “architectural location”,
describing the Monument as situated “right in the heart of Grainger Town” conservation
area. Evoking a similar policy story, a practitioner in Stockton contended that the High
Street‟s “weaknesses are really just the absence of any very strong architecture, the whole
town is uninspiring … architecture is the trigger”, but is absent in Stockton, “I think we
suffer in Stockton from having very few [architectural] pieces left that are of real note”. The
preponderance of the visual has led some commentators to assert that the space of
bureaucratic politics is „conceived in ideas about space, in thoughtful re-presentations of

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human spatiality in mental or cognitive forms‟ (Soja, 1996: 10). Conceived space constructs
life through scripted representations of spatiality that produce, impose and reinforce social
homogeneity and control, relying „on the repetitive – on exchange and interchangibility, on
reproducibility, on homogeneity‟ (Lefebvre, 1991 [1974]: 396). Lefebvre contends that under
capitalism conceived space is the dominating force.

Drawing on the example of the urbanist as „producer of space‟, Lefebvre demonstrates how
projection and project are situated in a confused ideality perceived to be „real‟. Following the
„logic of visualization‟, the urbanist believes that the blank medium is neutral space which
„corresponds to the neutral space outside … As for the „plan‟, it does not remain innocently
on paper. On the ground, the bulldozer realizes „plans‟‟. This is why and how this act „is a
mode of representation, a stipulated and codified know-how‟, eliminating part of the „real‟
(Lefebvre, 1996: 191). Conceived space is therefore a semiotic abstraction that informs both
how people negotiate space in their everyday life and the space of corporations, governments
and institutions. A double reduction is often apparent when social space is reduced to two-
dimensional representations (Euclidean space). This procedure reduces the life of space, from
something to be experienced and lived (as well as perceived and conceived) to a passive
space of detachment. Whilst most face-to-face interviews with professional-bureaucratic
actors took place within walking distance of the urban public spaces under discussion, it was
rare that the respondent would suggest a guided street walk. Conversely, respondents would
frequently draw on conceptual tools of representation, such as maps, plans and diagrams, to
support discussion.

It is interesting that professional-bureaucratic actors, including town centre managers and
cultural development officers, as well as planners and urban designers, placed great
importance on the design of urban public space, and tended to be preoccupied with a visual
logic. On the contrary, user perceptions predominantly stressed the value of social encounters
and cultural experiences. Perhaps because of the visual logic of professional-bureaucratic
actors, urban public space tended to be conceived as an empty container. Consequently there
was a need to „fill it‟ with objects. In Alnwick, there were some professional concerns that
because the space seemed quite empty when not in use there was an ongoing need to “…fight
the attempt to fill it up with bits of clutter”, which would render the space inflexible.

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Since the publication of the Buchanan report; Traffic in Towns (Buchanan, 1963), the
ordering and control of the UK street has intensified, prompting some researchers and
practitioners to assert that „The accumulation of „street clutter‟ – the signs, markings, signals,
bollards and barriers associated with traffic engineering – is the most evident visual
manifestation of measures aimed to regulate and control movement, and remains a source of
growing concern about the decline in visual and spatial quality in the public realm‟
(Hamilton-Baillie, 2008a: 164). Such a modernist conception of urban public space,
exemplified by rationalist planning approaches, is preoccupied with safety and stasis,
neglecting that space is eventful. The result is single purpose space, fixed and nonflexible; a
space, for instance, that serves pedestrians or motor vehicles, tourist or inhabitant, user or
consumer, but struggles to provide for the social and cultural needs of multiple publics.

Cultural activities

A view emanating from professional-bureaucratic actors was that cultural activities provide
people with a greater sense of purpose for using public spaces and frequenting the wider area.
A producer of space in Alnwick, for example, remarked that:

“there has been a strengthening in the role of the market place as a focal point for
people” and “… the space has been used to a greater degree than perhaps people
may have first envisaged … the development of the markets… give people a sense of
purpose coming into the town…” providing “space which can now be used”

Popular public spaces can be used to host events and programmes that in turn act as a catalyst
for greater engagement with the surrounding locality and add to the unique character of the
space and wider area. Intensity of appropriate activities was found to improve the likelihood
of stronger bonds with spaces and encourage a positive sense of place. Farmers markets are
an obvious expression of this, encouraging creative industries is another possibility.
Facilitating the cultural animation of space requires the consideration and understanding of
the needs and motivations of diverse interests (particularly permanent local businesses and
residents) that may be in direct competition or conflict with proposed interventions. A good
example comes from Alnwick, where some owners were, “…not interested in the potential of
those properties and its very frustrating. All we can do is create conditions for things to
happen, but if the entrepreneurs, shop owners, don’t take these opportunities then you can’t

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make them” (Alnwick). This professional-bureaucratic insight into the complexity of place
quality initiatives provides an interesting counter-perspective to that put forward by some
users referring to the “shaming” of businesses/property owners to upgrade to a desirable
quality standard.

The professional-bureaucratic perspective would suggest that place quality enhancements are
not an inevitable guarantee that other private actors will follow with coherent investment and
activities. Specific forums related to local urban public spaces could help here. To be truly
effective, these forums need to be representative of the business and local community and
have a prominent decision-making role otherwise they may suffer from „talking-shop‟
syndrome. Forums can provide the arena for different interests to express their thoughts,
concerns and reassurances. They can tackle divergent public, resident, business and visitor
requirements head-on, pre-empting tension once implemented.

Urban democracy, according to Lefebvre through his concept of „the right to the city‟,
implies an equality of place virtues and equal participation: „The right to the city manifests
itself as a superior form of rights: right to freedom, to individualization in socialization, to
habitat and to inhabit. The right to the oeuvre, to participation and appropriation (clearly
distinct from the right to property), are implied in the right to the city‟ (Lefebvre, 1996: 174).
The most fundamental of all rights, the right to the city involves the rights of being, becoming
and participating. A literal reading of the concept misses the radical arguments that Lefebvre
was making. Capron (2002) for one, translates the right to the city as one of use and access to
urban resources. In a similar vein, Mitchell (2003) narrowly equates such a right with the
right to access public space. Instead, it can be articulated in a way that goes well beyond the
rights of ownership and access to embrace the progressive politics of “use value”. Use in
respect of active presence and appropriation, a “right to claim presence in the city, to wrest
the use of the city from privileged new masters and democratize its spaces” (Isin, 2000: 14,
original emphasis). It is the right of citadins to occupy, access, and produce urban space: a
socio-political right to participate in urban society in concrete, abstract and symbolic ways of
representation. Regrettably professional-bureaucratic actors tended to view the role of non-
professionals in the production of urban public space in a rather narrow and restrictive sense:
limiting community engagement to „official‟ openings in the statutory planning process.
However, the case studies provided a few notable exceptions, including the active design
input of local children in terms of the street furniture in Alnwick Market Place.

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Working with creative artists is one way of adding vitality and interest to schemes, but this
needs to be carefully managed from the very earliest planning stages. In the case of Redcar,
interviewees suggested that initial artistic involvement in the design stage, assists in
accomplishing the desired outcome of the integration of art into schemes providing a
considered and artistic response to the locality. This is much more proactive than artists
“having a plinth to work off” after the implementation of a scheme. This allowed for more
subtle responses which have been found to hold interest over time. Moreover, it facilitates the
early identification of over-ambitious or unworkable pieces, before too much progress has
been made or public expectations unnecessarily stimulated.

A clear management strategy and cultural programming was perceived to be a prerequisite
for successful spaces. Good practice emanating from Newcastle is the appointment by the
City Council of a cultural estates manager who is a chartered surveyor seconded from the
property department to culture and environment. The primary role is to assist small
independent, and in particular creative, businesses in the city to find affordable space, often
on council-owned land. Whilst the direct economic advantages of business start-ups is clear,
the cultural offer that creative ventures confer and ripple effects should not be
underestimated.

Economic benefits

The intangible benefits of improved confidence for private sector investment should not be
underestimated. For instance, the £10 million invested by the public sector in Buchanan
Street, Glasgow was complemented by private sector investment of £100 million in
Buchanan Galleries (Scottish Executive, 2002). Improvements in the urban public spaces
studied were generally seen to increase business confidence in these areas and lever in private
sector finance:

“…what it has done is actually improve business confidence for those who have been
able to see an opportunity…” (Alnwick)
“there is a discernable, measurable economic benefit” (Stockton, but specifically
referring to the Riverside Festival)

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“I think the economic activity in the area will benefit from the quality of the public
area we are creating…” (Newcastle, Old Eldon Square)

In contrast to Williams & Green (2001), the findings suggest that the benefits of well-
designed schemes may outweigh the (capital and revenue) costs: “…when you are using very
robust good quality, natural materials, I think you know you are lessening your maintenance
bill…” (Newcastle). This can occur through producing local competitive advantages,
decreasing crime and vandalism, increasing property values, reducing management,
maintenance, energy and security costs, and providing productivity gains to local workers
(CABE & DETR, 2001; Swanwick et al., 2001; Scottish Executive, 2002; Carmona, 2004;
CABE, 2007; Pugalis, 2007; Worpole & Knox, 2007). Further, public spaces with a sense of
place can attract inward investment and retain existing businesses, increasing the value and
marketability of nearby residential and commercial property. Public spaces were perceived to
enhance place identity:

“Its part of that visitor experience… the quality of that probably dictates whether
people want to actually come back…” and “…in terms of attracting visitors its
performed very well” (Redcar)
“…people tell you they have heard some interesting things going on in Newcastle…
people in Europe are interested in it…” (Newcastle)

Conversely, there was stakeholder recognition that poor quality urban public space could
jeopardise the image of a localé. This „broken-windows‟ theory (Wilson & Kelling, 1982)
was considered an issue in Stockton where the High Street suffers from litter, clutter and bus
traffic limiting public usage, which further compounds problems.

Public space improvements rarely happen in isolation and impacts can be so intangible that to
calculate economic benefits with certainty is very difficult, if not impractical: “it is quite a
difficult one to actually measure because other things have been developing over the same
period” noted a stakeholder in Alnwick. In particular, the respondent felt the Market Towns
Initiative and works to Alnwick Garden from 2000 onwards had led to a “clouded picture”.
Such benefits may not necessarily be easily quantified, since a host of intangible factors are
inextricably bound within the social production of space, but professional-bureaucratic views
tended to correlate with user perspectives in so far as places promoting everyday cultural

- 23 -

activities tend to be economically vibrant too. Take for example, the increased economic
sustainability of the Grainger Town area of central Newcastle, encompassing Grey‟s
Monument and Old Eldon Square. This quarter, rich in architectural heritage, recently
underwent a sustained place quality improvement initiative over several years that has
contributed to the economic, environmental and cultural renaissance of Newcastle city centre
(Akkar, 2005). Yet it would be extremely difficult to state in quantifiable terms with any
degree of accuracy, the precise role of place quality enhancements (Pugalis, 2008).

Place quality investments can encourage private investment in economic uses abutting and
within spaces. Ultimately this can help encourage and sustain a variety of businesses, shops
and services, and improve general market as has occurred in Alnwick and Newcastle.
However, professionals in Redcar and Stockton allude that this is not necessarily an
automatic process; multiple factors affect the size of economic impact. By way of example:
transport, location, local labour supply, economic trends, cultural activity, historic
significance, and environmental features may all be of relevance to various degrees. It is
therefore essential that quality of place strategies are embedded in wider economic
regeneration programmes and strategically fit within a network of public spaces serving
divergent cultural needs. This is particularly relevant to isolated area-based interventions that
often displace problems, despite the rhetoric of „spill-over effects‟ propagated. Birkenhead
Park, Merseyside and Central Park, New York are well known examples of coordinated
strategies where public space improvements have been catalysts for nearby commercial
investment.

The changing face of urban public space: issues and opportunities

During conversations with users across all five spaces, there was little mention of the
privatisation of urban public space, neither was there a strong recognition of a public-private
divide. Whilst changing „publicness‟ is a core aspect of the wider changing face of
contemporary UK public space (Akkar, 2005), from a user perspective at least, it appears that
the insidious privatisation of urban public space is of less import and direct significance so
long as the social and cultural life is thriving. Alternatively the privatisation of space was of
greater concern to professional-bureaucratic actors, but in a markedly different manner to the
theoretical literature reviewed earlier. Those professionals interviewed were primarily

- 24 -

concerned with a lack of private investment in place quality and thus did not express fears of
the private sector controlling and commodifying urban public space, or indeed, disintegrating
its public life. Perhaps this is due to the contextual specificity of the cases, located in a region
heavily reliant on public sector financial support, particularly in terms of place quality
interventions. In other circumstances where private sector provision and redesign of urban
space is more common through mechanisms, such as Business Improvement Districts,
findings are likely to be substantially different.

The overall picture to emerge from the both the public and professional-bureaucratic
perception exercise was that the everyday user is positively responsive to the changing face
of prominent urban public spaces but some recurrent issues and opportunities were identified
(see table 2). Issues associated with the spaces investigated can be summarised into three
clusters: under-utilisation, lack of facilities and maintenance issues. Low usage of space was
strongly associated with feelings bemoaning a social “emptiness”. Closely linked to this
theme, the everyday user frequently cited a “lack of shops and facilities”, suggesting that
design aesthetics alone are insufficient. Chewing gum, litter and poor quality paving were
persistent problems identified by the public, which appear crucial to perceptions of place.
Simple maintenance and street cleaning might often make the difference between the use or
non-use/abuse of urban public space.

Table 2: Issues and opportunities
Issues Opportunities

Low usage can deter others Space and potential to attract more users

Lack of attractors and facilities Activate space and culturally animate it

Road layouts and vehicular traffic Whilst not always appropriate, shared

impedes pedestrian enjoyment space for people and vehicles should be

explored

Street clutter, such as signage, detracts Less clutter would make spaces more

from visual enjoyment and can inhibit flexible and adaptable to different uses

pedestrian flow

- 25 -

Street furniture, such as seating, needs to People friendly street furniture can also

be designed with usage in mind and not be aesthetically pleasing

be preoccupied with aesthetics or

inappropriate usage

Low-grade buildings can impede place The socio-cultural use of space can

quality potentially negate aesthetics

Poor maintenance can deter usage Well-designed spaces and high-quality

materials can be easier to maintain

Isolated or „showpiece‟ cultural events Everyday cultural activities and events

are inappropriate can be programmed to maximise the

potential of showpiece events

Different stakeholder needs and Actively engaging different interests in

expectations the production of space can help

reconcile conflict

It is clear that issues concerning UK contemporary urban public spaces are not
insurmountable. The most pertinent issues relevant to each of the five case studies, as
summarised in table 2, require only minor interventions and small shifts in present policy-
practice. The exception is road layouts where vehicular traffic dominates the pedestrian
cultural experience. It is here where interventions are likely to be financially costly; however,
a growing body of international best practice suggests that the benefits associated with shared
space, liveable streets and pedestrian-friendly environments are worth it (Hamilton-Baillie,
2008b, 2008a; Sauter & Huettenmoser, 2008). The next section concludes with some policy
and practice relevant reflections as to how public and private sector stakeholders can create
and maintain inclusive, culturally vibrant and economically sustainable public spaces.

- 26 -

Reflections on policy and practice

Reacting to the present recomposition of capitalist urban development, political ideologies of
all stripes and colours are being refashioned in their vigour to pursue a neoliberal dogma
(Pugalis, 2009c). The pursuit to maximise exchange value has produced an abundance of
pessimistic accounts of the commercialisation, commodification and privatisation of urban
public space. Much work seeks to dichotomise between public space characteristics, be it
public versus private, sense of place or non-place, diversity or mono-expressive. This work
demonstrates that distinctions are never that clear cut; spaces and places are dynamic. The
level of dynamism reflects how they respond to the demands of the capitalist production of
space where changes can often be rapid and unexpected. This presents huge opportunities for
creativity and improved quality.

Public and professional perceptions of place qualities, including the design, culture and
economics of urban public space, are highly variable. This paper has demonstrated that
everyday user values are not necessarily congruent with those held by professional-
bureaucrats, which reinforces the argument for a multiplicity of knowledges and perceptions
to be debated (or co-produced) alongside the hegemonic interests of the politico-bureaucratic-
economic actors. The knowledge, wisdom, expertise and creativeness of the everyday user
appear crucial to the development of culturally vibrant and economically active urban space.
Energised community participation is vital; the involvement of specific groups, particularly
children and young people is seen as particularly beneficial. All of this requires substantial
investment and in turn should be based on a robust framework for guiding investment
decisions. This does not diminish the role of the designer, indeed the opposite could be
argued. It poses a significant challenge on professionals and particularly designers to deliver
a community responsive vision.

Utilising the creative input and contextual knowledge of the everyday user is one method that
can potentially assist the development of a sense of ownership; bolstering the cultural identity
of a place. However if quality of place investment is exclusively considered for its economic
value, excluding social, cultural and environmental impacts, there is a danger that the
economic objectives will not be met. Where the economic viability of new public spaces is
divorced from a more holistic set of objectives, there is a danger design-led enhancement
schemes can create unconnected, socially exclusive and „stage-set‟ public spaces.

- 27 -

Through an exploration of the changing face of contemporary UK urban public space, the
case is made that cultural activity (use value) and economic vitality (exchange value) are
mutually constitutive. Despite a „statistical vacuum‟, stakeholder perceptions suggest that
place quality improvements to urban public space can stimulate cultural activity and this in
turn can induce private economic engagement. Nevertheless, a note of caution that a
preoccupation with capitalist production and profit can result in the creation of urban
facelifts, divorced from the social needs and cultural values of the everyday user. In response
to concerns expressing the commoditisation and privatisation of urban public space, rather
than restricting values to a single metric, such as exchange value, it seems more appropriate
to adopt a model that incorporates use value, thereby capturing and providing for
multidimensional perceptions and qualities. For latent potential to be maximised,
interventions should be part of wider programmes of activity, informed by community
aspirations, and wide stakeholder buy-in.

The under-utilisation of the spaces studied, suggests that urban public spaces are not fulfilling
all possibilities open to them. The case put forward is that a significant proportion of
investment is a wasted opportunity: wasted in an economic, political, environmental and
socio-cultural sense. The potential of public spaces is huge and presently under-valued by
policy-makers and investors. Assessment procedures designed to guide planning and
investment decisions have often ignored perceptual, affective, and cognitive responses to the
environment, inherent in concepts, such as sense of place, in favour of techniques addressing
quantifiable considerations, where the judgement of „experts‟ presides. This paper has
demonstrated that perceptions of space are idiosyncratic. Therefore, if for no other reason, the
widespread values (held on a multitude of levels), makes a good case of giving priority to
investment in public spaces. The dearth of numerical „evidence‟ should not depreciate the
significance and value of urban public spaces: the infrastructure of public life (Pugalis,
2009b).

Responsive spaces are called for that positively adapt to changing needs and requirements.
This type of space, with un-restricted pedestrian movement, is supported by much central
government policy but the rhetoric often fails to be applied in practice. This study advocates
for quality to take precedence over quantity; making the case that public spaces are long-term
investments. This may result in a lower rate of public space enhancement programmes,

- 28 -

calling for a targeted intervention approach holistically considering public space as part of the
urban network. Good design must take centre-stage in such an approach. A proliferation of
„good practice guides‟ have been produced over the past decade or so, that aim to educate
both professionals and the public about what constitutes good urban design. Guidance tools
should certainly be consulted as they can be particularly useful, but they do not need to be
slavishly adhered to and the key challenge is to embed agreed principles in the design,
management and delivery of specific spaces in creative ways.

Capitalising on the renewed emphasis on place, urban public space should be promoted as a
significant (public-private) cultural and economic asset: a central public good. This approach
would begin to reverse negative perceptions of space and create a situation where the private
sector is more willingly prepared to contribute to its design and upkeep. As public purse-
strings begin to tighten as a consequence of the „credit crunch‟ and subsequent economic
downturn, it is apparent that future investment in urban public space will require increasing
private sector involvement, particularly focusing on capital funding and management. This
investment model will require a sophisticated understanding of users and surrounding
businesses to help facilitate inclusive environs which maintain a cultural integrity without
displaying overt control. The potential of investment vehicles, such as Business Improvement
Districts, is therefore enormous. However, the „business‟ element must not be seen as an
autocratic entity. Privately owned/managed urban public space does not necessarily confer
better quality. Appropriate intersects are required where top-down conceptual strategies
amalgamate with bottom-up lived tactics (de Certeau, 1984; Lefebvre, 1991 [1974]). The
sheer diversity of spaces and individual characteristics needs much more promotion and
attention to detail. In particular, further research is needed to investigate innovative urban
public space design-delivery-management partnership models.

The cases studied in this paper suggest that public life, social interaction and cultural
exchange are thriving, contradicting accounts of the death of public life and cultural
disintegration. Such prominent spaces providing a platform for everyday cultural animation
act as an important counter-balance to over-inscribed, highly regulated and commodified
urban public spaces often associated with the private production of space. Even when the
planning and design of space is dominated by abstract conceptions compartmentalising
dynamic social life, there exists potential for the lived space of everyday society to transgress
and produce urban public spaces expressing vibrant cultural characteristics. The challenge for

- 29 -

producers of space is to make the most of existing urban public spaces: to fulfil their latent
potential and make the most of their distinctive characteristics. Such a practice would need to
draw on the expertise of the everyday user and consider socio-symbolic-cultural functions as
well as politico-economic-aesthetic roles.

- 30 -

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to acknowledge One NorthEast and Culture North East for sponsoring the

Public Space Vitality Project, which this paper draws on and the financial support from the

ESRC (award number: PTA-030-2005-00902) supporting the dissemination of research

findings. In addition, acknowledgements are due to those who facilitated data collection.

Under the authors steer, the research team was led by Tim Townshend and included Jerome

Hassler and Ali Madanipour, of the Global Urban Research Unit, Newcastle University; Sue

Jackson, Bluespace Environments; and Maggie Roe of the Landscape Research Group,

Newcastle University. Thanks also go to John Mooney for producing the map used in this

paper. Any errors rest with solely with the author, to which all views expressed are his own

and should not be attributed to any other organisation are individual associated with the

Public Space Vitality Project.

- 31 -

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