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Sustainability Indicators A Scientific Assessment 1st
Edition Tomas Hak Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Tomas Hak, Bedrich Moldan, Arthur Lyon Dahl
ISBN(s): 9781597261319, 1597261319
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 4.27 MB
Year: 2007
Language: english
Sustainablity
Indicators
67
EDITED BY Tomás Hák
Bedřich Moldan
Arthur Lyon Dahl
A Scientific Assessment
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About Island Press
Island Press is the only nonprofit organization in the United States whose principal
purpose is the publication of books on environmental issues and natural resource
management. We provide solutions-oriented information to professionals, public
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About SCOPE
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Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page ii
Sustainability
Indicators
SCOPE 67
Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page iii
The Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment (SCOPE)
SCOPE Series
SCOPE 1 – 59 in the series were published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.,
U.K. Island Press is the publisher for SCOPE 60 as well as subsequent
titles in the series.
SCOPE 60: Resilience and the Behavior of Large-Scale Systems, edited by
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SCOPE 61: Interactions of the Major Biogeochemical Cycles: Global
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SCOPE 62: The Global Carbon Cycle: Integrating Humans, Climate,
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edited by Harold A. Mooney, Richard N. Mack, Jeffrey A. McNeely,
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SCOPE 64: Sustaining Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services
in Soils and Sediments, edited by Diana H. Wall
SCOPE 65: Agriculture and the Nitrogen Cycle: Assessing the Impacts
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edited by Arvin R. Mosier, J. Keith Syers, and John R. Freney
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SCOPE 67: Sustainability Indicators: A Scientific Assessment, edited by
Tomáš Hák Bedřich Moldan, and Arthur Lyon Dahl
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Sustainability
Indicators
A Scientific Assessment
Edited by
Tomáš Hák
Bedřich Moldan
Arthur Lyon Dahl
SCOPE 67
A project of SCOPE, the Scientific Committee on
Problems of the Environment, of the
International Council for Science
Washington • Covelo • London
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Copyright © 2007 Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment (SCOPE)
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Measuring progress towards sustainability : assessment of indicators : a project of
SCOPE, the Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment, of the
International Council for Science / edited by Tomáš Hák, Bedřich Moldan, and
Arthur L. Dahl.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-1-59726-130-2 (acid-free paper)
ISBN-10: 1-59726-130-0 (acid-free paper)
ISBN-13: 978-1-59726-131-9 (pbk. : acid-free paper)
ISBN-10: 1-59726-131-9 (pbk. : acid-free paper)
1. Environmental indicators. 2. Sustainable development—Evaluation.
3. Environmental monitoring—Evaluation. I. Hák, Tomáš. II. Moldan, Bedřich.
III. Dahl, Arthur L. IV. International Council for Science. Scientific Committee on
Problems of the Environment.
GE140.M44 2007
333.7—dc22
2006035641
British Cataloguing-in-Publication data available.
Printed on recycled, acid-free paper
Manufactured in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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Contents
List of Figures, Tables, Boxes, and Appendices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xi
Foreword: Finding the Right Indicators for Policymaking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xvii
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxiii
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxvii
1. Challenges to Sustainability Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Bedřich Moldan and Arthur Lyon Dahl
PART I: Cross-Cutting Issues 25
2. Meeting Conceptual Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27
Sylvia Karlsson, Arthur Lyon Dahl, Reinette (Oonsie) Biggs, Ben J. E.
ten Brink, Edgar Gutiérrez-Espeleta, Mohd Nordin Hj. Hasan, Gregor
Laumann, Bedřich Moldan, Ashbindu Singh, Joachim H. Spangenberg,
and David Stanners
3. Identifying Methodological Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .49
Tom Bauler, Ian Douglas, Peter Daniels, Volodymyr Demkine,
Nina Eisenmenger, Jasper Grosskurth, Tomáš Hák, Luuk
Knippenberg, Jock Martin, Peter Mederly, Robert Prescott-Allen,
Robert Scholes, and Jaap van Woerden
4. Ensuring Policy Relevance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .65
Louise Rickard, Jochen Jesinghaus, Christof Amann, Gisbert Glaser,
Stephen Hall, Marion Cheatle, Alain Ayong Le Kama, Erich Lippert,
Jacqueline McGlade, Kenneth Ruffing, and Edwin Zaccai
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PART II: General Approaches / Arthur Lyon Dahl 81
5. Indicators: Boring Statistics or the Key to Sustainable
Development? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .83
Jochen Jesinghaus
6. Sustainability Indicators: An Economist’s View . . . . . . . . . . . . .97
Tomasz Zylicz
7. The Institutional Dimension of Sustainable Development . .107
Joachim H. Spangenberg
PART III: Methodological Aspects / Arthur Lyon Dahl 125
8. Frameworks for Environmental Assessment and Indicators
at the EEA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127
David Stanners, Peter Bosch, Ann Dom, Peder Gabrielsen,
David Gee, Jock Martin, Louise Rickard, and Jean-Louis Weber
9. Frameworks for Policy Integration Indicators, for
Sustainable Development, and for Evaluating Complex
Scientific Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145
David Stanners, Ann Dom, David Gee, Jock Martin,
Teresa Ribeiro, Louise Rickard, and Jean-Louis Weber
10. Integrated Assessment and Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .163
Arthur Lyon Dahl
11. Qualitative System Sustainability Index: A New Type of
Sustainability Indicator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177
Jasper Grosskurth and Jan Rotmans
PART IV: System and Sectoral Approaches / Arthur Lyon Dahl 189
12. Indicators of Natural Resource Use and Consumption . . . . . .193
Nina Eisenmenger, Marina Fischer-Kowalski, and Helga Weisz
13. Indicators to Measure Decoupling of Environmental Pressure
from Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .211
Kenneth Ruffing
14. Geobiosphere Load: Proposal for an Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .223
Bedřich Moldan, Tomáš Hák, Jan Kovanda, Miroslav Havránek, and
Petra Kusková
15. Sustainable Development and the Use of Health and
Environment Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .237
Yasmin von Schirnding
viii | Contents
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16. Biodiversity Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .249
Reinette (Oonsie) Biggs, Robert J. Scholes, Ben J. E. ten Brink, and
David Vačkář
17. Human Appropriation of Net Primary Production
(HANPP) as an Indicator for Pressures on Biodiversity . . . . .271
Helmut Haberl, Karl-Heinz Erb, Christoph Plutzar, Marina
Fischer-Kowalski, and Fridolin Krausmann
PART V: Case Studies / Arthur Lyon Dahl 289
18. The Development of UK Sustainable Development Indicators:
Making Indicators Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .293
Stephen Hall
19. Developing Tools for the Assessment of Sustainable
Development in the Province of Brabant, the Netherlands . .309
Luuk Knippenberg, Theo Beckers, Wim Haarmann, Frans Hermans,
John Dagevos, and Imre Overeem
20. Sustainability Assessment Indicators: Development of
Practice in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .329
Rusong Wang and Juergen Paulussen
21. Core Set of UNEP GEO Indicators Among Global
Environmental Indices, Indicators, and Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . .343
Jaap van Woerden, Ashbindu Singh, and Volodymyr Demkine
22. Further Work Needed to Develop Sustainable
Development Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .351
Edgar E. Gutiérrez-Espeleta
23. Yale and Columbia Universities’ Environmental
Sustainability Index 2005 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .361
Compiled by Tomáš Hák
Annex: Menu of Selected Sustainable Development Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . .369
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .389
SCOPE Series List . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .395
SCOPE Executive Committee 2005–2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .399
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .401
Contents | ix
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List of Figures, Tables, Boxes
and Appendices
Figures
2.1. Six different baselines for one indicator value 35
3.1. The weight of the environment decreases as the number of human domains
increases 51
3.2. Hierarchy and scales, from sustainable development to base data 52
4.1. Purposes for which GEO-2000 is used 74
5.1. Communication language of the Dashboard of Sustainability 85
5.2. Policy cycle in a media society using an SDI 86
5.3. Social pillar of sustainable development 87
5.4. Environmental pillar of sustainable development 88
5.5. Economic pillar of sustainable development 89
5.6. Institutional pillar of sustainable development 90
5.7. Global picture: Sustainable development by country groups 92
5.8. Effective communication: The map of Africa 93
7.1. Northern perception of sustainable development 112
8.1. DPSIR framework for reporting on environmental issues 128
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xii | List of Figures, Tables, Boxes, and Appendices
8.2. DPSIR links and associated information flows 131
8.3. DPSEEA model of environmental health 132
8.4. Main stages in the policy life cycle, supported by data, information, and
knowledge 133
8.5. Indicator use in the policy life cycle 133
8.6. Example of a descriptive indicator: Share of organic farming in total
agricultural area 136
8.7. Example of a performance indicator: Projected progress toward Kyoto
Protocol targets 137
8.8. Example of an eco-efficiency indicator: Total energy consumption and gross
domestic product, EU-25 138
8.9. Example of a policy effectiveness indicator: Reduction of sulfur dioxide
emissions in the electricity sector, EU 139
9.1. Virtuous cycle for EPI 149
9.2. Three-legged stool model of sustainable development 152
9.3. Sustainable development in three overlapping ellipses 153
9.4. Never-ending triangle of sustainable development 154
9.5. Concentric ring or egg model of sustainable development 155
9.6. Scope of GEAR-SD 157
11.1. Conceptual model for a river basin management system 180
11.2. Checking for inconsistencies in the system 181
11.3. Influence matrix with weighted flows 184
12.1. General scheme of material flow accounting 195
12.2. Grouping of material flows according to volume and impact 196
13.1. SOx emissions from energy use versus GDP, 1990–2002 214
13.2. Decoupling factors for CO2, 1990–2002 218
14.1. GBLoadAREA, 2000 231
14.2. GBLoadPOP, 2000 231
14.3. GBLoadGDP, 2000 232
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List of Figures, Tables, Boxes, and Appendices | xiii
14.4. GBLoadPOP, GBLoadAREA, and GBLoadGDP combined results, 2000 232
15.1. Components of the DPSEEA framework 241
16.1. Compositional, structural, and functional attributes of biodiversity at four
levels of organization 251
17.1. Findings of a case study on the relationship between HANPP and various
landscape ecological indicators in lower Austria 279
17.2. Correlation analyses between log(NPPt) and the logarithm of species numbers
of various groups 281
19.1. Telos sustainability triangle 313
19.2. Relationship among capital, stocks, requirements, and indicators 315
19.3. Visual representation of the actual situation and the direction of
development, by indicator 317
19.4. Visual representation of the structure of the sustainability triangle 318
19.5. Differences and similarities between Brabant and the three other
regions 319
19.6. Venn diagram of requirements 324
19.7. Venn diagram of indicators 325
20.1. Sustainability demonstration of ecopolis development in China 330
20.2. Social–Economic–Natural Complex Ecosystem (SENCE) and its sustainability
dimension 331
20.3. Three dimensions of sustainable development 332
21.1. Renewable energy supply index by sector and global total, 1990–2002 345
21.2. Number of parties to multilateral environmental agreements,
1971–2004 346
21.3. Protected area coverage of large marine ecosystems, 2004 346
21.4. Mean biological oxygen demand in surface waters by selected region,
1979–1990 and 1991–1999 349
21.5. Concentrations of SO2 in air in selected cities, 1985–2000 349
22.1. Typology of sustainable development indicators 354
23.1. ESI architecture: aggregation scheme 362
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Tables
2.1. Interlinkage indicators in the four-pillar sustainable development
framework 29
2.2. Stage of development in indicators to meet conceptual challenges 43
3.1. Case study: Applying assessment criteria to three economic headline
indicators 57
4.1. User categories and needs 72
7.1. Selected social objectives and criteria 111
9.1. Some criteria for assessing environmental integration into economic
sector activities 147
9.2. A checklist of criteria for evaluating sectoral and cross-sectoral EPI 150
9.3. An EEA framework for evaluating complex and conflicting scientific
evidence on environment and disease 158
9.4. Different levels of proof for different purposes: Some examples
and illustrations 159
12.1. Overview of material flow analysis indicators 198
13.1. OECD environmental indicator selection criteria 216
16.1. List of single indicators (single variable related to a reference value) that are
in use 259
16.2. Composite indicators that are currently in use 262
20.1. Indicators for system sustainability assessment in Yangzhou ecocity
development 337
20.2. Sustainability assessment of Yangzhou ecocity planning (2005–2020) 340
21.1. GEO Year Book 2003 indicators 348
22.1. ILAC indicators according to proposed classification 357
23.1. ESI components and indicators 363
23.2. ESI ranking and scores 365
Boxes
3.1. Limiting purpose and scale: The EEA and DEFRA experiences 60
xiv | List of Figures, Tables, Boxes, and Appendices
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A moment afterwards I could make out a long low black object on
our starboard side, lying perfectly still. Would she see us? that was
the question; but no, though we passed within a hundred yards of
her we were not discovered, and I breathed again. Not very long
after we had dropped her Burroughs whispered,—
"Steamer on the port bow."
And another cruiser was made out close to us.
"Hard-a-port," said Steele, and round she swung, bringing our
friend upon our beam. Still unobserved we crept quietly on, when all
at once a third cruiser shaped herself out of the gloom right ahead
and steaming slowly across our bows.
"Stop her," said Steele in a moment, and as we lay like dead our
enemy went on and disappeared in the darkness. It was clear there
was a false reckoning somewhere, and that instead of rounding the
head of the blockading line we were passing through the very centre
of it. However, Burroughs was now of opinion that we must be inside
the squadron and advocated making the land. So "slow ahead" we
went again, until the low-lying coast and the surf line became dimly
visible. Still we could not tell where we were, and, as time was
getting on alarmingly near dawn, the only thing to do was to creep
down along the surf as close in and as fast as we dared. It was a
great relief when we suddenly heard Burroughs say, "It's all right, I
see the 'Big Hill'!"
The "Big Hill" was a hillock about as high as a full-grown oak tree,
but it was the most prominent feature for miles on that dreary coast,
and served to tell us exactly how far we were from Fort Fisher. And
fortunate it was for us we were so near. Daylight was already
breaking, and before we were opposite the fort we could make out
six or seven gunboats, which steamed rapidly towards us and angrily
opened fire. Their shots were soon dropping close around us: an
unpleasant sensation when you know you have several tons of
gunpowder under your feet. To make matters worse, the North
Breaker shoal now compelled us to haul off the shore and steam
further out. It began to look ugly for us, when all at once there was
a flash from the shore followed by a sound that came like music to
our ears—that of a shell whirring over our heads. It was Fort Fisher,
wide awake and warning the gunboats to keep their distance. With a
parting broadside they steamed sulkily out of range, and in half an
hour we were safely over the bar. A boat put off from the fort and
then,—well, it was the days of champagne cocktails, not whiskies
and sodas—and one did not run a blockade every day. For my part, I
was mightily proud of my first attempt and my baptism of fire.
Blockade-running seemed the pleasantest and most exhilarating of
pastimes. I did not know then what a very serious business it could
be.
CHAPTER V
FORT FISHER AND WILMINGTON
Colonel William Lamb—A battery of Whitworth guns—Mrs. Lamb—A
lovely Puritan maiden—An historical cottage—British naval
officers—The Santa Claus of the war—Admiral Porter's fleet—Visit
of General Curtis and Colonel Lamb to Fort Fisher—Identifying
historic spots—Strict quarantine—Cheerful slaves—Open house on
board the Banshee—Reckless loading—An impudent plan—The
Minnesota—A simple manœuvre—A triumphant success.
It was now that I made the acquaintance—soon to ripen into a
warm friendship—of Colonel William Lamb, the Commandant of Fort
Fisher,—a man of whose courtesy, courage, and capacity all the
English who knew him spoke in the highest terms. Originally a
Virginian lawyer and afterwards the editor of a newspaper, he
volunteered at the outbreak of the war, and rising rapidly to the
grade of colonel was given the command of Fort Fisher, a post which
he filled with high distinction till its fall in 1865. With the blockade-
runners he was immensely popular; always on the alert and ever
ready to reach a helping hand, he seemed to think no exertion too
great to assist their operations, and many a smart vessel did his skill
and activity snatch from the very jaws of the blockaders. He came to
be regarded by the runners as their guardian angel; and it was no
small support in the last trying moments of a run to remember who
was in Fort Fisher.
So much did we value his services and so grateful were we for
them, that at my suggestion my firm subsequently presented him
with a battery of six Whitworth guns, of which he was very proud;
and good use he made of them in keeping the blockaders at a
respectful distance. They were guns with a great range, which many
a cruiser found to its cost when venturing too close in chase down
the coast. Lamb would gallop them down behind the sandhills, by
aid of mules, and open fire upon the enemy before he was aware of
his danger. Neither must I forget his charming wife (alas, now
numbered among the majority); her hospitality and kindness were
unbounded, and many a pleasant social evening have I and my
brother blockade-runners spent in her little cottage outside the fort.
PORTRAIT OF COLONEL LAMB. To
face page 56.
The following extract from Southern Historical Papers, written by
Colonel Lamb a few years ago, will doubtless interest my readers;
also the account, copied from the Wilmington Messenger, of a
meeting which took place lately between him and General Curtis at
Fort Fisher.
In the fall of 1857 a lovely Puritan maiden, still in her
teens, was married in Grace Church, Providence, Rhode
Island, to a Virginia youth, just passed his majority, who
brought her to his home in Norfolk, a typical ancestral
homestead, where beside the "white folks" there was quite
a colony of family servants, from the pickaninny just able to
crawl to the old gray-headed mammy who had nursed "ole
massa." She soon became enamoured of her surroundings
and charmed with the devotion of her coloured maid, whose
sole duty it was to wait upon her young missis. When
the John Brown raid burst upon the South and her husband
was ordered to Harper's Ferry, there was not a more
indignant matron in all Virginia, and when at last secession
came, the South did not contain a more enthusiastic little
rebel.
On the 15th of May 1862, a few days after the surrender
of Norfolk to the Federals, by her father-in-law,
then mayor, amid the excitement attending a captured city,
her son Willie was born. Cut off from her husband and
subjected to the privations and annoyances incident to a
subjugated community, her father insisted upon her coming
with her children to his home in Providence; but,
notwithstanding
she was in a luxurious home, with all that paternal
love could do for her, she preferred to leave all these
comforts to share with her husband the dangers and
privations of the South. She vainly tried to persuade
Stanton, Secretary of War, to let her and her three children,
with a nurse, return to the South; finally he consented to
let her go by flag of truce from Washington to City Point,
but without a nurse, and as she was unable to manage
three little ones, she left the youngest with his grandparents,
and with two others bravely set out for Dixie. The generous
outfit of every description which was prepared for the
j d hi h i d t th l f b k ti
journey, and which was carried to the place of embarkation,
was ruthlessly cast aside by the inspectors on the wharf,
and no tears or entreaties or offers of reward by the parents
availed to pass anything save a scanty supply of clothing
and other necessaries. Arriving in the South, the brave
young mother refused the proffer of a beautiful home in
Wilmington, the occupancy of the grand old mansion at
"Orton," on the Cape Fear river, but insisted upon taking
up her abode with her children and their coloured nurse in
the upper room of a pilot's house, where they lived until
the soldiers of the garrison built her a cottage one mile
north of Fort Fisher, on the Atlantic beach. In both of
these homes she was occasionally exposed to the shot and
shell fired from blockaders at belated blockade-runners.
It was a quaint abode, constructed in most primitive
style, with three rooms around one big chimney, in which
North Carolina pine knots supplied heat and light on
winter nights. This cottage became historic, and was
famed for the frugal but tempting meals which its charming
hostess would prepare for her distinguished guests. Besides
the many illustrious Confederate Army and Navy officers
who were delighted to find this bit of sunshiny civilisation
on the wild sandy beach, ensconced among the sand dunes
and straggling pines and black-jack, many celebrated
English naval officers enjoyed its hospitality under assumed
names:—Roberts, afterwards the renowned Hobart Pasha,
who commanded the Turkish navy; Murray, now Admiral
Murray-Aynsley, long since retired, after having been rapidly
promoted for gallantry and meritorious services in the British
navy; the brave but unfortunate Hugh Burgoyne, V.C., who
went down in the British iron-clad, Captain, in the Bay of
Biscay; and the chivalrous Hewett, who won the Victoria
Cross in the Crimea and was knighted for his services as
ambassador to King John of Abyssinia, and who, after
commanding the Queen's yacht, died lamented as Admiral
Hewett Besides these there were many genial and gallant
Hewett. Besides these there were many genial and gallant
merchant captains, among them Halpin, who afterwards
commanded
the Great Eastern while laying ocean cables; and
famous war correspondents—Hon. Francis C. Lawley, M.P.,
correspondent of the London Times, and Frank Vizitelli of
the London Illustrated News, afterwards murdered in the
Soudan. Nor must the plucky Tom Taylor be forgotten,
supercargo of the Banshee and the Night Hawk, who, by
his coolness and daring, escaped with a boat's crew from
the hands of the Federals after capture off the fort, and
who was endeared to the children as the "Santa Claus" of
the war.
At first the little Confederate was satisfied with pork and
potatoes, corn-bread and rye coffee, with sorghum
sweetening;
but after the blockade-runners made her acquaintance
the impoverished store-room was soon filled to overflowing,
notwithstanding her heavy requisitions on it for the post
hospital, the sick and wounded soldiers and sailors always
being a subject of her tenderest solicitude, and often the
hard worked and poorly fed coloured hands blessed the
little lady of the cottage for a tempting treat.
Full of stirring events were the two years passed in the
cottage on Confederate Point. The drowning of Mrs. Rose
Greenough, the famous Confederate spy, off Fort Fisher,
and the finding of her body, which was tenderly cared for,
and the rescue from the waves, half dead, of Professor
Holcombe, and his restoration, were incidents never to be
forgotten. Her fox-hunting with horse and hounds, the narrow
escapes of friendly vessels, the fights over blockade-runners
driven ashore, the execution of deserters, and the
loss of an infant son, whose little spirit went out with the
tide one sad summer night, all contributed to the reality of
this romantic life.
t s o a t c e
When Porter's fleet appeared off Fort Fisher, December
1864, it was storm-bound for several days, and the little
family with their household goods were sent across the
river to "Orton," before Butler's powder-ship blew up.
After the Christmas victory over Porter and Butler, the
little heroine insisted upon coming back to her cottage,
although her husband had procured a home of refuge in
Cumberland county. General Whiting protested against
her running the risk, for on dark nights her husband could
not leave the fort, but she said, "if the firing became too
hot she would run behind the sand hills as she had done
before," and come she would.
The fleet reappeared unexpectedly on the night of the
12th of January 1865. It was a dark night, and when
the lights of the fleet were reported her husband sent a
courier to the cottage to instruct her to pack up quickly
and be prepared to leave with children and nurse as soon
as he could come to bid them good-bye. The garrison
barge, with a trusted crew, was stationed at Craig's Landing,
near the cottage. After midnight, when all necessary
orders were given for the coming attack, the colonel
mounted his horse and rode to the cottage, but all was
dark and silent. He found the message had been delivered,
but his brave wife had been so undisturbed by the news,
that she had fallen asleep and no preparations for a retreat
had been made. Precious hours had been lost, and as
the fleet would soon be shelling the beach and her husband
have to return to the fort, he hurried them into the boat as
soon as dressed, with only what could be gathered up
hastily, leaving dresses, toys, and household articles to fall
into the hands of the foe.
The extraordinary circumstance occurred yesterday of
a visit to Fort Fisher by General N M Curtis and Colonel
a visit to Fort Fisher by General N. M. Curtis and Colonel
William Lamb, who were pitted against each other in deadly
strife at that historic spot on the occurrence of both the
battles there during the civil war—the one commencing
24th December 1864 and the other 13th January 1865.
Colonel Lamb was in Washington a few days ago, and
made an engagement with General Curtis to visit the old
fort. They consequently met in Norfolk last Thursday
morning and came on to Wilmington, arriving here that
night. Yesterday morning they took the steamer Wilmington
at 9.30 o'clock and, accompanied by T. W. Clawson of the
Messenger, the three were landed at the Rocks and were
sent ashore in one of the Wilmington's small boats, the
gangway and wharf having been swept away during the gale
of 13th October.
From the Rocks the party walked to Fort Fisher, and
together the old heroes went from one end of the fort to
the other, identifying Colonel Lamb's headquarters and
locating the position of the batteries, the magazines, the
salients, the sally-port, and other historic spots.
General Curtis explained the route of his advance upon
the fort at the last battle, when the fort was captured, and
pointed out the portion of the parapet which he assaulted
and scaled, and where the first flag of the invading army
was planted on the ramparts. The batteries at which the
first fierce hand-to-hand fights occurred were discussed as
the party walked over them, and General Curtis pointed out
about the spot inside the works where he fell, desperately and
almost fatally wounded by a piece of shell that struck him
over the left eye, and carried away a large piece of the frontal
bone and destroyed the eye. He was believed to be killed,
and when some of his soldiers were ordered to take him to the
rear, so that his body could be shipped North, they dragged
his body over the rough ground for some distance, so that
his clothing was torn and his back was bleeding from cuts
made by such rough treatment. Orders had been given for
a box in which to ship his body to his home in New York.
Colonel Lamb, the hero on the Confederate side, who
was in command of the fort at both battles, explained the
positions held by the brave defenders of the fort, and also
pointed out about the spot where he was shot down, a
Minie ball having broken his hip, and also where General
Whiting received his death wound. Strange to say, all
three were wounded within a few yards of each other.
Colonel Lamb's wound came within an ace of proving fatal,
and, as it was, he was on crutches for several years.
The old fort is now a heap of ruins, consisting of
mounds of sand, where the batteries were stationed. In
front of the land face from which the assault was made
by the United States' troops under General Curtis, and
right on the position held by his regiment, the recent storm
has unearthed a great many bones of the brave fellows
who fell in the battle. It is not known whether they wore
the blue or the gray, but it is quite probable that they were
some of General Curtis's troops.
From the fort the party proceeded up the beach for a
mile and a half, and visited the cottage which Colonel Lamb
occupied with his family and made his general headquarters.
It is now occupied by a fisherman. From Craig's Landing
near by the party took a sail boat and were carried back to
the Rocks by the Craig brothers. When the boat was run
ashore it grounded in shallow water about fifteen feet from
dry land, and the only alternative left was to strip shoes
and foot-wear, and roll up pants and wade out. General
Curtis, who is a man of powerful frame and sound health,
soon stepped over the boat's side and into the water,
and as Colonel Lamb's health made him cautious about
going into the water General Curtis offered to carry him
going into the water, General Curtis offered to carry him
on his back to dry land. The Messenger representative
being a duffer of good frame and strength, and being the
younger by half, interposed in relief of General Curtis, and
so Colonel Lamb rode the scribe to the shore. The newspaper
man then wanted to kick himself for not allowing
Colonel Lamb to ride his "friend the enemy," for he could
have witnessed the remarkable instance of a brave and
distinguished Federal officer carrying on his back the
illustrious Confederate who, in years that are gone, was
raising old Harry with shot and shell to keep the General
at a safe distance. These two men were heroes of the
right stripe, and we can raise our hats in honour and
admiration of them for the rich heritage which their
manhood and bravery leaves to Americans.
After accepting the hospitality of Mr. Henry Wood, a
fisherman at the Rocks, who had prepared some coffee and
oysters for the party, the Wilmington came in sight at
3 o'clock, and she was boarded for the return to Wilmington.
On the trip down Colonel Lamb had bought a lot of fine
fat coots to be cooked for lunch at the Rocks, but he
forgot these, and they were left on the steamer. Imagine
the happiness of the party when they got aboard to find
that the courteous Captain John Harper had had the birds
cooked and sent them in with some delightful bread.
General Curtis and Colonel Lamb, after returning to the
city, were hospitably entertained at the Cape Fear Club.
General Curtis was a Colonel at the assault on Fort
Fisher, but he won his General's epaulettes there. By the
way, he was wounded in six places on the day the fort
was captured. He served four years and eight months in
the Federal army, having volunteered in April 1861.
Wilmington (N. C.) Messenger.
After this digression I must return to our movements on board the
Banshee. Having obtained pratique (for the quarantine was very
strict) and a local pilot, rendered necessary by the river being
unbuoyed and strewn with torpedoes, we ran up at once to
Wilmington. Here I found our agent Tom Power, who had an
outward cargo ready for me, and the cheerful heartiness with which
the slaves set about discharging our inward one was a pleasant
surprise; if I hadn't been told they were slaves I should never have
discovered it. Everything had to be done at high pressure, for it was
important to get out as quickly as possible, so as to try another run
while the dark nights lasted, and loading went merrily on. I therefore
did my best to win the goodwill of the officials, on whose favour I
was of course in a great measure dependent for a rapid turn round.
Wilmington was already sadly pinched and war-worn. There never
was too much to eat and drink there, and the commonest luxuries
were almost things of the past; so when it became known that there
was practically open house on board the Banshee friends flocked to
her. She soon attained great popularity, and it was really a sight
when our luncheon bell rang to see guests, invited and uninvited,
turn up from all quarters. We made them all welcome, and when our
little cabin was filled we generally had an overflow meeting on deck.
What a pleasure it was to see them eat and drink! Men who had
been accustomed to live on corn-bread and bacon, and to drink
nothing but water, appreciated our delicacies; our bottled beer, good
brandy, and, on great occasions, our champagne, warmed their
hearts towards us. The chief steward used to look at me appealingly,
as a hint that our stores would never last out; in fact we were often
on very short commons before we got back to Nassau. But we had
our reward. If any special favour were asked it was always granted,
if possible, to the Banshee, and if any push had to be made there
was always some one to make it.
Whether due to the luncheon parties or not need not be said, but
we were within a very few days able to cast off our moorings and
drop down the river ballasted with tobacco and laden with cotton—
three tiers even on deck. Such things are almost incredible
nowadays. The reckless loading, to which high profits and the
perquisites allowed to officers led, is to a landsman inconceivable.
That men should be found willing to put to sea at all in these frail
craft piled like hay waggons is extraordinary enough, but that they
should do so in the face of a vigilant and active blockading force,
and do it successfully, seems rather an invention of romance than a
commonplace occurrence of our own time. True, running out was a
much easier matter than running in, for the risks inseparable from
making a port, so difficult to find as Wilmington, without lights, and
with constant change of courses, were absent, and as soon as the
bar was crossed navigation at least gave no anxiety.
Steele and I had hit on a plan for getting out that promised almost
a certainty of success. Its security lay in its impudence, a cardinal
virtue of blockade-running, which, as will be seen later on in some of
the more critical scenes, approached the sublime. The idea was
perhaps obvious enough. As has been said, the flagship during the
night remained at anchor, while the other ships moved slowly to and
fro upon the inner line, leaving, as was natural enough, a small area
round the Admiral's ship unpatrolled. This was enough for us.
Bringing up the Banshee behind Fort Fisher, where she could lie
hidden from the blockaders till nightfall, we rowed ashore to get
from Colonel Lamb the last news of the squadron's movements and
to ascertain which ship bore the Admiral's flag. She proved to be the
Minnesota, a large sixty-gun frigate: her bearings were accurately
taken, and as soon as night fell the Banshee stole quietly from her
concealment, slipped over the bar, dark as it was, and by the aid of
Steele's observations ran in perfect security close by the flagship and
out to sea well clear of the first cordon.
In trying to pass the second, however, we were less successful, for
we ran right across a gunboat; she saw us and at once opened fire;
but slow as the Banshee was, luckily the Northern gunboats for the
most part were slower still, so we had no difficulty in increasing the
distance between us till it was felt we were out of sight again. Our
helm was then put hard over, giving us a course at right angles to
the one we had been steaming, and after keeping it a few minutes
we stopped. It was a manœuvre nearly always successful, provided
the helm was not put over too soon, and this time it achieved the
usual result. As we lay perfectly still, watching the course of the
gunboat by the flashes of her guns and by the rockets she was
sending up to attract her consorts, we had the satisfaction of seeing
her labouring furiously past us and firing wildly into black space.
There still remained the danger at daybreak of the third cordon,
and with anxious eyes the horizon was scoured as the darkness
began to fail. A daylight chase with the Banshee in her present
condition could not be thought of, but fortunately not a sign of a
cruiser was to be seen. All that day, and the next and the next, we
steamed onward with our hearts in our mouths, turning our stern to
every sail or patch of smoke that was seen, till, on the evening of
the third day, we steamed into Nassau as proudly as a heavy list to
starboard would allow.
So ended my first attempt, a triumphant success! Besides the
inward freight of £50 a ton on the war material, I had earned by the
tobacco ballast alone £7000, the freight for which had been paid at
the rate of £70 a ton. But this was a flea-bite compared to the profit
on the 500 odd bales of cotton we had on board, which was at least
£50 per bale.
No wonder I took kindly to my new calling, and no wonder I at
once set to work to get the Banshee reloaded for another run before
the moonless nights were over.
CHAPTER VI
THE REST OF THE BANSHEE NO. 1.'s CAREER
Breakdown of the Banshee's machinery—Heavily peppered
by gunboats—The help of signal lights—A change of tactics—An
awkward alternative—Hailed by a cruiser—A slanging match—Grape
and canister—The Banshee on fire—Shipping a fresh cargo—A
careless look-out man—Pursued by the James Adger—A
ding-dong race—Cargo thrown overboard—A stowaway comes to
light—A crucial moment—The James Adger relinquishes
her pursuit—Our last coal used—Secure in British
territory—Negotiations for coal—A demoralised crew—Safe in
Nassau—End of the Banshee's career—Profit of blockade-running.
To give in detail every trip of the Banshee would be wearisome. I
made in her seven more in all, each one of which had its peculiar
excitement. Looking back it seems nothing short of a miracle that,
ill-constructed and ill-engined as she was, she so long escaped the
numerous dangers to which she was exposed. I well remember, on
our second run in, an accident which no one could have foreseen,
and which came within an ace of ending her career.
After a busy time discharging our cargo and getting coaled and
loaded in order to save a trip before the moon grew too much, we
made another start, and after a rough passage reached within
striking distance of our port. It was a very dark but calm night; we
had made out several blockaders and safely eluded them, when
suddenly a tearing and rending of wood was heard, and splinters
from our port paddle-box fell in all directions. The engines were
stopped at once; it was then discovered that one of the paddle-
floats, which were made of steel, had split, causing the broken part
to come violently in contact with the paddle-box at each revolution.
There was nothing for it but to stop and attempt to unscrew the
damaged float; a sail was placed round the paddle-box and two of
the engineers were lowered down and commenced work: not many
minutes elapsed before a cruiser hove in sight, and we made certain
we had been discovered. Although she came on until she was not
more than a hundred yards away on our beam, curious to state she
never saw us, but, after lying motionless, much to our relief she
steamed away, and oh! how pleasant it was to hear that float drop
into the water.
We felt our way towards the bar, and although we were heavily
peppered by two gunboats which were lying close in, we escaped
untouched and soon had our signal lights set for going over the bar.
These signal lights were of course a great assistance, but latterly the
Northerners used to place launches close in, and when those in
charge saw the lights exhibited they signalled to the blockaders, who
immediately commenced shelling the bar, rendering it very
unpleasant for us; so much so that we generally preferred to find
our way over it without lights, as the lesser risk of the two. It was
the custom for each steamer to carry a Confederate signalman, who
by means of a code could communicate with the shore, in the
daytime with flags, at night by flashes from lamps. If the leading
lights were required, the pilots in the fort set two lights which, when
in line, led us through deep water over the bar.
This was an average run in, but more exciting ones were to follow.
In the earlier stages of blockade-running, such as those I have
mentioned, we used to go well to the northward and make the coast
some fifteen or twenty miles above Fort Fisher, thus going round the
fleet instead of through it. By this means we were the better enabled
to strike the coast unobserved, steaming quietly down, just outside
the surf, until we arrived close to Fort Fisher, where we had to go
somewhat to seaward, in order to avoid a certain shoal called the
North Breaker. Although this generally brought us into close contact
with the blockaders, still we knew exactly where we were as regards
the bar. Subsequently the Northerners stopped this manœuvre, as
we found to our peril.
One very dark night (I think it was either on the fourth or fifth trip
of the Banshee) we made the land about twelve miles above Fort
Fisher, and were creeping quietly down as usual, when all at once
we made a cruiser out, lying on our port-bow, and slowly moving
about two hundred yards from the shore. It was a question of going
inside or outside her; if we went outside she was certain to see us,
and would chase us into the very jaws of the fleet. As we had very
little steam up we chose the former alternative, hoping to pass
unobserved between the cruiser and the shore, aided by the dark
background of the latter. It was an exciting moment; we got almost
abreast of her, as we thought, unobserved, and success seemed
within our grasp, till we saw her move in towards us and heard her
hail us as we came on, "Stop that steamer or I will sink you"!
Old Steele growled out that we hadn't time to stop, and shouted
down the engine-room tube to Erskine to pile on the coals, as
concealment was no longer of any use. Our friend, which we
afterwards found out was the Niphon, opened fire as fast as she
could and sheered close into us, so close that her boarders were
called away twice, and a slanging match went on between us, like
that sometimes to be heard between two penny steamboat captains
on the Thames. She closed the dispute by shooting away our fore
mast, exploding a shell in our bunkers, and, when we began to leave
her astern, by treating us to grape and canister. It was a miracle that
no one was killed, but the crew were all lying flat on the deck,
except the steersman; and at one time I fear he did the same, for as
Pilot Burroughs suddenly cried, "My God, Mr. Taylor, look there"! I
saw our boat heading right into the surf, so, jumping from the
bridge, I ran aft and found the helmsman on his stomach. I rushed
at the wheel and got two or three spokes out of it, which hauled her
head off the land, but it was a close shave.
Two miles farther on we picked up another cruiser, which tried to
treat us in a similar manner, but as we had plenty of steam we soon
left her. A little farther we came across a large side-wheel boat,
which tried to run us down, missing us only by a few yards; after
that we were unmolested and arrived in safe, warmly congratulated
by Lamb, who thought from the violent cannonade that we must
certainly have been sunk.
Not more than one man out of a hundred would have brought a
boat through as Steele did that night,—the other ninety-nine would
have run her ashore.
After this exciting run-in our first business was to repair damages
and ship our cargo on board; but at the last moment, when she was
completely loaded, with steam up and all ready for a start, we nearly
lost the Banshee by fire. Steele and I were busy settling things in
the office on shore, when all at once, on looking out of the window,
I saw volumes of smoke coming from her deck cargo of cotton; we
jumped into a boat, but by the time we got alongside she was one
sheet of flame. It looked like a hopeless case. Steele, however, gave
immediate orders to get the steam hose at work, breast her off from
the wharf, and to let go anchor in mid stream; thus bringing her
head to tide, but stern to wind. The fire, being all forward, made it
difficult to reach the forecastle so as to let go the anchor; but our
good friend Halpin (who then commanded a blockade-runner called
the Eugénie) gallantly came to our assistance, at the risk of his life
boarded us forward, and knocked out the cutter which held the
chain cable, but not before his clothes were on fire: it was a sight to
see him take a header into the river, causing the water to hiss again.
He undoubtedly saved our ship that day. Poor Halpin—I have lately
read of his death—he was as fine and generous-hearted a man as
ever lived, and was afterwards as successful at cable-laying as
blockade-running.
By dint of hard work we got the fire under, and a tough job it was
fighting with ignited turpentine, of which we had several barrels on
deck, and blazing cotton. We found that, with the exception of
having our turtle back destroyed and our deck, bulwarks, and new
foremast charred, she had not received much serious damage, and
after shipping a fresh deck cargo we went to sea next night and
crossed to Nassau, where they were astonished to see the plight we
were in, thinking we had had a fire at sea.
It was, I think, on our sixth trip out in the little Banshee, when
soon after daylight we had got safely through the fleet, and I was
lying on a cotton bale aft, that Erskine, the chief engineer, suddenly
exclaimed, "Mr. Taylor, look astern!" I looked, and not four miles
from us I saw a large side-wheel cruiser, with square sails set,
coming down on us hand over fist. This was an instance of gross
carelessness on the part of the look-out man at the masthead (he
turned out to be an American whom we had shipped in Nassau, on
the previous trip, and about whom both Steele and I had our private
suspicions). At such a critical moment as the approach of daylight
the chief officer should have chosen a picked man for the look-out.
After this we were more careful: either the chief officer or I myself,
when on board, making it a point to occupy this post at that
particular hour.
Erskine rushed to the engine-room, and in a few moments
volumes of smoke issuing from our funnels showed that we were
getting up all the steam we could—almost too late, as with the
freshening breeze the chaser (which we afterwards found out to be
the well-known James Adger, a boat subsequently sent to cruise in
search of the Alabama) so rapidly overhauled us that we could
distinctly see the officers in uniform as they stood on the bridge;
each one, doubtless, counting his share of the prize money to which
he would soon become entitled.
THE BANSHEE CHASED BY JAMES ADGER. To face page 78
"This will never do," said Steele, who, although it put us off our
course to Nassau, ordered the helm to be altered, so as to bring us
up to the wind. We then soon had the satisfaction of seeing our
enemy obliged to take in sail after sail, and a ding-dong race of the
most exciting nature right in the wind's eye commenced.
The freshening breeze and rising sea now seemed to increase the
odds against our, the smaller, boat, and so critical did matters
become, and so certain did capture appear, that I divided between
Murray-Aynsley—who was a passenger on this trip,—Steele, and
myself sixty sovereigns which I had on board, determined that when
captured we wouldn't be penniless. As the weather grew worse we
found ourselves obliged to throw overboard our deck cargo in order
to lighten the boat. This was done as quickly as possible, heart-
breaking though it was to see valuable bales (worth from £50 to £60
apiece) bobbing about on the waves. To me more especially did this
come home, for my little private venture of ten bales of Sea Island
cotton had to go first, a dead loss of £800 or more!
A fresh cause of excitement now arose; in clearing out these very
bales, which were in a half finished deck cabin, an unfortunate
stowaway came to light, a runaway slave, who must have been
standing wedged between two bales for at least forty-eight hours,
and within three feet of whom I had unconsciously been sleeping on
the cotton bales during the last two nights before putting to sea. He
received a great ovation on our landing him at Nassau, though his
freedom cost us $4000 on our return to Wilmington, this being what
he was valued at. His escape was an unusual one, for, before leaving
port the hold and closed up spaces were always fumigated to such
an extent as to have brought out or suffocated any one in hiding;
but this being an open-deck cabin, the precaution was impossible.
Having got rid of our deck cargo, we slowly but steadily began to
gain in the race. It was an extraordinary sight to see our gallant little
vessel at times almost submerged by green seas sweeping her fore
and aft, and the James Adger, a vessel of 2000 tons, taking headers
into the huge waves, yet neither of us for a moment slackening
speed, a course we should have thought madness under ordinary
circumstances. Murray-Aynsley stood with his sextant, taking angles,
and reporting now one now the other vessel getting the best of it.
Suddenly a fresh danger arose from the bearings of the engines
becoming heated, owing to the enormous strain put upon them.
Erskine said it was absolutely imperative to stop for a short time. But
by dint of loosening the bearings and applying all the salad oil
procurable mixed with gunpowder they were gradually got into
working order again, all in the engine-room having assisted in the
most energetic manner at this crucial moment.
The chase went on for fifteen weary hours—the longest hours I
think I ever spent!—until nightfall, when we saw our friend, then
only about five miles astern, turn round and relinquish her pursuit.
We heard afterwards that her stokers were dead beat. For some
time we pursued our course, thinking this might be only a ruse on
their part, and then held a council of war as to our next move.
Steele and Erskine were for making Bermuda, as we had been
chased 150 miles in that direction, and both feared our coal would
not hold out for us to reach Nassau. It was, however, very necessary
that I should go to the latter place, as I was expecting two new
steamers out from England, so we decided to make the attempt. We
only succeeded in reaching land at all by a very close shave. At the
end of the third day we saw our last coal used; mainmast, bulwarks,
deck cabin and every available bit of wood, supplemented by cotton
and turpentine as fuel, only just carried us into one of the north-east
keys of the Bahamas, about sixty miles from Nassau, into which we
absolutely crawled, the engines working almost on a vacuum. We
had not anchored there more than two hours when we saw a
Northern cruiser steam slowly past, evidently eyeing us greedily; but
we were safe in British territory, and even the audacious cruiser dare
not take us as a prize.
The difficulty of procuring the necessary fuel, in order to take us
to Nassau, now presented itself; fortunately we spied out a schooner
in the neighbourhood with whom we communicated, and after some
negotiations I arranged that she should take Murray-Aynsley and
myself to our destination, and bring back a cargo of coal.
We started with a fair wind, but before long this had changed to a
regular hurricane—during which it was impossible to keep on any
sail, and the crew became terrified and helpless, thereby very nearly
letting us drift on to the rocks near Abaco lighthouse. It was an
awful night, the lightning vivid, and the coast line not many yards
away. The crew became more and more demoralised, and when the
weather moderated refused to proceed. This new difficulty was only
overcome by Murray-Aynsley and myself producing our revolvers;
then, partly by threats, and partly by promised bribes, we prevailed
on them to think better of their resolve.
Utterly wearied out, having had no sleep to speak of for one week,
and having lived in our sea-boots since we made our first start from
Wilmington (my feet were so swollen that the boots had to be cut
off, and sleeping draughts at first were powerless to restore the lost
faculty), we finally arrived in safety. The schooner was despatched
back with coal, and three days later I had the satisfaction of seeing
the Banshee after these hair-breadth escapes steam safely in,
though looking considerably dilapidated; lucky in having lost only our
deck cargo—which represented a good half, or more, of what she
started with.
This chase, which lasted fifteen hours, and covered nearly 200
miles, was considered one of the most notable incidents connected
with blockade-running during the war, and we heard a good deal
about it afterwards. At the time we had been struck by the fact of
the James Adger not opening fire on us, when so close. The
explanation was, that she had no "bow-chasers," and was so certain
of capturing us eventually, that she did not think it worth while to
"yaw" and fire her broadside guns, and as the weather was so bad
she did not care to cast them loose.
This is the last trip I made in the Banshee on which anything of
note occurred. She made eight round trips in all, and I then left her.
She was captured on the ninth, after another long chase off Cape
Hatteras, her captain and crew being taken to Fort Lafayette, where
they were detained for about eight months as prisoners in a
casemate, badly fed and clothed, and of course overcrowded. Steele
spent some weeks in Ludlow Street gaol; when he was released he
found, to his delight, that another boat had been built expressly for
him, which was christened Banshee No. 2.
Some idea of the vast profits accruing from blockade-running at
this time can be gathered from the fact that, notwithstanding the
total loss of the Banshee by capture, she earned sufficient on the
eight successful round trips which she made to pay her shareholders
700 per cent on their investment.
Her captors turned her into a gunboat; and we heard afterwards
that she had proved anything but a success, being much too tender.
Moreover her engines, as we knew, were very hard to manipulate,
so much so that on one occasion it was found impossible to stop her,
and she ran right into the jetty of the naval yard at Washington.
CHAPTER VII
LIFE AT NASSAU
Society at Nassau—Dinners and dancing—The only frock-coat in
Nassau—Mrs. Bayley's receptions—Arthur Doering—Old friends
who have gone—Hobart Pasha—Capture of the Don—Hugh
Burgoyne—Captain Hewett—Murray Aynsley—A private Joint Stock
Company—Increased responsibilities—A day's misfortunes—Career
of the Tristram Shandy—Yellow Jack—Death-rate at
Wilmington—Saved from quarantine by a horse—A pet game-cock.
As the moon was now approaching full, we had ample time to
repair damages and refit ship before making another start, and we
all enjoyed our brief holiday and freedom from care. Although
Nassau was a small place its gaieties were many and varied. Money
flowed like water, men lived for the day and never thought of the
morrow, and in that small place was accumulated a mixture of
mankind seldom seen before. Confederate military and naval
officers; diplomatists using the blockade-runners as a means of
ingress and egress from their beleaguered country; newspaper
correspondents and advertisers of all kinds,—some rascals no doubt;
the very cream of the English navy, composed of officers on half-pay
who had come out lured by the prospects of making some money
and gaining an experience in their profession which a war such as
this could give them; and last but not least our own immediate
circle, which was graced by the presence of two ladies, Mrs. Murray-
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    Sustainability Indicators AScientific Assessment 1st Edition Tomas Hak Digital Instant Download Author(s): Tomas Hak, Bedrich Moldan, Arthur Lyon Dahl ISBN(s): 9781597261319, 1597261319 Edition: 1 File Details: PDF, 4.27 MB Year: 2007 Language: english
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    Sustainablity Indicators 67 EDITED BY TomásHák Bedřich Moldan Arthur Lyon Dahl A Scientific Assessment
  • 7.
    Scope 67 FM,TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page i
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    About Island Press IslandPress is the only nonprofit organization in the United States whose principal purpose is the publication of books on environmental issues and natural resource management. We provide solutions-oriented information to professionals, public officials, business and community leaders, and concerned citizens who are shaping responses to environmental problems. Since 1984, Island Press has been the leading provider of timely and practical books that take a multidisciplinary approach to critical environmental concerns. Our growing list of titles reflects our commitment to bringing the best of an expanding body of literature to the environmental community throughout North America and the world. Support for Island Press is provided by the Agua Fund, The Geraldine R. Dodge Foundation, Doris Duke Charitable Foundation, The Ford Foundation, The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, The Joyce Foundation, Kendeda Sustainability Fund of the Tides Foundation, The Forrest & Frances Lattner Foundation, The Henry Luce Foundation, The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, The Marisla Foundation, The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation, The Curtis and Edith Munson Foundation, Oak Foundation, The Overbrook Foundation, The David and Lucile Packard Foundation, Wallace Global Fund, The Winslow Foundation, and other generous donors. The opinions expressed in this book are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of these foundations. About SCOPE The Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment (SCOPE) was established by the International Council for Science (ICSU) in 1969. It brings together natural and social scientists to identify emerging or potential environmental issues to address jointly the nature and solution of environmental problems on a global basis. Operating at an interface between the science and decision-making sectors, SCOPE’s interdisciplinary and critical focus on available knowledge provides analytical and practical tools to promote further research and more sustainable management of the earth’s resources. SCOPE’s members, thirty-eight national science academies and research councils and twenty-two international scientific unions, committees, and societies, guide and develop its scientific program. Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page ii
  • 9.
    Sustainability Indicators SCOPE 67 Scope 67FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page iii
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    The Scientific Committeeon Problems of the Environment (SCOPE) SCOPE Series SCOPE 1 – 59 in the series were published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., U.K. Island Press is the publisher for SCOPE 60 as well as subsequent titles in the series. SCOPE 60: Resilience and the Behavior of Large-Scale Systems, edited by Lance H. Gunderson and Lowell Pritchard Jr. SCOPE 61: Interactions of the Major Biogeochemical Cycles: Global Change and Human Impacts, edited by Jerry M. Melillo, Christopher B. Field, and Bedřich Moldan SCOPE 62: The Global Carbon Cycle: Integrating Humans, Climate, and the Natural World, edited by Christopher B. Field and Michael R. Raupach SCOPE 63: Invasive Alien Species: A New Synthesis, edited by Harold A. Mooney, Richard N. Mack, Jeffrey A. McNeely, Laurie E. Neville, Peter Johan Schei, and Jeffrey K. Waage SCOPE 64: Sustaining Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in Soils and Sediments, edited by Diana H. Wall SCOPE 65: Agriculture and the Nitrogen Cycle: Assessing the Impacts of Fertilizer Use on Food Production and the Environment, edited by Arvin R. Mosier, J. Keith Syers, and John R. Freney SCOPE 66: The Silicon Cycle: Human Perturbations and Impacts on Aquatic Systems, edited by Venugopalan Ittekkot, Daniela Unger, Christoph Humborg, and Nguyen Tac An SCOPE 67: Sustainability Indicators: A Scientific Assessment, edited by Tomáš Hák Bedřich Moldan, and Arthur Lyon Dahl Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page iv
  • 11.
    Sustainability Indicators A Scientific Assessment Editedby Tomáš Hák Bedřich Moldan Arthur Lyon Dahl SCOPE 67 A project of SCOPE, the Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment, of the International Council for Science Washington • Covelo • London Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page v
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    Copyright © 2007Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment (SCOPE) All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher: Island Press, 1718 Connecticut Ave., NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20009 ISLAND PRESS is a trademark of The Center for Resource Economics. Permission to reproduce portions of this book should be addressed to SCOPE (Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environments, 51 Boulevard de Montmorency, 75016 Paris, France). Inquiries regarding licensing publication rights to this book as a whole should be addressed to Island Press (1718 Connecticut Ave., NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20009, USA). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Measuring progress towards sustainability : assessment of indicators : a project of SCOPE, the Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment, of the International Council for Science / edited by Tomáš Hák, Bedřich Moldan, and Arthur L. Dahl. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-59726-130-2 (acid-free paper) ISBN-10: 1-59726-130-0 (acid-free paper) ISBN-13: 978-1-59726-131-9 (pbk. : acid-free paper) ISBN-10: 1-59726-131-9 (pbk. : acid-free paper) 1. Environmental indicators. 2. Sustainable development—Evaluation. 3. Environmental monitoring—Evaluation. I. Hák, Tomáš. II. Moldan, Bedřich. III. Dahl, Arthur L. IV. International Council for Science. Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment. GE140.M44 2007 333.7—dc22 2006035641 British Cataloguing-in-Publication data available. Printed on recycled, acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page vi
  • 13.
    Contents List of Figures,Tables, Boxes, and Appendices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xi Foreword: Finding the Right Indicators for Policymaking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xvii Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxiii Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxvii 1. Challenges to Sustainability Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1 Bedřich Moldan and Arthur Lyon Dahl PART I: Cross-Cutting Issues 25 2. Meeting Conceptual Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27 Sylvia Karlsson, Arthur Lyon Dahl, Reinette (Oonsie) Biggs, Ben J. E. ten Brink, Edgar Gutiérrez-Espeleta, Mohd Nordin Hj. Hasan, Gregor Laumann, Bedřich Moldan, Ashbindu Singh, Joachim H. Spangenberg, and David Stanners 3. Identifying Methodological Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .49 Tom Bauler, Ian Douglas, Peter Daniels, Volodymyr Demkine, Nina Eisenmenger, Jasper Grosskurth, Tomáš Hák, Luuk Knippenberg, Jock Martin, Peter Mederly, Robert Prescott-Allen, Robert Scholes, and Jaap van Woerden 4. Ensuring Policy Relevance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .65 Louise Rickard, Jochen Jesinghaus, Christof Amann, Gisbert Glaser, Stephen Hall, Marion Cheatle, Alain Ayong Le Kama, Erich Lippert, Jacqueline McGlade, Kenneth Ruffing, and Edwin Zaccai Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page vii
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    PART II: GeneralApproaches / Arthur Lyon Dahl 81 5. Indicators: Boring Statistics or the Key to Sustainable Development? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .83 Jochen Jesinghaus 6. Sustainability Indicators: An Economist’s View . . . . . . . . . . . . .97 Tomasz Zylicz 7. The Institutional Dimension of Sustainable Development . .107 Joachim H. Spangenberg PART III: Methodological Aspects / Arthur Lyon Dahl 125 8. Frameworks for Environmental Assessment and Indicators at the EEA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127 David Stanners, Peter Bosch, Ann Dom, Peder Gabrielsen, David Gee, Jock Martin, Louise Rickard, and Jean-Louis Weber 9. Frameworks for Policy Integration Indicators, for Sustainable Development, and for Evaluating Complex Scientific Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145 David Stanners, Ann Dom, David Gee, Jock Martin, Teresa Ribeiro, Louise Rickard, and Jean-Louis Weber 10. Integrated Assessment and Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .163 Arthur Lyon Dahl 11. Qualitative System Sustainability Index: A New Type of Sustainability Indicator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177 Jasper Grosskurth and Jan Rotmans PART IV: System and Sectoral Approaches / Arthur Lyon Dahl 189 12. Indicators of Natural Resource Use and Consumption . . . . . .193 Nina Eisenmenger, Marina Fischer-Kowalski, and Helga Weisz 13. Indicators to Measure Decoupling of Environmental Pressure from Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .211 Kenneth Ruffing 14. Geobiosphere Load: Proposal for an Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .223 Bedřich Moldan, Tomáš Hák, Jan Kovanda, Miroslav Havránek, and Petra Kusková 15. Sustainable Development and the Use of Health and Environment Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .237 Yasmin von Schirnding viii | Contents Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page viii
  • 15.
    16. Biodiversity Indicators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .249 Reinette (Oonsie) Biggs, Robert J. Scholes, Ben J. E. ten Brink, and David Vačkář 17. Human Appropriation of Net Primary Production (HANPP) as an Indicator for Pressures on Biodiversity . . . . .271 Helmut Haberl, Karl-Heinz Erb, Christoph Plutzar, Marina Fischer-Kowalski, and Fridolin Krausmann PART V: Case Studies / Arthur Lyon Dahl 289 18. The Development of UK Sustainable Development Indicators: Making Indicators Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .293 Stephen Hall 19. Developing Tools for the Assessment of Sustainable Development in the Province of Brabant, the Netherlands . .309 Luuk Knippenberg, Theo Beckers, Wim Haarmann, Frans Hermans, John Dagevos, and Imre Overeem 20. Sustainability Assessment Indicators: Development of Practice in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .329 Rusong Wang and Juergen Paulussen 21. Core Set of UNEP GEO Indicators Among Global Environmental Indices, Indicators, and Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . .343 Jaap van Woerden, Ashbindu Singh, and Volodymyr Demkine 22. Further Work Needed to Develop Sustainable Development Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .351 Edgar E. Gutiérrez-Espeleta 23. Yale and Columbia Universities’ Environmental Sustainability Index 2005 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .361 Compiled by Tomáš Hák Annex: Menu of Selected Sustainable Development Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . .369 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .389 SCOPE Series List . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .395 SCOPE Executive Committee 2005–2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .399 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .401 Contents | ix Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page ix
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    Scope 67 FM,TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page x
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    List of Figures,Tables, Boxes and Appendices Figures 2.1. Six different baselines for one indicator value 35 3.1. The weight of the environment decreases as the number of human domains increases 51 3.2. Hierarchy and scales, from sustainable development to base data 52 4.1. Purposes for which GEO-2000 is used 74 5.1. Communication language of the Dashboard of Sustainability 85 5.2. Policy cycle in a media society using an SDI 86 5.3. Social pillar of sustainable development 87 5.4. Environmental pillar of sustainable development 88 5.5. Economic pillar of sustainable development 89 5.6. Institutional pillar of sustainable development 90 5.7. Global picture: Sustainable development by country groups 92 5.8. Effective communication: The map of Africa 93 7.1. Northern perception of sustainable development 112 8.1. DPSIR framework for reporting on environmental issues 128 Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page xi
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    xii | Listof Figures, Tables, Boxes, and Appendices 8.2. DPSIR links and associated information flows 131 8.3. DPSEEA model of environmental health 132 8.4. Main stages in the policy life cycle, supported by data, information, and knowledge 133 8.5. Indicator use in the policy life cycle 133 8.6. Example of a descriptive indicator: Share of organic farming in total agricultural area 136 8.7. Example of a performance indicator: Projected progress toward Kyoto Protocol targets 137 8.8. Example of an eco-efficiency indicator: Total energy consumption and gross domestic product, EU-25 138 8.9. Example of a policy effectiveness indicator: Reduction of sulfur dioxide emissions in the electricity sector, EU 139 9.1. Virtuous cycle for EPI 149 9.2. Three-legged stool model of sustainable development 152 9.3. Sustainable development in three overlapping ellipses 153 9.4. Never-ending triangle of sustainable development 154 9.5. Concentric ring or egg model of sustainable development 155 9.6. Scope of GEAR-SD 157 11.1. Conceptual model for a river basin management system 180 11.2. Checking for inconsistencies in the system 181 11.3. Influence matrix with weighted flows 184 12.1. General scheme of material flow accounting 195 12.2. Grouping of material flows according to volume and impact 196 13.1. SOx emissions from energy use versus GDP, 1990–2002 214 13.2. Decoupling factors for CO2, 1990–2002 218 14.1. GBLoadAREA, 2000 231 14.2. GBLoadPOP, 2000 231 14.3. GBLoadGDP, 2000 232 Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page xii
  • 19.
    List of Figures,Tables, Boxes, and Appendices | xiii 14.4. GBLoadPOP, GBLoadAREA, and GBLoadGDP combined results, 2000 232 15.1. Components of the DPSEEA framework 241 16.1. Compositional, structural, and functional attributes of biodiversity at four levels of organization 251 17.1. Findings of a case study on the relationship between HANPP and various landscape ecological indicators in lower Austria 279 17.2. Correlation analyses between log(NPPt) and the logarithm of species numbers of various groups 281 19.1. Telos sustainability triangle 313 19.2. Relationship among capital, stocks, requirements, and indicators 315 19.3. Visual representation of the actual situation and the direction of development, by indicator 317 19.4. Visual representation of the structure of the sustainability triangle 318 19.5. Differences and similarities between Brabant and the three other regions 319 19.6. Venn diagram of requirements 324 19.7. Venn diagram of indicators 325 20.1. Sustainability demonstration of ecopolis development in China 330 20.2. Social–Economic–Natural Complex Ecosystem (SENCE) and its sustainability dimension 331 20.3. Three dimensions of sustainable development 332 21.1. Renewable energy supply index by sector and global total, 1990–2002 345 21.2. Number of parties to multilateral environmental agreements, 1971–2004 346 21.3. Protected area coverage of large marine ecosystems, 2004 346 21.4. Mean biological oxygen demand in surface waters by selected region, 1979–1990 and 1991–1999 349 21.5. Concentrations of SO2 in air in selected cities, 1985–2000 349 22.1. Typology of sustainable development indicators 354 23.1. ESI architecture: aggregation scheme 362 Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page xiii
  • 20.
    Tables 2.1. Interlinkage indicatorsin the four-pillar sustainable development framework 29 2.2. Stage of development in indicators to meet conceptual challenges 43 3.1. Case study: Applying assessment criteria to three economic headline indicators 57 4.1. User categories and needs 72 7.1. Selected social objectives and criteria 111 9.1. Some criteria for assessing environmental integration into economic sector activities 147 9.2. A checklist of criteria for evaluating sectoral and cross-sectoral EPI 150 9.3. An EEA framework for evaluating complex and conflicting scientific evidence on environment and disease 158 9.4. Different levels of proof for different purposes: Some examples and illustrations 159 12.1. Overview of material flow analysis indicators 198 13.1. OECD environmental indicator selection criteria 216 16.1. List of single indicators (single variable related to a reference value) that are in use 259 16.2. Composite indicators that are currently in use 262 20.1. Indicators for system sustainability assessment in Yangzhou ecocity development 337 20.2. Sustainability assessment of Yangzhou ecocity planning (2005–2020) 340 21.1. GEO Year Book 2003 indicators 348 22.1. ILAC indicators according to proposed classification 357 23.1. ESI components and indicators 363 23.2. ESI ranking and scores 365 Boxes 3.1. Limiting purpose and scale: The EEA and DEFRA experiences 60 xiv | List of Figures, Tables, Boxes, and Appendices Scope 67 FM, TEXT.qxd 3/28/07 2:43 PM Page xiv
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    A moment afterwardsI could make out a long low black object on our starboard side, lying perfectly still. Would she see us? that was the question; but no, though we passed within a hundred yards of her we were not discovered, and I breathed again. Not very long after we had dropped her Burroughs whispered,— "Steamer on the port bow." And another cruiser was made out close to us. "Hard-a-port," said Steele, and round she swung, bringing our friend upon our beam. Still unobserved we crept quietly on, when all at once a third cruiser shaped herself out of the gloom right ahead and steaming slowly across our bows. "Stop her," said Steele in a moment, and as we lay like dead our enemy went on and disappeared in the darkness. It was clear there was a false reckoning somewhere, and that instead of rounding the head of the blockading line we were passing through the very centre of it. However, Burroughs was now of opinion that we must be inside the squadron and advocated making the land. So "slow ahead" we went again, until the low-lying coast and the surf line became dimly visible. Still we could not tell where we were, and, as time was getting on alarmingly near dawn, the only thing to do was to creep down along the surf as close in and as fast as we dared. It was a great relief when we suddenly heard Burroughs say, "It's all right, I see the 'Big Hill'!" The "Big Hill" was a hillock about as high as a full-grown oak tree, but it was the most prominent feature for miles on that dreary coast, and served to tell us exactly how far we were from Fort Fisher. And fortunate it was for us we were so near. Daylight was already breaking, and before we were opposite the fort we could make out six or seven gunboats, which steamed rapidly towards us and angrily opened fire. Their shots were soon dropping close around us: an unpleasant sensation when you know you have several tons of gunpowder under your feet. To make matters worse, the North Breaker shoal now compelled us to haul off the shore and steam further out. It began to look ugly for us, when all at once there was a flash from the shore followed by a sound that came like music to our ears—that of a shell whirring over our heads. It was Fort Fisher,
  • 23.
    wide awake andwarning the gunboats to keep their distance. With a parting broadside they steamed sulkily out of range, and in half an hour we were safely over the bar. A boat put off from the fort and then,—well, it was the days of champagne cocktails, not whiskies and sodas—and one did not run a blockade every day. For my part, I was mightily proud of my first attempt and my baptism of fire. Blockade-running seemed the pleasantest and most exhilarating of pastimes. I did not know then what a very serious business it could be.
  • 24.
    CHAPTER V FORT FISHERAND WILMINGTON Colonel William Lamb—A battery of Whitworth guns—Mrs. Lamb—A lovely Puritan maiden—An historical cottage—British naval officers—The Santa Claus of the war—Admiral Porter's fleet—Visit of General Curtis and Colonel Lamb to Fort Fisher—Identifying historic spots—Strict quarantine—Cheerful slaves—Open house on board the Banshee—Reckless loading—An impudent plan—The Minnesota—A simple manœuvre—A triumphant success. It was now that I made the acquaintance—soon to ripen into a warm friendship—of Colonel William Lamb, the Commandant of Fort Fisher,—a man of whose courtesy, courage, and capacity all the English who knew him spoke in the highest terms. Originally a Virginian lawyer and afterwards the editor of a newspaper, he volunteered at the outbreak of the war, and rising rapidly to the grade of colonel was given the command of Fort Fisher, a post which he filled with high distinction till its fall in 1865. With the blockade- runners he was immensely popular; always on the alert and ever ready to reach a helping hand, he seemed to think no exertion too great to assist their operations, and many a smart vessel did his skill and activity snatch from the very jaws of the blockaders. He came to be regarded by the runners as their guardian angel; and it was no small support in the last trying moments of a run to remember who was in Fort Fisher.
  • 25.
    So much didwe value his services and so grateful were we for them, that at my suggestion my firm subsequently presented him with a battery of six Whitworth guns, of which he was very proud; and good use he made of them in keeping the blockaders at a respectful distance. They were guns with a great range, which many a cruiser found to its cost when venturing too close in chase down the coast. Lamb would gallop them down behind the sandhills, by aid of mules, and open fire upon the enemy before he was aware of his danger. Neither must I forget his charming wife (alas, now numbered among the majority); her hospitality and kindness were unbounded, and many a pleasant social evening have I and my brother blockade-runners spent in her little cottage outside the fort. PORTRAIT OF COLONEL LAMB. To face page 56. The following extract from Southern Historical Papers, written by Colonel Lamb a few years ago, will doubtless interest my readers; also the account, copied from the Wilmington Messenger, of a
  • 26.
    meeting which tookplace lately between him and General Curtis at Fort Fisher.
  • 27.
    In the fallof 1857 a lovely Puritan maiden, still in her teens, was married in Grace Church, Providence, Rhode Island, to a Virginia youth, just passed his majority, who brought her to his home in Norfolk, a typical ancestral homestead, where beside the "white folks" there was quite a colony of family servants, from the pickaninny just able to crawl to the old gray-headed mammy who had nursed "ole massa." She soon became enamoured of her surroundings and charmed with the devotion of her coloured maid, whose sole duty it was to wait upon her young missis. When the John Brown raid burst upon the South and her husband was ordered to Harper's Ferry, there was not a more indignant matron in all Virginia, and when at last secession came, the South did not contain a more enthusiastic little rebel. On the 15th of May 1862, a few days after the surrender of Norfolk to the Federals, by her father-in-law, then mayor, amid the excitement attending a captured city, her son Willie was born. Cut off from her husband and subjected to the privations and annoyances incident to a subjugated community, her father insisted upon her coming with her children to his home in Providence; but, notwithstanding she was in a luxurious home, with all that paternal love could do for her, she preferred to leave all these comforts to share with her husband the dangers and privations of the South. She vainly tried to persuade Stanton, Secretary of War, to let her and her three children, with a nurse, return to the South; finally he consented to let her go by flag of truce from Washington to City Point, but without a nurse, and as she was unable to manage three little ones, she left the youngest with his grandparents, and with two others bravely set out for Dixie. The generous outfit of every description which was prepared for the j d hi h i d t th l f b k ti
  • 28.
    journey, and whichwas carried to the place of embarkation, was ruthlessly cast aside by the inspectors on the wharf, and no tears or entreaties or offers of reward by the parents availed to pass anything save a scanty supply of clothing and other necessaries. Arriving in the South, the brave young mother refused the proffer of a beautiful home in Wilmington, the occupancy of the grand old mansion at "Orton," on the Cape Fear river, but insisted upon taking up her abode with her children and their coloured nurse in the upper room of a pilot's house, where they lived until the soldiers of the garrison built her a cottage one mile north of Fort Fisher, on the Atlantic beach. In both of these homes she was occasionally exposed to the shot and shell fired from blockaders at belated blockade-runners. It was a quaint abode, constructed in most primitive style, with three rooms around one big chimney, in which North Carolina pine knots supplied heat and light on winter nights. This cottage became historic, and was famed for the frugal but tempting meals which its charming hostess would prepare for her distinguished guests. Besides the many illustrious Confederate Army and Navy officers who were delighted to find this bit of sunshiny civilisation on the wild sandy beach, ensconced among the sand dunes and straggling pines and black-jack, many celebrated English naval officers enjoyed its hospitality under assumed names:—Roberts, afterwards the renowned Hobart Pasha, who commanded the Turkish navy; Murray, now Admiral Murray-Aynsley, long since retired, after having been rapidly promoted for gallantry and meritorious services in the British navy; the brave but unfortunate Hugh Burgoyne, V.C., who went down in the British iron-clad, Captain, in the Bay of Biscay; and the chivalrous Hewett, who won the Victoria Cross in the Crimea and was knighted for his services as ambassador to King John of Abyssinia, and who, after commanding the Queen's yacht, died lamented as Admiral Hewett Besides these there were many genial and gallant
  • 29.
    Hewett. Besides thesethere were many genial and gallant merchant captains, among them Halpin, who afterwards commanded the Great Eastern while laying ocean cables; and famous war correspondents—Hon. Francis C. Lawley, M.P., correspondent of the London Times, and Frank Vizitelli of the London Illustrated News, afterwards murdered in the Soudan. Nor must the plucky Tom Taylor be forgotten, supercargo of the Banshee and the Night Hawk, who, by his coolness and daring, escaped with a boat's crew from the hands of the Federals after capture off the fort, and who was endeared to the children as the "Santa Claus" of the war. At first the little Confederate was satisfied with pork and potatoes, corn-bread and rye coffee, with sorghum sweetening; but after the blockade-runners made her acquaintance the impoverished store-room was soon filled to overflowing, notwithstanding her heavy requisitions on it for the post hospital, the sick and wounded soldiers and sailors always being a subject of her tenderest solicitude, and often the hard worked and poorly fed coloured hands blessed the little lady of the cottage for a tempting treat. Full of stirring events were the two years passed in the cottage on Confederate Point. The drowning of Mrs. Rose Greenough, the famous Confederate spy, off Fort Fisher, and the finding of her body, which was tenderly cared for, and the rescue from the waves, half dead, of Professor Holcombe, and his restoration, were incidents never to be forgotten. Her fox-hunting with horse and hounds, the narrow escapes of friendly vessels, the fights over blockade-runners driven ashore, the execution of deserters, and the loss of an infant son, whose little spirit went out with the tide one sad summer night, all contributed to the reality of this romantic life.
  • 30.
    t s oa t c e When Porter's fleet appeared off Fort Fisher, December 1864, it was storm-bound for several days, and the little family with their household goods were sent across the river to "Orton," before Butler's powder-ship blew up. After the Christmas victory over Porter and Butler, the little heroine insisted upon coming back to her cottage, although her husband had procured a home of refuge in Cumberland county. General Whiting protested against her running the risk, for on dark nights her husband could not leave the fort, but she said, "if the firing became too hot she would run behind the sand hills as she had done before," and come she would. The fleet reappeared unexpectedly on the night of the 12th of January 1865. It was a dark night, and when the lights of the fleet were reported her husband sent a courier to the cottage to instruct her to pack up quickly and be prepared to leave with children and nurse as soon as he could come to bid them good-bye. The garrison barge, with a trusted crew, was stationed at Craig's Landing, near the cottage. After midnight, when all necessary orders were given for the coming attack, the colonel mounted his horse and rode to the cottage, but all was dark and silent. He found the message had been delivered, but his brave wife had been so undisturbed by the news, that she had fallen asleep and no preparations for a retreat had been made. Precious hours had been lost, and as the fleet would soon be shelling the beach and her husband have to return to the fort, he hurried them into the boat as soon as dressed, with only what could be gathered up hastily, leaving dresses, toys, and household articles to fall into the hands of the foe. The extraordinary circumstance occurred yesterday of a visit to Fort Fisher by General N M Curtis and Colonel
  • 31.
    a visit toFort Fisher by General N. M. Curtis and Colonel William Lamb, who were pitted against each other in deadly strife at that historic spot on the occurrence of both the battles there during the civil war—the one commencing 24th December 1864 and the other 13th January 1865. Colonel Lamb was in Washington a few days ago, and made an engagement with General Curtis to visit the old fort. They consequently met in Norfolk last Thursday morning and came on to Wilmington, arriving here that night. Yesterday morning they took the steamer Wilmington at 9.30 o'clock and, accompanied by T. W. Clawson of the Messenger, the three were landed at the Rocks and were sent ashore in one of the Wilmington's small boats, the gangway and wharf having been swept away during the gale of 13th October. From the Rocks the party walked to Fort Fisher, and together the old heroes went from one end of the fort to the other, identifying Colonel Lamb's headquarters and locating the position of the batteries, the magazines, the salients, the sally-port, and other historic spots. General Curtis explained the route of his advance upon the fort at the last battle, when the fort was captured, and pointed out the portion of the parapet which he assaulted and scaled, and where the first flag of the invading army was planted on the ramparts. The batteries at which the first fierce hand-to-hand fights occurred were discussed as the party walked over them, and General Curtis pointed out about the spot inside the works where he fell, desperately and almost fatally wounded by a piece of shell that struck him over the left eye, and carried away a large piece of the frontal bone and destroyed the eye. He was believed to be killed, and when some of his soldiers were ordered to take him to the rear, so that his body could be shipped North, they dragged his body over the rough ground for some distance, so that
  • 32.
    his clothing wastorn and his back was bleeding from cuts made by such rough treatment. Orders had been given for a box in which to ship his body to his home in New York. Colonel Lamb, the hero on the Confederate side, who was in command of the fort at both battles, explained the positions held by the brave defenders of the fort, and also pointed out about the spot where he was shot down, a Minie ball having broken his hip, and also where General Whiting received his death wound. Strange to say, all three were wounded within a few yards of each other. Colonel Lamb's wound came within an ace of proving fatal, and, as it was, he was on crutches for several years. The old fort is now a heap of ruins, consisting of mounds of sand, where the batteries were stationed. In front of the land face from which the assault was made by the United States' troops under General Curtis, and right on the position held by his regiment, the recent storm has unearthed a great many bones of the brave fellows who fell in the battle. It is not known whether they wore the blue or the gray, but it is quite probable that they were some of General Curtis's troops. From the fort the party proceeded up the beach for a mile and a half, and visited the cottage which Colonel Lamb occupied with his family and made his general headquarters. It is now occupied by a fisherman. From Craig's Landing near by the party took a sail boat and were carried back to the Rocks by the Craig brothers. When the boat was run ashore it grounded in shallow water about fifteen feet from dry land, and the only alternative left was to strip shoes and foot-wear, and roll up pants and wade out. General Curtis, who is a man of powerful frame and sound health, soon stepped over the boat's side and into the water, and as Colonel Lamb's health made him cautious about going into the water General Curtis offered to carry him
  • 33.
    going into thewater, General Curtis offered to carry him on his back to dry land. The Messenger representative being a duffer of good frame and strength, and being the younger by half, interposed in relief of General Curtis, and so Colonel Lamb rode the scribe to the shore. The newspaper man then wanted to kick himself for not allowing Colonel Lamb to ride his "friend the enemy," for he could have witnessed the remarkable instance of a brave and distinguished Federal officer carrying on his back the illustrious Confederate who, in years that are gone, was raising old Harry with shot and shell to keep the General at a safe distance. These two men were heroes of the right stripe, and we can raise our hats in honour and admiration of them for the rich heritage which their manhood and bravery leaves to Americans. After accepting the hospitality of Mr. Henry Wood, a fisherman at the Rocks, who had prepared some coffee and oysters for the party, the Wilmington came in sight at 3 o'clock, and she was boarded for the return to Wilmington. On the trip down Colonel Lamb had bought a lot of fine fat coots to be cooked for lunch at the Rocks, but he forgot these, and they were left on the steamer. Imagine the happiness of the party when they got aboard to find that the courteous Captain John Harper had had the birds cooked and sent them in with some delightful bread. General Curtis and Colonel Lamb, after returning to the city, were hospitably entertained at the Cape Fear Club. General Curtis was a Colonel at the assault on Fort Fisher, but he won his General's epaulettes there. By the way, he was wounded in six places on the day the fort was captured. He served four years and eight months in the Federal army, having volunteered in April 1861. Wilmington (N. C.) Messenger.
  • 34.
    After this digressionI must return to our movements on board the Banshee. Having obtained pratique (for the quarantine was very strict) and a local pilot, rendered necessary by the river being unbuoyed and strewn with torpedoes, we ran up at once to Wilmington. Here I found our agent Tom Power, who had an outward cargo ready for me, and the cheerful heartiness with which the slaves set about discharging our inward one was a pleasant surprise; if I hadn't been told they were slaves I should never have discovered it. Everything had to be done at high pressure, for it was important to get out as quickly as possible, so as to try another run while the dark nights lasted, and loading went merrily on. I therefore did my best to win the goodwill of the officials, on whose favour I was of course in a great measure dependent for a rapid turn round. Wilmington was already sadly pinched and war-worn. There never was too much to eat and drink there, and the commonest luxuries were almost things of the past; so when it became known that there was practically open house on board the Banshee friends flocked to her. She soon attained great popularity, and it was really a sight when our luncheon bell rang to see guests, invited and uninvited, turn up from all quarters. We made them all welcome, and when our little cabin was filled we generally had an overflow meeting on deck. What a pleasure it was to see them eat and drink! Men who had been accustomed to live on corn-bread and bacon, and to drink nothing but water, appreciated our delicacies; our bottled beer, good brandy, and, on great occasions, our champagne, warmed their hearts towards us. The chief steward used to look at me appealingly, as a hint that our stores would never last out; in fact we were often on very short commons before we got back to Nassau. But we had our reward. If any special favour were asked it was always granted, if possible, to the Banshee, and if any push had to be made there was always some one to make it. Whether due to the luncheon parties or not need not be said, but we were within a very few days able to cast off our moorings and drop down the river ballasted with tobacco and laden with cotton— three tiers even on deck. Such things are almost incredible nowadays. The reckless loading, to which high profits and the
  • 35.
    perquisites allowed toofficers led, is to a landsman inconceivable. That men should be found willing to put to sea at all in these frail craft piled like hay waggons is extraordinary enough, but that they should do so in the face of a vigilant and active blockading force, and do it successfully, seems rather an invention of romance than a commonplace occurrence of our own time. True, running out was a much easier matter than running in, for the risks inseparable from making a port, so difficult to find as Wilmington, without lights, and with constant change of courses, were absent, and as soon as the bar was crossed navigation at least gave no anxiety. Steele and I had hit on a plan for getting out that promised almost a certainty of success. Its security lay in its impudence, a cardinal virtue of blockade-running, which, as will be seen later on in some of the more critical scenes, approached the sublime. The idea was perhaps obvious enough. As has been said, the flagship during the night remained at anchor, while the other ships moved slowly to and fro upon the inner line, leaving, as was natural enough, a small area round the Admiral's ship unpatrolled. This was enough for us. Bringing up the Banshee behind Fort Fisher, where she could lie hidden from the blockaders till nightfall, we rowed ashore to get from Colonel Lamb the last news of the squadron's movements and to ascertain which ship bore the Admiral's flag. She proved to be the Minnesota, a large sixty-gun frigate: her bearings were accurately taken, and as soon as night fell the Banshee stole quietly from her concealment, slipped over the bar, dark as it was, and by the aid of Steele's observations ran in perfect security close by the flagship and out to sea well clear of the first cordon. In trying to pass the second, however, we were less successful, for we ran right across a gunboat; she saw us and at once opened fire; but slow as the Banshee was, luckily the Northern gunboats for the most part were slower still, so we had no difficulty in increasing the distance between us till it was felt we were out of sight again. Our helm was then put hard over, giving us a course at right angles to the one we had been steaming, and after keeping it a few minutes we stopped. It was a manœuvre nearly always successful, provided the helm was not put over too soon, and this time it achieved the
  • 36.
    usual result. Aswe lay perfectly still, watching the course of the gunboat by the flashes of her guns and by the rockets she was sending up to attract her consorts, we had the satisfaction of seeing her labouring furiously past us and firing wildly into black space. There still remained the danger at daybreak of the third cordon, and with anxious eyes the horizon was scoured as the darkness began to fail. A daylight chase with the Banshee in her present condition could not be thought of, but fortunately not a sign of a cruiser was to be seen. All that day, and the next and the next, we steamed onward with our hearts in our mouths, turning our stern to every sail or patch of smoke that was seen, till, on the evening of the third day, we steamed into Nassau as proudly as a heavy list to starboard would allow. So ended my first attempt, a triumphant success! Besides the inward freight of £50 a ton on the war material, I had earned by the tobacco ballast alone £7000, the freight for which had been paid at the rate of £70 a ton. But this was a flea-bite compared to the profit on the 500 odd bales of cotton we had on board, which was at least £50 per bale. No wonder I took kindly to my new calling, and no wonder I at once set to work to get the Banshee reloaded for another run before the moonless nights were over.
  • 37.
    CHAPTER VI THE RESTOF THE BANSHEE NO. 1.'s CAREER Breakdown of the Banshee's machinery—Heavily peppered by gunboats—The help of signal lights—A change of tactics—An awkward alternative—Hailed by a cruiser—A slanging match—Grape and canister—The Banshee on fire—Shipping a fresh cargo—A careless look-out man—Pursued by the James Adger—A ding-dong race—Cargo thrown overboard—A stowaway comes to light—A crucial moment—The James Adger relinquishes her pursuit—Our last coal used—Secure in British territory—Negotiations for coal—A demoralised crew—Safe in Nassau—End of the Banshee's career—Profit of blockade-running. To give in detail every trip of the Banshee would be wearisome. I made in her seven more in all, each one of which had its peculiar excitement. Looking back it seems nothing short of a miracle that, ill-constructed and ill-engined as she was, she so long escaped the numerous dangers to which she was exposed. I well remember, on our second run in, an accident which no one could have foreseen, and which came within an ace of ending her career. After a busy time discharging our cargo and getting coaled and loaded in order to save a trip before the moon grew too much, we made another start, and after a rough passage reached within striking distance of our port. It was a very dark but calm night; we had made out several blockaders and safely eluded them, when
  • 38.
    suddenly a tearingand rending of wood was heard, and splinters from our port paddle-box fell in all directions. The engines were stopped at once; it was then discovered that one of the paddle- floats, which were made of steel, had split, causing the broken part to come violently in contact with the paddle-box at each revolution. There was nothing for it but to stop and attempt to unscrew the damaged float; a sail was placed round the paddle-box and two of the engineers were lowered down and commenced work: not many minutes elapsed before a cruiser hove in sight, and we made certain we had been discovered. Although she came on until she was not more than a hundred yards away on our beam, curious to state she never saw us, but, after lying motionless, much to our relief she steamed away, and oh! how pleasant it was to hear that float drop into the water. We felt our way towards the bar, and although we were heavily peppered by two gunboats which were lying close in, we escaped untouched and soon had our signal lights set for going over the bar. These signal lights were of course a great assistance, but latterly the Northerners used to place launches close in, and when those in charge saw the lights exhibited they signalled to the blockaders, who immediately commenced shelling the bar, rendering it very unpleasant for us; so much so that we generally preferred to find our way over it without lights, as the lesser risk of the two. It was the custom for each steamer to carry a Confederate signalman, who by means of a code could communicate with the shore, in the daytime with flags, at night by flashes from lamps. If the leading lights were required, the pilots in the fort set two lights which, when in line, led us through deep water over the bar. This was an average run in, but more exciting ones were to follow. In the earlier stages of blockade-running, such as those I have mentioned, we used to go well to the northward and make the coast some fifteen or twenty miles above Fort Fisher, thus going round the fleet instead of through it. By this means we were the better enabled to strike the coast unobserved, steaming quietly down, just outside the surf, until we arrived close to Fort Fisher, where we had to go somewhat to seaward, in order to avoid a certain shoal called the
  • 39.
    North Breaker. Althoughthis generally brought us into close contact with the blockaders, still we knew exactly where we were as regards the bar. Subsequently the Northerners stopped this manœuvre, as we found to our peril. One very dark night (I think it was either on the fourth or fifth trip of the Banshee) we made the land about twelve miles above Fort Fisher, and were creeping quietly down as usual, when all at once we made a cruiser out, lying on our port-bow, and slowly moving about two hundred yards from the shore. It was a question of going inside or outside her; if we went outside she was certain to see us, and would chase us into the very jaws of the fleet. As we had very little steam up we chose the former alternative, hoping to pass unobserved between the cruiser and the shore, aided by the dark background of the latter. It was an exciting moment; we got almost abreast of her, as we thought, unobserved, and success seemed within our grasp, till we saw her move in towards us and heard her hail us as we came on, "Stop that steamer or I will sink you"! Old Steele growled out that we hadn't time to stop, and shouted down the engine-room tube to Erskine to pile on the coals, as concealment was no longer of any use. Our friend, which we afterwards found out was the Niphon, opened fire as fast as she could and sheered close into us, so close that her boarders were called away twice, and a slanging match went on between us, like that sometimes to be heard between two penny steamboat captains on the Thames. She closed the dispute by shooting away our fore mast, exploding a shell in our bunkers, and, when we began to leave her astern, by treating us to grape and canister. It was a miracle that no one was killed, but the crew were all lying flat on the deck, except the steersman; and at one time I fear he did the same, for as Pilot Burroughs suddenly cried, "My God, Mr. Taylor, look there"! I saw our boat heading right into the surf, so, jumping from the bridge, I ran aft and found the helmsman on his stomach. I rushed at the wheel and got two or three spokes out of it, which hauled her head off the land, but it was a close shave. Two miles farther on we picked up another cruiser, which tried to treat us in a similar manner, but as we had plenty of steam we soon
  • 40.
    left her. Alittle farther we came across a large side-wheel boat, which tried to run us down, missing us only by a few yards; after that we were unmolested and arrived in safe, warmly congratulated by Lamb, who thought from the violent cannonade that we must certainly have been sunk. Not more than one man out of a hundred would have brought a boat through as Steele did that night,—the other ninety-nine would have run her ashore. After this exciting run-in our first business was to repair damages and ship our cargo on board; but at the last moment, when she was completely loaded, with steam up and all ready for a start, we nearly lost the Banshee by fire. Steele and I were busy settling things in the office on shore, when all at once, on looking out of the window, I saw volumes of smoke coming from her deck cargo of cotton; we jumped into a boat, but by the time we got alongside she was one sheet of flame. It looked like a hopeless case. Steele, however, gave immediate orders to get the steam hose at work, breast her off from the wharf, and to let go anchor in mid stream; thus bringing her head to tide, but stern to wind. The fire, being all forward, made it difficult to reach the forecastle so as to let go the anchor; but our good friend Halpin (who then commanded a blockade-runner called the Eugénie) gallantly came to our assistance, at the risk of his life boarded us forward, and knocked out the cutter which held the chain cable, but not before his clothes were on fire: it was a sight to see him take a header into the river, causing the water to hiss again. He undoubtedly saved our ship that day. Poor Halpin—I have lately read of his death—he was as fine and generous-hearted a man as ever lived, and was afterwards as successful at cable-laying as blockade-running. By dint of hard work we got the fire under, and a tough job it was fighting with ignited turpentine, of which we had several barrels on deck, and blazing cotton. We found that, with the exception of having our turtle back destroyed and our deck, bulwarks, and new foremast charred, she had not received much serious damage, and after shipping a fresh deck cargo we went to sea next night and
  • 41.
    crossed to Nassau,where they were astonished to see the plight we were in, thinking we had had a fire at sea. It was, I think, on our sixth trip out in the little Banshee, when soon after daylight we had got safely through the fleet, and I was lying on a cotton bale aft, that Erskine, the chief engineer, suddenly exclaimed, "Mr. Taylor, look astern!" I looked, and not four miles from us I saw a large side-wheel cruiser, with square sails set, coming down on us hand over fist. This was an instance of gross carelessness on the part of the look-out man at the masthead (he turned out to be an American whom we had shipped in Nassau, on the previous trip, and about whom both Steele and I had our private suspicions). At such a critical moment as the approach of daylight the chief officer should have chosen a picked man for the look-out. After this we were more careful: either the chief officer or I myself, when on board, making it a point to occupy this post at that particular hour. Erskine rushed to the engine-room, and in a few moments volumes of smoke issuing from our funnels showed that we were getting up all the steam we could—almost too late, as with the freshening breeze the chaser (which we afterwards found out to be the well-known James Adger, a boat subsequently sent to cruise in search of the Alabama) so rapidly overhauled us that we could distinctly see the officers in uniform as they stood on the bridge; each one, doubtless, counting his share of the prize money to which he would soon become entitled.
  • 42.
    THE BANSHEE CHASEDBY JAMES ADGER. To face page 78 "This will never do," said Steele, who, although it put us off our course to Nassau, ordered the helm to be altered, so as to bring us up to the wind. We then soon had the satisfaction of seeing our enemy obliged to take in sail after sail, and a ding-dong race of the most exciting nature right in the wind's eye commenced. The freshening breeze and rising sea now seemed to increase the odds against our, the smaller, boat, and so critical did matters become, and so certain did capture appear, that I divided between Murray-Aynsley—who was a passenger on this trip,—Steele, and myself sixty sovereigns which I had on board, determined that when captured we wouldn't be penniless. As the weather grew worse we found ourselves obliged to throw overboard our deck cargo in order to lighten the boat. This was done as quickly as possible, heart- breaking though it was to see valuable bales (worth from £50 to £60 apiece) bobbing about on the waves. To me more especially did this come home, for my little private venture of ten bales of Sea Island cotton had to go first, a dead loss of £800 or more! A fresh cause of excitement now arose; in clearing out these very bales, which were in a half finished deck cabin, an unfortunate
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    stowaway came tolight, a runaway slave, who must have been standing wedged between two bales for at least forty-eight hours, and within three feet of whom I had unconsciously been sleeping on the cotton bales during the last two nights before putting to sea. He received a great ovation on our landing him at Nassau, though his freedom cost us $4000 on our return to Wilmington, this being what he was valued at. His escape was an unusual one, for, before leaving port the hold and closed up spaces were always fumigated to such an extent as to have brought out or suffocated any one in hiding; but this being an open-deck cabin, the precaution was impossible. Having got rid of our deck cargo, we slowly but steadily began to gain in the race. It was an extraordinary sight to see our gallant little vessel at times almost submerged by green seas sweeping her fore and aft, and the James Adger, a vessel of 2000 tons, taking headers into the huge waves, yet neither of us for a moment slackening speed, a course we should have thought madness under ordinary circumstances. Murray-Aynsley stood with his sextant, taking angles, and reporting now one now the other vessel getting the best of it. Suddenly a fresh danger arose from the bearings of the engines becoming heated, owing to the enormous strain put upon them. Erskine said it was absolutely imperative to stop for a short time. But by dint of loosening the bearings and applying all the salad oil procurable mixed with gunpowder they were gradually got into working order again, all in the engine-room having assisted in the most energetic manner at this crucial moment. The chase went on for fifteen weary hours—the longest hours I think I ever spent!—until nightfall, when we saw our friend, then only about five miles astern, turn round and relinquish her pursuit. We heard afterwards that her stokers were dead beat. For some time we pursued our course, thinking this might be only a ruse on their part, and then held a council of war as to our next move. Steele and Erskine were for making Bermuda, as we had been chased 150 miles in that direction, and both feared our coal would not hold out for us to reach Nassau. It was, however, very necessary that I should go to the latter place, as I was expecting two new steamers out from England, so we decided to make the attempt. We
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    only succeeded inreaching land at all by a very close shave. At the end of the third day we saw our last coal used; mainmast, bulwarks, deck cabin and every available bit of wood, supplemented by cotton and turpentine as fuel, only just carried us into one of the north-east keys of the Bahamas, about sixty miles from Nassau, into which we absolutely crawled, the engines working almost on a vacuum. We had not anchored there more than two hours when we saw a Northern cruiser steam slowly past, evidently eyeing us greedily; but we were safe in British territory, and even the audacious cruiser dare not take us as a prize. The difficulty of procuring the necessary fuel, in order to take us to Nassau, now presented itself; fortunately we spied out a schooner in the neighbourhood with whom we communicated, and after some negotiations I arranged that she should take Murray-Aynsley and myself to our destination, and bring back a cargo of coal. We started with a fair wind, but before long this had changed to a regular hurricane—during which it was impossible to keep on any sail, and the crew became terrified and helpless, thereby very nearly letting us drift on to the rocks near Abaco lighthouse. It was an awful night, the lightning vivid, and the coast line not many yards away. The crew became more and more demoralised, and when the weather moderated refused to proceed. This new difficulty was only overcome by Murray-Aynsley and myself producing our revolvers; then, partly by threats, and partly by promised bribes, we prevailed on them to think better of their resolve. Utterly wearied out, having had no sleep to speak of for one week, and having lived in our sea-boots since we made our first start from Wilmington (my feet were so swollen that the boots had to be cut off, and sleeping draughts at first were powerless to restore the lost faculty), we finally arrived in safety. The schooner was despatched back with coal, and three days later I had the satisfaction of seeing the Banshee after these hair-breadth escapes steam safely in, though looking considerably dilapidated; lucky in having lost only our deck cargo—which represented a good half, or more, of what she started with.
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    This chase, whichlasted fifteen hours, and covered nearly 200 miles, was considered one of the most notable incidents connected with blockade-running during the war, and we heard a good deal about it afterwards. At the time we had been struck by the fact of the James Adger not opening fire on us, when so close. The explanation was, that she had no "bow-chasers," and was so certain of capturing us eventually, that she did not think it worth while to "yaw" and fire her broadside guns, and as the weather was so bad she did not care to cast them loose. This is the last trip I made in the Banshee on which anything of note occurred. She made eight round trips in all, and I then left her. She was captured on the ninth, after another long chase off Cape Hatteras, her captain and crew being taken to Fort Lafayette, where they were detained for about eight months as prisoners in a casemate, badly fed and clothed, and of course overcrowded. Steele spent some weeks in Ludlow Street gaol; when he was released he found, to his delight, that another boat had been built expressly for him, which was christened Banshee No. 2. Some idea of the vast profits accruing from blockade-running at this time can be gathered from the fact that, notwithstanding the total loss of the Banshee by capture, she earned sufficient on the eight successful round trips which she made to pay her shareholders 700 per cent on their investment. Her captors turned her into a gunboat; and we heard afterwards that she had proved anything but a success, being much too tender. Moreover her engines, as we knew, were very hard to manipulate, so much so that on one occasion it was found impossible to stop her, and she ran right into the jetty of the naval yard at Washington.
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    CHAPTER VII LIFE ATNASSAU Society at Nassau—Dinners and dancing—The only frock-coat in Nassau—Mrs. Bayley's receptions—Arthur Doering—Old friends who have gone—Hobart Pasha—Capture of the Don—Hugh Burgoyne—Captain Hewett—Murray Aynsley—A private Joint Stock Company—Increased responsibilities—A day's misfortunes—Career of the Tristram Shandy—Yellow Jack—Death-rate at Wilmington—Saved from quarantine by a horse—A pet game-cock. As the moon was now approaching full, we had ample time to repair damages and refit ship before making another start, and we all enjoyed our brief holiday and freedom from care. Although Nassau was a small place its gaieties were many and varied. Money flowed like water, men lived for the day and never thought of the morrow, and in that small place was accumulated a mixture of mankind seldom seen before. Confederate military and naval officers; diplomatists using the blockade-runners as a means of ingress and egress from their beleaguered country; newspaper correspondents and advertisers of all kinds,—some rascals no doubt; the very cream of the English navy, composed of officers on half-pay who had come out lured by the prospects of making some money and gaining an experience in their profession which a war such as this could give them; and last but not least our own immediate circle, which was graced by the presence of two ladies, Mrs. Murray-
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