CHAPTER II

AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN BURDWAN

2.1. Introduction
We have noted that the eastern part of Burdwan district was always agriculturally better off
than the rest of Bengal. This chapter looks closely into the history of agricultural
development of the region and tries to reconstruct various periods on the basis of secondary
sources. It appears that the development of rice milling in the region is related to recent
agricultural improvements in the district.

One of the significant factors behind this improvement has also been the recent land reform
measures that were extremely successful in Burdwan. These reforms have evolved through
several phases since independence and have arguably played a major role in improving
agricultural productivity. Here we will deviate slightly from our main area of inquiry and
examine how much of the present agricultural prosperity can be traced back to the historical
perspective and whether it can be attributed to the land reforms, other recent reforms and
various government policies for agricultural development.

2.2. Agricultural Development in History

In this section we have discussed the historical period under different dynasties such as Pal,
Sasanka and Sen, then the time under the Mughals and finally the British period.

2.2.1. Pre-Mughal Period

There is no recorded history of Burdwan' s economy of the ancient period of history.
However, various literature sources such as various Mangal Kavyas dating back to this
period describe the prosperity of rural Burdwan (Chakraborty, 1962). From these literature
(Chowdhuri, 1994), it is known that during the period between 1095-1206 AD, that is, during
the Pal dynasty and the period of Sasanka and Sen dynasties, the economy of the district was
mostly dependent on agriculture. The land revenue was then about one-sixth of the total
production (Chowdhuri and Sen, 1966). Burdwan had earned fame at that time for not only
its agricultural produce, but also its handicrafts and river-borne trade (Stewarts, 1903).

28
2.2.2 Mughal Period (1206 - 1757)

During the Mughal period, Burdwan continued to remam famous for its agricultural
production and economic prosperity. The farmer or the ryot was the actual owner of land.
The rural economy was self-sufficient with agriculture and handicrafts. Surplus from rural
production used to support the urban centres. But the rural production system and economy
was totally under the control of zamindars, mahajans, merchants and big farmers called
jotdars.

Land revenue was between one-third and half of the production (Majumdar, 1973). However,
even the most oppressive Mughal rulers tried to maintain good relations with the farmers
with the help of local zamindars in order to improve agricultural productivity to ensure
continued wealth (Moreland, 1990).

The machinery of revenue collection in Burdwan under the Mughals consisted of several
layers of intermediaries, bearing different names and designations. These were rajas,
talukdars, zamindars, jagirdars, chaudhuris etc. According to Irfan Habib, the famous
economic historian of Mughal India, the imperial territory was divided into two distinct parts
- khalisa and jagir. In khalisa, the assessment and collection of revenue was made directly
by government officers, while lands in jagir were assigned to persons designated as jagirdars
(Bhattacharyya, 1979).

Up to the period of Akbar, Burdwan retained its agricultural prosperity because of the
favourable. land revenue system of Mughal rulers. During the regime of Sher Shah, the
Mughal ruler who pioneered land survey, Burdwan was under Sulemanabad, one of the
revenue regions (subah) of Bengal. Except for the western part, the whole district was
agriculturally prosperous at that time. Another important favourable factor, besides the
fertility of the land, behind the development of agriculture during this period was the right of
the farmer to sell, mortgage and transfer the land after the timely payment of revenue. Akbar
planned to collect the revenue directly from the farmers.

The condition of peasants and agriculture started to deteriorate under Emperor Jahangir.
Instead of collecting revenue directly from the farmer, he introduced a new system called
'a/at magha', which enabled the emperor to collect revenue from local landlords. A class of

29
local zamindars emerged to collect the revenue, and soon started to exploit the farmers, badly
affecting the agricultural production because of its character of disincentive and disregard for
variable farming conditions.

Aurangzeb divided the Bengal subah into 13 chuck/as among which chuck/a Burdwan was
famous because of its highest amount of revenue. In each chuck/a, the diwan was the chief in
charge of revenue collection. Only the zamindar of Burdwan had the right of collection and
deposit of revenues directly from the farmers to the government without any intermediaries.
The district's agricultural economy could prosper to a significant extent because of this
favourable attitude ofMughal rulers to the zamindar ofBurdwan (Sarkar, 1948).

2.2.3 British Period

The review of events prior to the arrival of the British reveals that the prosperity in
Burdwan's agriculture during the Mughal· period was beyond doubt. This prosperity was to
last till 1742 when the Marathas began to raid Bengal. During the first invasion the district
actually became the very cockpit of small skirmishes between the raiders and the Bengal
Army. The marches and counter-marches of the Bengal Nawab Alivardi's troops and the
lightning attacks of Maratha bargis reduced the district's economy to ruins in the middle of
eighteenth century (Guha and Mitra, 1956).

In the decades of 1750s and '60s Burdwan gradually started to regain its lost agricultural
prosperity and the peasantry began to rehabilitate itself. However, distress again began to
pervade the district with the great famine of 1770. Hunter described: 'Burdwan no less than
Birbhum (a neighbouring district) suffered from the full measure of its impact' (Hunter,
1877, reprinted in 1973). Burdwan could not fully recover from the effects of the famine
until the beginning of the next century for several reasons, the most significant of them being
the introduction of Permanent Settlement (Regulation 1 of 1793) by Lord Cornwallis, the
then Governor of Bengal.

Depopulation of Burdwan villages took place on a mass scale during the period of famine,
badly affecting the agricultural economy of later times. The raja of Burdwan made
significant contribution to the reco~ery of the economy from the impact of famine with
generous grants. Several rehabilitation programme and grants of haze zamin (rent-free
tenure) were made to willing settlers even by the local zamindars to promote agrarian
30
enterprise. The East India Company, however, attempted to prohibit them since it made dents
in its revenue base. As a result of the measures taken by the raja and the local zamindars,
cultivation began to spread once again in Burdwan and its rich trade began to prosper once
again. The distinct patronage of the Government was of course a major factor since it entered
the market as the single biggest purchaser.

The East India Company's fiscal policy was largely incompatible with the old zamindari
system (Banerjee, 1980). The company's policy was to appropriate an ever increasing share
of the zamindari revenue. As a result of this policy both zamindars and the raja of Burdwan
faced difficulties (Guha and Mitra, 1956). But the zamindars ofBurdwan, unlike those of the
other districts, survived with an amazing degree of resilience and were able to make the
changeover from the old zamindari system to the new order introduced by Cornwallis with
but a few cuts and scratches.

The permanent settlement act affected the agricultural economy in mostly negative ways. It
was the cause of a great flux creating a new pattern of proprietorship at the cost of old and
traditional tenurial system. As a result, estates changed hands from one group of zamindars
to another. At the same time, this gave landed property a wider base by an ample distribution
within the land-owning class itself and by absorbing the capital, which might otherwise have
flown into non-agrarian channels (Bhattacharyya, 1985). Permanent settlement initiated a
process of subinfeudation rather than leading to the development of English-type capitalist
farmers or the tenants shaping themselves similar to Frenchfermiers. It created a sprawling
class of landed gentry earning farm revenue by virtue of tenancy rights. While other
zamindars also played the same game, the Burdwan raj initiated the process, and almost
perfected the structure before others could even collectively conceive it. Therefore, the
Burdwan Raj model of subinfeudation under permanent settlement has been described as sui
generis, the best specimen, the leading species of what developed to be a large genus
(Bhattacharyya, 1985). Under the Burdwan Raj model, hierarchical layers were few, and the
model was very definitive. Eventually, the East India Company had to legalize, through
Regulation VIII of 1819, the creation of intermediary formations as layers.

Major changes took place in Burdwan throughout the nineteenth century: a nse in the
production, prices and exports of food grains; in the rentals; in production, prices and exports
of each crops; tenancy legislation; coal mines; railways expansion and growth of the market

31
in general; expansion and growth of the market centres; and the decay of river borne trade
and river settlements with the rise of railways (Samanta, 2001 ).

Another aspect of agriculture, namely irrigation and embankment systems to combat

droughts and floods, was seriously affected during the British Period. The old zamindars of
the district used to maintain low embankments along the river course as a personal
responsibility to protect the loss of agricultural production of farmers. But during the British
period these embankment works began to be seriously neglected as an indirect result of
permanent settlement. The old zamindari system was also committed to the charge of
irrigation works. The fiscal demands of the government of the then zamindars were moderate
enough to permit them to spend on these social responsibilities to increase tillage and
enhance agricultural production in a way of competition among them. But the British rule in
Bengal with .its higher pressure of revenue and through the creation of intermediaries
destroyed such old and traditional systems (Samanta, 2001 ).

Another important step of the British was to stop the breaches in the so-called zamindari
banks to arrest floods. English rulers neglected to note that many of these breaches actually
served as safety valves conducting the accumulated pressure of a rising flood into the
overflow channels. Therefore, the stopping of breaches was the final blow (Willcocks, 193 0)
which definitely killed overflow irrigation in Burdwan as well as Bengal. The threat of
inundation hung over the district every year when the rivers rose in spate (Guha and Mitra,
1956).

In spite of all the problems set by the British rulers, it is clear from Buchanan Hamilton's
description of 1822 that Burdwan was first in agricultural production in India just preceding
Tanjore of Madras (Halder quoted in Choudhuri, 1990).

The rent act of 1859 was the initiation of land related law to preserve the interests of the
peasantry. In this law there was a clear-cut distinction between the right of zamindar and
peasantry regarding revenue collection (Ray and Palit, 1986). The issue of patta to the
peasants became compulsory for the zamindars to protect farmers from displacement. This
law totally banned any kind of increase in revenue (Dawn, 1992).

32
The agricultural economy of the district again started to regain its lost prosperity since the
beginning of nineteenth century with the help of some limited welfare approach of British
like rent act of 1859, land survey, and recording of the ownership of land etc. The positive
step of the British in the development of agriculture of the district was the survey and records
of the ownership of all the agricultural and non-agricultural land under the supervision of
K. A. L. Hill between 192 7 and 193 I.

2.3. Land Reforms

Agrarian structures characterized by a highly skewed distribution of land ownership,
widespread tenancy and poor markets have been the major constraints in the development of
the agricultural economy of rural India (Ghosh, 1998). Several authors like Bhaduri (1973),
Chakraborty (1984), Bandopadhyay (1986), Prasad (1987) etc. have argued that a semi-
feudal agrarian structure is the cause of agricultural backwardness of India even after decades
of planning in independent period. Land reforms in the form of redistribution of land
holdings and land tenure systems, is the necessary precondition for meaningful agrarian
improvements.

Opinions of scholars differ as to what is exactly meant by land reforms. In a narrow sense,
land reforms imply a restructuring of the tenurial system so that the landless people get land.
In a wider sense, on the other hand, land reforms a part of a comprehensive programme
directed towards the uplifting of the entire agricultural economy. Land reform can be viewed
as a policy, which reduces inequality and social injustice and enhances agricultural
production (Mukhopadhyay, 1994). On the other hand, agrarian reform is an integrated
programme that aims at reorganizing the institutional framework of agriculture in order to
facilitate social and economic progress. It includes the redistribution of land, adjustment to
tenancy conditions, regulation of rents and wages, institution of farm credit systems, co-
operative organization and agricultural education. Agrarian reform is constrained without the
support of successful land reforms (Samanta, 2001 ).

West Bengal had taken a step forward in changing the land tenurial structure. Besides the
anti-feudal movements in the state during the British period, a series of acts were passed on
different aspects of land reforms during the post-independence period.

33
According to Ghosh (1986), the important acts were as follows:
• West Bengal Bargadar Act, 1950;
• West Bengal Land Acquisition Act, 1953;
• West Bengal Land Reforms Act, 1955;
• West Bengal Estate Acquisition Act, 1956;
• West Bengal Land Reforms Rules, 1965;
• West Bengal Land Reforms (Amendment) Act, 1970;
• West Bengal Restoration of Alienated Land Act, 1973;
• West Bengal Acquisition of Homestead Land for Agricultural Labourers, Artisans
and Fishermen Act, 1975; and
• Circular of the West Bengal Board of Revenue on Operation Barga, 1978.

The two United Front governments ( 1967-'68 and 1969-'70) took enthusiastic measures to
implement land reforms in spite of limitations imposed by the Constitution of India. These
governments, while enacting legislation and implementing other measures to meet the
immediate problems of peasantry, involved the kishans and their organizations in a massive
way in the implementation of land reforms (Konar, 1976). The most notable advance
concerned acquiring the surplus land after imposing a land ceiling and its subsequent
distribution. In 1969, about 2. 3 Iakh acres of land were distributed to about 2. 38 lakh landless
and land-poor peasants (Dey and Jana, 1997). During the period 1967-'70, more than one-
fourth of the total surplus land distributed all over India belonged to the state of West Bengal
(375 thousand hectares out of 1256 thousand hectares in India).

2.3.1. Land Reforms During British Period

During more than a century of colonial rule, the British adopted various forms of feudal and
semi-feudal systems of tenure and introduced many changes in them to suit their needs. The
various forms of tenure that took shape under them generally fall into three groups namely
zamindari, ryotwari and mahalwari.

During 1885 another law known as 'Bengal Peasant Status Law' to protect slightly the ryot
against the exploitation of zamindari intermediaries. By the advocacy of the above law, land
records and maps were prepared for the first time, known as the Cadastral Settlement (C.S).
This C. S record acts as a basis for latter land reform programmes. In case of Burdwan district

34
 this was done in two phases: first during 1918-1921 and the second phase during 1927-1934
for other parts of the district. The main objective of this settlement was to determine the
category in which to include the status of the ryot. To evaluate the situation that evolved after
permanent settlement and to recommend any necessary change, the 'Floud Commission' was
established in 1938. The then Maharajadhiraj of Burdwan was an important member of this
commission.

In the pre-independence period (between 1936 and 1947), significant anti-feudal and anti-
imperialist movements took place in different isolated parts of Bengal through the active
participation of hundreds of peasants. Burdwan took a leading role in these struggles. The All
India Kishan Sabha and its various units played a significant role in directing these
movements. Among these movements, the Tebhaga movement of Bengal, fought in 1946-'4 7
was a significant one focussing on the two-thirds crop demand by the sharecroppers. These
movements resulted in reforms; the West Bengal Bargadar Act of 1950 was one major
outcome of this struggle (Surjeet, 1992).

2.3.2. Land Reforms Since Independence

Immediately after independence the Congress government took necessary steps to change the
agrarian structure through several land reform measures. A series of bills and amendments
were passed to remove the constraints posed by the agrarian structure on agricultural
productivity.

The land reforms measures taken. up by the Congress government at that time fall into jour
groups namely:
(I) Abolition of all intermediary interests between the state and the ryot or tiller of
the land;
(2) Tenancy reforms which include regulation of tenants, conferring security of
tenure and eventually ownership rights;
(3) Ceiling laws on agricultural holdings and distribution of surplus land; and
(4) Consolidation of hoIdings.

In spite of recognizing the need of land reform and passing several laws to implement it
during the early years of planning, the all-India scenario of agrarian structure did not change
remarkably because of the lack of initiative to actually implement the land reform measures
35
(Konar, 1978). Still, some notable successes were achieved especially in respect of abolition
of intermediaries and imposition of ceiling on land holding in some states especially in West
Bengal and Kerala (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998).

2.3.2.1. W.B.E.c.-;3 (_ {
Following the end of the World War II a powerful mass peasant moveme~t spread
throughout the country. It was anti-feudal and anti-imperialist. The Tebhaga movement of
Bengal (I 946-'47) focussed on one of the major demands of the share croppers -that they
should be given two-thirds of the crop, that the landlords should not make undue deductions
from the produce before its sharing, and that the sharing be done in the bam of the
sharecropper and not in the courtyard of landlord.

Facing the peasant agitation, Floud Commission recommended the abolition of

intermediaries. Following this recommendation after independence, a new act West Bengal
Zamindari Acceptance Act, 1953 was introduced focussing on the two themes:
( 1) to abolish all types of intermediaries by providing compensation, and
(2) to return excess land to government, which exceeds the ceiling limit.

As a result, in Burdwan district up to 1996, the total number of abolished intermediaries and
total number of identified zamindars/jotdars was 2,89,983 and 3,825 respectively. At the
same time there was about 1. 5 lakh acres of land already returned to the government, of this
56 thousand acres was cultivated land and 65 thousand acres was land with forest. (Source:
District Land and Land Reforms Office).

Although the zamindars or big landholders did not always cooperate with the government,
the law of 1953 has been called (District Land and Land Reforms Officer, 1997) 'a giant step'
towards land reforms of West Bengal.

2.3.2.2.West Bengal Land Reforms Act, 1955 (W.B.L.R. Act, 1955)

To accelerate the momentum of land reforms a new act W.B.L.R. Act, 1955 was passed with
the following objectives:
I. to preserve the rights, duties and loyalties of ryots/bargadars,
2. to distribute land returned to government among the landless peasants, and
3. to conduct other rights upon land.
36
In the 1972 Chief Minister's conference, an important amendment to the 1955 Act was
brought in by introducing a land-ownership ceiling per family. Up to June, 1996, the number
of patta holders (those who were considered eligible for getting land) was 1,79,281 (S.C
75430, S.T 37,915 and Others 65,936) and the amount of distributed khas land was 49,388.48
acres (District Land and Land Reforms Officer, 1997).

2.3.2.3 Remission of Revenue of Small Landholders

The 195 5 West Bengal Land Reforms Act, made a provision for the remission of revenue of
small land holder having up to 4 acres irrigated land and up to 6 acres non-irrigated land of
each ryot family. This was meant to provide additional support to poor and small farmers. In
Burdwan district up to June, 1996, The number of small landholder families whose revenue
has been recommended for remission was over 1.4 lakhs. Certainly such measures have been
effective to some extent in improving the rural economy.

2.3.3. Impact of Land Reforms on the Productivity of Land

'Operation Barga', initiated by the Left Front Government of West Bengal elected in 1977,
assumed the dimension of a movement in the countryside within a few months of its
launching in October, 1978. It is discussed in detail in section 2.4.5. Hasty recordings of the
names of bargadars to grant them legal rights to cultivate land was a major incentive for the
marginal and small peasants in raising production (Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan, 1998).
Provisions were also made for institutional credit and subsidies to the sharecroppers and
assignees of the vested land to remove their dependency on landlords or moneylenders. The.
impact of these provisions was felt in agricultural investment and output growth in the 1980s.
According to Saha and Swaminathan (1994) the growth rate in percentage of all crops in
respect of area, production, and productivity per annum from 1977-78 to 1995-96 in
Burdwan district was about 1, 4, and 4.5 respectively.

Institutional changes have been hailed (Sanyal; Biswas and Bardhan, 1998) to be responsible
for nearly 5 per cent annual growth of all crop productivity, sustained for a period of more
than one and a half decades (1977-'95), marking the end of 'agrarian impasse' in West
Bengal. Clearly, Boyce's emphasis (1987) on low aman yields as evidence of stagnation in
agricultural output growth loses much its validity with the growing share of boro production
the total rice output in recent times.
37
Productivity of land is not only singly determined by land reforms but also by other factors
like irrigation water, H.Y.V. seed, agricultural credit, crop preservation, selling crops at
reasonable price at market.

Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan (1998) have estimated the rank correlation between the output
growth and the incidence of tenancy shown by the area under produce-sharing rental
arrangements for each district based on the Agricultural Census data for 1980-181 and 1990-
191. Since output growth is negatively correlated with the incidence of tenancy, the impact of
barga operation on the agricultural performance of Burdwan district as well as the state has
been favourable.

Security of tenure, an outcome of barga operation, has altered the credit relations that
formerly trapped the peasants in debt cycles (Bagchi, 1998). Boyce (1987) had found that the
small farmer's cropping pattern favours labour-intensive crops meant for subsistence. With
increasing access to institutional credit, primarily in terms of input loan, the peasant has now Q
been able to put more land under HYV cultivation of food grai~op duration and ~
raises the number of crop cycles. Changes in cropping pattern in response to market forces
were previously (Saha and Swaminathan, 1994) limited by differential access to
technological inputs across size-classes of cultivators.

2.4. Other Factors

· West Bengal deserves special mention among the Indian states in the successful
implementation of agricultural land reform measures. Besides land reforms, a host of other
factors were responsible for agricultural development in Burdwan. These include the
provision of canalized irrigation, intensive agricultural initiatives by the central government,
a people-friendly government at the helm of affairs in the state, proper distribution of ceiling
surplus land, Operation Barga, and above all a successful Panchayati Raj. These are
discussed in this section.

2.4.1. Role of Irrigation

Agriculture in India still largely depends on nature. Burdwan is no exception and agriculture
here depends on the monsoon in spite of widespread development of irrigation. Regular and
timely rainfall may assure a bumper production while in some years rainfall is irregular and
38
scarce causing drought, or excessive causing flood. The irrigation system of this district is
well developed. Among the vario~s irrigation systems, the impact of the Damodar Valley
Corporation (DVC) has been the greatest. The amount of agricultural land under irrigation
facilities during different seasons is listed in Table 2.1.

Table 2.1: Irrigated Area (Burdwan District)

Irrigated area ('000 hectare)

Sources of irrigation
Kharif Rabi Boro Total

I. Canal (DV.~ /"

250 10 35 295
2. Deep tube we I 11 81 06 98
3. River lifting 11 06 06 23
4. Shallow, Submersible 50 84 63 197
5. Pond, Tank etc. 30 99 40 169
Source: District Agricultural Office, 1999-2000

2.4.2. Contributions of the Damodar Valley Corporation

The Damodar, flowing through the region, has played a vital role in the development of
agricultural economy of the region. Since the remote past, people of Burdwan tried to tune
their agricultural economy with the successful utilization of the water resources of Damodar
(Willcocks, 1930).

The agricultural economy of the region received a significant thrust with the inception of
Damodar Valley Corporation, a multipurpose river valley project, immediately after
independence. D.V.C came formally into existence on the 7th July, 1948 through the D.V.C...-,.
Act. The barrage on the Damodar at Durgapur and a vast network of new canals, under
whose direct command area our study region belongs, were constructed between 1952-'55
creating immense opportunities for the development of agriculture. Among the multiple
objectives of the project, flood control and irrigation received top priority.

In West Bengal, the D.V.Cma~d area (3,770 square miles) sprawls over four districts
namely Burdwan, Hooghly, Bankura and MidJlapore. About 57.64 p.~r cent of the total
command (as above). area, that is 2, 173 squ·are miles belong to the jurisdiction of Burdwan
district.

39
 ..
In spite of many problems, the positive impacts of the D.V.C;:igation network on the
agricultural economy of the region are beyond any doubt. The production and productivity of
agriculture of the region have improved dramatically. Among the different crops of the
region, the most remarkable improvement has been achieved by paddy, which generates
larger income for the farmers. The higher income has increased the demand for both
producer and consumer goods. Associated economic activities like agro-processing (husking
units and rice mills), trade and transport have developed in the region in association with the
agricultural development bringing economic prosperity to the region.

2.4.3. Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP)

The development of agricultural economy of the region in post-independence period was also
favoured by the implementation of IADP in Burdwan as one of the 16 selected districts in
India. This programme was inaugurated in the district in 1962. It was a package programme
including the use of high-yielding variety of seeds, chemical fertilizers and pesticides, more
sophisticated and mechanized implements, and scientific soil and water management
methods based on latest research. The programme was meant to demonstrate the potential for
increasing food production through a multi-pronged, concentrated and co-ordinated approach
in areas, which can quickly respond to such production efforts (Choudhuri et al., 1994).

The IADP package programme was also an educational process, which helped cultivators
and their families, villagers and agricultural labourers in learning modern agricultural
techniques and improving their skills as well. The programme intended to help the
development of co-operative organizations to ensure the supply of essential inputs like
fertilizers, pesticides, improved farm implements and other equipment as well as the market
for agricultural products. Participation of cultivators in farm planning and the utilization of
local manpower are other vital aspects of the programme (Samanta, 2001).

Till 1970-'71, 24 blocks out of 33 of the district were covered under this programme and the
package of agricultural practices have since been developed for all the important crops. A
soil testing laboratory for giving recommendations for better cropping and fertilizer use and a
$
seed-testing laboratory to ensure farmers the supply of quality seeds h~ been set up in the
district. \

40
The development of two-tier co-operative societies (fertilizer co-operatives, marketing co-
~ has also been remarkable in the region, and contributed greatly to the growth
of agricultural activities. While the primary societies are functioning at thana (Police Station)
or village level, the thana level societies are attached to two zonal societies located in
Burdwan and Memari. The entire region is thus covered by these societies. In addition, there
are co-operative banks providing agricultural credit as well as rural co-operative credit
societies and grameen branches of nationalized banks. Though the co-operative societies
have been criticized for not being able to make much progress in the matter of outright
purchase and sale of paddy or rice (Kar, 1998a), their overall impact on agriculture of the
district has been significant.

2.4.4. Role of the Left Front Government

Immediately after coming into power in 1977, the Left Front Government (LFG) had
initiated several measures of land reforms. According to Surjeet (I 992) the major thrust of
LFG on land reform measures was on the following aspects:
• formulation and passing of a land reform (amendment) bill plugging the loopholes in
the earlier acts;
• Operation Barga and the recording of sharecroppers a~neficiaries;
• further acquisition and distribution of surplus land;
• providing necessary infrastructure and support to assignees of land and sharecroppers;
• democratic decentralization and institutions in the administration of land reforms; and
• permanent titles to homestead land to landless agricultural labourers, artisans and
fishermen.

The role of LFG has been assessed by different scholars and observers. In assessing the rural
development policy of LFG, Lieten (1996) mentioned 'In its rural development policy, the
LFG since 1977 has focussed on three interrelated types of intervention: modification of the
relations of production and the forces of production, reconstitution of the political power
structure through the revival of the panchayat bodies, elected along party lines, and playing
its political cards expediently so as to maintain a stable and orderly regime for a period
unsurpassed in Indian history. He also observes 'The revitalization and democratization of
the panchayat system was one of the first initiatives taken by the LFG after it was voted into
office in 1977. More consequentially, the LPG coordinated the constitution of the new

41
panchayats with a massive campaign of land distribution and tenancy reforms. The axiom
informing the pleas for land reforms, in addition to considerations of social justice and
efficiency, has been the strategic necessity of breaking the socio-political as well as
economic power block of landlords-cum-moneylenders' (Lieten, 1996; p. 51).

On the other side, there are a number of arguments made by different scholars like Mattick
(1993) Atul Kohli (1987), Mukherjee and Bandopadhyay (1993) and Rudd (1994) against the
positive role of LFG in improving the agricultural scenario of the district. There are also
publications (Bandopadhyay, 1995; Dasgupta, 1995; Bhaumik, 1993; Chandrasekhar, 1993;
Nossiter, 1988; Ghosh, 1986 etc.) crediting the LFG for bringing economic benefits in terms
of agrarian process and the discontinuation of the feudal relations of production.

2.4.5. Operation Barga

Operation barga is undoubtedly the most important agricultural reform in West Bengal by
the Left Front government. Operation barga (recording of the names of bargadars or
sharecroppers), a programme of tenancy reform, was launched in October 1978. This
Programme reached its climax during 1978-'80 period. There is no actual data recorded about
the total number of bargadars in Burdwan district at that time. According to K.L. Hill (I. C. S.
1927-'32 Settlement Officer ofBurdwan district) about one-fourth of the cultivable land was
ploughed under Barga system in Burdwan district. The success of the programme was to
record these share croppers' names and legalize their tenancy rights over cultivable land.·

David Grigg (1978) has explained the reason behind the contribution of the operation barga
in raising agricultural production in West Bengal. According to him, the farmers who own
the land is more likely to adopt new methods than the farmer who has to give half of his
harvest to the landlords and much of the rest to the local money-lenders.

Under this programme, about 12 lakh bargadars were recorded in West Bengal till
December, 1984. In district-wise performance Burdwan ranked third with the recording of
1.04 lakh bargadars after Midnapore (2.11 lakh) and 24-Paraganas (1.64 lakh) up to this
period. The West Bengal ftgure of recorded bargadars increased to 1,3.94 lakh in 1988 (out
of which 5.84 lakh belonged to the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe communities). By
1990, the names of 14.5 lakh sharecroppers were registered in the land records (Lieten,
1992). In Burdwan district, up to 1996 about 1,25,958 bargadars were recorded in

42
approximately 1.10 lakh acres of land. This registration created new rights for tenants like
rent payments and access to credit from formal banking sectors (Ramachandran, 1997). The
provision for institutional credit to the sharecroppers gave these small operators access to
technological inputs. With the removal of tenurial insecurity the small operators started
taking viable production decisions (Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). In some areas (for
example the eastern part of Burdwan district and Hooghly), the cropping pattern of even
small farms changed from labour-intensive subsistence crops to commercial crops in
response to market forces. Boyce (1987), however, observes that broadly the smaller farms'
cropping pattern still favours valuable labour intensive crops in West Bengal.

In studying the effects of tenancy reforms on aspect of production, Ghatak (1995) observes
that Operation _Barga had a significant positive effect on the rate of expansion of boro
cultivation as well as output, adoption of HYV seeds and investment in private irrigation.

2.4.6. Distribution of Ceiling Surplus Land

Another big success of the Left Front government in West Bengal was the implementation of
ceiling laws on land holdings including vesting of land and consequent redistribution of land

West Bengal is much higher tr.

among the rural poor. In respect of state-wise achievement in land ceiling the performance of
the other states. In West Bengal, 12.63 lakh acres of land
out of73.28 lakh acres in Indideclared surplus, of which 11.43 lakh acres were acquired by
the government by 1991 (source: Proceeding of the conference of Revenue Ministers, 14th
March, 1992). Out of the 11.43 lakh acres of acquired land, <tbout 9.13 lakh acres were
distributed among 19.94 lakh landless households, the majority of which belonged to the
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes communities. West Bengal having only 3.58 per cent
of the country's cultivated land, has contributed 20.77 per cent of the total ceiling-surplus
land distributed in the entire country (Kar, 1998a).

In addition to these land reform measures, the LFG has made remarkable progress in fixing
and implementation of minimum wages for agricultural labourers. There has been substantial
increase in agricultural wages in West Bengal since 1980s. West Bengal had the highest
compound rate of growth of real daily wage of male agricultural labourers between 1979-'80
and 1992-'93 (280 per cent) among all the states of India (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998).
Another important effort of West Bengal government was supporting the assignees of surplus

43
land and share croppers with provision for loans, inputs, bullocks through widely expanding
network of commercial banks in rural areas.

According to a number of scholars (Kar, 1998a; Tornquist, 1991; Baruah, 1990;

Westergaard, 1986 etc.) the land reforms in West Bengal is incomplete. Baruah (1990)
mentioned that land reforms in West Bengal, instead of being a programme capable of
bringing about a regime of viable peasant proprietorship, has amounted to the de facto
abandonment of the concern with viability. He further claims that the allocation of tiny plots
was done not with view to creating viable farms, but to provide a large number of landless
with a limited amount of economic security and survival capability. Westergaard ( 1986)
made the argument that, in its focus on land reforms, the LPG has not paid sufficient
attention to technological changes and has not tackled the problems of a stagnant agriculture.
Tornquist observes 'the communist emphasized the struggle for political power while
immediate popular efforts to develop production would have to wait' (1991, p. 69). Harriss
believes there has not been brought about 'any really significant change' in the agrarian
structure (1993, p. I 246).

However, Kar (1998a) has noted that land reforms in West Bengal, though they resulted in
remarkable initial success, have failed to achieve the desired targets because of the inability
to provide non-land inputs to poor peasants who are the major beneficiaries of this
programme. Such non-land inputs are as follows.
1. Irrigation water -In spite of constructing the D.V.C~vernment has
failed to supply cheap irrigation water to the farmers of the region. Therefore, a
considerable proportion of land in the hands of small and marginal peasants cannot
be utilized for double and multiple cropping enhancing production.
2. Co-operative movement - Distribution of surplus land to the poor have created
numerous small land holdings even below the size of 0.5 acres, which are
uneconomical in their scale of production. The use of sophisticated implements is
also restricted by the small and fragmented size of lands. To make these
uneconomic holdings into an economical one, the ~overnment should encourage
the peasants to form co-operatives for better management and increased
production. In Burdwan region, the co-operative movement has remained rather
limited with fertilizer and marketing co-operatives.

44
 3. Financing - On an average, the agricultural community's exposure to
technological innovation is still marginal owing to financial constraints.
Sometimes poor landholders are compelled to transfer their land to those owning
pump sets, power thrashers and such other non-land inputs. Commercial banks in
the rural areas are engaged in providing loan for non-land inputs to individual
farmers. The poor farmers cannot use that finance properly for production and
repay the loan to the banks. Their poverty compelled them to use that money for
their basic needs.
Unless the state adopts a comprehensive programme of changing these
uneconomic holdings into economic ones by forming co-operatives, land reforms
will remain an incomplete dream for the poor peasants.
4. Storage and marketing - Storage and marketing facilities are also not yet
adequately developed to the extent to cater to the need of the development in
agriculture. Storage infrastructure must be upgraded to enable a farmer to derive
the maximum return from his field. Lack of proper marketing infrastructure and
well-integrated road network compelled the farmers sometimes to depend on
middlemen.

To achieve maximum benefit of land reforms, all these loopholes should be mended with
more initiative to providing non-land inputs to the small and marginal farmers.

2. 4. 7. Panchayati Raj
Besides land reforms, West Bengal experienced another important socio-political change in
its rural landscape during the left front rule. This is the reorganization and re-vitalization of
democratic institutions of local governance at three levels - gram panchayat or GP at the
village level, the panchayat samiti at the rural development (RD) block level and the Zilla
Parishad (ZP) at the district level.

Under the West Bengal Panchayat Act 1973, the panchayats already had a vast range of
responsibilities, among which irrigation, promotion of cooperative farming, the planning and
implementation of developmental and infrastructural works etc. are important for agricultural
development. Further, Panchayats were closely involved in the implementation of land
reform measures among which Operation barga was the top priority.

45
 Assessments of panchayti raj do, however, vary considerably. Some researchers (Rudd,
1999; Williams, 1999~ Mallick, 1992 etc.) have been far more critical of the effectiveness of
the programme. Mukherjee and Bandopadhyay (1993) also questioned about the efficient
functioning of panchayats in West Bengal. They observe many unfinished tasks in the areas
of land distribution, barga registration, and agricultural marketing and cooperative credit.
However, it has to be admitted that the panchayats have brought about a redistribution of
political power in rural areas of districts like Burdwan and have created a high degree of
social and political awareness among all sections of people. This is because of the especially
strong presence of LFG in panchayats at various levels in Burdwan.

2.5. Land Reforms in the Region

Burdwan remained ahead of other districts of West Bengal in the implementation of land
reform. The movement of Krishak Sabha was strong enough and provided generous
voluntary help to panchayats and government institutions to acquire vested ceiling surplus
land, distribute those lands and to record the name of bargadars. An eminent Marxist leader
of Krishak Sabha, Mr. Harekrishna Konar had led the Operation barga in the region.

Table 2.2: Progress of Land Reform in Burdwan District up to June 1999

Vested non- Number
Vesting of Vested non- Number of
Blocks agricultural land set ofpatta
ceiling surplus agricultural recorded
for agriculture holders
land (acres) land (acres) bargadars
~acres~
1. Burdwan - I 2,747.36 699.12 224.8 4,356 3,038

2. Burdwan - II 2,761.62 574.18 144.58 5,814 3,866

Region '(Total) 5,508.98 1,273.30 369.38 10,170 6,904

Burdwan District l ,86,480.41 31,319.34 5,081.92 1,91,059 1,28,000

Source: District Land Revenue Department, Burdwan

Table 2.2 clearly states the progress of different aspects of land reform both in the region as
well as the district up to June, 1999. About 1.86 lakh acres of ceiling surplus land have been
vested in the district of which 5,509 (approximately) acres belong to our region. These
ceiling surplus lands have been distributed among 1. 91 lakh and 10,170 beneficiaries in the
district and the region respectively. The amounts of total vested non-agricultural land in the
district and in the region stands at 31,319.34 acres and 1,273.30 acres respectively up to

46
June'99. According to the survey done by District Land Revenue Department, about 16 per
cent of the total vested non-agricultural land was found suitable· for agriculture. The
conversion of this non-agricultural land into agricultural one can be taken as a positive step.

The beneficiaries of the distribution of ceiling surplus land have been provided with patta
(the legal recognition of land-ownership). But the recording of patta-holders is yet to be
complete. The recording of patta-holders has been done for about 58 per cent of the patta-
holders in the district. The achievement is slightly higher in the region with about 60 per cent
of patta holders recording their names in the government register. The recording of
bargadars has also been done efficiently in the district ( 1.28 lakh up to June, 1999). During
this time there were 6,904 bargadars in the region who have recorded their names in the
government register.

Lieten had done a village level study in Memari blocks of the region in 1996. He credited the
implementation of land reforms and efficient functioning of panchayati institutions for the
improvement in agrarian production as well as the socio-economic condition of the poor.

2.6. Agricultural Development

Our study region has its geographical advantages and a long history of agricultural
prosperity. Burdwan received in full measure all the post-independence initiatives for
agricultural development- DVC canals, IADP and the 'new' technology package, and land
reforms. These have undoubtedly transformed the single cropping land into a multiple
croppmg one.

Let us now take a brief look at the emerging agricultural situation in the state of West Bengal
and in Burdwan.

2.6.1. West Bengal

In the post-independence period the state of West Bengal has passed through an eventful
period in the history of agriculture.
.
From a· situation of low and
.
less .th<tn
.
all India average
growth, the state has moved to a high agricultural growth path (Rawal and Swaminathan,
1998). In the last two decades, there has been a major institutional change in agricultural
economy of the state, which are closely linked to the changes in production and productivity
(Banerjee and Ghatak, 1995). Before that, in a landmark study of agricultural performance in
47
West Bengal, James Boyce had estimated that the growth rate of agricultural output between
1950 and 1980 was only 1.74 per cent per annum (Boyce, 1987). The cause of such low
growth rate of production was studied also by the Reserve Bank of India ( 1984), which
identified the chief constraints as the lack of adequate and controlled supply of water,
inadequacy in the supply of fertilizers, modern varieties of seeds, electricity, credit facilities
and infrastructure for market. A noteworthy change began to occur in the 1980s in both the
production and productivity of all crops specially rice and potato (Saggar and Raghavan,
1989). However, there is a debate regarding the various effects of institutional reform as
factors explaining this agricultural take off in West Bengal (Gazdar and Sengupta, 1999).
Both Sen and Sengupta (1995) and Banerjee and Ghatak (1995) find some evidence of a
positive correlation between tenancy reform and agricultural growth. Lieten (1996, p. 78)
observes that the agricultural productivity in West Bengal started to climb sharply only after
the ascent ofLFG in 1977.

Between 1981 and 1991, rates of growth of agricultural production increased in aU the
eastern states and among them West Bengal grew fastest (Dutt Ray, 1994). The compound
annual growth rate of food grain production between 1981-'82 and 1991-'92 in West Bengal
was 6.5 which was much higher than the all-India average that is 2.7 (Saha and
Swaminathan, 1994). This unprecedented rate of growth of food crops was chiefly due to the
increase in both the production and productivity of rice specially bora. Traditionally, the
aman crop has been the most important of the three rice growing seasons (aus, aman and
bora) in terms of output and acreage. Over time, the bora crop has grown in significance and
the production of total rice produced in the bora season doubled during the 1980s. The
exponential growth rates of bora crop between 1977-' 78 and 1993-' 94 in West Bengal were
8.37, 9.38 and 2.86 per cent per annum in area, production and productivity respectively
(Samanta, 2001).

John Harriss ( 1992, 1993) argued that the remarkable growth of agricultural production in the
1980s was based on an expansion of irrigation by private shallow tube well. Between 1976-
'77 and 1985-'86 the total increase in net irrigated area in West Bengal was 74.0 per cent
against theall-India·average of 19.7 per cent. In this expansion of irrigation the area irrigated
by tubewells during the same period increased by as much as 575.4 per cent in West Bengal
as compared to about 59.7 per cent in India (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998). The role of
land reform measures in accelerating agricultural production was also immense in West
48
Bengal in the last two decades (Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). The measures intensified
;

state intervention in defining property rights in a more meaningful manner, thus narrowing
the gap between ownership and operation and widening the access of the small cultivators to
technology and other inputs. Since the small and marginal cultivators constitute the largest
share of the total holdings, the land reforms were extremely significant from the point of
view of growth in production and productivity in recent times (Mukherjee and Sanyal, 1997).
Several studies (Rawal, 1997; Sengupta and Gazdar, 1996) have shown that the institutional
changes have had a variety of direct and indirect positive effects on recent agricultural
development in West Bengal, and especially Burdwan district.

2.6.2. Burdwan District

Burdwan (Figure 2.1 ), with a cropping intensity of 169 per cent ( 1992), was the pioneer one
among the districts of West Bengal in agricultural development. At present the net cropped
area occupies nearly 56 per cent of the total gross cropped area of the district. Cropping
intensity of a region is calculated by dividing the gross cropped area by net cropped area
multiplied by 100 that is cropping intensity

Gross cropped area

= - - - - - - - X 100
Net cropped area

About 88 per cent of the gross cropped area is irrigated annually taking three seasons (kharif,
rabi and summer) together. The relative percentage shares of irrigated area to the net-cropped
area are about 75, 40 and 35 per cent during the kharif, rabi and summer seasons
respectively. The following table has been compiled from data taken from a special report
'Recommendations for crop rotation for increasing cropping intensity' prepared by the
Agricultural Department, Burdwan. The later reports are no so detailed; for example the
overall cropping intensity in the district in 2000-2001 (as per Annual Plan in Agriculture,
Burdwan) is has risen to 179, but neither the plan nor any data is available at the block level.

49
 87°30'E 88oE
87°E

BASE MAP ........... '\

BURDWAN DISTRICT l ...

)
{
>
(K~I

0 10 20 30
23°N 23°N ·

87°30'E

Figure. 2.1

50
 Table 2.3: Crop Intensity and Percentage of Irrigated Area
to Cultivable Area, Burdwan District

Blocks Crop intensity, 1992. Irrigated area to cultivable area, 2001

~in ~ercentage~ ~in ~ercentage~
Burdwan 206 95
Ausgram I 165 85
Ausgram II 125 85
Bhatar 172 95
Galsi II 185 95.5
Jamal pur 225 90
Khandaghosh 147 90
Memari I 219 85
Memari II 201 85
Raina I 159 90
Raina II 155 90.
Kalna I 190 80
Kalna II 199 95
Purbasthali I 185 100
Purbasthati II 200 95
Monteswar 147 95
Katwa I 178 80
Katwa II 146 80
Ketugram I 156 85
Ketugram II 150 85
Mongolkote 156 85
Faridpur 101 20
Kanksa 135 45
Asansol 115 25
Galsi I 190 85
Barabani 115 12
Hirapur 117 25
Jamuria I 115 10
Jamuria II ll4 10
Kulti 113 II

51
Salanpur 109 12
Andal 115 11
Raniganj 117 65
* Please note that blockwise variation of cropping intensity could not be shown due to the lack of data.

The average percentage share of net irrigated are to net cultivable area in the eastern part of
the district is about 89 per cent whereas the same average is about 22 per cent in the western
part. Very high level of percentage share of irrigated area is found in five blocks namely
Burdwan, Bhatar, Kalna II, Purbastali II and Monteswar, all of which are located in the
eastern part. On the other hand, very low level (below 30 per cent) of irrigation intensity is
found in nine blocks (Table 2.3, Figure 2.2.a) all of which are located in the western part.
The other blocks with high level of irrigation als_o belong to the eastern part of the district
(Figure 2.2a).

Though the intensity of cropping has been remarkable in some selected block of Burdwan
district, it is not so throughout the district. The average cropping intensity of this district is
169 per cent. Very high cropping intensity (>200) is observed in 3 blocks: Burdwan sadar,
Jamalpur and Memari I. High cropping intensity (176-200) is prevalent Galsi I, Galsi II,
Katwa I, Purbasthali I and II, Kalna I and II, Memari II block. Medium cropping intensity
( 151-175) is found in Ketugram I, Mangalkote, Bhatar, Ausgram I, Raina I and Raina II
block. Cropping intensity is low (126-150) at Ketugram II, Katwa II, Monteswar,
Khandaghosh, and Kanksa block. Cropping intensity is very low (101-125) at rest of the
blocks, that is, the entire western part and Ausgram II, which has a large area under forests.
In general, cropping intensities are higher in eastern part than in the western part of the
district.

The spatial pattern of cropping intensity is correlated with the proportion of irrigated area
over the entire district. As for example Burdwan block has very high level of irrigated area as
well as high level of cropping intensity. The other blocks of high level of cropping intensity
like Memari I, Memari II, Jamalpur etc. (Figure 2.2a and 2.2b) are also associated with high
level of irrigation intensity.

52
 PERCENTAGE OF IRRIGATED AREA TO CULliVABLE AREA
BURDWAN DISTRICT (2000-2001)

Irrigated area to
Cultivable area
in percentage
90 and above (Very high)
~"""""' 80 - 89 (High)
fr+"+'-.~

31 • 79 (Medium)
1-+-+-'-l"'i
20- 30 (Low)
11'7-...__,"'1
< 20 (Very low)
0 10 20

Km
Source: Based on data from Annual Plan on Agriculture. Burdwan. 2001-2002
Figure 2.2a

CROP INTENSITY
BURDWAN DISTRICT (1992)

Crop Intensity
in percentage

~~above 200 (Very high)

176 - 200 (High)
""""".,._,...""'
151 - 175 (Medium)
r<-7"'-'-7"-t
126-150 (Low)
"'-'--"'!
101 -125 (Very low)
~~~ 0 1Q 4() ·I

Km

Source: Based on data from special report on cropping intensity. Burdwan. 1993.
Figure 2.2b

53
 Table 2.4: Expansion of Net Cropped, Net Irrigated Areas and the
Area Sown More than once Burdwan District (1910-11 to 2001-2002)

Year . Net cropped area in Netlrrigated area in · Area sown more than
'000 hectares '000 hectares once in '000 hectares
1910-11 343.72 N.A N.A
1930-31 221.58 N.A 85.71

1950-51 470.85 131.06 27.72

1970-71 458.89 322.59 107.40

1990-91 464.49 348.15 345.42

2000-2001 471.63 371.34 372.54

Source: Up to 1990-91, Season and Crop Reports, Statistical Abstracts, 1996.

200 l-200 I, Annual Plan on Agriculture, Burdwan, 200 l-2002.

The table 2.4 clearly explains the trend of areal expansion under different aspects of
agriculture and irrigation in twenty-first century (1910-11 to 2000-2001). The increase in the
district's net irrigated area has been quite high in the post-independence period. Between
1950-51 and 1970-71, the net irrigated area increased at the rate of about 10,000 hectares per
annum. This expansion of irrigation facility is chiefly due to the development of canal
irrigation under the D.V.C. The rate of expansion decreased to 1,200 hectares per annum
between 1970-71 and 1990-91. However, if we consider the gross irrigated area (total of
irrigated areas during kharif, rabi and summer seasons), as 693.57 thousand hectares, then
the rate of expansion becomes nearly double (19,000 hectares per annum) of the previous
two decades and the total credit goes to the development of deep and shallow tubewells.
Most of the tube well irrigation, again, is owned privately by individual farmers (Lahiri,
1986), and the government's role is insignificant. Therefore, the recent irrigation
development is not only non-canalized, it is also in the private domain as against the 1960s.
Between 1990-91 and 2000-2001, the net irrigated area increased at a lower rate of about
2,300 hectares per annum.

However, in response to the expansion of irrigation, the net-cropped area of the district has
increased from 343.72 thousand hectares in 1910-'11 to 471.63 thousand hectares in 2000-
2001. The most remarkable increase is also found in the areal expansion of double and

54
 multiple cropping (12,000 hectares per annum) which is a consequence of expansion of
irrigation during rabi and summer seasons.

Table 2.5: Increase in the Area, and Productivity

(Selected Crops of Burdwan District 1965-66 and 1996-97)

Area ('000 hectares) Yield (Kg/hectares)

Crops
65-66 80-81 96-97 65-66 80-81 96-97
Rice 456.4 493.0 626.2 1,514 1,438 2,781

Aus 23.6 23.8 32.4 1,059 1,824 2,470

Aman 429.9 435.3 423.8 1,382 1,344 2,553

Bora 2.9 33.9 170.0 1,390 2,371 3,407

Wheat 3.8 8.3 4.4 760 2,118 2,347

Oil Seeds 3.6 54.6 40.3 417 753 876

Source: District Statistical Handbook, Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics.

From the above table we can analyze the developmental trend of agriculture in the district
with the help of the data on the increase in area and yield of some selected crops of the
region. Rice is the predominant crop of the district, which is cultivated intensively in three
seasons (kharif, rabi, summer). Therefore, we shall analyze the trend of three types of rice
(aus, aman, bora) individually besides the total of them.

The temporal trend of areal expansion and yield for the selected crops is analyzed for a
period of 30 years (1965-66 to 1996-97) in Table 2.5. Between 1965-66 and 1996-97, rice-
producing area has increased by 37.20 per cent. A remarkable increase (1,267

t kilograms/hectare) has taken place in the productivity of rice. While aman yields have
incre~d with improved seeds and fertilizer use, it is the dry season bora paddy cultivation
<- enab_!(by shallow tube wells, which has been the real base for the rapid growth in food grain
production in the district in the 1980s and early 1990s (Webster, 1999).

Among the 3 rice crops a remarkable increase in area has occurred in case of bora. During
the period of 30 years, the areal expansion of bora paddy is 167 thousand hectares. The
productivity of bora (3,407 kilograms/hectare) is also highest among the three rice crops.

55
Therefore, a very high rate of growth of bora production has made a significant contribution
to the growth in rice production in Burdwan (Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). Wheat and
oilseeds are loosing their importance compared to paddy in the agricultural economy of the
district. However, the yield is high for both the crops.

Table 2.6: Paddy Production in Burdwan District, 1947-2001

(Production in Metric Tons)
Year A man Aus Boro
1947-48 370960.8 21048.48 1567.44
1956-57 484713.5 20104.70 1421.13
1965-66 626200.0 27500.00 3500.00
1974-76 888761.1 86100.80 325824.9
1983-84 832460.0 47140.00 302770.0
1992-93 1035370 72240.00 298720.0
2000-2001 1606334.77 1468459.61 750500.79
Source: Up to 1983-84, unpublished thesis ofMs Saswati Barman
Up to 2000-2001, Annual Plan on Agriculture, Burdwan, 1992-93, 2001-2002

We analyzed the production trend of 3 types of rice (aus, aman and bora) in the district since
1947-48 (Table 2.6, Figure 2.3). There is an overall increasing trend of production of 3 types
of rice over the period with the exceptional year of 1983-84. This fall in paddy production is
associated with the bad monsoon, which is very usual phenomenon in India. Over this long
period of time highest achievement is found in aman production with an increase of about 12
lakhs metric tons. The average rate of increase in production is about 23,000 metric tons per
annum. However, the remarkable increase in paddy production is achieved by bora crop.
From a very low base of 1.5 thousand metric tons in 1947-48, the production of bora paddy
has been increased to 7.5 lakhs metric tons in 2000-2001. This increase in bora production
can be attributed to the extension of irrigation facilities through shallow and submersible
pumps.

In a nutshell it can be said that agricultural development of the district has progressed much
due to the IADP programme and DVC canals in the 1960s, adoption of new technology in
the 1970s, successful land reforms in the late 1970s and early 1980s, and lastly the expansion
of private irrigation by deep, shallow and submersible tubewells in the late 1980s and early
1990s together.
56
 GROWTH IN PADDY PRODUCTION
BURDWAN DISTRICT, 1947-2001

BORO

Yc = 328 (3.32)x
1000

c:
~ 200
t.l
·;:
-; 100
~
'C
c:
ta
"'
:s
c
.:::.
1-
20
.!:
u:s 10
'C
...
0
c.

co f'- (!) l[) '<t ('l ..-

'<t l[) (!) f'- co Ol 0
f'-' '
(!) '
l[) '<t' '
('l N' 0
0
'
'<t l[) (!) f'- OJ Ol
Ol Ol Ol Ol Ol Ol 0
....- N

Year

AMAN AUS

Yc =13122 (1.37)
1000 1000

c:
c: ~
~ 200
t.l
·;;:::
200
-
t.l
·;: Gi
Gl
~
~ 100 'C 100
'C
c:
«<
c:
ta "'
:s
"'
:s
0
0
.:::.
1-
.:::.
1-
20 ·=c: 20
·=c: 0
;;
.2 10 t.l
:s 10
u:s 'C
'C e
c.
...
0
c.

co f'- (!) l[) '<t ('l ..- ..-

'<t l[) f'- co Ol 0I co f'- (!) l[) '<t ('l
~ l[)
~ f'- OJ Ol 0
' N'
I
rD '<t' 0 I I I
'
f'-
"<3'
Ol
l[)
Ol
l[)
\0
0>
t-
Ol
('l
co
Ol
Ol
Ol
0
0
N
"''
f'-
'<t
Ol
\0
l[)
Ol
l[)
(!)
Ol
~
f'-
Ol
('l
co
Ol
N
Ol
Ol
0
0
0
...- N
Year Year

Source: Based on data collected from unpublished thesis of Saswati Barman and from P.A.O .. Burdwan.
Figure 2.3

57
2.6.3. The Region
Our study region (though the entire blocks of Burdwan I and Burdwan II are not considered
for studying agro-processing industries) is a major contributor to the agricultural production
of the district. Its physical environment, including plain land, fertile soil, sufficient surface
and underground water and the favourable climate, provided the ideal basis for the
development of agriculture in the region. The adoption of technological inputs assisted by the
extension of irrigation (under both public and private ownership) has brought remarkable
increase in both the production and productivity in all agricultural crops especially rice in the
region since 1980s.

2.7. Summary
We had apparently deviated slightly in this chapter from our main objective of studying the
agro-processing. ~ndustries of Burdwan .. How~ver, a detailed study of the agricultural
development scenario was considered to be utterly necessary to establish our study region
and its economy in context. Often in this chapter we had to talk about either the whole
district or its eastern part, without focusing on Burdwan and its surrounding region in
particular. This was not only because of data constraints; it was also a deliberate effort on our
part to establish the distinctiveness of Burdwan's rural economy. !Jowever, availability of
recent quantitative data at the micro-level on all aspects of agriculture was rather limited
forcing us to depend more on secondary sources.

In this chapter we have examined the historical evolution of agriculture in the historical past
in Burdwan area starting from Pre-Mughal days when no records were kept. Mainly
secondary sources were used to give an overall view of the agricultural setting. We have
shown the traditional prosperity of this sector and the recent contributions of various
technological and institutional measures initiated by the government. On the one hand,
British colonial administration's policies entrenched exploitative institutional systems in the
rural areas; on the other since independence several steps tried to ameliorate the past defects.
Major incentives in increasing agricultural productivity were both technological and
institutional. In Burdwan, these two were not mutually exclusive but went hand in hand. For
example, the supply of canal water from DVC came at a time when Burdwan was selected as
one of the sixteen IADP districts in India.

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Going back to history once again, the Mughal and British periods were discussed in greater
detail, using secondary references again, to establish the rich agricultural heritage of the
district. We have outlined the gradual evolution of land revenue, tenancy and tenure systems
in the region. Some colonial reports were consulted and quoted in this section, especially
those of Hunter and Paterson. Above all, Burdwan is well known for the way Permanent
Settlement of 1793 gave rise to land-based intermediaries through an innovation of the
Burdwan Maharajas. We have discussed the implications of the growth of these
intermediaries in the economy of Burdwan. In fact, the land-based middle peasantry played
an important role in establishing the processing industries in the region with the capital
drawn from agriculture. However, we have told the story of Burdwan's rising agricultural
prosperity since the independence of India in detail in this chapter. Among the measures that
have been adopted by the Government of India and by the Government of West Bengal, the
most effective was the coincidental introduction of canalized irrigation and seed-fertilizer
technology, later on creating a demand for artificial water supply during the drier months that
was primarily met through the innovation of shallow and deep tube wells. Land reform
measures such as Operation Barga was no less significant in revolutionalizing the political
economy of the countryside in Burdwan. Above all, the Panchayati Raj was most successful
in institutionalizing governance at the grassroots level. The impact on productivity has been
considerable. Hence Burdwan's rural areas have begun to see unprecedented prosperity since
late 1960s or early 1970s. In Burdwan, all these measures that actually were taken up for the
entire state, were more successful and yielded greater results in terms of agricultural
productivity than any other district of the state because of its rich history of rural prosperity.
At the same time, some amount of redistribution of political decision-making power has been
vested in the hands of poor farmers in Burdwan have produced far-reaching changes in the
countryside and have broken its isolation to a great extent.

All these have prepared the scene for flourishing of the agro-based industries, mainly rice
milling, in the area surrounding Burdwan utilizing the locational and existing infrastructural
advantages of the urban centre. Such became the agglomeration here that the rice mills of
Burdwan began to use not only local raw materials but districts surrounding it also supplied
these rice mills with raw paddy. ,The agricultural surplus has also spawned a new breed of
capitalist-farmers described (Sau, 1988) as 'cowdung' capitalists of green revolution in India.
These are offspring of gentlemen farmers, operating in an intermediate zone of agriculture
and industry, based on their accumulated surplus from agriculture. In our later chapters, we

59
will see how the agro-based industries have flourished as informal units in the region under
the stewardship of such men.

Notes
1. Aman: Traditional winter rice crop. Seedling transplantation is during June and July, and
harvesting is in November and December. Suitable soil is sticky clay and loamy. The average
production rate is 2,000 - 2,800 kilograms per hectare. Aman paddy cultivation is suitable for
muddy lowlands. On higher ground, it requires irrigation.

2. Aus: Broadcasting of this paddy is done during pre-monsoon period and harvesting takes
place in September to October. It is cultivated on both types of land - rain-fed and irrigated.
Highland ~it~ good dr~nage facility .and loamy or sandy soil are favourable for aus
cultivation. The average aus production is 1,200 - 1,250 kilograms per hectare. This paddy
matures faster than aman.

3. Bora: Early summer rice crop. Seedling transplantation occurs at the end of the spring
(November and December) and harvesting is done in summer (March and April). Bora
requires minimum number of days (only 60) to mature, but it is often considered to be
inferior in quality. Irrigation water is the prime requisite for bora cultivation. Average
production is 2, 000 - 2,200 kilograms per hectare. In fact bora rice crop has changed the face
of the countryside in Burdwan and was largely responsible for rural revitalization.

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